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D. Oxford New York.. M. LL. Charles Scribner's Sons 1902 . Professor of Logic and Metaphysics in the University of St.A.THE WORLD'S EPOCH-MAKERS Plato By David G. Andrews Late Fellow and Tutor of Jesus College. Ritchie.

THE INSTITUTE 10 EL - . IAEVAL STl N To«u\- . -^1 39 .

Plato an English classic. and to some of those parts of Aristotle which are our best commentary on Plato. and is to tread it is 5 •KG . my obligations to some of those who in recent on Plato step. To write on controversial ground at every not easy to be at once brief and accurate. is In the text of the volume I have used Greek words The sparingly.PREFACE In writing this book I have assumed that I am addressing those who are willing to read a good deal The late Professor Jowett has made of Plato himself. which. These references indicate. though only in part. and never without interpretation. Some reference to authorities seemed to me indispensable. so that a knowledge of Greek not an absolute necessity for understanding and appreciating the philosopher. The Notes which I have added are intended to give the student the means of judging for himself as to the to reasonableness of what is said in the text. only references in the text are to Plato's Dialogues. if corrected. might be very useful. to some extent at least. Unfortunately there is no tolerable English translation of the Metaphysics. except one of the First Book by " A Cambridge Graduate " (published by Macmillan). Xenophon's Memorabilia.

and to Aristotle on the other. I hope I may at some time be able to add a companion volume on Aristotle. and in the writing of Greek names generally. But I trust that I have kept the distinction clear between what is certain and what is merely hypothetical. I as found that the treatment too condensed. Thus. perhaps. I have not attempted to observe a strict uniformity. on the relation of Plato to Socrates on the one side. because I have ventured to adopt a rather different view of some Platonic questions from that which is taken in many of the best known Histories of Philosophy. or. or if it suggest to any student a better it solution of its some of the problems here raised. and.vi PREFACE much for the study of Plato. it is would have to be made too slight to be of use. in seeking to keep the image of Plato free from Neo-Platonic incrustations. will best fulfil purpose. In the naming of Platonic Dialogues. which in my opinion had much to recommend it. scholars. the opinions here given diverge somewhat from those most com- have followed Grote and Jowett. It years have done so seemed to me the more necessary to add Notes. but have followed the analogy of our ordinary literary usage with respect — — . I should rather say. I have endeavoured to treat the development of Plato's own thought in the light of recent researches respectheld. The original intention of the Editor of this Series was that Plato and Aristotle should be dealt with in one volume. On trying to work out this plan. most modern ing the order of the Dialogues. on some parts and aspects of Aristotelian philosophy. I monly indeed. If this little book prove to be helpful to those beginning the study of Plato.

It " . G. however.g. ambiguity Where the Latin form would give in rise to an unfamiliar Greek name. Christmas Day. have to thank my colleague Professor J. Grote's u Demokritus and " Herakleitus " are monstrous hybrids. and for several important suggestions. Oxford. DAVID St. it is less familiar.g." PREFACE to vii seems to me absurd to write Sok rates. . an exact transliteration well be adopted (e." unless we are going to write " Platon " and " Aristoteles " and Mr. and for any errors that may have been overlooked in the references and citations." just as we speak of " The Hague " or " The Vatican " or " Plutforeign names. John Sime of this University and of Balliol College. take upon myself the full responsibility for the opinions I have adopted. I must. When a name is very familiar. Ion). : arch's Lives. or in the use may made of them. Andrews. we make it thoroughly English e. RITCHIE." Where (e.g. Burnet I and Mr. for their kindness in looking through my proofs. 1901. we say " The Republic " or " The Laws. the literarj- tradition undoubtedly of is to use the Latin adaptations Greek names Politicus and Symposium).


Appendix II. Hermann's Theory. 28. 20. 14-16. 25.. Soph. Lysis. What is ? the Date of the Metaphysical Dialogues (Farm. Egypt. Influences. Symposium. 24. Date of External Evidence as to Laws. 35-38. Scholars. and II. 12. Phoenicia. and III. Plato's Family Connections. Earliest and 27. 31. of Plato. 16-18. (Cf. 29. 24. Philosophical of Plato. 29. 28. 20. 28. Grote's Credulity and the extreme Scepticism of some German trasted. Education. etc. 8.CONTENTS CHAPTER The Life of Plato The Ancient Lives Son of Apollo. 33. 26. Probable Inquiry (Campbell. 7. I TAGES 1-18 1. Stylometric Methods of Lutoslawski. 11. Latest Dialogues. 30. Supposed Travels to Cyrene. 21.. (Cf. Visits to Sicily.) . 1-7. 12. Pharlrus. etc. The Legend 9. Painting. Supposed Residence at Megara. Slanders about his Character. 8. 34. 12-14. Appendix I. 22. 27Laws and Epinomis. 32. The 10. Order of the Dialogues.). 11. 19. 9. Its Untrustworthiness. 23. The Trilogies of Aristophanes. Tetralogies of Thrasyllus. 21. Early Poems.) CHAPTER The Platonic Writings * II 19-38 Historical Problems of the Interpreters of Kant and of Plato conGenuineness of Platonic Writings. Military Service. the Order of the Dialogues raised The The Historical Problem of by Schleiermacher. 25. The Middle Group.) 29.

The Non-Socratic Element in Plato Pythagorean Influence. 45-48. 81. 80. 61. Plato's 61. 93. 44. Raising of of Logical Questions in Early Dialogues. 60. "Real Kinds. 100-102. Socrates and Plato. 92. The Platonic The Threefold Division of Philosophy. The Rhetoricians (Lysias. CHAPTER V The "Parmenides" and Plato's Later Idealism The Problem is . . 82. 104. 54. . 476 a). Plato's. 59. CHAPTER Plato's Plato's IV 74-102 74-76. Plato's Theory not a crude Mythological Realism. 108. Earlier Doctrine of how criticised in . 301 A). 62. 49-53. 63. and Relation of this to other Passages.x CONTENTS CHAPTER III PAGES Plato and his Contemporaries Ha. Democritus. 63-70. 95. Isocrates). 77. Theory of Knowledge in Republic v. The Doctrine "Recollection" in the Meno. 97-100. 71. 79 in the Republic. 107. 55-57.. the Phcedo. 40-43. 106. 94. 72. 81. Socrates in 53. nor mere Conceptualise. 82-85. "Laws of Xature. Plato influenced by Heracliteanism. The Xenophontic and the Historical Socrates. 103-124 of the Parmenides. 96.s 39-73 System? 39. v." 92." 91. 58. Aristophanes. Plato's Tendency to Abstraction. Plato and Xenophon. Plato's Theory that the Work Hermann's Early Date for the Theory here adopted. not 104-106. etc. Euclides. 89.. Antisthenes. 43. 85-89. 90 . — Aristippus. The Figure of the Cave. 71. Plato a Philosophical Dialectic. The Sophists and Attitude to them. 107. 40. Ideas. Socrates and Plato's Republic. The Doctrine of Ideas. 70.-vii. Protagoras's Homo Mensura. Difficulty about irapovala (Euthyd. 72. 57. Alcibiades. 80. Plato compared with other Idealists. Distinction between Opinion and Knowledge. 73. 78. "Megaric" Dialogues. 103. Theory of Knowledge Interest in the Problems of Logic. 59. 91. Relation of Ideas to one another (Rep.

115-119. 135-140. 131.). "The Unity of the Virtues" in Republic and Laics.. 160. Sophistes. Plato's Ethical Attitude to the Question of a Future Life. The Republic contains a more Developed Ethics. in the State.. The Philosophical Conceptions underlying the Myth. 128-130. Phccdo and Symposium.. 152-154 in Gorgias and Phccdrus. Treatment of Pleasure in Republic and Philebus. 157-159. 171. Were Does Plato the Criticisms suggested by Aristotle ? 119-121. 172. Christian Doctrines sought in Plato. His Attitude Scientific. Plato's Political Philosophy in the Republic. 132-134. Theory modified in Later Dialogues. Plato's regarding the Parmenides. 122. 122. Plato's Communism and Modern Parallels. 130. CHAPTER The "Timjbus" VI 125-140 The Neo-Platonio Opinion about the Timceus erroneous. not Superstitious. 135. 124. 127. Treatment of the Fine Arts. CHAPTER The Soul Plato's VII 141-151 Myths are "Lies of Approximation. . . 152-174 Moral Philosophy in Protagoras and Meno. The Arguments Immor- 145-149.CONTENTS Par/tienides. The Critiallude to Aristotle in the Parmenides ? 121. 164. 134. 149-151. Aristotle's Criticisms. The Ideal State. 174. 154. 143-145. 112-115. physics (in Philebus. Relation of the Timceus to Plato's Later Metaetc." 141-143. 123. 155-157. 169-171. Plato's Treatment of Nature. Results of the Criticism. CHAPTER Ernies and Politics Plato's VIII —The "Republic" .S 109-112. The Rule of Reason 172-174. xi I'AOF. tality. 123. 125-127. 155. Unity and for Multiplicity in the Soul. Know- ledge and Virtue. 160-164. 128. Passages which have influenced Theology. Other Problems cisms in Aristotle's Metaphysics. 165. 159. 166-169.

. . 194. 183. 182. Intolerance of Plato. Neo. 227. Aristotle's Attitude to the Laws. 191 in the Italian Renaissance. Plato's Family Connections Table of . 228 . Cicero. Socratic and Pythagorean Elements in the Laws. X 184-196 The Middle Academy. Appendix Appendix I. List of the Platonic Writings.. 193. The Cambridge Platonists. 193.. 176-179. 185. "Back Notes to Plato.xii CONTENTS CHAPTER IX PAGES The "Laws" The Work of Plato's 175-183 Old Age.Platonism. CHAPTER Platonism after Plato Speusippus and Xenocrates. Platonism in the Middle Ages. 185. 179. 182. 180. The Evil Soul in the World. 192. 181. Index op Passages Discussed or Annotated . 186. The alleged Theological Change from Republic to Politicus and Laws. . 196. 175. The New Academy and 186. Plato's Life 197-222 223 II. 225 Writings Appendix III. 180. 184. according to Thrasyllus 226 . 181. Chronological and 224." 195. 186-190.

) ( 2 ). a world all of late date. and an Anonymous Life. fluctuating in some of its details. — i .C. brief biography prefixed by Apuleius to his account of Platonic doctrines then there is the careless patchwork contained in the third book of Diogenes Laertius. but fairly definite in its central channel. about 427 B. Plato was born in the eighty-eighth Olympiad (i. as it had come to be accepted under the later Roman Empire. one of the last of the Neo-Platonic philosophers in the time of the Emperdr Justinian. according to another . first. There is the Life written by Olympioclorus. From a " harmony " of such uncritical authorities we may put together the legend of Plato. in an Athenian family of high descent.PLATO CHAPTER I The Life of Plato Several ancient " Lives " of Plato have reached us from the There is. In these we may discern the main stream of tradition about Plato. which must also be of very late date ( 1 ). according to some in Athens itself.e.

But the divinity of Plato was attested not only by these two genealogies for he was of still closer kinship to the god Apollo. a pupil of Aristotle's. after he had lived nine times . where his father had received an allotment of land under the Athenian system of military colonisation. Speusippus. towards the end of our month of May). the bees . Moreover. in his Republic and Now Solon was Laws. the sungod. the god Apollo appeared to him in a dream and told him that his wife was already with child. who was likewise descended from Poseidon. as well as later writers. whose name certain of the later philosophers . and offered prayers and sacrifices on his behalf to Pan and the Nymphs.2 PLATO account in iEgina. who was the son of the god Poseidon and Ariston. should be a lawgiver also. too. the last of the kings of Athens. nine years. and that the child was Apollo's own son. . And when the child Plato was born. so that it was fitting that Plato. whilst the child lay there. His father's name was Ariston and his mother's Perictione and his mother's family were of the kinship of Solon. his parents took him to Mount Hymettus. say that it was commonly believed when Ariston took Perictione to wife. Plato's "Not own nephew and sucit signifies in Academy. and likewise at Athens. . descended from Neleus." since many " cessor 3 ( ). Plato was born on the seventh day of Thargelion (that is. and to Apollo the Shepherd and. on which day the people of Delos say that Apollo himself was born and Plato died on the same day of the same month. was descended from Codrus. . the lawgiver of Athens. that Clearchus. identified with the "the One. which is nine times the number of the Muses who are the attendants of Apollo.

who was the At first he had been called after his . Damon. the disciple of Socrates. and say that he received it because of his ample and flowing style of speech. and he saw the meaning of his dream for the swan is the bird of Apollo. . and so gave great trouble to the fowlers who sought But Simmias. Thus it is clear that Plato was divine and the son of the god Apollo. saying that the fowlers are they that seek to interpret the meaning of Plato. when Plato was about to die. Apuleius says he contended in wrestling at grandfather Aristocles . or because of the broadness of his forehead and in his statues he is always represented with both broad forehead and broad shoulders. And. he had a dream that he became a swan. Some. that him which was said shall flow sweeter it 3 might "His speech than honey. As a youth he wrestled at the Isthmian games. and flew about from tree to tree. expounded the dream. signifying that he was sacred to Apollo. .— THE LIFE OF PLATO came and be true of filled his mouth with honey." because." dream that a young swan and then straightway put forth alighted on and on the feathers and flew up with a sweet cry next day Plato came to him. He was by pupil of taught letters Aristoil of Argos. but his teacher of gymnastics called him Platon. and gymnastics and music by Dracon. . to catch him. over. Plato used to call himself a fellow-servant with the swans. and the dream signified that Plato would come to him imperfect but would go away from him perfect. seek a less physical origin for the name. MoreSocrates Now had a his knees. " by Dionysius. of the broadness of his shoulders. however.

and the third time at Delium. As he was going up towards the Acropolis with his client. and He purposed also to to Egypt to visit the priests. and to Italy to the Pythagoreans. But when he came to know Socrates. It is said that he defended the general. but gave up his purpose visit the Magians because of the wars in Asia Minor. Thereafter he went to Cyrene to Theodorus the mathematician. He applied himself also to painting and to writing poems. the Heraclitean (though others say Cratylus had taught him before he came under the influence of Socrates). once to Tanagra. he burnt all his poems. He took no part in politics ( 5 ). and gave himself wholly to philosophy. and there associated with the philosopher Euclides. impeached on a capital charge. in Persia. and to Hermogenes. Some say that he reached Phoenicia and met the Magians there. dithyrambic and tragic and of other kinds. though he was a statesman in his writings. When he was twenty -eight years of age he withdrew to Megara. Plato attached himself to Cratylus. along with some other pupils of Socrates. Plato began to teach in the grove of the hero Academus. a second time against Corinth. though he was about to contend for the prize with a tragedy. both the Pythian and Isthmian and others say that he was twice victor. when Socrates was gone. when no other citizen would take up his cause. Chabrias. He three times served on military expeditions. and. Returning from his wanderings to Athens. And he was twenty years of age when he became a disciple of Socrates. who followed the principles of Parmenides.4 PLATO . and was instructed in the doctrines of Zoroaster 4 ( ). once at the Olympian and once at the Nemean games. .

THE LIFE OF PLATO Crobylus. he spared the life of the philosopher. But the iEonnetans at that time had made a law that the first Athenian who set foot on their island should be put to death without a trial and so they were about to kill Plato. and told him he spoke like an old man. sent for him and discoursed with him. knowing not that the hemlock of Socrates But Plato answered. But yielding to the entreaty of Plato's friends. " Are you come to plead for sense). Dionysius was wroth. too. " When I awaits you also ? " fought for my country I encountered dangers. . the ruler of Syracuse. and purposed to slay him. and was ready to accept whatever should happen.. And Plato answered. met another. when someone in sport said that he who had landed was a philosopher. but when the philosopher spoke freely about the nature of government." Dionysius took this ill. in order that he might sell him as a slave. and put him up for sale. I encounter them in the cause of justice and for the defence of a friend. . But others say that they brought him before the assembly and watched him but he spoke not a word. " You speak like a tyrant. the 5 accuser ("sycophant" in the Greek him and said. and so they set him free. but he declined. Megalopolis ." One writer of history says that he was invited by the Thebans and Arcadians to be the legislator of their new city. and now. Dion and Aristomenes. And the Lacedaemonian brought him to ^Egina. Plato made three voyages to Sicily. . And they decided not to kill him. who chanced to be there on an embassy. In the first he went to see the island and the burning mountain Etna and there Dionysius. and handed him over to a certain Lacedaemonian.

of Cyrene. where he had taught his the younger Dionysius . But Archytas. and ran- somed him for twenty minae (others say for thirty). hoping that he might obtain from him land and citizens to found therewith his perfect commonwealth. over and above what he had done. who could not accept it. that he might reconcile Dion with Dionysius. a certain Anniceris. Dionysius at all 7 ( ). Afterwards Plato journeyed yet a third time to Sicily. But though Dionysius made him promises. saying that they were not the only people who were worthy to care for Plato. He died at a wedding-feast and when he died he was buried in the grove of Academus. wrote to Dionysius. When Dionysius heard what had happened he wrote to Plato. And they at once sent the money for the ransom to Anniceris but he would not receive it. and sent him to Athens to his friends. asking him not to speak evil of him and Plato answered that he had not leisure to think of . bought a garden for Plato in the Academy ( 6 ). having effected nothing. and returned to Athens. and his appearance was so striking that at the Olympic games all the Greeks turned round to look at him. Some say that Plato fell under suspicion of supporting Dion in his endeavour to free the island from tyrannical government. but a thin voice. . the Pythagorean. Plato had a strong burly figure. chanced to be there. and induced him to send Plato back in safety to Athens. Now. But he did not succeed. had succeeded his father.6 but to sell PLATO him as a prisoner of war. Others say that it was Dion who sent the money to Anniceris. but. He was never known to laugh excessively. Plato went again to Sicily. When . he did not fulfil them.

THE LIFE OF PLATO disciples for his funeral. as described by the Theosophists of the Roman Empire. in keeping with the Plato we know in his works a brave. He is not pictured as a self -torturing ascetic. The one a healer of the body. the other a healer of the soul." The sobriety of the supernatural element in the tradition may indeed be taken as evidence of its comparatively early.worker. nor stripped of his urbanity — and humour. Light is son of the God of not represented as a wizard or miracle. is it myth of the paternity of Apollo of the rest : The probably not more untrue than origin." This collection of myths and anecdotes constitutes the story of the outward to be received life of Plato. and the whole Epitaphs written on him speak of him as a divine man. on the whole. and eager to establish better government if only he can find the opportunity. "To mortals Apollo gave iEsculapius and Plato. and join his name with that of iEsculapius. Vet we can see how some of the things recorded of Plato may have simply been suggested by phrases or . as it had come followers in by those who counted themselves his the last days of Greek philosophy. The clear-sighted like Apollonius of Tyana. If we were merely to set aside the supernatural out of the story. and of its purely Hellenic. and smooth over the discrepancies of the various versions. strong man. we should much is not obtain certain history. devoted to the pursuit of truth. 7 city attended many years . or like Pythagoras. seems to be of early and it at least characteristic of the peculiar reverence in which later generations held the memory of " the divine Plato. another son of Apollo. The Plato of these uncritical biographies is. origin.

1) that Socrates was well- disposed towards Glaucon. names occurring other things again imply a confusion of dates which betrays the careless credulity of those who repeat them. tells us of the descent of Critias (who was the first cousin of Charmides) from Dropides. Plato's all. This brief allusion of Xenophon's confirms the traditional account of Plato's family con- and Plato. in the Charmides (157 e) and in the Timceus (20 e). are direct evidence as to the Socratic or Platonic circles. the son of Glaucon. . his Timeeus. the son of Ariston. his Eleatic or Athenian Stranger and we must not suppose that the persons and the chronology. adopted for reasons of dramatic fitness. . In many cases. We may thus accept nections . own of writings are. above the surest witness to us what the man Plato really was. He tells us {Mem.8 PLATO in his writings . for the sake of Charmides. A single state- — themselves are of Aristotle's is of more value than anything taken by Diogenes Laertius from the numerous writers of " Lives " and " Miscellaneous Histories/' whose works ment unknown only second or third hand authorities to us except for such citations. the friend and kinsman of Solon. iii. though the form of dialogue may leave us uncertain how far Plato accepted the arguments of his chief speaker in each case — his Socrates. 6. his Parmenides. Xenophon only once mentions the name of Plato. as a certain historical fact that Plato belonged to a great Athenian family of anti-democratic and Laconising . under the names and theories of those who conversed or might have conversed with Socrates. he may be alluding to contemporaries of his own but the discovery of such allusions is always conjecture and never certainty. and for the sake of Plato.

proves nothing except that there was a schoolmaster in Athens of that name. . Greek families of distinction usually claimed descent from some deity ( 8 ). the source of all knowledge and of all existence 9 ( ). and this may explain his introduction to the Socratic circle. That he received the customary training in letters. The story of Plato's athletic contests seems to grow as such stories . The school of Plato kept the birthday of their founder on Apollo's day. is a work of uncertain authorship and the allusion. But the dialogue Erastae (or Anti-Erastae. who himself took the visible sun. which scandalised or amused a more reflective age. was a more fitting father for Plato. "The Rival Lovers"). in any case. which gives light and life to the world. — . i. and gymnastics we might infer from his own writings and the names of Jiis instructors may have been handed down correctly. in which an allusion is made to the schoolmaster Dionysius.. and a good many things in his attitude towards political institutions. music. THE LIFE OF PLATO 9 sympathies. his abstention from political activity under the restored democracy. had originated in the family pride of earlier and simpler days. family pedigrees pointed back to Poseidon but Apollo. and the intrigues of immortal gods with mortal maidens.e. There is nothing by which we can confirm or refute the tradition about the teachers of Plato's boyhood. as the symbol of the Idea of the Good. the Sun-God. and this by itself might be enough to give rise to the myth. myth of human mother and divine father. Philosophers like Plato spoke of heroes or sages as " divine " or " sons of gods " and it was only natural to the materialism of more commonplace minds to turn such language into the familiar Plato's .

as his but we do not know through what imperfect channels his citation of Aristoxenus may have reached him. and the battle of Corinth was fought in 394 B. especially when they Diogenes Laertius have occupied similar positions. though existed.io usually do PLATO — with the lapse of time . of military age during the closing years of the Peloponnesian War. Plato might. . if he was then near Athens. of Greek liars. but it does not come between two expeditions belonging to the later years of the Peloponnesian War and Grote admits that there can have been no battle of Delium after the battle of Corinth in 394. Plato would almost upon to serve in the field 10 ( ). . . just as among ourselves the same anecdote comes to be told about different persons. if Aristoxenus really said that Plato's Republic was almost all plagiarised from a work of Protagoras ( 12 ).C. lists of the victors at the leading games were accessible to the careful historian. Socrates. we know. was at the battle of Delium. . so that the story is admittedly inaccurate in some respects. where such a person As a young man certainly be called course. and Antisthenes was said to have fought at Tanagra ( u ) and this may have been quite sufficient to start the story about Plato. we are reminded of the noted prowess authority. and. quotes Aristoxenus. of we might say with Grote that there may during these years have been expeditions to Tanagra and to Delium of which no record has come down to us. a pupil of Aristotle's. There was a battle at Tanagra when Plato was one year old the battle of Delium was fought when he was three years of age. however. have been present at this last battle. and. as Athens was not then at war with Boeotia. .

we may be glad that countrymen did not forget the lines to Aster or those to Agathon.e and of manners it is more convenient to the of his memory paraphrase than to translate literally " Stella they named thee. They are not unworthy of the author of the Symposium and the Phcedrus. though they might be condemned by the sterner moralist who wrote the Laivs( 13 ). or most of them. Yet. from his ideal state. 6) which helps us to correct the tradition reported that from his by Diogenes. Cratylus and the opinions of Heraclitus but that this early Heraclitean doctrine was modified by the influence of Socrates and of the " Italic " philosophy. Might look on thee !" . even if the repentant Plato really burnt the light verses of his early youth. some may very well be genuine. with all that multitude of eyes. For reasons alike of lano'uao.— THE LIFE OF PLATO n For the philosophical influences that went to form Plato's mind. though the name in close connection seems intended include also the Eleatic school which Aristotle treats with the Pythagorean. That Plato in his earlier days had occupied himself with poetry we can easily believe. we have a statement of Aristotle's in the Metaphysics (i. and thou Art gazing on the stars above thee now Ah. my star. in spite of his expulsion of the poets. Of the verses which have come down to us under his name. specially By the to the Italic philosophy Aristotle means Pythagorean. A poet he remains in temperament and in feeling for the harmony of words and the beauty of form. could I be : Myself transformed into the starry skies That I. c. Aristotle says youth up Plato had been acquainted with .

We may " The boy Adeimantus " to whom land and other property is bequeathed in the will. § 7. 774 A seq. § 1. we may equally reject the ideas of a later age which regarded Plato as an ascetic who abstained from animal food ( u ). interested in philo- sophy. which is probably genuine ( 16 ). may or may not have been his son or grandson.). But much of what is told us may reasonably be suspected. 18). Yet from willing to rear . Plato's luxurious ." put aside the slanders of enemies about and immoral habits the animosity of the Cynics seems to have found vent in malice. and it would certainly have been in the contrar}^ to his own principles as formulated Laws (vi. It would have been unusual in an Athenian of his social position. and it is commended by Aristotle as training the artistic judgment (ibid. and lived a life of perpetual chastity ( 15 ). to which Olympiodorus refers and the story may indeed have been suggested by that passage (67 c-68 d). A withdrawal from Athens that ypa<f>LKrj— drawing — we learn after the death of Socrates is inherently quite prob- able. might in those days easily enough have visited . On the other hand. My soul was rushing from me to my love. if Plato had not married and been up children for the state. 25) and painting was included by some among the customary subjects of education. 3. 13376. That Plato visited many lands is the story of all his biographers. in the Timceus.12 PLATO "Kissing I had my soul upon my lips. and a wealthy Athenian. We hear nothing as to his marriage. 1338a. Aristotle's Politics (viii. That Plato had himself pursued the art of painting is hardly proved by his account of colours. that is to say of pigments.

in comparison with which their own civilisation seemed a thing of yesterday and " the Hellenes always children " (Tim. With better grounds the reference to Egypt in the Timarns (21 D seq. the god of the Egyptians. etc. mysticism and magic ." is treated by Olympiodorus as confirming writings. much of what has come down to us may have had no names and other origin than places in Plato's the reference to certain mention of the philosopher Euclides of Megara. Already in Herodotus and in the introductory part of Plato's Timceus we see how the Greeks were impressed by the long record of the past in Egypt. The humorous oath of Socrates in the Gorgias (482 b). which fanciful theologians " doctrines and established " facts in .) and the Laws (ii.THE LIFE OF PLATO many places to satisfy his 13 curiosity and become acquainted with the teaching of various schools of thought. on the other hand. 22 b). in Olympiodorus he does. would alone be sufficient to suggest to the uncritical and inventive biographer a visit to these two eminent persons in their own homes. With the foundation of Alexandria and the closer contact resulting therefrom between Oriental religion. " By the dog.) might* be regarded as evidence but an Athenian gentleman did not in those days need to go farther than the Piraeus in order to meet visitors from strange lands and 'to hear travellers' tales. much in the same manner as that " " have often proved from stray phrases in the poetical Hebrew Scriptures. Plato does not succeed in meeting the Magians. In the account given in Diogenes Laertius. But. and of the mathematician Theodoras of Cyrene in the Thecetetus. own The the story of the visit of Plato to Egypt. 656 D. but only in Phoenicia.

have gone to Egypt. and fixed in a famous phrase by Numenius the Syrian when he described Plato as " Moses speaking Attic.14 PLATO on the one side and Greek science and philosophy on the other. in his account of Euclides. His journeys within the Hellenic world are not open doubt in the same degree but we are not entitled to receive Diogenes's account as certain history. we may be certain. for Megara and that might seem excellent Hermodorus was a pupil of Plato's own. the Parmenides. But. The residence at Megara has been so commonly and firmly acto . Diogenes quotes Her- modorus as saying that Plato and the other philosophers . . and the Politicus. 122a). the notion grew up that the Greek sages had learnt their wisdom from the older wisdom of the East a notion specially encouraged by Jews like Philo." Plato. that he had visited that land of ancient wisdom. did not go to Phoenicia. the Sophistes. or some of Diogenes Laertius's authorities would have got hold of the story. if Plato may. period in Plato's philosophy immediately for the visit to testimony. but he did not. the Thecetetus. The visit to the Magians may possibly have been suggested by the — reference to Zoroaster in the First Alcibiades (121 E. indeed. Diogenes Laertius gives Hermodorus as his authority . has been supposed to be the outcome of this personal association with Euclides. cepted as a fact that a great " " many distinguished German to Platonic scholars have been accustomed speak of a Megaric succeeding the Socratic and preceding the Pythagorean influence and the great group of metaphysical dialogues. it was likely enough to have been asserted in the days when Alexandria produced a philosophical school which considered itself Platonic.

" but the restored democracy. that showed a authority for Plato's travels (the Platonic Epistles being at the best doubtful). of a stay at Megara. That Plato was influenced by and that in turn he influenced the Megarian school is probable enough. whose wrath the friends of Socrates might have to fear after Again. if It is quite true that a Cicero had heard of in mere visit to Megara. but a residence at . It was not " the tyrants.THE LIFE OF PLATO came the cruelty of the tyrants " ( 17 ). although we really know very little about these Megarians and their precise relationship to the Eleatics on the one side and to the Socratics on the other. 15 to Euclides after the death of Socrates. " fearing Now. prescription of a physician exercise 19 who believed in pedestrian ( ). who is our earliest certain his death. and except in time of war there must have been tolerably frequent intercourse between the two . says that Plato after the death of Socrates went first to Egypt and afterwards to Italy and Sicily. have been passed over in a passage in which he expressly connects the visit to Italy and to Sicily with the Pythagorean influences on Plato's philosophy ( 18 )." by which we should naturally understand " the Thirty. Cicero. making no mention it. might not seem to a Roman comparison with Plato's journey ings Megara under philosophical influences which are supposed to have determined a whole group of important writings. whoever said very imperfect knowledge of what happened in Athens during Plato's lifetime. Megara and Athens were within easy distance. could hardly. if known to Cicero. A walk to Megara and back was the to worth noticing distant lands. But a residence at Mesara was not needed to account for a Megarian element in Plato's thinking.

" would certainly not have adopted as the historical background of their fiction a story which was not widely diffused and generally accepted. the theory which makes the " Megaric metaphysical dialogues the work of the years immediately following the death of Socrates is doubtful on many grounds. even though a forgery. The visits of Plato to Sicily and his unfortunate experience of the friendship of despots seem to rest on a more probable tradition. details however much they might intro- duce later notions of a secret doctrine or make the mistake of representing Plato as mainly concerned to understand " Nature. But the Letters. and possibly all of them. some of them almost certainly. Moreover. they would prove the complete certainty of the story about Plato's relationships with Dion and the younger Dionysius. there would be more reason (as we shall see) for putting the intercourse with Euclides later than the intercourse with the Pythagoreans. by the time the Alexandrian library was founded some sixty years after Plato's death the story of the Sicilian — — . admits the genuineness of the Letters which have come down If the Letters were to us among Plato's works. genuine. If the various influences upon Plato's philosophical development are always to be traced to personal association with particular philosophers.1 PLATO cities. some of them at least are an early forgery. accepting the authority of the Alexandrian grammarians ( 20 ). however blundering in the of their chronology. We may therefore take it as almost certain that. are a forgery. for the constructors of such documents. however clumsy in their adaptation of Platonic phrases. Grote. and so they confirm the tradition of the visits to Sicily. Yet.

. the Republic. may be accepted as not more unhistorical than a great deal of what we have by courtesy to call history. 387 B. containing no inherent improbability and much that is consistent with the character and ideals of the person to whom it relates. and the Laws. If the first visit to Syracuse was between 390 and able differences in style him as a slave at iEgina. Nothing. if it must have taken place before the actually occurred. the Statesman (Politicus). in the dialogues furnishes any direct evidence of the Sicilian visits and it is always possible that those passages to which I have referred may have suggested the story to the ever fertile imagination of anecdotal biographers. nor anything inconsistent with what we know of Plato from his undoubted works.THE LIFE OF PLATO visits 17 was firmly believed. when we are dealing with events of which there is no authentic contemporary evidence. end of the war with Athens). if Plato was teaching in Athens from 387 to 368 and then revisited Sicily.C. witness to the persistence in his mind of the ideal of the philosopher guiding political reform and the descriptions of "the tyrant" in the Gorgias and the Republic may very well owe something to personal suffering in a despot's court. we can more easily account for the remark- — and thought which separate various groups of his dialogues from one another. (the selling of . three great dialogues. Moreover— and this I think has not been sufficiently noticed if we can suppose considerable interruptions to Plato's work as a philosophical teacher and writer at Athens. Nor does there seem any improbability in the main outlines of the narrative. however. On the contrary. But an early and undisputed tradition. .

Phcedrus. Sapkistes. His absence in 361 might also help to account for the independent position which Aristotle took up towards the doctrines of his revered master. But all this is only hypothesis incapable of complete verification. after an acquaintance with Italian philosophers. and perhaps Philebus) and the Laws.i PLATO if and a third voyage was made in 361. the work of Plato's old age. Republic) may have been written between 387 and 368. be conveniently The great dialogues in which Pythagorean mingle with a developed Socratic doctrine (Phcedo. notions . and before the disillusion due to the disappointed hopes of 367. Politicus. The year 361 might mark the interval between the great metaphysical dialogues (Parmenides. we have a chronological scheme into which the various stages of Plato's philosophical history can fitted.

and because of the multitude of other commentators.CHAPTER II The Platonic Writings In the interpretation of a modern philosopher we derive much help from our definite knowledge of the order in which he published his views. ence. he escapes many of the difficulties that beset the interpreter of Plato and Aristotle. We can trace with tolerable certainty the limits of his acquaintance with previous or contemporary thought. or from the accounts of friends and pupils. though the commentator on Kant has a burdensome task. we may be able to find out from his correspondfrom his commonplace book. or because of the clumsiness of much of Kant's writing. and of the circumstances which helped to determine changes in his opinions. He has 19 . and because of the carelessness with which Kant revised his proofs. Thus. what books and subjects were chiefly occupying his mind at any given period. We can tell with a fair degree of accuracy what are the theories he is most anxious to controvert. Even when a modern writer has not availed himself of the now familiar device of footnotes and precise references. We generally know a good deal about the personal and literary influences that acted on his mind. or from a catalogue of his library.


of the

no doubts as to Kant's authorship
cribed to



he knows the dates at which they were published; he knows when Kant was engaged in writing them, and what he said in his letters at the time. He has no excuse for regarding Kant as the critic of Hume's Treatise, because he knows that Kant had only read the Essays. He can conclude with almost complete certainty that Kant had no first-hand acquaintance with Berkeley. He can see where Kant is thinking of Newton, or influenced by Rousseau. He learns the channels through which he received his impressions



of Leibniz.

In endeavouring to understand the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle we are confronted by a series of





In what order

What works are were they composed What

are the opinions which Plato
or that passage

really criticising in

What were

the relations be-

between Aristotle and Plato's successors in the Academy, and how are we to explain the severe criticism of the master by the pupil ? Such questions are not merely of philothey must obtrude logical or historical interest themselves into any proper attempt to interpret the philosophy, and external evidence fails us almost altogether, or comes from late and untrustworthy

tween Plato





In the matter, indeed, of the genuineness of Plato's writings, fortune and time have dealt kindly with us. We have lost none of the works which were accepted as Plato's in ancient times, and the text on the whole The Platonic corpus errs by excess. is satisfactory. Some of the dialogues which have come down under



name were


by the Alexandrian

and some modern others were regarded as doubtful scholars have questioned the genuineness of works which the ancients accepted. Fortunately, however, very little doubt attaches to any of the more imone can reasonably doubt the genuineness of the Republic, which must now always form the centre point of any study of Platonic philosophy, or of the Timceus, which so long unduly held
portant dialogues.
that place.
Aristotle refers to both of these as Plato's,


and Aristotle also attests the genuineness of the Laws, which the critics who set up an extreme standard of uniformity of style and doctrine might most easily have rejected. The differences between these three works give us a measure of the proved versatility of


great question of Platonic philosophy turns

on the authenticity of the First or Second Alcibiades, or of the Greater or Lesser Hippias still less on that of slighter works, like the Ion or the Menexenus, the Theages or the Erastae. The only very important question of genuineness is that which has been raised in modern times about the Parmenides; and if the Parmenides "were not Plato's, we should have to reject the Sophistes and the Politicus also, which both allude


it (!).

But the Politicus


pretty clearly alluded to

and presupposed in Aristotle's Politics ( 2 ), so that we have indirectly the testimony of Aristotle to the existence of the Sophistes, and therefore of the Parmenides, before he wrote his Politics. The silence of Aristotle respecting the Parmenides and his own relation to it constitute a difficult problem on which something mustbe said later on. (See Chap. V.) Grote accepts everything as Plato's which found a

place in the


Alexandrian canon, including even the and Epistles all of which can hardly be genuine the Ejnnomis, which a very credible ancient story ascribed to a pupil of Plato's, the mathematician and astronomer, Philippus of Opus, who is said to have been the editor of the obviously unfinished Laws. Grote's belief in the accuracy and infallibility of the Alexandrian grammarians exceeds that of the ancients





a Platonic school at

Athens and the establishment of the Alexandrian library gave no security, as Grote thinks, for a careful discrimination between genuine and spurious works. On the contrary, they supplied a stimulus to imitation and forgery. A school produces writings in the style of the master a great library and the growing habit of collecting manuscripts give a commercial induce:

ment to the production of imitations. At the other extreme from Grote, some German
scholars have applied to the Platonic writings a standard of uniformity in style and doctrine which seems incompatible with ascribing the Laws and the

Republic (or the


or the Phcedrus) to the

same author, and which would prove quite unworkable if applied to any great modern writer whose life had been passed in varied surroundings, and whose literary activity had lasted through a long series of years {e.g. Milton or Goethe). Apart from the question of the Parmenides and the connected metaphysical
dialogues, reasonable doubt can only apply to small

and unimportant works.
ance with

Allusions more or less ex-

plicit in Aristotle's writings show at least his acquaint-

the greater works of Plato, except the


( )

and, as already said,

we seem





testimony to the existence of works which


The arrangements

of the Platonic writings

made by

the ingenuity of the ancient critics cannot be regarded as an attempt to deal with the problem of the order of the dialogues in

modern sense. Plato himself suggests the arrangement of some dialogues into trilogies. The Timceus and the unfinished Critias profess to be

continuations of the Republic.

In the Republic


no hint is of Timseus is supposed to be held on the day after Socrates had narrated the long discussion on the ideal state (Tim. 17 a), it would be absurd to suppose that
given of a sequel

and, because the discourse


work was written soon

after the completion of the



the other hand, the Sophistes


fessedly the

first of

a group of three, of which the

Statesman was to be the second and the Philosopher the third. The last seems never to have been written. Such suggestions of trilogies were probably enough to
attempt of Aristophanes, the learned Alexandrian librarian, who arranged many of the dialogues in groups of three. Republic, Timceus, Critias is, of To complete the trilogy which course, the first group. begins with the Sophistes, the Cratylus is given as the third, though it has no real claim to fulfil Plato's promise. There is, nevertheless, a .certain superficial similarity in subject sufficient to mislead a literary and unphilosophical critic. The Laws is grouped along with the Minos, which deals with the question "What is Law ? " and with the Epinomi*. which is professedly a continuation of the Laws. This trilogy proves indeed that in the Alexandrian library, about 250 B.C., the Minos and the Epinomis were catalogued as Platonic:
start the

and belongs to a different stage of thought from the other three works. Thrasyllus. nor even that he had thought of them as forming a separate group. probably because they refer to the effect of the death of Socrates on Plato's mind and life. as less For the other two trilogies of AristoThere is not much to be said. 4 ( ). and death of Socrates (EiUhyphro. Crito. trial. however. The other Platonic writings Aristophanes Grote supposes. a scholar of the time of Augustus and Tiberius. The ment in sets of four enabled him to distribute the thirty-six works included in his list in nine groups. Phcedo). reason why the Thecetetus should have been placed along with the Ewthyphro and the Apology. except that in its closing words Socrates refers to his approaching trial. For some of the other tetralogies there is less to be said.24 it PLATO does not prove that they were written by Plato. four dialogues which have always been naturally read in connection with one another. in group consists of the four dialogues which relate to the last days. phanes there is left unarranged. The fifth trilogy adds the Epistles to the Grito and the Phcedo. . The Phcedo is on a different scale. arranged all except those considered undoubtedly spurious tetralogies. In the second tetralogy he puts the Cratylus and the Thecetetus along with the Sophistes and Politicus and this also is a group that should always be studied in combination. The apparent naturalness of this group may. have suggested the arrangement in tetralogies to Thrasyllus and the arrangefirst . prove that Plato wrote them all together. The Parmenides and Philebus are . The obviousness of this group does not. the works ascribed to Plato. however. Apology.

Courage. a very rough draught of the introductory part of the Republic. is very artificially supplemented by the addition of the Ejnstles. Thrasyllus puts the Theages. Ion. Epinomis.THE PLATONIC WRITINGS put along with the 25 Symposium and Phccdrus. Hipparchus. which treat of Temperance. Charmides. the arrangement is certainly more reasonable than those adopted in some modern editions. and Friendship respectively. Timceus. one consisting and Second Alcibiades. Critias into a tetralogy. are joined with the Gorgias and Meno. If the whole scheme be taken merely as an order for reading Plato. and not. Plato himself seems to have thought of extending his trilogy into a tetralogy by a dialogue which would have been called Hermocrates {Critias. Although he admitted a Socratic stage in Plato's philosophy. before the very natural group. one of the Greater and Lesser Hippias. Laches. The trilogy. if is either an by any possibility it is genuine. Minos. which deals with the definition of wisdom. as Thrasyllus seems to have said. which imitation. Laics. was really the first to deal fully with the historical problem of the order in which Plato wrote his works. are The Euthydemus and Protagoras. and Erastae. . lie supposed Plato to have published his dialogues in such an order as to give a . who did so much to revive the genuine study of Plato. Thrasyllus prefixes the apparently unfinished Cleitophon. which naturally thought of together. It is somewhat noteworthy that two tetralogies are entirely made up of what most modern scholars regard as of the First doubtful dialogues. Schleiermacher. or. and Menexenus. 108 a). as the order in which Plato published his works ( 5 ). To make Plato's own trilogy of Piepvhlic. Lysis.

such as to suggest that they can hardly have been produced on the same principles. What should we say of a critic who argued that Shakespeare must have written his Historical Plays in the order in which the kings reigned ? The external evidence as to the order of Plato's writings is of the slightest. the Parmenides) must be the earliest. as has sometimes been done. as we see it in his own works. a young a dialogue has nothing necessarily to do with the period at which it was written. as he often does within the limits of a single dialogue. It is very fanciful also to suppose. Aristotle tells us that setting of . Spencer's encyclopaedia of in his mind. The dramatic Socrates. The order of Plato's writings should give us the order of the development of Plato's own thinking and there is nothing in Plato's thinking. The fatal defect of this theory is that it implies that. that Plato intended scientific generalisations is . and to face the whole problem afresh. when Plato began to produce his works.g. Mr. Herbert Spencer's chief works have been produced on this plan but Mr. Spencer was forty years of age when he announced the programme of his " System of Synthetic Philosophy. he had his system completed and that a system adopted between the ages of twenty and thirty was never substantially altered." and the difference between the Platonic dialogues and Mr. and that those which deal with the last days of the master must necessarily be later. to give a systematic historical picture of the life of and that the dialogues which make Socrates man {e. or that he would hesitate to give up a conclusion reached after elaborate discussion.26 PLATO convenient didactic exposition of his system. to suggest that his opinions would easily crystallise. .

with its exuberant discourses on love and friendship. he exclaimed. Reading and writing had not yet come to usurp the place of the living word. information we could derive from the Laws itself (v.THE PLATONIC WRITINGS the 27 than the Republic {Pol. it so happens that the only important piece of absolutely certain evidence as to date which can be discovered in any of the dialogues is to be found in the Symposium (193 a). " for its subject has something youthful about it. and Plato's attitude to Socrates was not . ii. "By Hercules. As a matter of fact." This statement of date cannot be called evidence it is only the inference of some frigid or austere critic who thought that the Phaidrus. Diogenes Laertius ( 7 ) reports an opinion that the Phazdrus was the first dialogue to be written. Plato. what a lot of lies the young fellow is telling about me " It is not. § 1). Moreover. with an audacious anachronism. There is a story in Diogenes Laertius ( 6 ). Plato could have had no strong reason for writing about Socrates. 6. the main subject of the Phcedrus is rather rhetoric than love. more perhaps in order to clear up his own ideas than in order to preserve an exact historical record. But the anecdote is just one of those things very likely to be invented. ! indeed. while he could still talk with him still less for publishing what he had written. makes Aristophanes at the banquet : . would <not have been written except by a youth. is Laws later . impossible that Plato as a young man may have practised writing down conversations of Socrates which he had recently heard. that of Boswell to Johnson. 739). according to which the Lysis was written in the lifetime of Socrates and when Socrates heard Plato reading it.

The Apology is generally held to be more strictly historical in character than any other work of Plato. With regard already referred to to.C. cannot be regarded sity for putting the . the Laws we have it the story 9 ( ). ( 8 ) so that the arguments for its very early date because of its subject.C. From the case. villages by the Lacedaemonians. was copied out from Plato's waxen tablets by Philippus of Opus. as sound. That the Laws was the work of Plato's latest years. as many moderns have thought. . and it was probably written soon after the death of Socrates. might indeed have been inferred from that — internal evidence. and from the general probabilities we should expect that the earliest writings of Plato would be those in which he was most directly and immediately under the influence of Socrates. or. because of its style.28 allude to PLATO an event that took place long after the death of Socrates. and that it was left unfinished and "edited" after Plato's death. and that he was the author of the supplementary work the Eirinomis. Phcedrus earlier and the Phcedrus seems to contain an allusion to the Panegyricus of Isocrates. It is impossible to determine with certainty whether any of the smaller dialogues in which Socrates is represented as searching for the definition of some ethical terms. the account which Aristotle gives of the philoof sophy of Plato. the breaking up of Mantinea into This occurred in 385 B. and was probably therefore not written before 380 B.. so that "the erotic discourse" (as Aristotle calls it) must have been written when Plato was at There seems no necesleast forty-two years of age. exactly as he is described in the less dramatic .

exhibiting the greatest literary perfection. in which Socrates the cosmological not introduced at all. in respect of literary excellence and philosophical influences. in which he listens to the discourses of others. the Laches. and Timwus. the trial of Socrates Crito. Another homogeneous group of dialogues is constituted by the Parmenides. the Symposium cannot have been written before 385 B. all more approaching the technical metaphysical manner . In any case we may safely assign such simple Socratic discourses as the Char- mides. and its sequel the unfinished Critias. the Lysis to the earliest period of Plato's literary activity. in and this dialogue. At the other end of Plato's literary life we have is the the Laws. were or were not written before the Apology.THE PLATONIC WRITINGS " Recollections " of 29 Xenophon. may be regarded as parts of Platonic defence of the memory of Socrates. though probably soon after. Phaido. The Symposium and the Pkaidrus seem.Socratic groups. Most readers of Plato would certainly place the Gorgias.C. and. to belong to the same general period as the Republic.. as we have seen. and occupying a philosophical position in many ways intermediate between the Socratic and the non . and Republic in a middle period. and the Phcedrus with less certainty may be placed after 380 B. Sophistes. Politicu*. on the ground that he is bound by contract to obey the laws of Athens.C. The discussion on " piety " in the Euthypkro is supposed to take place just before . as well as the which Socrates refuses to escape from prison. We have thus the earliest or purely Socratic group and the latest or non-Socratic group as standards by which to judge the relative dates of the other dialogues.

and comes very near to Aristotle in its metaphysics. the question upon which must depend our interpretation of the development of Plato's theory of knowledge. 253 c. is this: Are the Republic and the Phcedo earlier or later than the group containing the Parmenides and the Sophistes ? In the Sophistes and the Politicus. Socrates is present. which is strongly marked in the group of which the Republic is the centre. Thecet 172 d). Euclides being the narrator of the Socratic The Philebus has affinities with this group discussion. probof dialogues . indeed. as contrasted with the Pythagorean influence.30 PLATO Politicals of Aristotle than the ethical conversations of Socrates. Now the great and most important question respecting the order of the . and may be several years earlier than the Sophistes. who is the leading speaker of the dialogue. All these " Megaric " and four dialogues seem to show a dominant Eleatic influence. but by an " Eleatic Stranger. Socrates as a young man is criticised by the aged Parmenides. and is in form a search for a definition of knowledge on the Socratic plan." In the Parmenides. cf. belong to an intended trilogy the Sophistes contains a pretty clear allusion to the Parmenides and perhaps also an allusion to the Thecetetus (Soph. though seeming to indicate a specially Megaric influence. but the discussion is carried on. In the Thecetetus. not by him. But Socrates is the chief speaker. Socrates is still the chief speaker but the dialogue is negative and tentative. The Sophistes and Platonic writings. . This alone might seem to suggest that these works belong to a time when Plato felt himself less under the direct influence of Socrates than when he wrote the Republic and the Phcedo. which in any case must be earlier.

unfinished.making of the later period showing a decided Pythagorean impress. like the Laivs. it may have been left. though to a less extent. in making the Laws follow the Republic a t not too great an interval. and passing over into dogmatism in the Latvs. and systematic works.THE PLATONIC WRITINGS ably because the professed subject is ethical place of pleasure in the rank of good things. the criticism deepening in character and dealing with harder problems under the influences. and Timceus. however received. if regard be had merely to subject-matter. Phcedo. such as the Republic. 31 — the The Philebus must be pronounced the Plato's least artistic of and possibly. that these great metaphysical dialogues were written during a supposed residence of Plato at Megara soon after Of course other arguments than the story of the visit to Euclides might be used for placing the " Megaric " group between the simple tentative Socratic dialogues and the more eleborate the death of Socrates. There might also seem a certain plausibility. They make it the first publiof cation of Plato's when he had " established himself as a philosophical teacher in the '• Academy: it is Plato's inaugural programme — a phrase which paints Plato . the system . which may naturally be connected with Plato's visits to Sicily and Magna Grsecia. tion rests the notion of many German scholars. Some of those who have adopted this order the dialogues are able to give a certain qualified acceptance to the old statement about the Phceclrus being the first dialogue. It might be urged that Plato's philosophical development was a continuous advance from criticism to construction. We have already seen on what a slender founda- works . of Megaric and Eleatic philosophy.

to recover part in the it " critical " again completely in the " constructive " Republic and Phcedo ? Why is he criticised so severely in the first part of the Parmenides. when he returned to Athens. look more into details. Socrates regained prominence in his thoughts. But other objections are not so easily met: how is it that the Politicus approaches more closely to Aristotle's Politics than the Republic does in its classification of constitutions. criticised is not to be found in any of the dialogues which Hermann places earlier ( 10 ) on the other hand. with the background of an established university system. but transfigured in the light of Plato's into increased knowledge and experience the ideal prophet of a constructive. it is the very theory maintained in the Phcedo and the Republic. and silent during the dialectic argument of the second part ? It might indeed be answered. which Hermann places later. : . who seems to signify Plato himself. that Plato's years of travel led him for a time away from Socrates.32 too PLATO much in the character of a German professor. many difficulties suggest themselves in Hermann's arrangement of the Why is Socrates deprived of the leading Sophistes and Politicus. and for the unnamed Athenian of the Laws. new philosophy to at once critical and only for the Pythagorean cosmologist of the Timceus. and seems in many respects intermediate between the Republic and the Laws ? A still greater difficulty is that raised by the The theory of ideas which is there Parmenides. but that. It is not incredible that Plato should have criticised a theory and afterwards adopted it in a modified form this is what he is often doing within the compass of a be aside put again . When we dialogues.

adopted the laborious but objective and impersonal method of noting the points of agreement and difference between various dialogues and groups of dialogues in respect of vocabulary and grammatical forms. But it does seem incredible that Plato should criticise a theory with extreme acuteness and afterwards adopt it in the very form criticised. Politicus. and Republic on the other. To escape the arbitrary judgments of the a3sthetic critic. Symposium. in his edition of the Sophistes 3 and Politicus in . It is more in accordance with the dialectic process. Professor Lewis Campbell. after important objections have been raised.THE PLATONIC WRITINGS single 33 dialogue. replaced by subtler and more elaborate discussions. limits of single dialogues. and yet they have on the whole yielded results all tending in the same general direction. technical manner of the Sophistes. and without any suggested means of obviating the objections. is to the feeling of the critic. to suppose that the cruder and slighter methods of dealing with problems are. scholars have. The general question of artistic excellence and literary form is one on which it is difficult to pronounce with certainty. Phaido. But it does certainly seem strange that the dry. in the last resort. Parmenides should intervene between the Protagoras on the one side and the Phccdrus. The appeal. especially in recent years. which we find exemplified within the and severity. no warrant for assuming a continuous movement in Plato's thinking from the negative and critical to the positive and constructive. moreover. We have. What ^ives a peculiar interest and value to these investigations is that they have been carried on to a great extent independently by different scholars.

PLATO discovered that in respect of vocabulary and peculiarities certain of style and grammar these dialogues bore a greater resemblance to the Laws. A with such slight historical allusions as can be detected in some of the dialogues. and also. Phileb.34 1867. p. Lutoslawski's Origin and Growth of Plato s Logic. M. admittedly the last of Plato's works. Leg. as already indicated (see above. 17).. have been reached in respect of the use of particles of transition. while all kinds Similar results of hiatus are frequent in the Republic.. searches.. and other such matters of style as admit account of the whole series of investigations is given in M. The results obtained in this certainly to yield an the dialogues in the order of writing or of publication must certainly be regarded because " as unattainable . or even it the Alexandrian library and the growth of a cos- . Pol. partly publication as " cannot have meant anything did after the foundation of so definite to Plato as it does to us since the days of printing. with the slight knowledge we can obtain about the outward events of his life. than to the Unaware of Professor Campbell's reRepublic ( u ).. Tim. Thus it has been noted that avoidance of hiatus is a characteristic of Soph.. By combining the results of stylometric observation full of exact quantitative comparison. A chronological arrangement of all is now to me solved. Critias. various German scholars have minutely investigated other matters of style. Lutoslawski considers that the main problem of the order of the Platonic writings way seem arrangement of the dialogues which fits in with the most probable hypothesis (of course it cannot be more than an hypothesis) about the development of Plato's philosophical thought.

— THE PLATONIC WRITINGS mopolitan Plato " 35 reading public." There is no reason why not have worked simultaneously at several compositions. to a it is just possible thai later stage. The Protagoras belongs to the later portion of it. and the Euthydemus and the Meno seem to give indications of a considerable development in philosophical theory. Laches. Lysis all clearly belong to this group. placing Plato's philosophy I shall therefore assume that : his dialogues I. the Euthydemus belongs much Minor diiiiculties of that sort do not affect the It is main question of Platonic interpretation. the Crito. Indeed. belong to the same philosophical type as these smaller dialogues. We judge of greater or less probability and the balance of probability seems to me entirely in favour of the group to which the Parmenides and Sophistes belong after the group of which the Republic In the account which I shall give of is the centre. and occasionally remodelled or enlarged may a dialogue or parts of a dialogue already read aloud But while to his friends or circulated among them. and also those about which there is considerable doubt. . the order of the main groups of Plato's writings can no longer be can at least regarded as an insoluble problem. the Charmides. the Euthyphro. may " be arranged as follows is First. The Apology. worth noticing that all the admittedly spurious dialogues. with the notable exception of the Greater Hijipias. there " Socratic what we may call the specially dialogues. " Socratic " . a minute chronology is impossible. in which the views maintained Socrates do not contain anything incon- by Plato's sistent with those maintained by the Socrates of Xenophon.

Dionysius and we may have found more congenial society among some survivors of the Eleatic school. After his return to Athens and the commencement of his career as a philosophical teacher. He returns.36 This first PLATO group we may assign to the years between B. In Sicily he disillusioned as to the possibility of realis- ing his political ideals .C. "the : with the help of the younger may perhaps conjecture that he . but Pythagorean or else peculiar to Plato." or " the intellect of the school. The second voyage interrupts is to Sicily in 368 B. years. etc. we have the great group of dialogues which are the most finished and perfect in literary form (Phcedr. reader. II.Platonic.C. Rep.C." He does not despair of philosophy and his circle has been enriched by the arrival of his greatest pupil. To the period between 367 and 361 we can assign the great metaphysical dialogues.. prepared to admit that much of his philosophical thinking may have to be done over again he is sobered and saddened.C. According to this arrangement of the dialogues Plato reaches the culmination of his literary greatness between his fortieth and sixtieth III." Socrates is the death of Socrates (399 still the central figure : his personal characteristics are maintained and dramatically represented." as Plato is said to have called the young Aristotle. or 367 B.) and Plato's first visit whence he must have returned in 387 B. his teaching and writing. but he has not become a " misologist. the Thecetetus (though that may possibly have been written or begun before 367). But doctrines are put into his mouth which we have Aristotle's authority for considering not to be Socratic..). to Sicily. the . This group we may call " Socratic.

We need not be surprised at Plato's great literary activity in these last years. which according to tradition was edited and published by a pupil. be called Megaric. which is strangely abrupt and irregular in its transitions (as ancient critics seem already to have noticed) ( 12 ). Of course Timoeus Philebus it is also possible that the Pldlebits or the The which make it a fitting sequel to the Eleatic group. the Sophistes. Philippus of Opus. and the Politicus like. we may assign the Philebus. Avoidance of hiatus and a certain rhetorical flow had been made the literary fashion of the age. or Republic. and do not imply the same time and effort spent over a work as must have gone to the composition of dialogues the Gorgias. though group which may. To the last period of Plato's life. and his mental powers developed slowly and lasted long. After many years of teaching and discussion he must have felt full of matter and anxious to put it down before death came. but predominant lias may belong to the period before 361. though it shows also Pythagorean influences absent in them. the Timceus." we — may suppose that his third departure for Sicily interrupted his scheme. without always exercising the scrupulous' artistic care shown in his earlier works. imply. Phcedrus. when he was over sixty-seven or sixty-eight years of age. full He was a man of great bodily vigour. if we " Eleatic " would be a more suitable description of the If Plato intended. its sequel the Critias. like Symjwsium." to the group of " The Sophist " and " The Statesman.THE PLATONIC WRITINGS 37 the Parmenides. IV. characteristics many . to add a third dialogue. which is merely begun. and the Laws. as his words seem to last three. " The Philosopher.

feeling that every year was bringing him nearer to silence. except the Laws. or intended work before beginning another. We have no reason suppose that Plato always finished. could be placed before 361. If all. we might suppose that Plato's third journey to Sicily accounted for the fragmentary nature of the Critias and the want of finish in the Philebus. ethical The Laws is clearly Plato's last work its and religious exhortations are the message : which he felt Hellas most needed from the accumulated thought and experience of nearly four-score years.3% in the PLATO Timceus and important in the Laws. one posely turned aside from his great vision of the triumphs of an ideal society to the practical task of bringing some remedies to the pressing evils of his own age. Perhaps. Plato may have purto finish. . and the question to is really unimportant. Many causes might account for the Critias being left a fragment. But the exact dates of these later dialogues cannot perhaps be precisely fixed.

The Platonic dialogue has been well compared to the modern some artificial — essay 1 ( ). in a writer of this kind ? Now it is certainly important to remember that any exposition of Plato's philosophy. involves tive. however. ancient and mediaeval. And Plato's method of working out and expressing his thoughts in the form of dialogue removes him still further from the manner and habits of the system-makers of modern times. as if it were a system in the sense in which Ave speak of the Cartesian or the Hegelian of the order of Plato's writings has : philosophies. which. has become traditional to us to Frenchmen and Germans perhaps more than to Englishmen. The Has Plato any question may. witli .CHAPTER III Plato and his Contemporaries The problem been spoken of in the preceding chapter as the problem of the development of Plato's philosophical system. and can we expect to find a system. be asked system at all ? Does he not in each dialogue face some philosophical difficulty from an independent point of view. not the same idea of system. since the days of his commentators. or the growth of a system. But Plato is not a mere 39 man of letters. some want of historical perspec- rearrangement of the material. some Even Aristotle has crystallisation of what was fluid.

He has always before him the ideal of " the whole. of obtaining certainty on the most fundamental matters. that there is no conaccept the other extreme view tinuity or consistency in Plato's reflections and criticisms. and a contented acquiescence in the difficulty. nor with agnosticism tempered by aesthetic sympathies for impossible beliefs. The more reasonable hypothesis is to assume that Plato does not mean to think incoherently." and it is just his passion for truth —truth. The form writers of dialogue was not chosen. and ready to criticise and reject every partial or in- — adequate solution. To do so would imply a poor opinion of Yet we are not therefore compelled to Plato's mind. "Dialetic " (rh diaX'syecQai) at first simply means conversation . satisfied He is not with sceptical common-sense. inherits the form of dialogue from the conversations of Socrates as the proper method for testing current opinions and arriving at truth if possible ( 2 ). as by later it who were following Plato's example.40 PLATO a dilettante interest in metaphysical and ethical questions among other things. and only to adopt the supposition of a complete change of opinion and a clear inconsistency between earlier and later doctrine. or even the hopelessness. must be coherent that makes him untiring in the effort to grasp it. it is absurd to set up for writings distributed rigid over some fifty years a thought and expression. As already said. where no other theory will satisfactorily standard of uniformity in — explain the facts. because provided a convenient device for answering the objections that might be or had been raised against a philoPlato sophical theory already adopted and formulated. which must be one and indivisible.

The respondent is expected to answer " Yes " or " No. There are rules of the game. it may be used thought involved in sound beliefs which have not before been analysed. Euthydemus. 390 c). word if he chooses to forms which are really complex. or with a his questions in questioner questions. but it 41 comes to acquire a more precise signification.oi-/ ra \ryoJi'rp. v." This of course gives great opportunity to the questioner of securing an easy apparent triumph. with intelligent and alert respondents. who it is will himself make distinctions in his an admirable method of detecting the : concealed contradictions that lurk in ordinary opinions. on the chance of this or that person making a happy hit or guess at the truth. " dialectic " (H hia\syi<s6ai) is distinguished from the mere art of controversy or disputation (™ spifyiv) by the or in the oracular sayings of the poets also to bring out the implicit habit of distinguishing the subject investigated according to its kinds (xar ubr\ diaipov/jLevoi rb Xsyo/xevov stigkG'~s?v. according to one of Plato's definitions. and so to reveal to the person holding them principles and consequences of which lie was not aware. 454 a). is " he who knows how to ask questions and to answer them (Cratyl. The dialectician. But." PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES or discussion. The Sophist. in the dianamed after him (295 d). logue . and even in the simpler Socratic dialogues of Plato there is the underlying assumption that the conversation is not being carried on at random. if truth is to be got at by this method of asking questions. Zeno of Elea had employed the method of question and answer in order to expose inconsistencies ( 3 ). gets very angry with Socrates for drawing distinctions (eS/affrf/./. But as the need of distinctions comes to be more and more recognised as the important thing.

the coping stone of the sciences {Rep. But this distinguishing. the Pythagorean or the it Athenian is lawgiver. to In the make way cosmologist. a "roundabout progress through . where certain assumptions have 510b-511e). so as to arrive at the true kinds or forms of things. It is always to be made {Rep.42 fjLsva) PLATO which interfere with business of his verbal victories. Even the Timceas has a conversational introduction." The dialogues becomes more of the teacher less of the inquirer till he falls into the responses. In the Sophistes (263 e) the question is asked " Are not thought and speech the same ? " The way is prepared for solitary meditation and systematic lecturing as the methods of philosophical thought and expression. save in lengthening enormously the speeches of the leading person. is " and " differvii. Thecetetus (189 e) recognised that dialectic : may be carried on within the mind question and answer and criticism do not necessarily require a company or even two. vi. Especially in long dialogues like the Republic the answers tend to be rather monotonous though the Greek language admits of ways of saying " Yes " and " No. classifying {hiaipicig). even so many lively Socrates of the or lecturer and background. for the Eleatic stranger. so as to discover their real affinities ences. Dialectic conceived in this way as the systematic study of : things. dividing. though Plato himself never entirely departs from the Socratic tradition. and the conversation or dialogue becomes more a traditional or customary manner of exposition and less of the essence of the method. gradually bulks (£/&} = " ideas ") more and more in Plato's mind. 534 e) : it is a higher activity of mind than the reason- ing employed in the mathematical sciences.

Ethics. always our best and often our only safe guide to the interpretation of Plato. . 136 e) by which the mind seeks to many and the many in the one. provided that we do not leave out of sight the likelihood of development of doctrine or change of opinion. Through them it has gained wide currency. 6) of the various philosophical and if influences which determined Plato's thought we supplement these with the little we know about his life. of human conduct and society. and. dividing tilings according to their true nature and not hacking them like a bad carver (Phcedr. introduced the division of philosophy into Physics. Sextus Empiricus ( 4 ) says that Plato implicitly. Aristotle. 6) that Plato from a youth was familiar with Cratylus and the opinions of Heraclitus. 266 A.PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES all 43 see the one in the things" (Farm. we find no trace in the smaller — — . and man. i. as these came to him from his predecessors and contemporaries. Aristotle tells us (Met. We can trace a growth in Plato's conception of dialectic from the simple Socratic questioning to the ideal of a complete classificatory system and a logical grasp of the whole. it supplies us with convenient heads under which to discuss Plato's views. 265 E. b). and Logic the philosophy of nature. and with the faint indications we find in his writings. and of thought by devoting dialogues specially to one or other of these branches. we may attempt to give some account of his attitude at different times to the problems of thought. Of this. or potentially. in which we move from idea to idea without any of the assumptions of the special sciences. nature. indeed. has told us in the' Metaphysics (i. in any case. This division of philosophy is that afterwards adopted by the Stoics.

the Cratylus especially 401 D-402 b) we have Plato's own indication of this Heraclitean influence co-oper- ating with that of Socrates ( 5 ). all who called attention to the subjective factor in professed knowledge. and " moved his to finger " —to point " all instead of speaking. it becomes false. and the vague scepticism sugthat there historical link was any actual gested is by the popular teacher. " You cannot step twice into the same river. of all things. PLATO but in the naming and the subject-matter of (cf. From Aristotle (Met. in the age of the . 1010<x. And so Cratylus argued that we could not assert anything at all. Plato always less concerned with historical affiliations than with the logical connections of ideas and institutions. which was intended to be a cosmological doctrine without any clear consciousness of the logical problems implicit in the theory. Still." In the Thecetetus Plato suggests is that the Heraclitean doctrine of flux implied in the is saying of the Sophist Protagoras. no objective standard forjudging anything true or false. perhaps also to hint that moves. it seems likely enough that.44 dialogues . so that there is no fixity. How then can we assert anything about anything ? In the moment of our assertion." said Cratylus. Heraclitus had said. r 5. and it would mean the impossibility of anything that can properly be called knowledge." which he takes as if relativity of this " Man the measure knowledge to this meant an absolute or that individual. 13) we learn that the real Cratylus pushed the doctrine of the fleeting nature of things an extreme of paradox." " Not even once. Plato need not be taken necessarily to mean between the Heraclitean doctrine about the nature of things. everything being as it seems to anyone at the moment.

Socrates was fully conquestions of . By the time that Plato came in contact with Socrates. Socrates had apparently given some attention to the various philosophies of nature in his younger days (cf Plato's Phcvdo. Socrates had turned away from the cosmological speculations of earlier philosophy his questions were all about human conduct. a preacher of that duties. 96 a-d). and Aristophanes.PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES Sophists. not. the master was occupied solely with ethics. may have had some excuse for representing him as occupied with physical theories. should find support in such sayings of the deep and caught hold of men's minds in In any case we may suppose thoughts awakened out of the ordinary commonplace acceptance of current beliefs before he came under the influence of Socrates. an age ised. before he became one of the circle who found a guide and a help in the converse and character of Socrates. in the sense that he was dark Ephesian as had Ionia and elsewhere. 45 when philosophy was being popular- the philosophic doubt of the educated of man of the world. He had asked himself. How can any knowledge be possible ? Can we really know anything He had experienced the wonder. and the clever lecturer who taught him. though of course it is always most convenient on the stage to exhibit the philosopher as a person who deals with visible and tangible things. and perhaps at all ? the horror. while those of mathematics and physics were all unsettled.C. when he caricatured him. The Clouds was produced when Plato was a child of four (423 B. Plato to have had his placid slumber of the : . or a spiritual director right who assumed and wrong were absolutely certain.). of a universal doubt. however.

some verses they have learnt at school. Tell them you do not want a list of just persons or examples of famous friendships. justice. Such answers do not satisfy Socrates. must be general or It . he was laying the foundations of a science of logic. wisdom. He professes great reverence for the inspired words of the poet but when . of which there did not as yet exist any definite idea. The average man thinks he understands them because he is always using them. what friendship is in itself they will very likely quote a text on the subject.46 PLATO inquiries scious of a theoretical problem. or that the fault lies with the interpreters ( 6 ). not content unless he can obtain that will a definition of justice or temperance or friendship fit every case. This is a practical beliefs about right quietly of ironical way is of escaping from the tyranny the written word or the infallible wisdom of the Socrates past." "unjust" and " ignoble. and which for a long time to come was not to have any accepted name. They have a picture before their imagination of certain cases. in his about moral matters. self-control. Socrates insisted on asking them to explain such words. friendship they will perhaps begin by giving you some examples or illustrations. and they think that that is a knowledge of the subject. Ask people what they mean by courage. some proverbial saying or some famous line from a sacred poet. piety. we can always suppose that we have misunderstood the text. and. it is difficult to reconcile a literal application of the traditional doctrine with what have come to be our and wrong." praising or blaming persons and deeds. but want to know : what justice is in itself. When people talked of "just" and "noble.

But what is " the horse" which the scientific man talks about. to get at ethical definitions by generalising from all the particulars. in a particular place at a particular time.e." what after all is the thing we arc then speaking about ? character. — . black. Suppose we get our universal definition of "the just" or "the beautiful." or even of " horse " and " man." but apt to be misunderstood if supposed to mean Induction in Socrates did not propose the sense of Bacon or Mill. —that we can were we might regard it as real. if it not for the doubt which the Heracliteans have raised that all the world we know through the senses is a mere fleeting appearance.big. and seeing whether they come under the accepted formula. The method is obviously inapplicable beyond the range of the questions to which it is here applied and the tentative or approximate solutions of Socrates suggest further problems of which Socrates himself may never have thought. such as the Charmides and Laches. " bringing forward " or " leading Socratic svayoiyq {i. which we could only do if we already knew He starts with some the general in the particular. traditional opinion. This is the Socratic method which is illustrated in Xenophon's Memorabilia and Plato's smaller dialogues. and which alone he can define? What is "the just" and "the beauti- ." suppose that in the same way we get a universal definition of "greatness " or " smallness. beautiful. The concrete particular perceive and horse.PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES universal in 47 His method of arriving at this is to take numerous instances by which to test This is the any definition that is put forward. on ") ( 7 ) commonly translated " Induction. and then proceeds to test it by taking concrete instances. .

etc. (-/. In some such way we may suppose Plato's doctrine of Ideas to have been gradually formed in his mind through continued reflection on the Socratic method. § 1) and 4. and by new applications of it. not this universal more real and more permanent than the particular. so everywhere ? Now may it not be know. The true triangle or circle is the perfect triangle of which the geometrician thinks and speaks. § this 9. is the universal type what we see. is not the true triangle or circle.. Even Xeno. § 12) describes the dialectic of Socrates " as the discussion of things " according to their kinds or the inquiry as to . or rather. what is agrees with what " 8 ( ). or resembles the universal type. 25) It is the central characteristic of Plato's theory recognise that the object of real knowledge to knowledge or science of (y'svog must be the universal. or manifests to us. the only real and eternal from the fleeting things of sense ? The science of mathematics seems to help us here. Aristotle treats it as a development of the Socratic search for universal concepts but he distinguishes it in certain respects from what Socrates himself really held. phon (Mem. What we for truly real : it is real only in so far as it partakes in. or that which the carpenter or smith may make in wood or iron. and how ? Nay.ara ysvrj). iv. touch. 5. what we can think. (ibid.48 ful is ? PLATO " Does it in any sense exist. though his bodily eyes may be fixed on some imperfect diagram as a mere help and as distinct symbolic suggestion to his mind. M 10786. The triangle or circle which the geometrician draws. hear. 6. is something deceptive and illusory if we take it really . the kind or sldoc.): this . " in each case Aristotle tells us (Met. but only an imperfect representation or copy of it.

or we should perhaps rather say. the true nature. But in what he says about Plato he lays most stress on the Pythagorean element. but Socrates did not s%<JJpios) separate" arise (ov these universals from difficulties particular things. upon the Platonic doctrine not of the recognition of universals in some sense. so he escaped the which and from the Platonic doctrine of the separate existence of the ideas. § 35.PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES is 49 . for that is Aristotle looks — Socratic — but the doctrine of the relation of the world of sense to the ideas as substantially identical with the Pythagorean doctrine of the relation of phenomena to numbers. had to work out all difficult arithmetical problems geometrically. 10866. 987a. the " what it is " of a thing and this central characteristic is the doctrine of Socrates In the Metaphysics (m 9. § 1. Under name he seems. and there seems to have been an historical connection between them( 9 ). (Uivriffe) this doctrine —this recognition that the object of science must be a permanent and a universal " — by ^v his definitions. to geometrical figures for the Greeks with their imperfect system . indeed. to include . 30). (We still speak of the " square " and the "cube" of numbers a survival of this geoof notation — metrical arithmetic. The non-Socratic he mainly to Pythagorean influences. 2 seq.) 4 Plato says sensible things " par- .) Aristotle expressly says that Socrates set agoing himself. In the book of the Metaphysics he speaks of the resemPlatonic philosophy in blance of the to the "Italic" many respects this (Met A 6. both the Pytha- goreans and the Eleatics the two schools are dis- cussed together in the preceding passage. Thus traces first Aristotle recognises a Socratic and a non-Socratic element in the Platonic theory.

traces which do not appear in the earlier. It has even been suggested that the " so-called Pythagoreans. § 5. we are told that philosophers say the world is a " Cosmos " (508 a) a term first applied to the universe by the Pythagoreans. A 6. Again. Meno also contains the doctrine of "recollection. 10). we are struck by the fact that these very dialogues show traces of Pythagorean influence in other respects. Now.So ticipate in ideas " . 987??. we can ascribe to the real Socrates. The Gorgias again has sometimes been spoken of as representing " the transition from the Socratic to the peculiar Platonic philoand in the Gorgias we find justice sophy " ( n ) explained in mathematical language as a proportion (508 a) almost certainly a Pythagorean suggestion. Plato only " it " things imitate numbers. more purely Socratic dialogues. PLATO the Pj^thagoreans had said. on the combined testimony of Xenophon and Aristotle. — — . owed more to Plato than Plato to them ( 10 )." as Aristotle knew them. we it cannot take this as direct evidence that Plato consciously borrowed a Pythagorean doctrine : may only be a recognition by Aristotle of the inner logical affinity of two independently formulated theories. .a) is ascribed to some " Sicilian or and the allusion is perhaps rather Italian " (493 A) The Pythagoreans than to Empedocles ( 12 ). to the . The saying that " the body is a tomb " ((jw/^a ar)/j. theory of Thus the Meno contains a more developed knowledge than the Protagoras but the ." (Met. But when we turn to the dialogues in which the Platonic theory of knowledge reaches a stage of development distinctly beyond what." which implies the Pythagorean notion of pre-existence and metempsychosis. changes the word might be urged.

iv." i. or at least to the whole ruling caste. of vii. are expressly referred to in connection with the subject of the study of harmony later The (Rep. 530 matics in The importance assigned to mathethe scheme of education. Plato extends to a whole state. . which most clearly contain by Aristotle of the separation from the world of sense. 424 A. are said to have associated with Philolaus. the most eminent of the Pythagorean school (61 D). which came. them as a stepping-stone to the understanding of the Ideas. v. This looks like a very distinct acknowledgment of Pythagorean In the Republic we find the only mention influence. is said to have been Pythagorean ( u ). definite rules of life such as Pythagoras had applied to private societies within the state. who is named among the " last and Simmias of the Pythagoreans " of that period ( 13 ) and Cebes. to exercise great political influence. again. moreover. however (like some religious orders visions of another life. (so far as I know) of Pythagoras himself that occurs in the Platonic writings (x. are an implicit admission of Pythagorean .PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES the doctrine criticised of the Ideas 51 Phcedo and the Republic.e. and the use made d). Phaeclo narrates the discourse of Socrates preparing for death to Echecrates. . 449 c). 600 b). "Friends have all things in common " (Rep. Pythagoras is said " a way of life. conversation with Socrates. a rule for his to have instituted brotherhoods and there can be little doubt that these brotherhoods or religious societies were among the models after which Plato constructed his ideal state. Pythagoreans. have both of them a Pythagorean cosmology as the background of their In the Phcedo. The saying with which Plato introduces his proposed abolition of private property. of times). who carry on the.

sufficiently the third voyage. the only work in which Plato elaborates a philosophy of nature. i. but the principles of ethics and the exaltation of a religious conception of the wise man's life as something higher than the ordinary duties of citizenship in his earthly city. but must be thought of as existing separate from — and apart from the sensible things which imperfectly "imitate" them and can only be scien- . the delight in visions of a world invisible to the eye of sense. an existence seemingly separate and independent from the things of sense is a doctrine due to this Pythagorean influence supplementing Socratic dialectic ? The employment of numbers or politics. the whole discourse is put into the mouth of a Pythagorean (though Plato has not followed Pythagorean doctrines without modifications of his own). Timceus must be placed after the second or after Are we not. and Socrates listens in silence except for one approving interruption (29 d). sensible things. indeed. which scientific are alone the objects of knowledge. entitled to say that Plato's tendency to assign to the universals or kinds. or rather they show a meeting of two currents in Plato's thought. that the numbers and geometrical figures with which the mathematician deals are abstract. a Pythagorean stream sweeping him farther than the Socratic influence alone would have carried him. geometrical figures to explain.e. must be placed later than Plato's first voyage The to Sicily. then. they are not concrete. not merely the physical universe. from which he returned in 387 B. with the exception perhaps of the Meno. Plato saw.5 2 PLATO influence. these seem somewhat alien to the practical ethics of Socrates. In the Timcens.C. what the Pythagoreans had not seen. Now all these dialogues.

whereas the circle of Plato expands round the whole circle of Socrates ( 1G ). 522 seq. abstractness of mathematics that Plato held the study of them to be the necessary preparation for philosophy (Rep. vii. a sportsman who thought hunting a better education than 17 ( listening to the conversations of the Sophists ) . How far Plato goes beyond the possible utterances of the actual Socrates we can only discover by conjecture. the and the Philebas. he wrote his Memorabilia with the express . arguments of the Phaido. and the flights of exuberant fancy of the Symposium and the Phcedrus. as it has been ingeniously put. only intersecting circles. and thus in place of the we have the doctrine of abstract Ideas mere Socratic assertion that knowledge It was precisely because of this is of universals. a country gentleman. intersecting in a small part of their area. that Xenophon i. This abstract character of the objects of mathematical thinking is transferred by Plato in this middle stage of his philosophical development to all the objects of scientific thought.PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES tifically 53 understood by means of them. At the same time the influence of Socrates himself on Plato should not be underestimated. as is too often done.) 15 ( ). Whilst Plato felt it inappropriate to put the cosmology of the Timaus or the technical metaphysics of the Sophistes and Politicus into the mouth of Socrates. Xenophon's interests and those of Socrates were. he clearly did not feel it dramatically unfitting to assign to his Socrates the subtle Tlteaitetus. lie was absent from Athens during the last years of Socrates.ives the full measure of his master's greatness. Xenophon was a soldier. the paradoxes of the Republic. but it is very uncritical to assume.

" and from Plato comes Aristotle and the later Academy and Neo-Platonism. Johnson and the Rev. The dialectical Megarics owed something to the dialectic of Zeno the Eleatic. even if such utterances had ever awakened the interest of Xenophon himself. A man's associates receive different impressions of him according to the make of their own minds.54 PLATO purpose of proving to the average conservative. understood more fully the mind of the master than these " one-sided Socratics. not only is it difficult to understand the dislike and fear he excited at Athens. Cynic and Cyrenaic reappear as Stoic and Epicurean which divided the later Hellenic and Roman worlds may be said in some sense to trace their descent from Socrates. — . Plato. if conscientiously and carefully reported soon after it has taken place. superstitious Athenian that Socrates was an orthodox believer and a good citizen. Mr. but they belong also to the Socratic group. Antisthenes the Cynic and Aristippus the Cyrenaic both belonged to his circle. He had every inducement to suppress or to minimise any reference to the more startling or paradoxical utterances of the strange old man. a sort of mixture of Dr. Barlow. but his place in the intellectual history of the world becomes unintelligible. will be reported with varying emphasis by different hearers. and Ionian and Atomist philosophies of nature. we may be sure. If Socrates had been nothing but the rather prosaic moraliser whom Xenophon depicts. Even the same conversation. though other elements so that all the schools mingle their influence especially revived Pythagoreanism. and each could claim some support for his own ideal of life from the audacious independence and unconventionally of Socrates.

and a comic dramatist does not caricature ideas until they have become familiar to the average man. if it stood by itself. The abolition of private property formed part of the Cynic ideal ( 18 ). wives was also known to zusae.C. which Plato puts into the mouth of Socrates without any feeling of dramatic impropriety. These arguments do not of course prove that Socrates himself had maintained the revolutionary proposals of Plato. produced in 392 B.— PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES It 55 has sometimes been said that the first book of Plato's Republic. And we may tind at least the . but evidently familiar to Herodotus ideal state did not originate — before Plato's birth. had been uttered before Plato published them. " in order that they may all be brethren of one another " the "primitive marriage" or family institutions of a savage tribe being interpreted in the light of some new rationalist theory the very theory of Plato in the Republic. as having their wives and children in common. The opening of a political career to women* was satirised by Aristophanes in his Ecclesiaof a 19 was still a child. can be proved at all events that the three great paradoxes of the Platonic with Plato himself. Herodotus speaks of a Scythian tribe. the Agathyrsi. 372 d) is a not obscure allusion. that the real Socrates would certainly not have gone on to construct an ideal state. might be a purely Socratic dialogue. —a much earlier date than on any reasonable theory can be assigned to the Republic. This view seems to reliance me to come from a too exclusive It upon Xenophon. or while Plato The idea community of Euripides ( ). but they do prove that paradoxes. to which the simple community described in the second book of the Republic and called by Glaucon "a city of pigs" (ii.

13. does it not follow logically that they should have the same public this is just the idea which Plato and the same training for them ? And works out in the tells Republic." The best life must be guided and controlled by the highest wisdom. iii. or we should perhaps rather translate "the excellences. 22). Plato's Meno (73 b) 20 ( ). 1260a. that philosophers should rule literal ex- pression Xenophon's Socratic saying is reproduced in the doctrine of the Politicus (293). Thus Aristotle says that Socrates thought the virtues." without the definite article by which he usually distinguishes the Platonic Socrates from the historical so that the reference need not be merely to . § 9. simply a translation into "large letters" of the undoubtedly Socratic doctrine that " virtue is knowledge. different in kind." Is not this the the germ first of the crowning paradox of the Republic. which is not howThe whole ever put into the mouth of Socrates. upheaval of " the third great ? wave " In (Rep. v.$6 PLATO germs of them in the Socrates we know from Xenophon and Aristotle. Aristotle says " Socrates. carrying out into detail what Aristotle Again. in what Socrates taught than a condemnation of the Plato may have Athenian democracy he disliked. Now if the excellences of the re- two sexes are not sponsibilities. but the suggestion for philosophic state of the Republic is . § 10) that according to Socrates "the true kings and rulers are us that Socrates said. i. 472 a). those that have the science of ruling. 9." of men and women were the same (Pol. and the best society can only be realised under the Xenophon probably saw nothing more rule of reason. the prosaic and conservative Xenophon tells us (Mem. greatly elaborated the picture.

. is But Socrates official here speaking to the Athenian jurors. in the form he gives to the doctrine of universals and in his assertion of the transmigration of souls in the Phcedo. . as Pater lias remarked ( 21 ) but the Socrates of the Phcvdo has a more definite and elaborate philosophical doctrine than the actual Socrates seems likely to have taught. gradually working out his theory of knowledge. as already said. Plato. may not himself have fully realised how much of his own later thoughts he was reading into the mind of his master. can be found in germ in phrases which Xenophon has repeated without being aware of their philosophical significance. is Pythagorising Socrates if one may use such a phrase. whose family life seems to have been peculiarly happy but it would certainly not be an idea to attract the sympathy of Xenophon. Yet even the theory of Ideas. he might very well speak differently.. The picture of the closing scene is apparently historical it is so quiet. the probability is that Plato. Phrases and suggestions thrown out by Socrates in the ardour of some dialectic of the state. Still. — . so prosaic even in some of its details. or to be paraded in his apology clearly for Socrates. PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES it 5 7 came from Socrates. and he does re- not go beyond the ordinary limits of the ligion In the prison to his intimate friends. especially to those who may have heard Pythagorean teaching. The idea of a future life is treated by Socrates in Plato's Apology as doubtful (40 c) and the Apology . on the whole. is generally regarded as the least unhistorical of the Platonic representations of his master. The abolition of the private family would probably not seem so objectionable to the husband of Xanthippe as it did to Aristotle.

Plato could certainly not have been satisfied with the representation of Socrates given by Xenophon but he need not have taken offence at the allusions to his brother It is . according to which Socrates said he had a dream that Plato became a crow and settled on his bald head and scratched it. The anecdote proves Xenophon. quotes an anecdote. who have developed their doctrines whilst professing merely to systematise them. and the rest of the Socratic circle. interprets this as re- ferring to Plato's criticisms of Antisthenes. . who Glaucon and his uncle Charmides. may have come to receive a fuller content and a more precise meaning than Socrates himself would have acknowledged. and looked round and cawed ( 23 ). Plato saw in him a man vice whose mission it was to set people thinking. nothing. or in some PLATO moment of what he himself would have called inspiration. ever on the lookout for allusions to the quarrels of authors. except that Plato had detractors. refers to the supposed rivalry of Plato and Xenophon.58 encounter. Atheneeus. Xenophon. saw in Socrates a good man who gave sound practical adan ethical preacher. always taking a commonplace view of eveni:hing. Teichmiiller. Chance words heard in childhood or youth often gather round them a significance of which those who first uttered them never dreamt and we know that philosophers and theologians in all ages have not always accepted the expositions of their disciples. " What lies he is telling about me " might well have been said by Socrates. and Xeno- — . had he heard Plato reading the Phcedo or the Republic. unnecessary to suppose (with Teichmiiller) ( 22 ) a deliberate criticism of Xenophon's Memorabilia in such dialogues as the Protagoras or the Charmides.

and AntiThe relations of Plato with the other Socratic circle is been inclined to see them all in a more favourable light than that in which they appeared to the Athenian democracy. he had probably met the brilliant Alcibiades. Of the phon. and he . vi. should certainly understand Plato better if we always poor to his monument 24 words were specially directed and the endeavour to detect such allusions is an interesting exercise of ingenuity. may have . But definite alluWe sions to particular passages can hardly be traced. have done so much to help Athens. ardent spirit of the man. 491 e). when he wrote down his against his . Plato was connected by kinship with Critias. however. of his personal charm and intensity of passion for both good and evil. admits of no perfect verification. In the Symposium he has given a start lingly vivid and probably true picture of the strange. and who by his recklessness did so much to harm her and it has been plausibly suggested that in Plato's description of the " philosophic nature " corrupted by evil influences. or at all. An author may say something that serves as a criticism or correction of what some one else has said it does not necessarily follow that he was consciously thinking of that other person specially. who might. The most ingenious guess. and such ingenuity may be pushed too far. Charmides. members of the a matter on which we should naturally like more information than we possess. knew whom arguments. PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES phon's Memorabilia must have seemed to 59 him a very master ( ). he may have been thinking of " the lion's whelp" that the Athenian people had reared in their midst ( 25 ). As a young man.. and thus becoming the most dangerous character (Rep.

to make the feeling of the moment his test of right and wrong was not very congenial to Plato.u)Ttpov might signify " too high flown " or " too dogmatic ") by saying. that comes to us on more doubtful authority. 29) makes him rebuke the " too assuming " language of Plato (the word £<7rayys\rr/. to become a Sophist or professional teacher. surely an unnecesthis as a reproach to Aristippus inference. and it was noted of him that he was the first of them to take pay ( 26 ). contents closely resembles a Socratic conversation. 23. not far Diogenes Laertius (iii. the first may be genuine. Tradition makes him come to Athens. The story is of interest as showing what the Cyrenaic freethinker may have found attractive in Socrates and the tendency of Plato to develop his master's teaching. " You 27 alone can wear either a festive mantle or In the Phcvdo (59 c) it is mentioned that Aristippus was not present along with the others at the death of Socrates. 32). B 2. as Xenophon would record Aristippus of Cyrene ii. and as such Aristotle refers to him (Mem. " That was not our friend's way. makes Plato say to Aristippus. A story in Aristotle's Rhetoric (ii. due to the gossiping biographers who try sary rags ( ). making it more elaborate and more definite." meaning Socrates. Alcibiades.e. i. is introduced by Xenophon by Socrates in a long argument.60 dialogues PLATO named It is after him. He was reckoned among the Socratics. 1) as confuted We may well imagine that the 996a. individualist who despised the sciences and professed (Met. 1. attracted by the fame of Socrates. § 36) says Plato meant off. and in It gives it. 13986. though he was in iEgina. but its it is not free from doubt. no picture of in the direct dramatic form. An anecdote. " — .

be called the first His extreme individualism appears in his logic as well as in his When Plato spoke of the universal as what gave reality to the individual. or of the younger. contemning the " all the wants of ordinary mankind and all the ties of ordinary society. He may ethics. He also raised the greatest logical controversy of the ages. but is said to have come to Socrates only at an advanced age. Aristippus " flung dirt at " mathematics (Arist. You . Nominalist. I do not see horse) 30 ( ).PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES to find small personal motives in every statement ( 61 28 ). Met. not shown by other Individualists and Nominalists. B 2. Dionysius. He is almost certainly alluded to by Plato in the Sophistes (251 b) as a "latelearned old man. 996a. Antisthenes. him. 32) because they had no bearing on questions of good and evil. along with There is no need of supposing any allusion to the Cyrenaics in the introduction of Theodorus of Cyrene in the Thecetetus." Antisthenes was not merely interested in holding up the ideal of austere independence. He did not merely preach return to nature " in its coarsest form. " I see a horse. w as T a native of Athens. Antisthenes retorted with that appeal to the senses and to ordinary language which has usually satisfied the common-sense critics of idealism. he saw that the denial of universals made all general assertions impossible. That was one of the many points on which Plato differed from Plato 29 ( ). Tradition makes Aristippus a visitor at the court of the elder. the founder of the Cynic school. The mention of Theodorus is more likely to be a recognition of Plato's obligation to the geometrician. ' horse- ness' : ' (the abstract quality of But with an unflinching consistency.

seems to have made characteristically coarse attacks on the refined and elegant lecturer of the Academy ( 31 ). — the name of it Protagoras. The third school company. wrote a work called " Truth." or " Good is good." but only " The man is the man. that identity and difference are not mutually exclusive. the logical interest which came out of the Socratic school in which the dialectical and was predominant." As a modern wit has put it. predicate. helping him to realise his problems and his theories more clearly. But there seems little doubt that Plato refers to him in the Sophistes. you may as well say anything you like. had more affinity . : when it is said that he denied the possibility of contra- and so denied the possibility of falsehood. and that many individuals may share in a common Extremes meet and the consequences of Antisthenes's Nominalism are only put in another way. If you cannot predicate anything of anything else. and perhaps of other works. He did not obtain a direct reply. and that in the Thecetetus it is really the views of Antisthenes which are dealt with under dicting anything. The Cynic. That there should be controversy between Antisthenes and Plato was inevitable a controversy probably most useful to Plato. where the impossibility of contradicting or " affirming that which is not " is referred to Protagoras." Plato was probably thinking of him also in the Euthy demits.62 PLATO cannot say " The man is good. what common-sense dislikes doing. who was a voluminous writer of dialogues. may (285 D)." because it is it is to assert that a thing is what it is not to recognise. it is an obviously false proposition that " A is B. Antisthenes. as well as be noted.

. what to the careful student of Greek literature should hardly have needed that " Sophist the " Was in the fifth and fourth centuries B." and hidden may . revised. . proof.PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES 63 with Plato himself. The. and kept the record of the conversation of Socrates on the question. Grote has shown. name of a sect. there seems here a pretty clear indication that the arguments of the TJtecetetus owe something to Megaric influence. Plato's attitude to the Sophists has been much mis- understood. the educational functions of universities. and Terpsion. name of a profession and not the The Sophists were the teachers of in "higher education" well or ill. It is Euclides who is supposed to have made. that there are many questions which cannot be answered with a " Yes " or a " No.C. those days : they performed.sense what the dogmatic common of the practical man finds so hard to admit. What is knowledge ? However doubtful be the allusions of Plato in many other places. are introduced alone in the prologue of the TJtecetetus. and Euclides and the earlier representatives of the school appear to have had much in common with Plato's doctrine of Ideas. Many of the traditional fallacies and logical puzzles were due to Megaric ingenuity and they contain problems of more metaphysical importance than might be suspected at first sight. They helped to show." seem fying to have brought the Eleatic and the Socratic teaching together. though after Plato's time such teachers as Stilpo may have joined hands with the Cynics in ridiculing the Platonic doctrine ( 32 ). both of whom were present at the death of Socrates. by identi" the One " with " the Good. Megaric school. Euclicles of Megara.

and we know that traces of Anaxagorean ideas and formulae may be found in Euripides. Thrasymachus. as already said. but whom we may fairly take as meant by Plato to represent a certain type of Sophist. " Thrasymachus and I have become friends. as Gorgias lived on till about 375 B. and Hippias are pictured with more of irony (Protag. . Polus is spoken of as acquainted with the doctrines of Anaxagoras (Gorg. the poet of There was no common doctrine the Sophistic age. and reputation. Thus Gorgias is by tradition connected with Empedocles (PL Meno. 465 D). as we might call them. Protagoras (who must have died when Plato was still a boy).64 PLATO doctrine. They had no common larised. boxing masters. and he may have known him personally ( ). Prodicus. who is spoken of as a rhetorician by Aristotle. the opinions of some of the older philosophers. ability. are represented in a spirit of broad farce. who have taken to the new dialectic and give displays of logical feats arms. though Plato makes Socrates disclaim enmity to him (vi. and the account we have of his singular work. ences among them in respect of character. 76c)( 33 )." seems to show that he pushed to caricature the Eleatic doctrine of the sole reality of " the One " about which nothing determinate can be predicated. fencing and 337). Some of them popu- and in the process exaggerated or vulgarised. is treated with some bitterness in the Republic. held by all the Sophists and there were great differ. although of . 498 d). " On Nature or the Non-Real. Plato treats Gorgias with marked 34 respect. Euthydemus and Dionysodorus. Protagoras is by Plato in the Thecetetus connected with the Heracliteans but. this may be logical rather than historical affinity.C. 315.

the beginning. His intellectual and moral principles are the same as theirs. 303 he says that the greatest Sophists are the party most monstrous tators and magicians." It is we never were — rationalism. the average journalist or popular preacher supplies just what his patrons want. unsatisfactory he does not recognise sufficiently that the Sophists. a great intellectual upheaval. of the Sophists is. who has a contempt for the Sophists but values rhetoric. It is not the individual Sophists who corrupt our youth. though not a sect with a common doctrine. though they are dissatisfied with them and crave something better..). Plato. in the Republic (vi. He represents general culture and can quote the poets and only a little 5 . and has learnt the phrases of the new enemies. ii. PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES indeed 65 worth noting that the doctrines with which Socrates deals most sternly are put into the mouth. has put the matter quite clearly. Grote's representation . and themselves idola. as old-fashioned persons think the individual teacher is only the mouthpiece of that great Sophist — the People. how- ever. c). - And similarly. are made the exponents of views which we have every reason to regard as of Sophistic origin (in Rep. not of a Sophist. but only the beginning. upholders of the idola. in the Politicus (291c. Plato's own brothers. of reflection about human society and conduct. On the other hand. but Callicles (in of an Athenian young man of the world the Gorgias). The average Sophist we might paraphrase it. which Socrates and Plato feel at all hazards in the interests of morality bound to refute and religion. politicians. 492). imi- — — more sharply and neatly formulated. Glaucon and Adeimantus. do nevertheless represent a common tendency.

they seek to do more thoroughly. They do not object to the Sophist because he questions old beliefs and venerable customs.66 PLATO . satisfied with mere rhetorical effect and verbal nicety. 337 c. He can appeal to " Nature " (without discussing what Nature is). They had broken down the barriers of mere tradition and authority. without a full consciousness of the significance of what they were doing. sharpening them and turning them against him. But this general movethought had prepared the way for a deeper philosophy. Against . d) or may cover mere unscrupulous . The Sophists. They oppose the Sophist by adopting his weapons. and was necessary to prepare the way for it. and so cleared a path egotism. supply an ingenious commentary on their obscure sayings his science or philosophy must be " up to date. as with Hippias (Protag. of ment for the great original thinkers. of the Sophists so but not in the sense of a conservative reaction against the glimmering new light. in teaching skill in public speaking and in endeavouring to fit their pupils for successful political careers. and not go too far into things or if it is eccentric. What the ordinary Sophist was content to do in a haphazard way. it must be easily understood and summed up in a few catchwords. . The appeal may be to vague cosmopolitan sentiment. had raised the problems of moral and political philosophy and the problems of logic. like that of Callicles. but because he is satisfied with very perfunctory solutions. The Platonic Socrates does not attack the opinions much as the way in which they hold these opinions. Socrates and Plato oppose the Sophists. or with plausible superficial dialectic. tempered by common-sense." but at all hazards it must be popular.

. paratively early dialogue. The position is not really inconsistent with the doctrine of the Gorgias and the Republic and the Philebus. even in this compleasure the test of goodness. correcting his predecessors). His ultimate .' In a very true sense Socrates and Plato may be called "Utilitarians. . 44 c) what he comes to see is that pleasures differ in kind (as John Stuart Mill held. 458 e) but Plato has a measure of Utility other than mere individual feeling. whereas in the Protagoras he had seemed to accept a mere difference in quantity. the Platonic Socrates is ready to maintain what looks like the theory of Aristippus for he makes pleasure and the greater amount of But. His standard is the stability and harmony of a society. which reminds us of Bentham's moral arithmetic. 457 B. 356 d). though we may trace a steady advance in care and precision of statement and a growing sense of the complexity of the problem. and in his later dialogues Plato develops this difference." It is Plato who defies conservative prejudice revolutionary saying that "the most useful should be considered honourable and holy" {Rep. who takes a common-sense or " intuitionist ethics. by the is what v. PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES Protagoras. What really concerned to prove : that men err through ignorance is it is the Socratic doctrine that virtue knowledge. —not the feeling of Plato is the moment —the ultimate is. as if we all knew what virtue was this art test. and to make knowledge of . Plato's theory is something deeper than the theory of the Cyrenaic Sophist for " his Socrates goes on to speak of an " art of measuring pleasures (Protag. 67 view of without denning it." . Plato never adopted the Cynic paradox that pleasure is something to be shunned in itself (see Phileb.

even in its Benthamist form. no longer a person but a logical formula ( 35 ). to the trained mind and the disciplined character.e." Socrates would ask him whether he had not then given the first place to knowledge instead of to pleasure ? Plato came to treat " Sophistic " in a generalised and abstract fashion as an imperfect or sham philosophy. against a Common-Sense or Intuitionist philosopher. tagoras described is. who simply fell back on his own infallible conscience or on the general opinion of mankind as a vindication of the distinctions he made But his Socrates would between right and wrong. welcoming truth. reached it. and how he is justified in maintaining that it is "better" to be a human being dissatisfied than a pig satisfied ? And. not to the instincts and impulses of the animal nature. In the Sopldstes . In the Gorgias it is said to be." its is precisely the Socratic Plato. would have maintained the Utilitarian doctrine. one of the forms of flattery. one may try to translate his views into modern equivalents. as has been well said. but him as an ally in discovering the showing that his theory has not yet quite using examples to prove that what is " actually desired " and what is " desirable " are not always the same thing. have plied John Stuart Mill with many questions as to how he could distinguish pleasures according to kinds. it accepts the opinions of manIn the Thecetetus the Prokind and follows them. and asking him particularly who are the " competent judges " of pleasures. if doctrine — stated in lowest terms. Bentham's saying. i. when Mill admitted that " Socrates dissatisfied " was better than a " fool satisfied.68 appeal is PLATO to Reason and Experience. like rhetoric. that " Vice is Miscalculation.

even in the Sophistes (231 Sophist is incidentally that the " . of superficial culture. of shallow popular philosophy.. or to be dealing with certain tendencies of opinion and certain shallow logical theories. Socrates and Plato were " Sophists " in the opinion of And yet. and that the and the "later" Sophists are treated differently by Plato." in the dialogue of that name. and teachers like Plato and Aristotle though called Sophists by the rhetoricians — coming to occupy a distinct who — position and probably days would have flocked to hear Protagoras or Prodicus so that " Sophist " came to be the name only of the less important teachers of dialectic or general culture ( 37 ). attracting the pupils in earlier : e). rather than describing actual persons. Any actual lowering in the status of the Sophist . however shallow it may often be. to be attacking contemporaries like Antisthenes the Cynic. under the names of famous Sophists of the past age. is a necessary step in the preparation for grasping truth. was probably due to growing differentiation rhetoricians like Isocrates disowning the name. In his later dialogues he seems. PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES wc are still 69 farther 36 ( away from the portraiture of the real Sophists of the been argued ) age of Socrates." Plato seems to indicate that this stage of crude rationalism. is defined in terms of Plato's fully-formed idealism as he who deals witli appearances and not with reality he is the generalised representative of sham-thinking. of " uncriticised commonplace " ( 38 ). It has sometimes that there was a degeneration in the " earlier " character of the profession. The " Sophist. The Sophists of the earlier period are not all put on the same moral or intellectual level by Plato. it is discovered a purger of souls from opinions obstructive to knowledge.

Of Isocrates Plato has more hopes. scornfully alluding to the " laws and polities written By philosophy Isocrates meant by the Sophists. Plato can forecast a true art of rhetoric. In fact the rhetoricians or literary stylists of Plato's own age were for him very much what Protagoras and Prodicus and the others had been for Socrates the prominent representatives of general educated opinion. 271. Probably in direct contradiction of Plato. (304 D-306 c) may very well have been resented as somewhat too patronising by that great master of dignified platitudes. not mathematics. he declares that the attainment of opinion and rose They — — . The rhetorician like Lysias is bitterly criticised. though his references to Isocrates in the Phcedrus (279a. "the teaching of prose comHellenic position in practical themes of general interest " ( 89 )." Uteres humaniores as a preparation for a political career not cosmology. but the practice of style. who had since the time of Gorgias been becoming more and more a distinct class from the Sophists. amongst whom he included Plato. in a more serious spirit. to be used in subordination to philosophy and to the true science of statesmanship {Phcedrus. but for the ordinary rhetorician who despises or neglects philosophy he has only scorn. and caring for truth. To the rhetoricians.70 most of their PLATO fellow-citizens. with more intellectual thoroughness. Isocrates professed to teach " philosophy. above the Sophists in doing what these had proposed to do. Polit 303 E-304 d)— an ideal of the art. not for wealth or popularity. not logic. b) and perhaps in Euthyd. which Aristotle seems to have set himself to realise." and looked down on the Sophists. Plato's references are clear and distinct.

in their writings. and that Plato does not generally allude expressly to contemporaries. or less probability. Representatives of different ideals of culture schools.forgotten that Democritus." as Carlyle said of John Sterling and himfriendship is The tradition of certainly less likely to have been invented than would have respecting been a tradition of enmity. having controverted almost all those before him. except their opinion not dis- agreeing. and heads of what may be regarded as they may " nevertheless have remained in fairly good personal friends and enjoyed occasional talk. Why.C. Plato's silence the great philosopher " Denlocritus was a problem even in antiquity. and a good many controversial allusions can be detected. Of course there are the usual stories Aristoxenus says that Plato wished to . Perhaps those who asked this question had. On most subjects their views must have differed greatly. of jealousy. interchange of self. though born about 460. lived to a great age (till about 360 B. and was thus a senior contemporary of Plato's. " It is better to form probable opinions about useful things than Plato to have exact knowledge of useless things " ( 40 ). did he never mention Democritus ? " ( 42 ). more flowing manner and avoidance was apparently influenced by the example its and teaching rival of Isocrates. seems to have had a personal liking for Isocrates and some writer of dialogues represented Isocrates and Plato conversing " about the poets " in Plato's country house.PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES not knowledge is 71 the end of education. with more . where Isocrates was a guest ( 41 ). References such as those to Lysias and Isocrates in the Phcedrus are the exception. Plato's later prose style.). in of hiatus.

but that two Pythagoreans. Herbert Spencer. a man of utterly diverse opinions Aristophanes.72 burn to all PLATO the writings of Democritus that he was able collect. which he called and not sensible realities idealism. can grasp with their hands " (cf be unfair if intended to apply to Democritus himself but it may refer to the Cynics. would materialist. but. who exaggerated. and — . what they Soph. for copies of his books were already in many hands ( 43 ). Amyclas and would do no good.g. who. as intelligible and perhaps the terminology of Plato's distinction as well as Plato's characteristic between the world of appearance and the world of reality. to define the ultimate realities. It seems probable that Plato alludes to the theories of Democritus in several places in the Timceus. Democritus undoubtedly meant to be a . as is often the way with enthusiastic pupils. 246 a). as it reference in the Thecetetus (155 e) to the materialists as the people who " believe in nothing but . One other literary contemporary of Plato's must not be passed over in silence. forms "). e. he was obliged uhri (" . were all professedly materialists or it may refer to Democriteans. The Cleinias. prevented him. the seeming antiidealism of their master. like all the more philosophic of his way of thinking. like the Stoics after them. the comic poet. In the Life by Olympiodorus we are told that Plato took great pleasure in Aristophanes. where he denies the plurality of worlds (55 c) ( 44 ). owes something to the great Atomist ( 45 ). or Plato may be speaking with the same humorous licence which led Jowett to apply this very phrase of Plato's to Mr. of whom he has given so brilliant and sympathetic a picture in the Symposium.

The story may simply have grown up. . because of the Symposium but the mention of Sophron. when he works of Aristophanes . And that he is said to have taken such delight in them. and that he was helped in writing his dialogues by their representation of characters. who is never named by Plato. and the unlikelihood of Aristophanes being an attractive writer to Neo-Platonists. may be used as arguments to prove that the tradition was old and genuine ( 46 ). the and Sophron were found in his bed.PLATO AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES in 73 Sophron. died.

until his later years. The systematic student of Plato's dialogues could find support for this view in a few passages only. and. seems to have followed Socrates in disregarding the study of the physical universe. 59 c). than in " the trees or the country " (Phcedrus. he does so with an apology. when he does write about it. given to irresponsible emotional raptures and contemptuous of the plodding work of intellect. Platonism. 230 D). mystical manner of thinking. Plato. later history of . It is true that Plato has not Aristotle's untiring curiosity about facts as facts. he is more interested in the problems of human society. his passion for detailed knowledge of all kinds. with full warning as to and he speaks of the uncertainty of the subject such studies as only a harmless pastime (Tim. taken out of their context and read without attention to Plato's warnings as to the sense in which they are to be understood. notions which still to some extent interfere with a right understanding of it. Like Socrates. The But the interest of Socrates 74 in the possibility of .CHAPTER Plato's IV Theory of Knowledge Platonism has led to the prevalence of somewhat distorted notions about Plato's own philosophy. the problems of good and evil character. suggests a vague. in popular opinion.

such as the argument that if a man is a father contraries . though he himself was gradually helping to form His discussions often seem unnecessary to us. 90). and in the at it.). is of arriving and extended. holding that every opposite has only one opposite and no more( 1 ). and warns us against " misology (Phccdo. Plato philosophy in the not a philosopher who turns to Faith or Inspiration in any sense in which these are antagonistic to Reason. than they really were. his difficulties less ready. 475). He has the fullest faith in Reason. We are astonished at his not distinguishing from contradictories in the Protagoras (330 seq. because we have inherited the phrases and distinctions of the Aristotelian logic.e. We see at once that certain puzzles arise from not distinguishing the dictum simpliciter from the dictum secundum quid] and we wonder that he thought it worth while to deal at length with verbal tricks. and have our cut-and-dried answers it. b) are but other aspects in Plato intensified of that craving for wholeness or completeness. and so on. Plato labours consciously and with continuous effort Logic " in its widest sense. where he argues that." PLATO'S THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE method 75 arriving at knowledge. that dissatisfaction with all imperfect attainment which of is is treated as the characteristic Republic (v. 89. but the science of Epistemology. 474. not merely the study of the methods of reasoning or inference. Even the passionate love (spug) of which he speaks in the Symposium. and the divine madness of which he speaks in the Phcedras (265 A. justice must be unholiness. He at the problems of call " lias what we not got the technical language which Aristotle introduced. i. if 'holiness is not the same as justice.

being. and more dangerous. — thing.being and progress." " state-interference and "independence" are in general considered deand " interference " an undesirable sirable things. We become rather wearied of the elaborate divisions and subdivisions by the help of which he professes to search for the definition of Sophist or Statesman {Soph. when these were being used against the interests of human well . otherwise he would be a father and not a father at the same time and so Chrysippus is the father of all men and also of all gudgeons and pigs and puppy-dogs (Euthyd. or corporations. Our encyclopaedic Mr. attempt to set nature by Acts of Parliament to scoff at the — as aside if the laws of the laws of .). . We forget that the science of logic had to be made. we are often taken in by arguments of our modern Sophists. which are no better than the absurdities of the two old Athenian fencing-masters." " independto the uses made of words like " " as if. " freedom. in our easy-going neglect of it and contempt of scholastic subtleties. 298).76 PLATO he must be always and in every way a father. We feel vexed that he who wrote the Symjiosium&nd the Phaidrus and the first part of the Protagoras and the last part of the Phcedo should have written so much that is dry and dull and crabbed. the modern Hiplike Hippias a believer in " nature " as pias. because I need only allude they affect human well . because " freedom ence. We forget also that. and against "convention. or churches." thinks it a serious argument philosopher. or nations. the journalists and party-politicians and popular writers. it followed that interfere with the was necessarily wrong freedom and independence it to of individuals. Herbert Spencer. and Pol.

" How can we " inquire about anything without already knowing it ? (80 D. e) is simply the early way of putting the logical problem. the question of the possibility of certitude is formulated the need of a science which shall be a "knowledge of knowledge" (172 a. yet tl\ey must have some one and the same " form " or nature. The Sophistic puzzle. the dialogue on Temperance. b). and the objects of knowledge are spoken of as independent of time (198 d). 192). such as Gorgias the Sophist was content to give. but which. connected as it is by Plato with the belief in the pre- — : . How can the mind pass from the known to the unknown ? This puzzle leads the Platonic Socrates to propound the doctrine of " Recollection " or " Reminiscence. In the Lysis (on Friendship) in his later we find the notion of wjiat.PLATO'S nature miracle. " language Plato would have called the " idea In the Meno Socrates or " ideal " of friendship (219 d). In the Charmides. THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE be set 77 a could in aside by anyone without Even stage what we have called the purely Socratic an interest in logical questions of which the Xenophontic Socrates shows little trace. which afterwards becomes more distinctly technical. through which alone they are virtues the word is eldog (72 c). even if there are all sorts of virtues. asks for a definition of virtue as such not a list of the different good qualities of different sorts of people." which may indeed be an adaptation of a wild guess thrown out by the real Socrates.* ment in different cases (191. In the Laches (on Courage) the search of Socrates for a general find Plato displaying we — definition is described as the search for the common ele. Socrates insists that. but which the real Socrates may very well have possessed.

" tality." — in such a passage he comes nearer to the spirit and . the soul becomes capable of true knowledge {Tim. But Plato does not say that " Heaven lies about us in our infancy. 44 B. Phcedo. the soul on being confined in a mortal body but when the life of sensation is at first irrational gives way to the life of thought. 249 c. It is not "from the recollections of early childhood " that Plato derives his intimations of immor" Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting. 72 E seq). " But for these obstinate questionings Of sense and outward things. Cf. On the contrary." and that the life of the youth who grows in experience and advances from the simple instincts of the child is a continuous losing of the light and a sinking into the shades of the prison-house. 81. Fallings from us. Wordsworth's Ode on Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood has made this Platonic doctrine familiar to the lovers of English poetry. When Wordsworth raises his " song of thanks and praise.78 PLATO existence and transmigration of souls. That indeed is the language of Plato's myth. The " years that bring the philosophic mind " are not to Plato a mere consolation for lost splendour and gladness. but are nearer to the heavenly world than the unthinking years of infancy and youth. Blank misgivings of a creature Moving about in worlds not realised. delights of childhood." not for the mere unreflecting . points unmis- takably to an Orphic or Pythagorean influence (Meno. Phcedr. and under the influence of right education. c). vanishings. but has done a good deal to obscure its philosophical meaning.

by merely looking at them. of which at first it sees only fragments. in : — — . 149The slave-boy who manages to prove a simple 151). Borrowing from Orphic or Pythagorean sources the notion of pre-existence and the image of our earthly body as a prison-house or tomb. just because and in so far as the test of coherence or non-contradiction. Plato gives a philosophical interpretation to the myth. PLATO'S THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 79 argument of Plato. Plato's doctrine is not the crude notion of " innate ideas. the universe is one intelligible system. Cognition. The art of dialectic the intellectual midwifery of Socrates is necessary to help the soul to bring forth sound and genuine thoughts (Thecet. Only by strenuous effort and long struggle can truth be reached. so to speak. as we might put it in modern phrase without conscious use of the Platonic myth. geometrical proposition in the Meno (82 A-85 b) has to be helped from step to step by the questions of Socrates. The mind is such that it can. The significant thing is that he can perceive the connection between the given character of the figure and the conclusions which follow from it.. It is not intuitionism. We do not start with a set of ready-made principles or axioms which we know to be true without any trouble. 81 C) in modern phrase. recover or restore the missing whole. The greater part of his poem shows more of the influence of Rousseau's sentimental than of Plato's intellectual passion. of which the human mind can come to under" return to nature " stand some part." which Locke found it easy to ridicule. MeUO. fits it applies One truth with and leads on to another falsehood is discrepancy ( 2 ). The reason why " all learning is recollecting is that " all nature is akin (drs yap ttj$ (pvffsojg a<rd6r)$ duyyevovc ovtfrig. is recognition.

But. c). in the parts of the dialogue where speaking in more precise language. of all the theories which deny that knowledge is adequately explained when it is analysed into nothing but sensations or impressions made upon the previously blank tablet of the mind. who has been so often misunderstood on this point and contrasted with Plato." though he appears to allude to it in the " myth " of the tenth book. not as the putting of alien material into the mind. 518 B. It is the doctrine of Aristotle also. but as the turning round of the eye of the soul to behold the truth (vii. stripped of the mythical setting which is given And in this to it in the Meno and the Phcedrus. philosophical sense we may say that the doctrine is the common property of all idealist theories of knowledge. and adding " nisi intellectus ipse" to the sensationalist formula which was mistakenly supposed to represent the whole of Aristotle's theory he is . Descartes. who explained that by the phrase "innate ideas " (an unlucky phrase) he only meant potentialities requiring experience to bring them into actuality Leibniz recalling attention to the development of knowledge from within the mind. though Aristotle states it with due caution and with full recognition of the aspect which Plato tended to overlook ( 3 ).80 PLATO In the Republic Plato makes no express mention of the doctrine of " Recollection. Education is described. trine. the philosophical notion underlying the myth of Recollection is clearly to be found. where he speaks of the souls that are to be reborn into our world as drinking more or less deeply of the river of Unmindfulness (621 a). 490 b). In the process of attaining knowledge the soul comes together with that which is " akin This is just the meaning of the docto it " (vi.

parts : First. be something stable. all of which put forward some explanation of the world differing in various degrees from popular The distinction comes to the surface in the belief. which may be more or less true. held. the same doctrine which Plato sought to express by his myth of " Recollection " and it is worth noting that Descartes. that what is truly known is made fast and secured ahtag Xoytgfif i." the strict doctrine that and second. we repeat some isolated statement.e. Only when we have got hold of — 6 . " the way of opinion. like Plato. but we do not really know it.PLATO'S Kant with his THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 81 argument that to make knowledge possible there must be in it an a priori element (a phrase all these have too apt to suggest temporal priority). — . b). Towards the end of the Meilo the distinctive characteristic of knowledge is declared to be." a popular apparently Pythagorean cosmology. unless we know why it is so. approached the problem of knowledge with minds accustomed to the ideal of mathematical certainty. contempt of Heraclitus and Parmenides for the errors The poem of the latter was in two of the multitude. by the reason or calculation of the cause or ground If we have got hold of some isolated fact. Leibniz. something more than opinion. if (98 A. way of truth. Democritus with his distinction between "genuine knowledge " and " obscure knowledge " may also have only the One — — prepared the way for Plato. but which may be false. though in varying forms.' " the is . as to Plato. we may be saying what is true. and Kant all. Knowledge which is really knowledge must to them. " This distinction between " knowledge " and " opinion in some sense underlay all the earlier Greek philosophies.

or with any other form extreme individualism or rather " particularism. that everything depends on the appearance of the : moment to this or that individual. we cannot in perceiving and imagining escape the limitations of time and space. in the sense in which every careful theory of knowledge must recognise that we can only know things under the conditions of the human mind thus we have only a certain number and kind of senses. but without seeing the reason for its truth. Protagoras's dictum may have been understood to mean this by some of Plato's own contemporaries. Plato has to refute the consequences drawn. if not by Protagoras himself." true opinion it may be. tagoras in Plato's earlier dialogue. such as the nominalism If we may take the account of Proof Antisthenes. takes the Protagorean saying to mean that there is no objective certainty whatever. only then do we really "know." Otherwise we have only " opinion.82 "the why" only when (to PLATO borrow Aristotle's convenient phrase). both in the Cratylus (386 a) and in the Thecetetus (152 a). Feeling this need of certainty in knowledge that can really be called such. Such an interpretation of it would fit in with an ethical theory such as the pleasure of the that of of Aristippus. from the famous formula that " man is the measure of all things. the dialogue named . however. Plato. who made moment the standard of good. then by others. we have taken the mere fact out of its isolation and linked it with other things." whether in ethics or in logic. only so far as we see the part as the part of the whole system to which it belongs. or having any security against error." Protagoras himself may only have meant to assert the relativity of knowledge.

there is no fixed ground to enable us to judge any one opinion more probable of the than another. 327. If the appeal is to intuition. or the intuitions of a man more to be regarded than those of a pig or a baboon (cf. but remained in a safe region of common-sense. Protagoras. Opinions differ. Protagoras himself had most probably never really seen the full logical consequences of his utterances. and who is to decide ? Behind the moderate humanist scepticism of the popular lecturer and his fashionable followers Plato sees the deeper problem raised by the paradoxical Heracli" If everything is in a state of transition. although his religious agnosticism alarmed the too superstitious Athenians. safe came to see clearly that. even the opinion may same man at different times. Why " should Protagoras's opinion be any better than ? that of anyone else instinct. Some such . to to the heart. was probably only giving expression to his scepticism about the old confident philosophies of nature. there is no knowledge at all (Cratyl. 440). Theast. and calling attention to the determining Plato. or to say why the educated man's opinion is more worth having than that of the uneducated. Unless we can find some truths that are eternal and not dependent on the opinions of this man or that man or of many men. there is nothing abiding. be asked. 161 c). and teans. though the opinion of the average practical test. human factor in all theories. as THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 83 on the whole historically accurate. yet such commonsense philosophy gives us no real criterion of truth." PLATO'S after him. But with his early familiarity with the more fearless scepticism of the Heracliteans. so that in a man may seem a sense "all men are teachers of virtue" (Prot. 328). in his Homo mensura. the question ? Whose heart " 4 ( ).

already said. with an extreme of individualist scepticism of which that eminently respectable professor may never have dreamt.84 train of reflection PLATO we may suppose to have led Plato to connect Protagoras's teaching. those who " exalt " the will to believe of the individual and deny the absolute necessity of unwittingly. when . of To the Greeks of the species which he describes. Those. — . and might quite well be otherwise than they are say. adopting the reason are. as he had reached it when he passed. and therefore. more or less satisfactory. The mathematician is concerned not with this triangle. — of the universe . as he does in the Cratylus and the Thecetetws. That some things must be absolutely certain. To the botanist this or that plant is but a specimen. ticular. though few acknowledge him. but with the triangle. wittingly or and making all knowledge impossible by resolving all knowledge into individual opinion. unless there is something stable and permanent. is as true to us now as and not it was to of the parPlato. . to all the great idealist philosophies. in some other part . as position of Protagoras. The followers of Protagoras are not extinct. if anything whatever is to be even probable that mere change and flux are inconceivable. who hold that the axioms of mathematics are only postulates for our convenience. Grote does and Plato's arguments have not lost their importance. and ultimately into the feeling of the moment. That science is of the universal. out of the purely Socratic stage and they are principles common to him and to Aristotle. and. these are the fundamental principles in Plato's theory of knowledge. as Mr. for instance. Plato's time geometry was the only science that had made any considerable progress.

reason. and amends it by saying that " God and not man is the measure of all things " (iv. which Plato considered scientific to fall outside the region of the method. 716 c). according to Plutarch. ? . Plato reverts once more to the formula of Protagoras.PLATO'S THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 85 he speaks of science. Here is the point where Plato (if we take of the isolated particulars. show that even in mathematics we have not readied the most perfect use of strictest . 266 b). we may see the link between what looks like an appeal from science to theology and his earlier thinking. of the common or connecting element and not If it what are we to say about this object of our knowledge Socrates seems to have been satisfied with reaching the conclusion that knowledge must consist of conceptions. Phadr. In his latest work. Hence he more easily adopts the view of the timeless or eternal nature of scientific truth than might appear proper to the modern logician. The truths of mathematics are not mere matters of human opinion. " God always geometrises " ( 5 ). in which the study of mathematics led him to discover his test of certitude. lie is always thinking of the \ * mathematical ideal of certainty. be admitted that knowledge in the strict sense must always be of the "one 'in the many" (cf. He uses the words with a specially ethical significance but if we recall the saying. who has to consider an immense number of sciences that deal with what seems subject to the changes and chances of the temporal process. though the diagrams we use. the Laws. which. was ascribed to Plato. but are true for all intelligence. and the notations we adopt as aids. without going on to ask what gives these conceptions their truth or validity.

to be worked out geometrically). though not an abstract " one. apart from . must. The field we are measuring may not be exactly a square or a rectangle. the definite knowledge which Socrates sought." but a plurality of " ones " distinct from the complex and manifold things of sense. The Pythagorean doctrine supplies the remaining element in Plato's solution of the difficulties he inherited from the Heracliteans and from Socrates. and we can only know it scientifically by treating it as a square or a rectangle. had in his mind the Heraclitean doctrine raising difficulties greater than those of which Socrates was aware. The things we see and touch are only known in so far as we can think them under numerical or quantitative spatial relations. then. but by intelligence. Exact knowledge must be mathematical knowledge. could not apply to a world in flux and the sensible world is just such a world in flux as the Heracliteans spoke of^^o that universal definitions must apply to something other than the sensible. one and unchanging. as already said. as we have seen. be such as the Eleatics spoke of.86 PLATO Aristotle as our guide to the history of his thought) advanced beyond his master. or rather geometrical figures (for. Now the Eleatics (whom Aristotle must be taken to include along with the Pythagoreans under the name of the " Italic " philosophers) had spoken of a reality. of true knowledge. The definitions. it seemed to Plato. Greek arithmetic had. but it may approximate more or less to such a figure. . known not by sense or by opinion The object based on sensation. Plato. What we know scientifically are numbers. the simplest operations. We have no accurate knowledge of things except in so far as we can measure them.

"those who were called Pythagoreans " had got beyond that stage. extending and generalising this way of thinking beyond the limits earlier doctrine of the of mathematics. It only gradually becomes technical and we are apt to treat it as more technical than it ever becomes in Plato." The word tldog or Id'sa in ordinary Greek meant simply a " shape " or " manner.PLATO'S as THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE " 87 an " imitation of the perfect figure which alone admits of being known with scientific precision. As the Pythagoreans had spoken of things being knowable so far as they imitated numbers." and it is often used in that way by Plato himself. since what we can sense-perceptions leave us with a chaos that we cannot comprehend. Possibly. The Pythagorean brotherhoods may have been largely a mixture of magic and of the crude beginnings of mathematical science. and held a philosophy which consisted mainly in the attempt to construe the natural universe and human conduct in the light of mathematical concepts (" Justice is a proportion. which he holds to be the only ultimately real existences. Plato.). so Plato spoke of things being knowable only as participating in " ideas " or " forms. consist in makes the business of true science to comprehending the world in the light of conceive. but which are never known by the " obscure . . Primitive science is everywhere the business of the magician or " medicine-man. Plato's adoption of the term to signify that which is alone the object of real knowledge may be a bold borrowing from the great materialist whom he never names. Democritus had written mpi idsuv. as already suggested. and had meant by " ideas " the atoms." But by the time of Plato. unless we are to reject Aristotle's very explicit testimony." etc.

what it represents. And the one form or type of the god as conceived by the sculptor may be manifested in many visible and tangible statues. Plato takes the word " idea " to mean what real in the sense of being the alone . is the medium of manifestation what is essential is the : you are looking at a statue ? " you probably . : form. however. in bronze or ivory. if you are to get beyond saying " this for We . Their place. The matter." If you are to say anything about anything. in the sense of that which is real for accurate scientific thought. statue " If and ask. You expect to be told its " form " it is Hermes or Apollo. not for ceptual. the material. pletely immaterial. the materialist is philosopher obliged to assert that the conceptual real. if treated in a different manner. The atoms are conceptual. as Aristotle puts is in Apart from Democritean usage. there was much in ordinary Greek language and in Greek artistic feeling to suggest the use of this word to signify the real. what it " imitates. would no longer be the same statue. What is this do not want to be told that it is marble or plaster you want to know what it means. entities. the alone conceivable but to Plato it." what it manifests through the senses to the mind. in clay or marble while the same material. have seen how Socrates identified the search what each thing " is " with the discussion of things "according to kinds. for his " ideas " are not in space.88 perception " PLATO of our senses but only by the " true knowperis ing " of thought.occupying bodies is 6 ( ). the ultimately though he doubtless thought of his atoms as material in the sense that they are space. it permanent and means the comthe mind( 7 ).

It must be remembered that before Plato there was no distinct recognition of the difference between " things " and " qualities. and we only know anything by asserting its kind of being or all the various kinds of being in which it participates. modern logician.PLATO'S is THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 89 which is all that Antisthenes allows you to You must say." differentiated by Aristotle. The myth Phcedrus speaks of "a place above the heavens" where " what really exists " (r\ ovcia oVw. terms which Plato used as equivalent. not individual beings. you must give its species or genus." sentences are kinds of being. and to a confusion between Plato's intention and the theories of is other philosophers with which the use of language make us identify Plato's meaning." " Socrates is wise.also the prevalent notions about Plato's ideas are due to the doctrine having been afterwards stiffened into dogmatism. but which were this. oloa) can be seen apt to of the . if and these pictures Plato meant them quite . What is this ? You must answer by saying what kind of thing it is. What is " is pictures of the world of the ideas have too often been taken as literally. To a great extent. So to far Plato's " doctrine of ideas Aristotle. All predication involves some rudimentary sort of classification. you must say " this is such and such. " Man " and " wise " in such man. and the Latin equivalent "qualitas" was invented by Cicero ( 8 )." " Socrates is a say what kind of thing this is. and to the strange and startling in Plato's doctrine has come in part from his resorting now and then to imaginative common to him." The word notarr^ is introduced by him with an apology in the Thecetetus (182 a). and these words are just the scholastic Latin renderings of eldog and y'evog.

And Plato's " most real beings " have been pictured as if they were models or specimens in an imaginary celestial museum. in the first place." man " the " beautiful apart from the conditions under which they can be known.90 in pure vision PLATO by the souls not yet immersed in earthly bodies (247 c). to be seen only in mystic ecstasy and by an escape from the trammels of rational thinking. thought that his "monads" were Plato's ideas. to be just the very world we never can know. is always apt to be understood with a crude literalism and so what Plato meant as the intelligible world." The necessities language unfortunately compel us to interpolate this misleading word in translating Greek neuter adjectives and participles: rd ovrug 'o\ra are not properly to xa7^6v " things-in-themselves. has come to be regarded as another world alongside of and separate from the sensible world." Plato's intelligible world (rd voyrd) is meant to be really an intelligible world." as " wise " or " foolish. again. Kant's intelligible world of things-in-themselves has been supposed to be the same as the Platonic. It means " man " or " the beautiful as we must think " man " or " the beautiful " when we are thinking scientifically. the sphere of the clearest and most perfected scientific thought. when employed to express religious or philosophical ideas. The individual man we cannot know completely we can only know him as " man. Poetic imagery. But. but are more akin to Plato's "souls" than to his ideas." in 'o aurodvOpuxog or abrh does not " mean "man -in -himself" the sense of all " or or "the " beautiful-in-itself . his monads are indeed spiritualised atoms. and not." " handsome " or " ugly. it is : clearly wrong of to call Plato's ideas "things. : . Leibniz ( 9 ). like Kant's intelligible world.

is. and his problem arose out of that. avoiding the extremes of Nominalism and Realism and some have actually : tried to prove that Plato came to hold this moderate. the direct historical descendant of Plato's theory. he between " real kinds " merely artificial general concepts arbitrarily made for our convenience ( n ). in the stiff dogmatic form which modern evolutionary theories have overthrown. 132 B. " was obliged . Modern express astonishment that he did not see that Con- ceptualism was the true doctrine. Universals exist in our minds. inheriting the traditions of the straitest sect of English Nominalists. passing through the scholastic doctrine of the infinite ^ccies. Plato had started with the Conceptualism of Socrates. if to be possible discuss the subject of Division. Stuart Mill. Very well but how do we distinguish between the truth and the falsehood of our conceptions ? Is the concept a concept of something that is or of something that is not ? (Parm. c). the kind which has no real kinds below it. Even John . and reality. He himself did not work real Now . to recognise a one in the predication many is " in at least a Conceptualist sense. Of course Plato should not be made responsible for dogmatism which giew out of his philosophy. Plato's ideas " are not merely critics of Plato often concepts in our minds. and when he came to had to distinguish and those classes which are " kinds " are Plato's ideas. but only a restatement of the problem as if it were a solution. the Parmenides shows us that he was fully aware that Conceptualism is no solution of the philosophical problem about knowledge.PLATO'S On THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE " 91 the other hand. in fact. But Plato in common-sense doctrine at the last( 10 ). The biological doctrine of the fixity of species.

was most concerned with the fundamental concepts of ethics and of the last mathematical sciences. But perhaps the best illustration from modern science is to be found in our phrase "the laws of nature. the universals of which he is thinking most are the universals with which Socrates had been occupied the just. Plato.. and by which we make these phenomena intelligible to ourselves. is a Plato's sense. he had advanced beyond the earlier form of the doctrine of Ideas. this inorganic substances. etc." " Evolution. in which this plant or animal is only a specimen. Pol. We often speak of the laws of nature as if they were the causes of phenomena. and the species ( = the "idea" or type) is what is thought of and defined.. that is to say. connecting link between the Platonic ideas and the modern scientific conception of laws of nature. and the universals employed in the mathematical sciences equality. while working out his distinctive theory. Formae. the beautiful. Plato's theory can indeed.). etc.92 PLATO out his theory of ideas with special reference to the problem of the scientific classification of organic and he came to concern himself specially with the logical problem of classification (in Soph. Phcedo. though " Gravitation. In the Phcedrus. which tended to cut them off from one another and from things. just as Plato's followers and he himself did with his Ideas." " . similarity. and we are apt to hypostatise them. as we have seen.. When — — being the aspect of the theory which owes most to Pythagorean influence. Energy " are " Ideas " in Francis Bacon's word. the good.. and Republic. Phileb. be very well illustrated by the procedure of the classificatory sciences." which manifest themselves in particular phenomena.

e). The word ambiguous. we have perhaps the best clue to the meaning and We may. for they must be our thoughts also if they are to be the objects of our science and philosophy. Plato does not mean to assert his ideas of existence in any place . is " Most really existent a less accurate translation of ra owms oVa than " most thoroughly true and valid " ( 13 ). because independent of . He call asserts of them what validity. also to the ambiguities of Platonic language. Exist " is always apt to suggest existence in time and space. The Greek word that (to be) had always the twofold meaning of existence and of validity or truth. on the other hand." PLATO'S THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 93 Bacon was combining a Platonic and Aristotelian conception with an Atomist way of envisaging the physical world ( 12 ). regard the laws of nature as the thoughts of which Christian theology put upon the Platonic ideas. and is apt to had an existence independent any individual mind at any particular moment. But Plato himself has put aside this interpretation as at least incomplete (Parm. but. they are not mere creations of our thought. Apart from the misunderstandings likely to result from too literal an acceptance of Plato's occasional use of highly figurative language. Merely to say that the Ideas. or the laws of nature. interpretation God —the are concepts " real " is — even divine concepts " —seems hardly to explain the problem of objective reality. 134 D. indeed. it must be admitted that picture it at least as if it of minds. in modern phrase we might objective though he has certainly not reached the modern interpretation of the objective as that which is valid for all minds. If we ask ourselves in what sense a law of nature is real.

The poets and painters are treated . nevertheless laid so stress much distinction presence or manifestation or participation of the idea in the thing (tfapovsia. but in the Phcedrus (250 d) he had allowed that " sight is the most piercing . Met. abstraction in logic. on the between the ideas and the phenomenal world they were meant to explain that he naturally led people to think of the intelligible realm as another world alongside of the phenomenal ( 14 ). But in Plato himself it is only a tendency. certainly and became dominant in the Platonism of later ages. 100 d) or by some These words seem intended to express what in mediaeval language would have been described as the doctrine of universalia in rebus the universal having a determinate existence only in particular things. 10). very severely in the ideal state. But Plato's insistence on the non-reality of the sensible and phenomenal world as such leads easily to the inference that it is the abstract universal as such The tendency to such of which he asserts reality. like the corresponding tendency to other phrase. It may be called the 9976.94 PLATO make his ideas Plato himself. Phcedo. — asceticism in ethics. as the gods of the popular mythology were but magnified and non -natural men (the analogy B 2. to be found in and to abstract intellectualism in is regard to the world of the senses generally. xoivwvia. though not intending to mere duplicates of the things of the sensible world. is Aristotle's. stronger at some times than at others. he was content to leave the relation between appearance and reality somewhat vague. Thus the body is looked at merely as the tomb of the soul in the Phcedo in the Republic the body is deemed worthy of the most careful training for the sake of the soul. Moreover. Plato.

but hardly anything is said about the relation of the ideas to one another. in a farcical manner. and had clearly arrived at no fixed or dogmatic expression of the way in which he conceived universals to be . on the difficulty about the " presence " (napovaia) of the ideas in things of sense. this is a very remarkable anticipation in comedy of one of the difficulties raised in the Parmenides. In the stage of the Phcedo and the Republic Plato seems ready to posit ideas corresponding to every general every term which can stand as the predicate of a proposition. seems to be accentuated. and the passage might indeed be -used as an argument for putting the Euthydemus later than its style and manner suggest." beauty might be discerned through visible loveliness. If the Euthydemus belongs to the earlier period of Plato's writings. And so there are some passages in which the transcendence of the ideas.e. On this the Sophist Dionysodorus asks " And are you an ox because an ox is present with you.PLATO'S THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE and that ideal 95 of the bodily senses. i. to . But Plato even in the Phcedo (100 d) shows great hesitation. There is. : — related to particulars. In the Euthydemtts there is a curious passage (301 a) which touches. Socrates admits that beautiful things are not the same as the beautiful (aurb to %a\6v) but each of them has some beauty present with it (irdpean Udcrw avroov xaWog ri). one very important passage where the reading concept. He insists on the oneness of each idea as contrasted with the multiplicity of the things we perceive. or are you Dionysodorus because Dionysodorus is present with you ? " a suggestion which horrifies Socrates. and some in which the immanence of the ideas in the things of sense. however.

Plato had indeed not yet reached a stage in which he could accept any intermixture of opposite ideas {e. called "ideas. 476 that ideas such as the just and the unjust. In the Republic. but by sharing and bodies and in one another they are manifested in all sorts of ways. does not) have used the same illustration to explain the diversity of the sensible world by the various in (xoivavia) actions interminglings of his ideas. one and many. but the notion . but we need not take this passage as suggesting an intermixture of the ideas of good and evil.96 of the PLATO MSS. are each in itself one. quite unnecessarily doubted A. The Atomists explained the diversity of the sensible world by the different combinations of their atoms (which Democritus. just and unjust. like and unlike). and so each of them. has been v. appears many. which by different combinations can form an Plato might (though he infinite diversity of words. as we have seen. in phenomenal things we find not merely a single idea manifested in all the members of a class. good and evil (and perfect or " ideal we may is note that Plato posits ideas here not merely of what "). but only in the sense that the same action may be good and just in certain respects and evil and unjust in others. qua ideas.g. it is said 15 ( )." id'sui). and used the analogy of the letters of the alphabet. though really one. but that variety also arises from the possibility of the ideas being combined with one another in different ways. and clearly in the sense that the ideas of the just and of the good (or of the unjust and the evil) are intermingled What Plato seems to mean is that in the same action. At the end of the sixth book of the Republic we have is the suggestion of a hierarchy of ideas.

In these books " the Idea of the Good " occupies a supreme position above all the others. In the tenth book of the Republic the " Nature. therefore. and higher even than being itself (Rep.PLATO'S THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 97 not worked out. 597).) ( 16 ). In the Timceus Plato is professedly not speaking with logical precision but narrating " 7 Neither passage neither passage need a probable myth. which is imitation is in by the carpenter." In the tenth book of the . couch. It is the ultimate unity and explanation of all knowledge. who makes " imitated " a picture of a bed (596.C.-vii. and very shortly before his sixtieth year (368 B. 509 b) ( 17 ). Elsewhere he is content to speak in language more familiar to ordinary use but. of the Republic give us Plato's most accurate statement of what may be called his middle period. There can be little doubt that books v. and it is the source of all knowing and of all being. whose turn imitated by the painter. and that the only true knowledge consists from particulars to them their relation to phenomena and their relation to one another had not yet become for him prominent problems. In the Timceus the natural objects after a). : Divine Artificer the pattern of is said to make the Ideas (29 should be taken quite literally be understood in such a way as to contradict the sixth book of the Republic. vi.worker " is spoken of as making the ideas and the example taken is the idea of a bed or . more mythological. Throughout all this stage of his philosophy Plato seems chiefly concerned to assert that ideas are. and they were probably written later than any of the other books perhaps later even than the tenth book. It is Plato's philosophical expresin rising : — sion for the one ultimate principle of the universe.

its matter and its end or purpose. special idea of it as a table would have to be the end If a carpenter or purpose it serves the " good " of it. Aristotle. has made what he calls a table and it will not stand steady nor hold things on it. of — realise the idea of a table. 9916. we might say. " That is no table." of a table." more accurately. 5). says that the Platonic school do not recognise ideas of manufactured things. does not realise the idea of " The idea of a table. implies a set of distinctions familiar enough to Aristotle. is something composite which we can resolve into its form. scientifically understood. Thus a table." or. must be thought of as having a certain shape and size and as made of a The certain kind of tree. in Platonic language. and of these there are ideas. 6 M 5. A 9. 1080a. because there is no science that deals with artificial products. his purpose. indeed. however.98 PLATO Republic his immediate object is not to expound the doctrine of Ideas. In his stricter thinking Plato may have rejected the notion that there are ideas. 97-99). in the manufactured things. which should see . but which Plato does not seem to have formulated in technical terms till he wrote the Philebus. in other words. " It the good in the case if we use the phrase. This analysis. Phcedo. § 23." or. § 9. Scientific knowledge requires analysis of them into their elements. Nature to Plato is a system of His vision of a perfect science of nature is one ends. such as a house and a ring {Met. which should explain everything teleologically (cf. but to show that the representations of the artist are " the copy of a copy " of the ultimate truth and an illustration from the idea of something the human artificer copies is therefore convenient for . "This does not fullest sense.

in the sensible world. the works of hardly say that tables and beds and rings and houses manifest divine ideas in the same direct way that man They form does.PLATO'S THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 99 everything in the light of its good." who . became known and accepted in the Platonic school and outside it. where the ideas Republic. who produces them for his own ends. or that he always grasped the logical signifiAs the theory cance behind the external picture. In the TimcBiis this is put in the familiar form of the story of Creation. being chiefly impressed by the more figurative and imaginative statements of in later ages. may have become the prominent part of the doctrine. are referred to as in the " those familiar words which are mouth of everyone. And probably most of Plato's disciples would take up the doctrine in its most Pythagorean aspects. the transcendence of the ideas. which should see it in everything from the point of view of the divine purpose. " The Artificer was good and wished to make all things as like himself as possible. like the majority of his readers Nor can we suppose that Plato himself was entirely uninfluenced by his recourse to sensuous imagery." seems to indicate that the doctrine was not regarded by Plato as peculiar to himself. It would certainly be readily adopted by Pythagoreans like Simmias. or. A passage in the Phcedo (100 b). which alone gives the ultimate meaning of things. Cebes. as we might put more theological language. only subordinate means towards the good or end for man. " The friends of the ideas. and Echecrates. rather than their immanence. it." We could translate this back into the language of the The Idea of the Good is manifested The sensible world includes. " . and say." human craftsmen but we can of course.

indeed. which can be shown in pictures. though in Plato's view a necessary part. between knowing things merely from pictures and plays and novel-read- . it is only a part. the kind of knowledge which the Sophists and Rhetoricians profess to teach. though they may.ioo PLATO are referred to in the Sophistes (248 a) as representing an extreme view which is criticised in that dialogue. even in the dialogues where it is most emphasised. and sticking to the letter of mythical statements and poetical metaphors ( 18 ). answer to the question. Plato means. often remain in the region of mere appearance. as already said. The doctrine of Ideas has bulked so largely in expositions and criticisms of Plato from Aristotle's time downwards that we are apt to overlook the fact that. we might say. and the knowledge which the practical man of the world has. How is knowledge possible ? The sharp distinction drawn in the Meno between " opinion " and " knowledge " is further developed and elaborated in that part of the Republic which. his his theory of knowledge. most probably mean some of Plato's own school who had adhered to Plato's earlier form of statement. of It is. is probably the latest and most complete exposition Within each of of his philosophy in its middle period. There is a difference. main divisions he distinguishes a lower and a the two higher grade. as just said. Within " opinion " there is a difference between the mere picturing or imaging of the external and superficial aspects of sensible things (s/xac/a) and a fuller acquaintance with them (vtsrtg = " belief "). one may suppose. exaggerating its defects in the manner of admiring disciples. to distinguish between such knowledge as children have of things from their outward appearance.

he sees the figures that cast the shadows. THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE 101 and knowing them as the all skilled craftsman. the light of the sun. The shadows is of real things are the objects of . still within the cave. perhaps. This is the work . and then afterwards learn to see everything in the full daylight. When anyone has struggled up and won his way into the outer world. but in which the mind works without going behind the assumptions or presuppositions (vvoQsaeig) of each special science. the truest and highest kind Knowledge of must go beyond these assumptions and move only in a region of " ideas. The closing passage of the sixth book has given by the true light. or man But of business. anticipation the interpretation of this part of the allegory.PLATO'S ing. the mathematical sciences ." seeing the relations between them. hear only the echoes of voices. at first he is blinded by the daylight and can only look down and see the reflection of things in water and the shadows on the ground but they are now the reflections and shadows of real things and cast by . to look on the sun itself." The mass of mankind see only the shadows on the wall. When anyone turns round. like marionnettes. but the borrowed light of a fire for the cave slopes steeply downward and the sunlight does not penetrate into it. and at last. but the — figures are only images. famous alle- these people are still —to use the gory which Plato gives at the beginning of the seventh book " within the cave. and the upward ascent is hard and toilsome. true sunlight. and the light that casts them is not the .and this stage of intellectual development (dtdvoia) the stage of the scientific understanding accurately. or politician knows them. or explorer. And gradually the eye can look upwards and see the stars by night.

but is the seeing clearly what others see darkly.102 of " dialectic " PLATO which is the " coping stone of the of sciences/' and sees things in their connection. . J . will. be better able to measure and calculate and predict the moving shadows on the wall. when he tells us that the philosopher. to help his fellow-men. does he not recognise in a figure and in his practical zeal for the reform of states that the highest knowledge is not cut off from the lower stages of picture-thinking and belief. the grasping in coherent and intelligible system what others see as a mere haphazard sequence of shadows ? The science of mathematics had taught Plato the scientific value of abstraction and in O his account of philosophic thinking and the business of dialectic there is a wavering between (1) the view that philosophic thinking means merely a continually advancing process of abstraction till we reach the One. and (2) the more fruitful conception of philosophy as going beyond the abstractions of the sciences to reach a fuller and completer " synopsis " or synthesis. Plato seems to make advancing knowledge consist in getting away more and more from the things of sense but. after his eyes are ac- customed again to the darkness. not in their isolation. compelled to go back into the cave all . higher than all existence and the source of — knowing and of all being. and the final aim which is to see everything in the light of the central unity the Idea of the Good.

a homage paid to the Greek sentiment of Nemesis ( 2 ) as if sequence ? Does exercise — 103 . Neo-Platonic enthusiasts found in its dry dialectic about the One and the Many an inner doctrine of mystical theology. If we accept the view that there must have been some growth. and of what nature ? We can scarcely consider so elaborate a work a mere dialectic tour de force. of which the ancient commentators never thought How is the Parmenides related to the rest of book or in : Plato's dialogues ? What it is its place in the historical any influence on Plato's subsequent thinking.CHAPTER V The " Parmenides " and Plato's Later Idealism The dialogue called Parmenides offers more difficult problems to the interpreter of Plato than any of his other works. Proclus begins his lengthy commentary on the Parmenides with a prayer to all the heavenly hierarchy for guidance and inspiration. Iamblichus declared that Plato's entire theory of philosophy was embodied in two dialogues the Parmenides and the Timceus ( 1 ). some development. as Grote suggests. The modern student will hardly — expect to find the secret of Plato revealed in any single any one formula. or. in Plato's mind. to show how the author could argue against himself. the primary problem is an historical one.

104 Plato feared injury victorious. in Aristotle's Metaphysics (A and m). This theory is then criticised by the aged Eleatic philosopher. if PLATO he made his Socrates always Let us see more precisely what the problem is. above). must almost certainly be placed This criticism. who. or rather referred to. Thus. on any theory the order of the dialogues consistent with the genuineness of the Parmenides. Now the readiest solution that might suggest all is as an escape from these difficulties is the hypothesis that the dialogue not Plato's. In the Parmenides Socrates as a very young man (127 c) is made the mouthpiece of the theory of ideas. But. but the work of some adverse of the critic of the Platonic philosophy. we have the — — singular doctrine phenomenon of Plato criticising his own of —the doctrine which nevertheless he seems to retain in the Timceus. along with his pupil Zeno. and yet the conclusion of the dialectical arguments in the second part of the dialogue seems to be a refutaAn additional tion of the central Eleatic doctrine. Parmenides. Plato's to which no allusion can be found in the 3 whole itself body of Aristotelian writings ( ). the rejection Parmenides would involve the rejection of the . (p. if the dialogue is Plato's. is put into the mouth of the great Eleatic philosopher. in that very form in which we find it expressed in the Republic and the Phcedo. a work which. is on a visit to Athens. as has already been pointed out 21. moreover. puzzle is the complete silence of Aristotle about the Parmenides it is the only important dialogue of later : than that dialogue. And what is strangest about this criticism the arguments used by Parmenides are mostly the very arguments used.

the Sophistes. modifying only the terminology. so that the state is only a large household. 7). however. The opening words of the Politics are an almost certain allusion the Politicus. and with which he starts in the Politics (iii. and the Politicus must all be earlier than the time at which Aristotle wrote the Politics. and the little we do know hardly agrees with such an hypothesis. For we can in the catalogues to correspond to the Parmenides. 105 The rejec- would involve the rejection of its There are. it. Plato was not the author of these three metaphysical dialogues.THE "PARMENIDES" Sophistes also. If we were tempted. viii. is precisely the classification given in the Politicus (291). We totle himself. which clearly alludes to tion of the Sophistes sequel. fresh difficulties arise. The dialogue " Concerning Philosophy. then. works an attack on might perhaps try the guess that he was some Megaric philosopher. as that school seem the most suitable critics of Eleatic doctrine from within but we know too little about the Megarics. incorporating his doctrine 4 ( ). If. Thus it would seem almost certain that the Parmenides. though without mention of Plato's name. several probable allusions to both these dialogues in Aristotle. again. that rule over the household and rule over the state differ only in the number of the governed. 10). to the doctrine of the Politicus (259)." . to whom the ancient catalogues ascribe called Sojihistes what was probably a dialogue find nothing and one called Politicus. The classification of governments which Aristotle adopts in the Ethics (Eth. Nic. to fancy that it was Aris. who is this great unknown Plato's philosopher whose works were hidden under careless avarice of the in the master's name by the ? Platonic school.

above). we have Aristotle's express testimony to the Platonic authorship of the Laws {Pol. is certainly not the Parmenides and the work " Con" (or " the Ideas "). recanted his recantation. And. and Phwdo. — — . p. difficulty of we should only escape the himself by creating making Plato criticise a greater difficulty with respect to Aristotle.. who seems expressly to refer to the author of the Politicus as "one of our predecessors" {Pol. iv. since the Politics of Aristotle criticises opinions maintained in the Politicus.106 of PLATO . or else we should have to suppose that to. Again. 12666. § 3. But we have already seen how many are the objections to this theory. They are supposed to belong to a " Megaric " period and the introduction to the Themtetus is clearly an acknowledgment of Megaric influence a period of dialectic and criticism before Plato had reached the constructive system which he expounds in the Republic.5). A second hypothesis (already referred is that of Hermann and others which would place the metaphysical dialogues {Thecet. which considerable fragments have been identified. 12646. Republic. we should have to suppose that Plato. from its place in cerning the Idea the catalogues does not seem to have been a dialogue. 14.) earlier than the Phcedrus. Parm. Pol. without any apparent reason and without any apology. § 1. 12896. 6. § 4... which seems to presuppose the Politicus. 2. and which in style and manner seems . ii. 5 cf. As the doctrine of Ideas criticised in the Parmenides is the very doctrine expounded in the Phcedo and Republic. 7. Soph. 26). and must regard it as untenable. farther away from the Plato who wrote the Protagoras and the Euthydemus than is the author of the Parmenides.

which was. which on the more recent theories. Timceus is professedly a " probable myth. and to show that in his later writings he attempted to remodel his whose force he . It philosophical statement a pictorial representation of what. specially Pythagorean. if we go behind the pictorial form. taking that as a clue to the Timceus. The Laws is professedly on the level of popular thought. And. the metaphysics of the Timceus. and therefore the ideal theory as introduced in the Timceus may reasonably retain marks of its earlier form. which otherwise is only a picture after Pythagorean models. The place we have seen reason to assign to the Par- menicles in the sequence of Platonic writings compels us to hold that at the age of sixty he was willing to reconsider the theories of his middle doctrines so as to obviate criticisms life. put into the or exactness. mouth of a Pythagorean. that Plato after the Parmenicles must we have endeavoured to revise and reconstruct his doctrine. in Plato's view. contains the doctrine of Ideas in a form open to the But the cosmology of the criticisms of that dialogue.THE "PARMENIDES" Plato's 107 most brilliant piece of philosophical criticism might indeed be urged that the Timceus." not a strict was not seriously meant. If much that seems expressly intended to obviate the criticisms hold what seems the only tenable theory. contains of the Parmenicles. it is view I have taken. cannot be stated with certainty The discourse is. as will be pointed out. is later than the Parmenicles. according to the . we should look for his " later theory of ideas " most of all in the Philebus. moreover. and cannot fairly be taken as evidence that Plato had surrendered the theory of ideas altooether. as well as on Hermann's.

and that a philosopher age. were composed when he was over forty. that what have been supposed to be youthful works. And. may well have possessed sufficient mental elasticity and youthfulness of spirit to of sixty. regimen as the Athenian philosopher. intellectual we must conclude that Plato's growth had not been precocious. It is . The precise nature of the criticisms in the Parmenides must be more carefully considered in order to determine the extent and character of the change not easy to do this at once adequately and briefly but the attempt The youthful Socrates who must must be made. who lived to over eighty years of working at intellectual subjects to the last. make a " fresh start at the age dogmatism " to criticism after many years of systematic and continuous university teaching and a life of routine. interrupted by several absences from Athens Kant's most important philosophical works were all written after he was fifty. in the first place.108 admitted. it is an exaggeration to speak of the criticisms of the Parmenides as requiring a desertion of his earlier views. — Platonic development of the Socratic doctrine of uni- . if we accept the order and dates of the dialogues here adopted. like the Phcedrus. and Kant did not enjoy the vigorous physical constitution of Plato nor live under so healthy a . secondly. But. here be taken to represent the earlier phase of the introduced into the Platonic theory. to PLATO Some Platonic scholars have felt reluctant admit that Plato at so mature an age could have turned his back on theories slowly arrived at and vigorously maintained ( 5 ). such as would be more apt to produce mental rigidity than would the Kant passed from voluntary discussions of the Platonic circle.

dissimilar. the good and this is. for instance. Socrates's illustration has been taken from quasi-mathematical concepts. separated off into pairs of absolutely distinguished opposites. Plato's doctrine seemed to reconcile Eieaticism. rest and motion. is both one and many: one as distinguished from other individuals. and such other opposites. the And it is just this fixity of the eternal ideas that seems to him mode of escaping the puzzles which Zeno's dialectic had easily enough found in the acceptance of any absolute reality in the sensible things of ordinary understanding or of popular philosophy. rest. 479 vii. a front and a back. not to admit of admixture with one another. In other words. But the ideas of one and many. like and unlike. the part of the ideal theory which grows most directly out of the teaching of the historical Socrates. Now the first difficulty which Parmenides puts before Socrates relates to the number and extent of this world of ideas. many as having a right side and a left side. 523). such as the just. etc. so far as the phenomenal world concerned. Heracliteanism.: THE "PARMENIDES" versals 109 — lias got over the difficulties about the one and is the many. keeping unity and fixity for the ideas. (Parm. such as one. but recognising a plurality of ideas. . by assigning change and flux to the sensible world. seem to him . Rep. many. motion and with these specially Pythagorean concepts Plato's mind had evidently worked most in thinking out his doctrine. v. As to ideas corresponding to the merated in their list of .. like those which the Pythagoreans had enugood and evil things. Cf. 129 c. Socrates has no hesitation in admitting also that there are ideas of qualities. and Pythagoreanism. similar. the beautiful. of course. The individual Socrates.

says Parmenides. and dirt. Socrates wishes to assign such mean and unworthy things to the world of appearance only. hesitation " I am ideas. It is the puzzle which arises in every attempt to grapple with the logical theory of universals. In what way is the One in the Many ? If ." relations and moral qualities. to the opinions of people " and this prophecy mean (130 E). The other criticisms of Parmenides all turn on the difficulties of the relation between the ideas and the particular sensible things which they are intended to " Plato had spoken of things " participating explain. exactly as Aristotle does in the Metaphysics. and then you will not despise any of these Your time of life makes you still pay regard things. as it will hereafter in my opinion lay hold of you. Now. apart etc. the hesitation becomes greater water. " What is meant by this ' participation " ' ? asks Parmenides in the dialogue. though shrinking from the consequences. but of the world of natural objects and of what he had first contemned as unworthy of attention. and occupying himself most with the ideas of mathematical " You are still young. " and philosophy has not yet laid hold of you. — in ideas. of man. but he has felt the difficulty and sometimes thinks there must be an idea for every class of things that can be named." from the particulars. they mean that the reformed Platonic doctrine must involve an extended and not a restricted application of his earlier idealism an effort to see the philosophical meaning and significance not merely of abstract mathematics and of morals. if this rebuke anything.no classes of visible : PLATO natural objects Socrates has more often undecided whether to admit fire. And when Par- menides asks whether there are also ideas of hair. mud.

so long as we keep the " one " and the — " many " —identity and diversity — absolutely apart." If the ideas are simply posited alongside of the many ? particulars. if as " The difficulty arises even more clearly. which they may be said of the difficulty about The conceptualist way out . under the name of " the third man." though Plato does not explicitly draw it out. This seems to be the suggested lesson of the first criticism of "participation. 133 a). infinitum. that will raise difficulties exactly like those which Parmenides finds in the attempt of Socrates to treat the idea as spread out over the particular members of it like a sail over a number of men. we take " the formula which the Platonic Socrates also uses. perhaps. a simile such as underlies the logician's phrase " subsumption. and so ad links the one with the " is . what many The " idea of man posited to explain the common element in all men what links this idea of man with the many men ? We must posit some new common element." That the idea " one " and yet " many " is a or the class should be real difficulty. of to be copies (132 E. as if it were a familiar argument.. what are they ? If we say the class is real and yet made up of particulars. THE "PARMENIDES" we to in recognise " real kinds. and do not admit that the unity of a universal concept is a unity which includes difference in its very nature otherwise we have always the unities of our ideal world confronting the multiplicities of the sensible. and speak of the many particulars resembling or " imitating " the idea which serves as the model (nocpddaypa). is The second criticism (132 a) identical with that to which Aristotle alludes." as scientific thinking seems compel us to do.

But the conclusion of all these arguments is not to make Plato give up the theory of ideas. real the universals of science are merely concepts. because separate from the world of sense. this denies to us any real knowledge and denies also some kind of knowledge to God (133 b134 e). cannot be thoughts of nothing. but a more thorough working out of the ideal theory by means of more adequate dialectic The than the Platonic Socrates has yet employed. philosophy is impossible. without Berkeley's objectivity). the One or that the One is not . the intelligible world becomes the very world we cannot And if it is said that God knows possibly understand. God " to supply or the theory " is meaningless. What is needed then is not a renunciation. then the world is resolved into mere concepts (" idealism in Berkeley's sense. if they are to explain things. as Plato puts it (132 B. cannot be known by us and therefore explain nothing.1 1 PLATO had not escaped the notice of Plato. universals His Socrates suggests that the ideas to this may be thoughts only and have no other existence except in our minds. If there be not an idea of every one individual thing (135 b). The last and greatest criticism is one often repeated by Aristotle that the ideas. it But If " is objected that these thoughts. while we know only what is relative and the phenomenal. Just as in the Kantian dualism. or that the One is . ideas. c). specimen of dialectic which follows between Parmenides and " the young Aristoteles " is clearly meant to have some bearing on what goes before and the conclusion — : of it is that difficulties arise from positing either that is. These thoughts of nothing will be thoughtless or foolish thoughts.

that it pro- appeals. as already we should not look for the theory there. Rest and Motion. The fact that the Ideas are less named in the later dialogues than in the middle period should only lead us to look for the expression of the same doctrine under other terms. (1) The doctrine in of ideas is certainly not given up. abstractly cut off from one another. as has sometimes been suggested ( 6 ). that there is a sense in which Being is not. theory of ideas. and what modifications should we expect to find in the dialogues which we have placed later than the Parmenides ? On this question I find myself obliged to differ from many of those who arrange the dialogues in the same order. but as is declared to be indispensable to the possibility of any certainty that used in knowledge. This theory as a final solution is expressly repudiated in the Parmenides. That is he puts more positively in the Sophistes (249 d). and who regard the Parmenides as marking a change in Plato's thought. as One is not one. and the level of thought to which fessedly said. From the criticism of (2) The later theory of ideas . The subject-matter of the Laws. in language as decided the Cratylas (440 a-e) or the Republic. must not be treated as We must admit.THE " PARMENIDES M one. or that the 113 to say. What then is the result of this criticism on the it . cannot be conceptualism. make it quite natural. Being and Not-Being. and Not-Being is. against the authority of Parmenides himself. we admit the unity of opposites even in the case of must ideas: One and Many. (3) Nor is the later theory a substitution of " transcendent " for " immanent " ideas. Like and Unlike.

" are criticised by the very same argument (4) which Aristotle alludes (Parm. 991a. not a restriction. and inorganic substances such as fire. The rebuke administered by Parmenides to the youthful Socrates leads us to expect an extension. Aristotle cannot have believed a change of this kind . 21). 132 a. of the theory. if Aristotle's criticisms relate specially to the later the theory (which seems to for he puts the phrase me very in doubtful). and that the difficulties arising from this latter dualism can only be got rid off" by showing. and it of to as " the third man form may also be noted that. In the Philebus (15 a). in the cases of the ideas themselves (6) Plato . " imitation " and " particithings. That these are the ideas specially mentioned in the Timceus arises merely from the subject-matter of that dialogue ( 7 ). " participation " ([jArtyjiv) and the phrase " ideals " (vrapafeiyftaTa) together in the same objection (Met A 9. d). (5) The later theory cannot involve a restriction of the ideas to natural types such as organic species. flesh. § 18. the Parmenicles The later theory cannot be a substitution of " ideals which things imitate " for " ideas in which things participate " or " which are manifested in The two phrases. as examples of ideas. seems to hold that the separateness of the ideas of opposites from one another (Parm. 129) goes along with and accounts for the separateness of the ideal from the phenomenal world." are all named together." " beauty." " good.ii 4 PLATO we should expect the very reverse an attempt to overcome the difficulties of an abstract separation of the ideas from the things they are meant to explain. etc." pation." "ox. "man.

are not absolutely exclusive of one another. that the One is the Many. " PARMENIDES " 115 on purely logical or metaphysical grounds). Parm. to find the new metaphysics of the second part of the Parmenides and of the Sophistes accepted in the later dialogues." and of things as participating in them. In the and most explicit statement of the difference between The old problem his earlier and his later metaphysics. that Being and Not-Being. if he is really to explain the world of sense.THE (i. Philebus (14-16) we have Plato's clearest find. and if he is . then.e. should expect. The separation (rb x u P'% eiv as Aristotle calls it) was more in (hddeg or ftovddss he calls . and does not now seem important to Plato compared with the deeper problem of the relation between the ideal unities and the multiplicity of the phenomenal world. ' > the mythical or pictorial expression than in the essence of his thought and the new dialectic is in one way but a development of the old. and applied We and the And this is precisely what we do sensible worlds. and spoke of them as " present in (or with ') things. Likeness and Unlikeness. That difficulty has long ago been overcome (cf. really to explain the possibility of error (for to Bay . 129 b). Still he had left a gap which caused difficulties. 15 A) over and above and apart from the world of phenomena but all along he meant them to explain that world. In the earlier stages of his theory of ideas Plato had been content to assert the reality of a world of unities to bridge over the gap between the intelligible them in the Philebus. and that the Many is the One. Rest and Motion. about the One and the Many was the problem of their combination in the world of phenomena. He now sees that.

477 a) Plato had been content to assign Republic Not-Being to Ignorance it was the unknown and unknowable. which must be combined with " the same " (ravr6»). which in some way must be " of the Sophistes (241 d). to express the same notion. he must overcome the absolute antithesis between Being and Not-Being. in the light of the more strictly philosophical statements. The problem is stated and. The Timceus puts the solution in the form of a myth. 26). i. 52 b). § 10. Mere space or that in which " phenomena come into being is " the other " (ddrspov). the absolutely meaningless and unreal. Met. The " more or less " or " unlimited" of the Philebus is the same notion. which we must interdistinction pret. so far as we can.n6 that all all PLATO that we know is illusory would be to abolish between truth and error. must be regarded as but another attempt. 9876. A 6. in the Parmenides. So is "the others" (ra\\a). And " the indefinite dyad " (or " twoness "). the Permanent and the Changing. in order that any concrete thing may exist (Timceus). (v. though not used in any of In the Plato's writings. Plato's later philosophy is the attempt to do this. as opposed to the One. Now he has come to recognise that it must in some way or other be known " by a kind of spurious thought " (Xoyia/uu rivi voQu. so far. as much as to say that all appearance is true). So is "the Not-Being. is a formula in Pythagorean fashion. solved metaphysically in the Sophistes and the Philebus. which. the One and the Many. Tim. which he had inherited from the Eleatics. though not a Pythagorean formula (Arist. sense) are all of one " Plato's various attempts to deal with this problem of Matter (in the Aristotelian and the same kind. : .e.

are limit " (rr'epa. partly because carrying out of his great principle of the manithe festation of the ideas has become more important than of Ideas . again. is The assertion of We not now put forward as in itself a soluhear more of the problem of systematic Its importance had already been asbut the Sophistes and the Politicus and the Philebus (cf. Plato has advanced a great Ithe way in the direction of what became Aristotle's philoPlato has not given up the doctrine sophical position. despise. Tim. The Philebus is the world of Ideas ( 8 ). 37 a. a philosophy of Nature. . e." which already in earlier dialogues he had pronounced to be the busiclassification. serted in the Plicedrus (265 e) . d) are the first The seeming artiserious attempts to deal with it. 16 c.THE "PARMENIDES" Thus Plato interest in 117 an be- in his later philosophy has acquired " the necessarily imperfect world of coming" which he had previously rather tended to Hence his non-Socratic attempt to construct.. but we hear less about them.. " It merely takes on a new form. Hence though his concessions to human infirmities and ignorance in Laws. with apologies. the mere assertion of their reality. The Aristotelian " Categories " may 1 1 be found in germ in these later dialogues (cf. But in all this the doctrine of Ideas is not surrendered.g. ficiality of their divisions and subdivisions must not blind us to the historical significance of this endeavour to carry out into minute detail this "distinction of tilings according to their kinds.) of the We are expressly told we speak This of is in this dialogue (16 c) that all the things compounded of limit and the unlimited. In other words. their reality tion. The Phileb us. almost formulates Aristotle's doctrine of " the four causes " (23 c-e). b). ness of dialectic.

but it seems to sum up the result of what he holds. p. 185. it helps to remove a great and known to the senses and to fleeting many of the difficulties which Platonic scholars have raised about the apparent inconsistencies in various statements of his theory. p. The phrase is not his. § 2. a semi-mystical use of mathematical formulas instead of advancing to the modern science of Aristotle. (See above. I think we are entitled to say that for a hard-and-fast dualism Plato has been endeavouring to substitute a doctrine of degrees in reality.) If we put together the various modes of expression that we find Plato adopting in his later dialogues to describe the relation between the ideas which are the object of philosophical knowledge and the changing world that is ordinary opinion. moreover. But the language of Plato remains more distinctly Pythagorean than Aristotle would approve and this Pythagorean aspect of Plato's theory was what probably affected most strongly that group of his disciples who fell back on as a combination of form . The " ideal numbers " are expressly said by Aristotle (Met. And if this interpretation of his later doctrine can be adopted. 11) to be an addition to the doctrine of "those who originally maintained that there were ideas. (See below." We have.) Are there ideas of things earlier statements of his theor}^ Plato and imperfect ? In his had spoken as . Are there ideas of manufactured things ? Not in the same full sense as that in which there are ideas of organic evil species or of moral qualities or mathematical relations. 98.n8 PLATO just the Aristotelian conception of the individual thing and matter. M 4. Aristotle's testimony to the Pythagorising tendencies of Speusippus. 10786.

many of them. only arrived ( ). aside as no . opposites such as good beautiful — with his attempt to recognise the relative reality of not-being. while he reproduces very arguments ? The only satisfactory solution seems to me to be that the arguments were Aristotle's own to begin with. and ugly. as we have them in the Metaphysics. can never be as fully known or possess (or. at later can be said here about the relation of the Parmenides to Plato's other works. This. 200 A. we know its idea.D. the greatest of the ancient commentators on Aristotle (circ. but as having a kind of form or system which admits of more or less adequate description. was implicitly recognised states in the account of the corrupt in the Republic. The arguments. which were not merely put but the theory of knowledge which justified this treatment was. the same " validity ") as the perfect. We know an imperfect state or society. stood on the same level taking a somewhat abstractly logical view of the problem. so far as we know anything. are. There remains the difficult question of its No more relation to the criticisms in Aristotle's Metaphysics. But still. I think. he can allow better for grades of perfection and imperfection.). not as a The imperfect the same reality mere anarchical chaos. Now. or more of the unlimited and imperfect.J states at all . I think. The world of sense is not an illusion. What is to be said of the silence of Aristotle respecting the Parmenides. just and unjust. we should rather say. Alexander of Aphrodisias. for instance.THE "PARMENIDES" if 119 and evil. spoken of as if they were old familiar criticisms. tells its . but can be known in varying degrees in proportion as it contains more of definiteness and perfection.

and raised difficulties (anoplai) sufficient to induce Plato. It has been objected that. and not merely taken down from his lectures. and that youth Aristotle.. Plato's recent absence solutions ? from Athens. and a critic to 10 whom Plato was ready to listen ( ). elaborate philosophical work at twenty-eight. Aristotle was still too young to have made himself the critic of Plato. according to the best authenticated account. It is not neces- . as already said. who had never yet shown any trace of " dogmatic slumber. ill-edited jottings which are called the Metaphysics were written down by Aristotle — if indeed they were written by him. at the age of seventeen. Need we be astonished if a Greek youth of eighteen or nineteen. and his possible association with the Eleatic school during his visit to the west. The objection seems to me invalid. and he may have found the doctrines of Plato's middle period taught and accepted within the Academy in that more dogmatic form which an original philosophy so quickly takes among admiring disciples. with that keen eager temperament of his." to reconsider some of his earlier And. may have made him the more ready to make a fresh start in his attempt to deal with the problem of knowledge. in the year 367 B. should have shown similar precocity. Plato was probably still absent in Sicily when he arrived. Berkeley at the age of twenty was criticising Locke in his commonplace book Hume had published his most . even within the next few years.C." which may have been composed long before the rough. Aristotle came to Athens.120 PLATO us that these arguments had been used in a work " Concerning Ideas. which may have helped to wear out his body sooner than Plato's. the interruption in his regular teaching.

and has occurred to several Platonic scholars ( n ) but most of them have thought that Plato did not accept the criticisms of Aristotle. it may be noted. Now. I cannot agree." says Parmenides to Socrates. may not young Aristoteles " . he is evidently very ready to undertake the business (137 c). who was afterwards one of the Thirty. " heard you talking here with your day before yesterday " (135 d). and the venerable Parmenides stands for the more developed which makes Plato remodel " his theories. 275 d). or even in Athens generally. would fit in with the view that the criticisms of the Parmenides owed something at least to the objecIt tions raised by Plato's brilliant pupil. answer a question Phcedr. if the youthful Socrates is here I when friend Aristoteles the . would be carried on by the dull medium of books. The theory that the arguments the . as has been shown. to suppose that Aristotle " published : 121 " a it is absurd to think controversial volume at once that all controversy within the Platonic circle. that cannot (cf. the representative of Plato's dialectic own earlier views. In that view. indeed. why be a kindly allusion to the argumentative youth wdio helped to put Plato on a fresh track ? The conjecture is a very tempting one. or that he supposed he had answered them without altering the theory of ideas maintained in the Republic. The young Aristoteles is chosen as the respondent in the dialectic discussion with Parmenides and. while it was possible to have the living interchange of thought which Plato preferred to the written word. if we could suppose Plato to be alluding to him by introducing among the persons of the dialogue " the young Aris" I toteles.THE "PARMENIDES" sary." noticed your deficiency in dialectic.

" we may suppose that Aristotle had found it necessary . 7. The only dialogue of Plato's referred to by name in the criticism of the doctrine of Ideas is the Phcedo. §§ 6. § 37. such as the lost work " Concerning Ideas. 992a. which contains the earlier and not the later form of the theory. unless we suppose that this part of the Metaphysics was simply edited from early papers of Aristotle's. how are we to explain the ? hostile criticism contained in the In the first place. does — with this guess about Plato's reason a possible contemporary of the youthful Socrates among the persons of the dialogue.C. : note the word rmg . it should be noticed that the criticism is within the school. must be observed that there are several indications that the persons criticised were not united in opinion. So that the criticisms must not be 9. 32). one uniform doctrine that is discussed. A 9. and if the later idealism of Plato approaches Aristotelianism in many respects." passage in Book Metaphysics M the Platonists are "they.) it Furthermore. 11 seq. Diogenes Laertius mentions not stand or for introducing a young Aristoteles — — eight Aristotles who attained distinction 12 ( ). Thus. The name "Aristoteles" would have a less definite suggestiveness to an Athenian about 365 B.122 PLATO in the first part of the suggested —in part at fall Parmenides were originally least by our Aristotle. But if the criticisms of Aristotle led Plato to a modi- fication of his theory. but a doctrine with several different and inconsistent forms It is not (cf. 990&." Pos- sibly this is a version by a pupil who had not Aristotle's personal affection towards his master. taken as necessarily referring to Plato himself. Met. than it has to us. In Book A the (In the parallel Platonists are spoken of as " we.

776 a). where the subject-matter has not the obscurity of the Metaphysics. § 15. § 11. 12656. 10. vii. concerned to most important of The method of the is Platonic dialogue survives in the Aristotelian lecture or treatise. all and.2). sion 13 ( ). we find Aristotle himself adopting a proposal to which he had raised objections when he found it in Plato's Laws objections. 6. vii. § 5. ii. because reactionary " friends of ideas. of Aristotle's we must remember of criticism.THE "PARMENIDES" to recall these latest years. were prominent in the contemporary Academy. 11456. it does not follow that he regards it as entirely mistaken. The whole discussion is supposed to be reported by Plato's half- — brother in the presence of his full-brothers to certain visitors from ClazomenaB. Pol. he bring out differences all. 1330a. Eth. the general character method . 1." 123 objections even in the lectures of his such as even Plato still had had to criticise {Soph. Just because of his is nearness in thought to his master. vi. v. 14 PL Leg. All possible difficulties are brought forward be thoroughly tested and the truth reached through intellectual conflict (cf. 745 c. Again. Can Plato have meant to .24. There are other problems which can be raised about the names in the Parmenides other than those arising out of the possible allusion to Aristotle. 248 a). Me. too. so far as the arguments may be directed against Plato himself. In the Politics. Because Aristotle raises objections to a statement. But the whole question of Aristotle's criticism of Plato would require fuller and separate discusin order that accepted opinions may — . what the criticisms are dialectical. which Plato had really done something to meet (cf. The name of Clazomenae suggests Anaxagoras to us.

in his philosophical was the meeting-place ? of Ionian and Eleatic and This may be thought too fanciful and in any case such guesses admit of no verification. proceed by the use of Zenonian dialectic to overthrow the strict Eleatic doctrine others " and to conclude that the One and " the both are and are not ? Why. . thoroughgoing application of dialectic leads to the correction of the onesidedness of the earlier doctrine. indicate that in his family circle. is it an Eleatic Stranger who in the Sophistes finds himself compelled to criticise his " father Parmenides " and to argue that in some sense Being is not and Not-Being Surely Plato means by this that a more is ? (241 d). school. may not Plato use a pupil's criticisms for the of his correction and development is own doctrine ? The wisest teacher ing : has not lost the art of learnand the criticisms of a bright pupil are perhaps he who the most valuable.124 PLATO i. again. If Parmenides may be represented reforming Eleatic doctrine by applying his pupil's This applies to Eleaticism . after criticising Socrates. A more important and profitable question is this Why Socratic thought : does Parmenides. and it applies to his own doctrine of Ideas. dialectic.e.

in the sixth century A.D. light or shadow " of Neo-Platonic Athens Plato is represented with the Timcvuv in his hand and this fitly symbolises the way in which Plato was regarded from the Alexandrian age until within the A modern editor of the book has last hundred years. " Not one of Plato's writings exercised so powerful an influence on subsequent Greek thought " and for " Greek " we might almost substitute " human " but when Mr. And even the revival of the study of Plato in Italy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was made under the interpretations. In Raphael's School of ." he is echoing the Neo-Platonic opinion. 125 . The discourse of . said correctly.— " CHAPTER VI The "Ti*leus" The Neo-Platonists regarded the Timceus as the most important of Plato's works.) it passed to the (probably Middle Ages and was almost the only work of Plato's known to Western Christendom until the Italian Renaissance ( l ). Archer Hind goes on to say that " the Timceus furnishes us with a master-key whereby alone we may enter into Plato's secret chambers. and it was certainly the source from which flowed what later times regarded as In the Latin version made by Chalcidius Platonism. but disregarding the express warnings of Plato himself.

From Plato's own point of view the Timceus is a mere out-building and by no means the central shrine of his philosophy ( 2 ). sistent and accurate.126 PLATO " the Pythagorean Timseus professes at the most to be only a of probable fable as " (g/xoVa ^vOov. the same kind the 29 d) a " myth myths of the Phceclrus. apart from the significance which the work acquired in the subsequent development of Platonism. knowledge can only be of the eternal and immutable the world of becoming. we can produce one as probable as any other. let no one be surprised. and important place — it is because of the various theories contained in it . Republic. so many men have said so many things about the gods and the we should not be able to render an account everywhere and in all respects congeneration of the universe. Yet. d). The elaboration of a theory of the physical universe is but a recreation from meditation about eternal things. so that these matters we should be satisfied with the probable tale and seek nothing further " (29 c. the process of Strict . evolution as " we should say. belongs to the region of " after Opinion " If " or " Belief. it has a twofold interest for the modern student (1) It occupies an in the history of ancient science. But if we must on be content." says Timeeus." Socrates. remembering that I and you who are the judges are who am only men the speaker . between the cosmologies of these dialogues show how little claim is made to literal accuracy in such matters. a sober and moderate amusement which brings no remorse in its train (59 c). though is much more elaborately worked out and with more deference The various inconsistencies to the science of the age. it — " Phcedo. and Politicus.

— — . Aristotle's mistaken theory that the heart fancies. with modern science than Aristotle. indeed. many happy guess based on such as the spherical shape of the skull the sphere being the most perfect figure and its position of honour at the upper end of the body in man. but modified apparently by Plato's own reflection and observations. Yet we need not doubt to be the best that he gives us what he considered hypotheses that he knew of on these subjects. which are located respectively in the breast and below the diaphragm. He had not. It is Pythagorean natural philosophy. the movements of the stars. gives us one aspect of the latest form of Plato's thought. It was clearly choice and not incapacity which kept Plato from occupying himself with speculations about the visible universe.THE "TIMJEUS" about natural phenomena that attention from Aristotle exoteric it . the physician of Croton. and the structure of animal bodies. 127 it received so if much as an and (2) we treat it and not as an esoteric exposition of philosophy. In Timceus does not agree with what is to be found in those fragments of Philolaus which have most claim to authenticity and this disagreement is indeed a reason for supposing that these fragments may be genuine and not post-Platonic. Plato did not think it possible to attain more than probable hypotheses about the physical composition of the universe. This was taken to symbolise the exaltation of reason over passion and appetite. this is but a details the . when (perhaps following Alcmseon. Aristotle's vivid and eager interest Though he is more in accordance in the animal world. a younger contemporary of Pythagoras ( 3 )) he makes the head and not the heart the seat of intelligence.

528 E-531 c) and so in the Timceus the distances of the celestial spheres from each other are proportioned to the different lengths of the strings which produce the various musical notes. " Plato. This may seem mystical.128 PLATO was the common sensorium was made and defended in a more scientific spirit than that which regulated the psychological physiology of the Timceus. but it was a fancy of the same kind which guided Kepler in his study of the heavens ( 4 ). for facts is a necessary In Plato's view the two great branches of applied mathematics were Astronomy and Harmonics (Rep. not on stray anticipa- modern theories. In such a statement by there is perhaps some exaggeration for the Pythagoreans had anticipated Plato (as he himself acknowledges) in proclaiming the supremacy of mathematics and the Aristotelian passion condition of scientific progress. Plato's best claim to a notable place in the history of natural science rests. ." says tions of particular Jowett." . and to regard them as the differentiated forms of one indeterminate matter or hand. and earth depending difference in mathematical character. ciples " did more for physical science by asserting the his dis- supremacy of mathematics than Aristotle and their collections of facts. On the other problems of science that Plato attempted to go behind the four elements of Empedocles. it shows a real grasp of the ultimate potentiality phrase). but on his attempt apply mathematics at once to the ultimate particles to of matter. vii. the (if we may upon use Aristotle's more technical fire. difference between air. and to the movements of the heavenly bodies. Plato's astronomy is always astronomical speculation and not astro. water. to the explanation of musical sounds.

As a matter of philosophy (or. The traditional theogonies are referred to only in passing. No man. So it stands in the best MS. and must not settle questions dogmatically. but he ascribes it to the lower and not to the higher faculties " Herein is a proof. attains true and inspired divination. ists who lived has given the art of divination to the foolishness [and not to the wisdom] of man. On another important point Plato 9 . but it is not " superstitious.. and the omission of the " not in the others may be set down to the work of copyunder astrological beliefs." he says. does not deny the possibility of divination. prophecy requires the use of rational intelligence. " that God of the soul. The prophet is akin to the madman {iLuvrntr} But the interpretation of to fiavixy]. d). when in his wits. 244 c) ( 5 ). but of his understanding if when by the power is fettered in sleep or disease or he is demented by some divine possession Tim. e). " (hdovaiuc/xog. " which is one and only begotten " (31b).EUS" logy. about their own forefathers (40 D. Plato's cosmogony or cosmology may be fanciful. and with a clear note of irony." THE "TIM. Plato. Plato has no doubt of the ultimate unity of the universe. of metaphysics). 71 e). Thus the unity of the cosmos is maintained (perhaps against Democritus) not as a theological dogma but as the more probable hypothesis on physical grounds (55 c. Those who have told us about the generation of the gods profess to be the sons of gods and they must surely know . again. as we should say." as Bacon calls it. and only appear to be portents to " those who can not calculate their motions " (40 d). 129 The phenomena of the heavenly bodies are regulated by fixed laws. PJiobdr. but in the region of physical science we are in the region of probability.

the theories of pictorial and inadequate expression. with the notion of the earth as spherical. accepts it. inconsistent with the notion of the universe as in the universe. The unscientific thing would be to believe in an absolute up and down and yet to accept the notion of Antipodes for that would involve contradiction. . . where Plato intended it to be found. the Pythagorean astronomy. while seeking to . but in the philosophical conceptions. of which the cosmological myth is a of the Atomists.130 comes into conflict PLATO with the Atomists. what went before — the speculations of Empedocles and Alcmaeon the physician of Croton. not in the more or less lucky guesses about natural phenomena. They had accepted the popular notion of an absolute " up " and "down" It is This Plato rejects (62c). The details of the astronomy and of the physiology of the Timceus belong to the history of natural science. The with scientific consistency. and could only be discussed profitably in the light of Atomists. The early philo- sophers of Greece had unconsciously been dealing with logical and metaphysical problems. rejected the notion of Antipodes Plato. and the controversies of ancient medicine buried in the writings of various schools ascribed to Hippocrates. which may mean either " revolving " or " close pressed" round the axis of the universe) 6 ). The real interest of the Timceus is to be found. It is inconsistent also spherical. a solid body in equilibrium in the centre (whether fixed or rotating a matter on — which Plato has used an unfortunately ambiguous word. with scientific consistency. A mere comparison of what Plato says with what school children are taught nowadays about the physical universe is curious but unprofitable.

But to penetrate to his philosophical meaning we must go behind the mythological phrases. attempt to appears as Many. The age Plato and. Either alternative makes all definite assertion and therefore all science and philosophy impossible. But how ? Thought and language seem unfit for the task of explaining. in Platonic language.e. And yet it is these mythological phrases which have had the profoundest influence on later theologies and theosophies . clearly the metaphysical aspects of the old controversies between Ionian and Italian philosophers. 131 Apparently in Heraclitus and Parmenides there was a glimmering recognition of the ontological significance of cosmological phrases. prominent. . or tale to express the relation of the One to the Many — the problem with which the Parmenides left Being cannot be abstract unity.— THE "TIMjEUS" explain the physical world. and Plato takes temporary refuge in a parable. and the Many One. how Being manifests itself as Becoming it is a figurative solution of the antinomy between Eleaticism and Heracliteanism. of logic or meta- he is consciously transferring the questions about the One and the Many from the region physics to the sphere of the world of becoming. To tell how God created the world is. The One is Many. saw questions of logic. made questions about human knowledge. of the Sophists had i. which had already occupied him under different forms in his more important writings. This was the conclusion to which the Parmenides pointed. when he himself deals with physical problems. to struggle by a is Timams Plato's The show how the One : myth us. simply excluding and separate from the manifold particulars the manifold cannot be merely manifold and destitute of unity.

And being without jealousy he desired that all things should be as like unto himself as possible. whom the body was to be the subject. to be the ruler and mistress. " God made the soul in origin and in excellence prior to of and older than the body. And he framed her out of the following elements and on this From the undivided and ever changeless subwise. stance. For which reason. he put intelligence in soul and soul in body. be good and that. He was good and the good can never have any jealousy of anything. guage of probability. and that intelligence could not be present in anything that was devoid of soul. was fairer than the intelligent taken as a whole. that he might be the maker of a work that was by Wherefore. brought it from disorder into order. This is in the truest sense the origin of becoming and of the universe. . we may say that the universe became a living creature in very truth. and also out of that which becomes divided in material bodies. Now it neither has been nor is it right for the Best to do aught but what is the fairest and the Creator. found that no unintelligent creature. when he was framing the universe.132 " PLATO Let me tell you then why^the Creator made this world of generation. so far as might be. having received all that is visible not at rest but moving in an irregular and disorderly fashion. taken as a whole. possessing soul and reason by the providence of God " (29 D-30 b). as we shall do well in believing on the testimony For God desiring that all things should of wise men. there should be nothing evil. considering that this was in every way better than the other. he compounded a third and intermediate . using the lannature fairest and best. reflecting on the things that are by nature visible.

he made of eternity that abides in unity an eternal image. together also they dissolution of may be dissolved. And all these are portions of time. being was eternal but to bestow this attribute in its fulness on a created being was impossible. into the Same (34B-35A).THE "TIMiEUS" . even so he sought to make the universe (rods rb nav) eternal Now the nature of this [ideal] as far as might be. . being along with the heavens. he then devised the generation of them along with the fashioning of the heavens. elements of the Same. For whereas days. . for we say ' ' that and . Now. Time then has come into is ' was and ' . ' ' ' ' although it we unconsciously transfer them to the eternal Existence. and Existence. and was and shall be are forms of time that have come to be. . . to pa^s . and nights and months and years were not before the heavens came into being. the Other. that being generated together. and in his joy bethought him to make it yet more nearly like its pattern. 133 form of Existence (outr/a). and was and shall be are fit to be applied only to Becoming which moves in time. . even that which we call Time. and while he was setting in order the heavens (ovpavog) ( 7 ). hard to mingle. and are wrong ' ' in so doing . and mingled them into one form. whereas that is a living being eternally existent.shall be. " And when the Father who begat it perceived the created image of the eternal gods that it had motion and life. he was well pleased. for the}7 are movements. if a it them should ever come and . compressing by force the " nature of the Other. so he bethought him to make a moving image of eternity. partaking of the nature of He took the three the Same and of the Other. but in truth is alone belongs to it.

. In such passages may be seen the germs of phrases and ideas which were to grow into prominence in later Platonism and in the creeds and controversies of Christendom." and to be borrowed by Plato from Moses. which in his later philosophy Plato had discovered to be the only escape from the difficulties of an abstract dualism. the What Platonic Trinity has been much spoken of. the soul of the universe. Plato's words are. Not only among Alexandrian x" but among writers of a later age. this universe (noa/uog) has thus come into being. might most truly be called the Platonic Trinity is the synthesis of the Same and the Other. mortal and immortal creatures. a god all Having received most beautiful and most perfect. sees a forecast of the doctrine of the Cross. this one only-begotten heaven " (92 c). made up of the Same and the letter the Other and 'Existence'] in the form of (Tim. that like to it was made it might be as " as possible " (37 c-38 b). Justin takes this to be spoken of the Son of God. " He bent it [i. speaks of the inclination of the ecliptic to the equator as like the letter X (the Greek Ch). " He placed him crosswise in the universe. the fancy of the Christian apologist. greatest and best. perceptible. such as his earlier theory had Christians. whose brazen serpent prefigured the Cross of Christ ( 9 ). containing the things that are visible.e. 36 b). a living creature and visible.134 PLATO after the pattern of the eternal nature. the image of its Maker [or the image of the Intelligible] ( 8 ). and being thereby replenished. of the One and the Many. Some Christian theologians and philosophers have even been disposed to exaggerate the When Plato affinity between Plato and themselves. and to mean. Justin Martyr.

The trinity of Same. we find our best clue to its interpretation in the dry. we do not look for such — precise anticipations of Christian beliefs. which introduce or suggest the notion of emanation or a descending scale. If we consider the Timceus simply in relation to Plato's own theory of knowledge." The " One " and the which Aristotle refers as a Platonic doctrine. When Plato is studied in a more historical spirit than was possible to the Apologists of the second and third centuries. the Demiurgus. " of the PMlebus appear in the Timceus as limited — " the Same " and " the Other. "Reason" or "Intelligence" of the Philebus the " UnThe "Limit" and efficient cause of all things. technical language of the The Divine Artificer of the Timceus is the Philebas. Reason. Other. though it is not found in the works of Plato. God (or " the One "). and a second and a third a passage which Clement of Alexandria interprets as applying to the Christian Trinity ( 10 ). Unlimited. and the World-Soul. the king of all. moulded after a Pythagorean model. but the Timceus un- doubtedly furnished indirectly a large part of the metaphysical framework of Christian thought. and " Indefinite Dyad. must be another expression of the same antithesis. as of 135 of the Platonic of such triads . and Existence. cally Christian doctrines of the Trinity The specifi- and Incarnation are not to be found in Plato. the Soul or the Idea the Good.THE "TIM^US" But those who have spoken Trinity have more commonly thought suggested. or Limit." to . or to the Neo-Platonists of ancient or modern times. In the Second Epistle (which has of all the Epistles perhaps the least claim to be genuine or even an early forgery) there is an enigmatic utterance (312 e) about a first.

What in the Philebus was called the Unlimited (Indefinite). but absolute perfection of In the Leibnizian every particular is impossible. 41 B. expresses the principle that everything actually existing in the world of time and space. It may be asked. or " the more and less. . as Plato puts it (Tim. and that world itself as a whole. : . In speaking pictorially Plato has to use the language of time and space and thus he lays himself open to the objection that he seems to make the universe created in an already existing time and in an already existing space but. phrase (so apt to be misunderstood) the world is the best of all possible worlds. c) in language that almost seems to anticipate Spinoza and Leibniz ( n ).136 the PLATO Compound of the two. " Why should the One appear as many ? why should God make a world in which. if we translate his thoughts out of metaphor into logic. there must necessarily be imperfection and evil ? " Plato's mythical or theological answer is simply God is good and desired to make everything as like himself as possible. what he clearly means is that time and space are the necessary conditions of any manifestation or appearance whatever of the one absolute reality." is in . because it is a world of manifold particular existence. but which makes it impossible for us to know any concrete particular to temporal thing completely. many things that seem abstractly possible not being " compossible." The completeness of the world requires the existence of varying grades of beings. must be regarded as a combination of an ideal element that element which alone can be truly known or thought — and the matter or formless element which is necessary and spatial existence.

the real is always a synthesis of Limit (Form) and the otherwise Unformed. not by " a kind of bastard thinking " (Xoyi^u) mi sense. What in the earlier dialogues were called the Ideas are less prominent in the later group of writings. and existence has . i. that the Ideas must be Space with the formal element i. " The One is in some way the Many " (the conclusion to which he had come in the Parmenides and the Sophistes) means that not dependent on the arbitrary choice of a particular being. ever. Same and Other.— THE "TIM^US" the Timceus identified with Space 137 — that mere vague empty nothing in which nevertheless all things are. In order.e." That alone is what we truly know. We must go behind Plato's picture. is a unity which includes is a multiplicity which alojviov nevertheless a unity (cf. Tim. it is the mere " other " or extreme contrary of all we can properly know. or. but by vo0$. 52 b). The formless element is necessary to the concrete phenomenal existence of anything but per se it cannot be known. with " the Same " or " the Limit. The Same and the Other are not heterogeneous things artificially brought together. howidentified . Our knowledge has degrees. that we may know " Ideas " (in the plural) there must be some otherness in the One itself. however. must be united. As Plato came to see in his later philosophy. (ouc/a). It can be apprehended. even in the region of Ideas the opposites One and Many. and eternally manifested in Time and more in the phraseology of the Philebus. It seems quite clear. but that the only real world we can perceive and know.e. the only the existence of a world at all is existence or reality difference in it. —a : One and Eternal zUova) necessarily Thin. 37 D.

what Plato evil. These are merely " con -causes " (twama. Plato has not deserted the theory of ideas. Tim. and so we cannot accept any final solution of a Dualist or Pluralist kind. we have found The : necessary to the definite existence of anything. logical position is almost precisely form is what we know the combination of form and matter is what exists. And we may well ask whether any philosopher or theologian has gone much beyond Plato in these matters or has found any other answer than his. 46 d). We must know it also from the point of view of its end what Plato had called the Idea of the that of Aristotle — Good will in the of Republic. We hear indeed in the Timceus only of ideas of organic beings and of elements like fire but that is simply because — he is here dealing with nature and not with ethics . except by giving up the problem or by constructing what Plato would have called solved the problem of — " myths " or tales —treating of human free-will as something independent of Divine will. till we come to the mere empty space the not-being which. To understand anything fully we must not merely know its material conditions. how- — — . is here figured as the the Creator. PLATO The relations of abstract completely and exactly.138 degrees. ever. But to Plato all philosophy is the passionate desire for unity. into the concrete and material our knowledge becomes know most number we can As we descend more and more incomplete and inadequate. may not seem to have nor that of individual existence the problems that confront every theory that begins by assuming the Unity of the Absolute. or supposing some evil being who out of purposed malice frustrates the work of a benevolent Creator.

or the theory of knowledge.


There is an idea of every class of things just in so far as and according to the degree in which we can intelligently think and know these things. Both the One and the Many, the Same and the Other, enter into the Ideas, because these are Ideas and not merely the abstract One the one Idea of the Good. Yet all the many ideas are the thoughts of God not merely concepts in our minds, nor mere arbitrary concepts in a superior mind. They are, we might say, the differentiations in the one Idea of the Good. And, when we speak of God as making the world, we may therefore speak of him as making the things which to us are visible and tangible after the pattern of the ideas. The process of " becoming " (the evolution of the world as a world of manifold particulars from its one intelligent principle) is thus a continual manifes-

tation of the

ing stages.

One in the Many at different descendAs God to the higher and wider ideas, so

are these to the lower species, and so are the lowest
to the indefinite variety of particular things.

In the visible and tangible world the element of the other " is a necessary condition of the phenomenal but of everything, down to the lowest, the









" idea,"

while the irrational and unintelligible element
of "the other"


— of

matter, the mere recipient of form,


mere space. This may not be precisely the way in which Plato would have put together the scattered indications of the Sophistes, Philcbus, and Timcvus; but some such way of conceiving the universe must have been his in his later philosophy, if he really set himself to amend and develop his original theory of ideas in the light of the criticisms of the Parmenidt ?,


ideas, as already said, are not discarded.



were not objected to. But they are no longer abstractly cut off from one another and from things. And the process from reality to appearance is made one of degrees, not rendered inexplicable by fixing an absolute gulf between them.

The Soul


Plato's account of the nature of the soul or mind
his psychology, if






one of the most
of his discus-

puzzling parts of his philosophy.
sions of the subject are



in the



and mythical " passages in his writings and it always difficult to know how far the imagery is to be taken seriously. Plato's words have exercised so profound an influence on the modes of thinking about soul and body which we have inherited, that we are apt to bring to the interpretation of them meanings which may not have been his. As we have already seen (cf. above, pp. 79, 80), the term " recollection " must not be understood too literally. The " priority " of soul to body of which he speaks in the Timceus (34 c) and the Laws (x. 892 A, 896 c) ( x ) cannot be taken for time, process, change strictly as a priority in time only have a meaning in the sensible world. If we put his notion more in terms of modern controversy, time has for Plato no absolute existence the changing course of events belongs to the world of appearance, not to the world of ultimate reality. And yet, as Plato seems to have realised more fully in his later period, this world of appearance is not a mere illusion,



we wrongly take


to be the

whole truth of


it is

the appearance of reality.



manifested in the temporal, which
it forth.

imitates "




so Plato's

myths and parables

about the nature of the soul and its relation to the body must be taken neither as literally true nor as wholly false, nor as mere accommodation to popular belief. They are, in the language of the Republic (ii. 382 d), " lies of approximation." In the Lesser


—a dialogue which was known to Aristotle


Met A

29. § 9, 1025a, 6),

may very well

be Plato's


argued, in a spirit of genuine Socratic paradox,

that voluntary error

better than involuntary.


paradox, as Aristotle sees, comes from confusing the business of moral conduct with the work of the arts. In the arts the maxim is perfectly sound the voluntary discord, the voluntary missing of the mark, is

clearly better than

the involuntary.

heres to the Socratic identification of

But Plato advirtue and knowis

and therefore holds that the worst falsehood


the verbal

but the


in the soul,


error or ignor-

profoundly true, if we are taking a wide view of human life but it is dangerous,
a doctrine which


applied to justify deceit

by those who rashly and

dogmatically assume that they possess the whole truth. Of the verbal lie Plato permits two kinds one is the "medicinal lie," as when, for instance, we deceive a


or a sick person for his own good, and this the myths by which the uneducated are made In the to submit to the ordinances of the wise ruler. British Constitution all sorts of things are supposed to

be done by the king, which are really done in a more In a Republic all sorts prosaic and republican fashion.

" we must use the probable myth. " We must use examples or images in order to set forth sufficiently any of the greater things to we seem we are dreaming know. although in the fourth book . In the Timceus (69 E-71 a) he places the highest 246). but it is not the real knowledge of clear conceptual thought. and the desires or appetites below the diaphragm. gives us a kind of seeming knowledge. or impossible to utter in a language that has grown up to meet everyday needs. ix. All this is myth or man. a lion. our dreaming. Even the threefold partition of the 2 mind is not to be taken quite literally ( ). our picture-thinking." taking the visible things with which we are familiar as the symbols and shadows of a truth too hard to grasp. but when we wake up we know . Plato describes the soul of — —a man as a threefold being and a many-headed hydra (Rep." : attain or cannot express the truth or the whole truth.THE SOUL of things are supposed to be 143 done by "The People. ." individuals. the reason. which imitates the spherical form of the universe and is placed highest in the human frame the passionate or spirited element is placed in the region of the heart. symbol. Plato speaks of the soul as in its true nature one and not manifold. As he says in the Politicus (277 d). 80 b). as in the Phcedo (78 c. In the tenth book of the Republic (611 c-612 a). which are really done would have falsehood is by a few Plato called these useful constitutional survivals " or conventions noble of the lie But the other permissible approximation where we cannot lies. or as a charioteer driving two horses. in the head. for whilst nothing" that is to say (apparently). 588 b-e). one of a noble and the other of an ignoble nature (Phcedrus. part.

To account for discrepancies we cannot well resort to the exthese planation that Plato had made a complete change in his opinions for the Phcedo must belong to the same period as the Pltcedrus. else it could not be the world- — soul : it has in it the principle of " " the other " as well as the principle of the same. We must distinguish between the passages in which Plato is speaking more. It is only to carry out the whole spirit of his attempt to grapple with " the one and the many. although in the Phcedo they had been ascribed to the body (66 c). Unitv or self-consistency is the test of truth and good: . and therefore some " the same " mingling division or sundering of unity with "the other. In the Philebus (35 c) it is recognised that all the passions have their origin in the soul. and the tenth book of the Republic. 588 c) the rational soul has most of unity." It accords with this general view that the desiring or appetitive soul should be the most manifold in its nature. and to some extent intended to correct earlier views.) is not mere unity. soul in matter. a many-headed serpent (Rep. 35a seq. tion involves All particularisation or individualisa- some materialising. must nevertheless be earlier than the Timceus. In the Thecetetus (184 d) he guards carefully against the notion that the different senses exist separately beside each other within us like the Greek warriors in the Trojan horse." The world-soul itself (Tim. ix.144 PLATO (435 c-441 c) he had argued for the existence of separate faculties. mythically. and those which he is speaking less. though it may have been written at a considerable interval after the fourth book." if we say that he regards the appearance of diversity and multiplicity in the soul as arising from the immersion of .

the arguments seem to be of different kinds. But we can speak of them as not belonging to the soul. 895). If we separate soul and body. that the soul is selfmoving and therefore immortal and this argument is repeated in the Laivs (x. Be An. In the Phcedrus (245 c) the argument is. 10 . 29). i. i.THE SOUL ness. if we are thinking more metaphysically of the soul in its true nature. of the actual phenomena of the human mind known to us in our experience. 42 e). as . that portion of the world-soul which for a time animates a bodily frame. is not a predicate that belongs to the complex human person with his passions and cravings. the physician of Croton (Arist. we must think of the soul as the element of unity and of the body as the element of multiplicity although. to " the immortal prinsimplicity. It is a 11 argument that Plato probably inherited from Alcmaeon. and most of them quite unconnected with one another. We must speak of the passions and appetites belonging to the soul. 2. in strict truth. but only to " the ruling part " {Tim. if we are thinking. there is no unity at all in the world of time that is not mingled with an element of otherness. What then are we to say of Plato's arguments for the immortality of the soul and of those visions of the other world which have so greatly affected the imagination and the religious and philosophical beliefs of succeeding ages ? It is noteworthy that. whose . in the various dialogues in which Plato speaks of immortality. § 17. Plato came to see more clearly after the time when he wrote the Phcedo. 405((. as the as psychologist does. 41 c). in its relation to the world of ideas.e. 894. ciple of a mortal creature " The {Tim. 145 which Plato asserts of the soul in the Phcedo and the tenth book of the Republic.

that the not destroyed by its peculiar evil. .146 PLATO views were closely connected with those of the Pythagoreans. and elsewhere. In the tenth book of the Republic we find the curious argument its that the soul does not perish like the body. but prior to it and ruling it (Phcedo. The soul. 94. if an ethical application of the argument in the Phcedo which is directed against the theory that the soul is related to the body as the music (" harmony " in Greek means an ordered sequence of it we take as The virtuous soul. souls are not in their but persist because of Laws (xii. is not simply a condition or arrangement dependent upon the body. is The argument of the Republic. but not existence after death. does not kill it body wear out the bodily life. though it may be called more harmonious. Now these various arguments are not quite so distinct from one another as at first sight they might nature indestructIn the his goodness. is only in- telligible. Plato gives his approval to traditional beliefs. is not more a soul than the vicious. 959 a) the notion of a future life seems to be treated as a salutary doctrine which is to be believed. In the Phcedo the main argument up to which all the others lead : is that the soul participates in the " idea of life " Recollection alone would prove pre- existence. too. provided that they have a good moral and social influence. sin or wickedness. The body is a compound of material elements held together sounds) is related to the musical instrument. 95). that is to say. because as the diseases of the characteristic evil. because the legislator enacts it. In the Timceus (41 A) the immortality even of the gods is made dependent on the will of the Supreme Creator ible. own seem soul to be. it is there urged (92 E-94 b). .

The argument of the Phcedrus that the soul is the self-moving seems. that if knowledge is to be possible the mind in tinued personal existence . if we might so put it.THE SOUL : 147 only so long as it is in good condition the soul has a unity and simplicity more complete than the best condition of any organism." and a recognition that the self is in some sense an agent and the unity of of things. do not prove the existence of a future life. as used by Plato. which is Plato's it main arguments. means. indeed the first to be established (in the Meno). Some modern critics have urged that Plato's arguments do not prove all. in the Laws (x. it is the denial that consciousness is a mere product of the material. Tlato . or a mere " epiphenomenon. " The priority . when translated from poetry into philosophy. and has even more arguments in its support. where life and the power of Soul. to be but another form of the main argument of the Phceclo. the idea of the Good). except in connection with the doctrine of pre-existence. trine of all Idealism in the self the presupposition of all knowledge. visible world." as we have existence. nor is it any one of the ideas but it is. that the soul This comes out clearly participates in the idea of life. 895 c). we see from the Timceus. has always been seen.e. seen. as self-directed movement are identified. its own nature must. being more of a one and less of a many than any body or thing in the . nearer akin to the ideas. is not God (i. the immortality of the soul at in the sense of con- and some have even doubted whether they necessarily imply continued individual The doctrine of " Recollection. be " akin to " " the ultimate nature of soul to body is the docmodern phrase.

" that moral order which is the ultimate teleological explanation of the universe) that there should be a plurality of souls continuing in exist" . that he does not hold that the soul is in itself indestructible. may merely be said to fit in with the picture In the Laws we hear much of of transmigration. His arguments logically require only the eternity of reason.148 PLATO shows that the soul or mind belongs to the eternal world. we find . If we were to translate Plato's opinion into terms of modern natural theology." and the doctrine of Ideas seems left in the background but that is not because Plato has adopted monadism instead of idealism (as has been suggested). social. and metaphysics would be out of place in such a dialogue. of of souls as something fixed and unchanging. but only because the Supreme Creator has so willed it (41 A). where the mythical setting would excuse similar popular modes of expression. and religious. garded as not immortal in themselves. political. and not to the world of appearance merely. we might perhaps put it. " souls. no assertion of an absolute plurality of individual On the contrary. course. we find even the gods resouls. In the Timoeus. but that (the it may accord with the plan of Divine Goodness Idea of the Good." or such as Spinoza recognises as present in every particular and temporary mind. In the tenth book of the Republic (611 a) he speaks of the number This. of an immortal part such as the Aristotelian "active intellect. And yet Plato's language is not compatible with a purely Aristotelian or Spinozistic interpretation. but because the Laws is throughout a compromise with ordinary opinion. but that does not prove the necessity of a continued existence of every individual human or animal being.

. Plato found certain beliefs about the world of the dead more or less vaguely accepted in the public and official religion of Hellenic cities. Men. derived perhaps from Eastern religions. But after establishing his this same spirit that these beliefs are treated in the . demoralising. and certain more definite doctrines of transmigration and of future states of bliss and punishment taught in the Orphic and other mysteries. of continuous personal consciousness : all the souls. human we may society. and anti-social. before entering on a new have to drink more or less of the Plato's myths admit of being interpreted. affect the lives and destinies of those that shall be born hereafter ( 3 ). 149 world do not Even Plato's visions of another necessarily imply any survival life. if so express it. or at least influenced by them. In certain respects he found these beliefs mischievous. without looking beyond the wellperiod of earthly waters of forgetfulness. being of ethics. on a purely sociological he is ready to find a place for the belief in previous and future existence. he thought.THE SOUL ence. And so in the Republic he sets out to discuss the difference between right and wrong. and something from which even a brave man must shrink nor should men believe that the effects of wrong-doing can be escaped by ceremonial purifications and mystic rites of initiation. when that belief can be kept from perverting our ethical judgments as to human conduct here on earth. as simply a recognition that the deeds which men do now. and propagated in a purified form by the Pythagorean brotherhoods. It is in basis. in their ethical aspect. and can be made a help instead of a hindrance to social well-being. should not be taught to fear death as if it were in itself something terrible.

\ey6fuva) the soul has a change and a migration from this world to another. what men say (xara to. To the end he might perhaps have accepted the words which he puts into the mouth of Socrates in the Apology (40 c). he will gain greatly but if there be nothing after death. Plato does not speak dogmatically about a future life. 114 c) that the work of the noble soul is not ended by death. If his arguments prove a future life. The difference between right and wrong rests on no arbitrary fiat of supernatural powers it can be tested by the way in which conduct works out in its social effects. The subject is not one on which we can have certain knowledge but it is not one on which dogmatic denials are permissible. it must be taught that they cannot be propitiated by sacrifices.ISO PLATO : Laws. . Death must be faced courageSocrates is whether or not there be a future life for the individual. and that they reward the good and punish the evil according to their deeds. without respect of persons and. x. In any case Plato does not teach ously." Even in the Phcedo or utter unconsciousness. he will not distress his friends with lamentations. " Either death is a state of nothingness : . and his ignorance will die with him (91 b). There is " a great hope (Phcedo. 906 a). and saying and teaching that " the gods and demi-gods are our allies in the great conflict between good and evil " {Laws. and we may well express that by adapting our words to the prevalent opinion of mankind. though this is contrary to prevalent opinion. . But this difference between right and wrong is no mere matter of temporary human convention or of the convenience of rulers it rests on the ultimate nature of the universe. or according to prepared to face either alternative.

THE SOUL 151 the doctrine of Immortality in any such sense as to diminish the importance of political and social effort here on the contrary. . The philosopher may be compelled to live out his life as a stranger and pilgrim on the earth and a citizen of a merely ideal or heavenly city but that is not the most perfect life for strenuous living. he speaks of it are all intended to inculcate the need of Plato's " other world " in its strict philosophical significance (though perhaps he does not always keep this in view) is the truth and full realisation of this world. . not a world alongside of it to which the The best life. 497 a). he solitary saint or sage may flee away. vi. says distinctly. cannot be lived except in a suitable human society (Rep. the myths and figures in which . man 4 ( ).

" which is necessary to guide us so that. that the virtues are one. Plato's Socrates maintains that pleasure is the test of right conduct. p. . Yet towards the end of the Protagoras (356 d) he introduces the conception of an "art of measuring. Meno. Qorgias. In the Protagoras he maintains in an uncompromising form the Socratic doctrines that virtue is knowledge. feeling of pleasure. and that no one is voluntarilyand quite in the fashion of evil (Protag. and Philebus moral philosophy are the Protagoras. after all. e) Xenophon's Socrates. pleasure and " good " being identical. 345 D. In the Meno and Qorgias the simpler Socratic ethics are supplemented and modified by the presence of a Pythagorean element (cf. the ultimate appeal is to knowledge and not to the mere . — — . though with more dialectical and we might even say with more " eristic " ingenuity. we are able to obtain an intelligible picture of the development of Plato's thought on ethical subjects.CHAPTER Ethics and Politics VIII "Republic" —The The dialogues which are of most significance for Plato's Republic. In the Meno 152 . above. and if we assume. that the dialogues were composed in the order here given. 50). as we have good reasons on other grounds for doing.

ETHICS AND POLITICS the unity of the virtues is 153 maintained. for where are the teachers ? Neither the Sophists. . 72 c). 1 many . having no understanding. where it does appear. and it is all they appear to have but what security is there for its rightness ? " If not by knowledge. : : . Thus goodness or excellence. but by the grace of God without understanding {fcia divine ' . neither by nature nor by teaching. 327 E. a difficulty which had technical. nor the statesmen are able to give genuine instruction in the art of right Probably in order to meet living {Meno. . which is in politics what . . 361) is made more prominent in the Meno if virtue is knowledge." Right opinion may be a sufficient practical guide for most men. divination is in religion . grounds than in the Protagoras for the common notion which entitles things to be called by a common name is now seen to imply an ultimate unity of nature (the " idea " the word eldog is on the way to become Moreover. . who. yet succeed in deeds and words. 89-96). for diviners and prophets say say. Statesmen above said to be divine and inspired by God. things truly. already arisen in the discussion between Socrates and Protagoras {Protag. it must be capable of being taught but it appears not to be capable of being taught. . would seem to come. that men learn right conduct as they learn their native language from the people round them {Protag. the argument of Protagoras. but on deeper . but they And may we not know not what they truly call those men . statesmen must have guided states by right opinion (eMog/a). many great all may be . who profess to teach it. Plato's Socrates in the Meno (96e-98a) makes the important distinction between " right opinion " and true " knowledge. . 328a)( 1 ).

Cratyl. laying stress on the antithesis between soul and body and speaking of the body as the prisonhouse or tomb of the soul {Phaido.154 [Mipa PLATO ftapcLytvoiJAvri avsv vov). In the Gorgias virtue is conceived as the principle literary critic ( ) works by inspiration We of "harmony" is or order. he may be said to be among among the living the dead flit : what Homer says that ' Tiresias . was but He alone has understanding the rest as shades/ for he in respect of his excel- lence will be like a reality among shadows" (Meno. In fact in the Gorgias and Phwdo Plato seems to incline in his Cynic end of the Socratic scale and to Pythagorean element in his teaching. divine inspiration as in 2 the suggestion of the Ion that the certainly does not possess science. We must remember that the Phwdrus and the Symposium belong to the same general period. as in the Protagoras. fully 99 B-100 a). Pleasure is no longer. unless there be found among statesmen some one who is capable of educating statesmen. Yet we must not suppose Plato to be expressing his whole mind in either of these dialogues. to We is can see partly that the reference ironical. 400 b). And if there be such a one. and must be taken as balancing and supplying the necessary complement to the ethical severity of the Gorgias ethics to the accentuate the ascetic . Plato was evidently becoming more aware of the difficulties of the problem. because he can see also that Plato's mind was already occupied with the questions with which he deals explicitly in the Republic. taken as a test of goodness. and justice in particular is defined as proportional equality. 507 E. or concord The ideal of unity applied both logically and ethically (482 c. 493 A cf. Gorg. 62 b. 508 a).

These four dialogues indeed seem to fall complementary pairs. showing how through and from the love sensuous beauty the soul may be raised to the vision of ideal beauty. that Xenophon really wrote the somewhat crude Symposium that goes by his name. In the Republic. The Symposium and the Phcedo would seem to belong Socrates at the banquet and to nearly the same date. the later work. A characteristic difference between Xenophon and Plato. I think.ETHICS AND POLITICS 155 of and Phcedo. but there is no real inconsistency. into : Socrates awaiting death in the prison naturally touch on different aspects of life and of philosophy. that there are good pleasures as well as and that the highest and best life conceivable is not that of the good man in the evil state bravely . He bad. The was probably quite capable of both methods of improving the occasion but Plato's Symposium (which may indeed have been provoked by the less artistic production of Xenophon) undoubtedly introduces a metaphysical idealism which goes beyond the range of his master's . whilst Plato's Socrates makes erotic discourse an exhortation to the real Socrates pursuit of philosophic truth. -except perhaps in the puritanical treatment of art. recognises. in marked advance upon the position of the Gorgias. may be found in the fact that Xenophon's Socrates is anxious to turn perverted Greek sentiment into the healthier channel of connubial his affection 3 ( ). teaching. and represents Plato's maturer thought. Plato takes a wider view of all the aspects of human life than in any other of his works. and a proof. In the Gorgias rhetoric is altogether condemned in the Phcedrus it is treated The Phcedrus is probably as capable of noble uses.

The education that begins with habit and imitation must go on to the higher stages of science and philosophy. The vision of another life and the hopes and fears of divine justice are not allowed (as they seemed to do in the Gorgias) — to influence the proof that justice is better than injustice. The virtue of opinion is the only virtue that the mass of mankind can attain to (drj^onxn a?£r?j)( 4 ). that people learn right conduct as they learn their native tongue from all the society round them. ideal. But if society thus trains the young. is now fully accepted by Plato as one element in his social ethics. The philosopher is not to permitted to escape from the duties of citizenship." But Plato now recognises fully that the preparation for philosophic virtue must be through the training The of habit and ordinary unphilosophical opinion. argument that justice is the principle of social cohesion and the hope of immortality is only permitted to come in as the supplement of an ethical theory which is established independently of it. argument of the Sophist Protagoras. Virtue . The human body is regarded as deserving careful training for the sake of the soul. is knowledge. if we are to have rulers with the necessary wisdom. not an individualist. This in the Republic rests and stronger solely on the ." the ideal This is still the central doc- trine is and is commonwealth it in which wisdom to rule just a translation of into " large letters. But the business of the philosopher in the . how all . The Socratic ethics " are not deserted in the Republic.important it is that society should be rightly constituted and wisely governed. but they are developed. be if only the city will accept his rule.156 PLATO enduring suffering. but that of the good man in a favourable society a social.

can only work with good effect material and the importance of hereditary tendencies is recognised.ETHICS AND POLITICS good state is 157 to guide the opinion of the multitude. which had been raised in the Protagoras and more fully in the Meno. 9) nature. habit. though Plato. in his ideal state. The question. and the latter can only be built on the foundation of the former. Nay more. thus receives its solution in the Republic. mind and of the military class Wisdom is the special virtue of the ruling element in the mind and of the governing class in the state. whether and how virtue can be taught. Fortitude is the special virtue of the spirited or pas- sionate element in the in the state. The former is essential for all. The wisest legislator upon sufficiently good — — . We must distinguish the teaching which is carried on by obedience to custom and by training in habits from the teaching which takes the form of intellectual instruction. and intellectual enlightenment (<pv<ng. hthayj) ( 5 ). The doctrine of the unity of the virtues is not discarded in the Republic but it is supplemented by the recognition of diversity within the unity. Uog. Justice or we should rather — . And yet the steady rightness of mere opinion and popular belief is dependent on the guidance and direction of the truly wise. Temperance (" sober-mindedness " and " moderation " are perhaps better equivalents for Gutppoavvr}) is the due subordination of the lower mental and soci. lays more stress upon the last than Aristotle considers necessary or advantageous. we must have welldisposed natures to start with. Plato in the Republic thus distinguishes the three elements which go to the formation of virtuous character in the same way as Aristotle does in his Ethics (x.tl elements to the higher. Courage or .

No elaborate education required of the guardians of this second-best state but they must be trained to see the one in the many in this matter at least. four. is not expressly discussed in the Republic. iv. and makes religion altogether an affair : of the state. 433 a). and to recogIt has been argued that Plato is here expressly replying to a theory which involves the very Aristotle's Ethics ( 6 ) nise that the virtues. 963-965). the four " cardinal virtues. where Socrates exposes the evil consequences that result from separating piety from justice or righteousness. The reason may be sufficiently supplied from the Euthyphro." which seem to have been a generally accepted list before the time of Plato. The doctrine virtues is of the unity amid diversity of the expressly. which Protagoras the Sophist had named as a fifth virtue. Thus.158 PLATO say Righteousness is the unity of the virtues. — To Plato the notion of duties to the gods which had nothing to do with duties to mankind was specially abhorrent. instead of being simply merged " in knowledge or wisdom. for it consists. in each part in the individual and in society doing its proper work and not interfering with the work of the others. His ideal state has no separate and independent priestly caste he is a Greek of the age of free Greek republics. as in the earlier " Socratic dialogues. (xii. are also one. are all recognised as in some sense distinguishable. reasserted in the scientific Laws is . according to the definition at Avhich Plato arrives {Rep. though — improbable assumption that Aristotle had in Plato's . and which have remained an accepted list ever since. Holiness or piety. nor is any special place assigned to it in the soul or in the state. and one might think unnecessarily.

out of miscellaneous materials after Aristotle's death. But the main doctrine Pleasure. 582 a). and reason assigns the highest place to its own peculiar . cannot be the Cyrenaics held). it is is the same as in the Republic.ETHICS AND POLITICS lifetime published the Ethics 159 bears all —a book which the marks of being edited. the reason. but he approaches the subject of " pleasure with his distinction of " higher " and " lower already formed. according to the parts of the soul which they accompany and the pleasures of the highest part must be preferred to the pleasures of the lower parts. chief maintained. To return to the Republic — Pleasures are distin- guished in kind and degree of excellence. and badly edited. gives the pleasures preferred by the being Plato. the preference to John Stuart Mill. : good . and does not profess to find in the mere feeling of pleasure as such a sufficient criterion for the discovery of that distinction. It is and likely enough that Aristotle may in discussion with Plato have asserted his dislike for the general and vague ( 7 ) and insisted on the need of details and distinctions with an emphasis which led Plato to possible reassert his old doctrine of unity in almost the last words of his last writing. In the Philebus the analysis of pleasure is carried out with much more of higher faculties elaboration. pleasures (ix. is the only part capable of judging. and therefore on the special mode in which Platonists refuted Cyrenaics or other Hedonists but on (as the " indefinite " . The best life must contain both knowledge and the highest kinds of pleasure. because the highest part. like . Aristotle has some criticisms to make on the Platonic psychology of pleasure. for it partakes of the nature of the but neither is knowledge alone the chief good.

Speusippus. The Republic. does not perhaps produce the same feeling of artistic perfection as the Gorgias or the Phcedrus or the Sym- posium not so easily taken in as a whole. and before his care for artistic composition had begun to decline and it contains within it. we may say that Plato's more important with the Protagoras and ending with the Philebus. many who take it up with great . his politics. 6) 8 ( ).160 PLATO is the whole his view of the ethical position of pleasure the same as that of Plato in the Philebus. which disappears if we contrast Plato and Aristotle together with the Cynics or Cyrenaics. Stoics or Epicureans. when dialogue does. 13. save that Aristotle's " codification " of Plato and keenly asserted objections to various details give an appearance of ethical dialogues. Nic. owing mainly to its greater length. 11536. who denied that any pleasure was good. we are to use our modern post. If it all the various elements of his philosophy. his psychology. his ethics. and even. per On the whole. powers were fully developed. make a steady advance from the ethics of Socrates towards a position which differs comparatively little from that of Aristotle. as no other single his intellectual . in the elaborate persons myth " at the end. " contains his logic. § 1. It was probably written between the ages of forty and : it is " sixty. vii. though he shrank apparently from the Cynic paradox that pleasure was se evil (Arist. beginning difference. his metaphysics." But it is undoubtedly the greatest of Plato's writings.Aristotelian rubrics. first some part of his astronomical views. On a reading. Eth. Both Plato and Aristotle disagree with the more extreme and ascetic theory of Plato's successor.

is treated of. indeed. in parts necessarily paradoxical. since such a commonwealth once on each successive reading . Plato's ideal state has served as the model for numerous imitations but its lessons for the world are very far from being exhausted. and all of them lead up into the ultimate questions of. yet the joining of some of the divisions is left a little rough. But the answer to the of justice question is found in the construction of an ideal commonwealth and. ing ethics as essentially social or political ethics. necessarily connected. Plato is only following in the steps of Socrates as he is represented to us by Xenophon and here we may feel toler: ably confident that Socrates. The subjects of justice.1 ETHICS AND POLITICS expectations 161 It may feel some disappointment. But. knowing and being. of political and of education are. we may are merged in politics and in metaphysics. education in the fullest sense say. It is very possible. is ethical . that it may have been written at intervals. the Republic cannot : make its best impression all at its depth and variety are more disclosed. — . in Plato's view. may un- seem arbitrary. in parts tedious. we are dealing with the historical Among the questions which " Socrates was is always asking. and the connection between the different portions may appear hard to trace. and though it was probably planned as a whole. like many of the greatest works of art. Only a few points can be touched on here. but the ethics The dialogue. slight. involves the rule of trained philosophers. In regardinstitutions. The professed subject of the dialogue is the nature an ethical problem. and even the elaborate but concealed skill with which its different parts fit together. Xenophon names 1 What a state \ .

and may have thought he merely heard a Conservative politician objecting to the extreme Plato. i. i. we cannot define righteousness or justice without thinking out a whole definite society. has not seen the full consequences of defining virtue as knowledge (cf. What law and custom conception of citizen. He is the citizen of a state which and may be a pattern laid up in heaven. 332) is a definition of justice which might satisfy the ordinary man who is content to take his notions from traditional beliefs. urged. as it was one afterwards to satisfy the Roman jurists. p. Nevertheless. the difference between ethics and politics. § Socrates defined justice as acting according to 16). . is the true inheritor of the whole philosophic treasure of Socrates but it grows greatly under his Plato is more fully aware than Socrates of handling. above. and it The sentimental cosmopolitanism or anarchism of Cyrenaic and Cynic were deviations from the central Socratic teaching spirit in — exaggerations of the independent which Socrates judged his own people with their prejudices and limitations. But it is . iv. as has been already democracy of Athens.1 62 is PLATO a statesman ? What is government ? What is a character capable of ruling ? " (Xen. " Giving to every one his due " (Rep. He sees that the good man is not necessarily the good citizen of any every state. Mem. 56). was part of his the good man that he must be a good (ibid. 4). When Socrates said that should belong not to those who were political elected or chosen by lot. but to those who knew how to rule. 1. Xenophon was probably unaware of how much office was involved. 331. Xenophon has almost certainly made Socrates more bourgeois than he was : he has toned down or overlooked his paradoxes.

in all ages. do indeed represent more serious attempts to grapple with the difficulty. Rep. or some conceivable. has been of an artificial and some- what inverted way another. He sees that the details must be filled in. Sophistic theories. i. . their mutual dependence upon one views from these. Mem. To make justice dependent on a contract is a circular definition for whence comes the obliga- what is his own. But. wise from foolish government. and (2) the abstract doctrines of the new rationalism which appealed away from convention to a "nature" that might justify least in Utilitarianism either the sentimental anarchism of individualist philo- . Sophistic theories. whatever we maintain to be just or right. or. by which he corrects alike (1) the merely traditional acceptance of political and religious usages and beliefs. like that which defines the just as what the government commands (just am est quod jussum est. iv. This is the " of Plato. society. the social contract theory. we are without any criterion to distinguish just from unjust. Suum caique. tion to fulfil contracts ? Practically. as it distinguishes the views of the Xenophontic Socrates from those of the Sophist Hippias (Xen. stating the necessarily social nature of mankind. is that Plato is not content with a vague abstract formula. and that. 4). 359 a). 340 A) or that which explains it as arising out of a social contract (ii.ETHICS AND POLITICS of those popular explanations 163 off the which only staves question it professes to solve. if we define the just as what is commanded. must be shown to produce Plato's But what distinguishes harmony and strength and at " stability in some actual. But and who are to count when we speak To answer these questions we must think out of each ? a state. let us say.

call it. is of a city-state of the usual Greek size that Plato is thinking." And this is true of all Utopias. which respected nothing but successful fraud or To know what is just we must look at " the large letters " we must think out a society or community of human beings. as . Slavery and the constant possibility of war . iv. force. and the models for the most fanciful rearranging of these materials must come also from the It hints and suggestions of that which already exists. And we find that the essence of justice consists. This is the Socratic test of utility. The Platonic republic has often been spoken of as if it was the typical representative of fantastic and unpractical dreaming the outcome perhaps of "the genial cups of an Academic night-sitting.1 64 PLATO sophers or the unblushing egotism of the man of the world. : but in each individual. and in each part of the individual nature. 433 A)." It was a useful corrective of such a notion when Hegel ( 9 ) said that Plato was only giving the essence of Greek political life " No one can escape from his own age the spirit of the age is his own spirit likewise. The creative imagination. unless in so far as they have been mere literary followings of Plato's. we cannot create out of nothing it can only use the materials which the actual world of experience supplies. working : for the efficiency and well-being of the whole {Rep. The framer of ideals translates into a form that can be grasped by — : the imagination tendencies that are implicit in the society round him. It is an ideal of duties rather than of rights it is in the strictest sense of the term a " socialist " and not an individualist ideal. but corrected and systematised by the Pythagorean idea of harmony. not in each receiving what is his due.

it But — ing series of imperfect constitutions in the eight li of the Republic. and despotically governed Syracuse the actual states which are most prominently suggested to our minds by his description of the descendPlato. Plato's is a Lacedsemon. And it is the combination of various elements never before put together. and even in drilled Sparta half the population. taken for granted. cities are 165 we might say. want of training for a statesman's duties. democratic Athens. and the bold working out of the principles suggested by actual its institutions. — — — corruption. the political struggles between rich and poor. wealthy and oligarchical Corinth. inspired and guided by the philosophic wisdom which condemned Athenian democracy. the women. which make new compound. must be added. something many respects . an anticipation of future endeavour. a source of weakness and . and not a mere summing up of the past. want of discipline. must be reckoned among his models. which give to in Plato's ideal state a unHellenic. left undisciplined. It has been said of Dante's idealisation of the Holy Roman Empire in it strange and paradoxical aspect. but which Spartan barracks would never have tolerated and could never have produced and the evils which Plato's ideal state was intended to correct were just those with which he found the states round him inadequately trying to deal individual self-seeking and ambition.ETHICS AND POLITICS with neighbouring ideal republic. was not thinking only of military Sparta. the corrupting influences of wealth and of the envy of wealth. and the Egyptian caste system without it ( 10 ). and ninth books The Pythagorean religious brotherhoods within the Greek world.

1 66 PLATO . § 18." his proposed abolition of private property and the private family. his a De Monarchia. if classed with such modern communistic schemes as aim mainly at making the material goods of life accessible to the majority. 5. or in the ideals the clergy of the Latin Church as reorganised by Hildebrand." that the supremacy of the clergy. Property cares and family ties are put aside as interruptions and temptations. Catholic and Puritan " spiritual independence " which means the saints. is indeed greatly misunderstood. Substitute " Church " for " State. capitalists and "bosses. and getting rid of the restrictions which kings and priests. that it was prophecy " ( n ) we might it an epitaph instead of invert the phrase and " apply to Plato's Republic. since it claims for the ecclesiastic the final right to decide what are spiritual — . and he either does not apply it to the class of manual labourers or does not seem concerned whether it is applied to them or not (cf." and the supremacy of the ministers of religion for the rule of philosophers. ii. the criticism in Arist. Plato's communism is a system of restraint and prohibition on moral grounds." have imposed on the free enjoyment of the proletariate. Plato's — 1264a. 14). "communism. and we can see how Plato's republic is a prophecy of the ideal which has always hovered before the mind the "reign of of ecclesiastics. hindering the higher life of the individual or interfering with devoted service to the community. Plato's state. If we are to look for later parallels to we shall find them of in the rules of monastic orders. Pol. Such proposals Plato would probably have classed with that extreme democracy which prepares the way for tyranny the worst government of all.

and even of some that appear inconsistent with one another. But as Plato's perfect commonwealth results from the combination of diverse and seemingly opposite tendencies in the society round him. moreover. like Plato's " guardians. with the suppression of the order in 1768. Plato himself. The Jesuit fathers. the rulers recruited indeed from Europe. Its significance for the future as is certainly not exhausted by the parallel of the Church or of energetic religious orders. detailed system. but free. If 167 we look for a definite attempt to realise the Platonic commonwealth in a we shall find it best in the hundred and sixty years' rule of Jesuit missionaries in Paraguay. any relaxation of the ruling caste could only be followed by decay and even Plato's guardians were not a separate caste in the same sense as the European missionaries among American natives ( 12 ). of the authority As in the Platonic state. was willing in his declining years to . Probably the Indians of Paraguay were never happier than under the paternal despotism of this new powerful Pythagorean brotherBut when the Jesuit mission was withdrawn." from all ties of family or private property. combining sovereign power. and regulated the marriages of their flock with considerable precision. nothing that could live They had planted and grow when left to itself. the effects of their rule quickly vanished. we shall see. man- aged all the property of the country on communistic principles. hood.: ETHICS AND POLITICS things and what temporal. Here we have a higher caste ruling an inferior. so may it be regarded as the foreshadowing of more than one of the ideals of later times. picked men carefully trained by a severe intellectual superiority with discipline.

apply that in his guidance of the state. handed down to them from the inspired wisdom of the corrupt past. He ." but students of biological heredity race of among those scientific who try to make an and capable to the inattentive world realise that a healthy human beings is as much worth cultivation as a good stock of horses or status of " cattle. Plato is often misrepresented. is The equality of the sexes " not his watchword. With regard women. and translate his philosophic state into a to substitute a severely reformed popular theology for strictly philosophical truth. 425 and Polit. If we think of Plato's bold proposals with regard to the breeding and rearing of citizens. is rules (cf. we see that his modern disciples in this matter must be sought.1 68 PLATO humbler version. We do undoubtedly help ourselves to understand Plato's " philosophers " by comparing them with the better representatives of a dominant Church. he has to make his own Rep. is that " what is most useful sacred " (Rep. But we must not merely a to stand also remember that of disciplined Plato's philosopher is man strenuous obedience to principles : moral character and he is also supposed on the highest his business to level of scientific attainment. . The ecclesiastical statesmen of the Middle Ages or of Puritanism were expected to apply to it is and human society a fixed and authoritative code. iv. not to be tied by fixed code from time to time is principle v. 294) and the main Platonic . When he wrote the Republic he was less ready for any compromise with the ordinary world and even to the last he holds up the rule of science and philosophy as the ideal. The Platonic statesman . not among ecclesiastics who do not look beyond tradi- tional " prohibited degrees. though it may be unattainable. 458 e).

2-5) and Aristotle's objections are the more significant.small compact Hellenic city an ideal of unity. i. or lose the services of those why the state should women who are capable of doing work for the public. however. the " city of there is — God. unless it is put forward in a dull fashion and a fat volume." Aristotle holds. we see. between the government of a household and the government of a state ( 13 ). however little realised.. of a Church that claims to be universal. he does not see what are usually considered such as weaving and cooking. moreover. like the parts of a single human body. ETHICS AND POLITICS thinks that. has carried out the idea which Xenophon's Socrates holds. that even if Plato's . Plato has suggested some very hard and still unsolved problems in a light and airy way. v. Aristotle objects to the end which Plato has in view plete that — the ideal of a unity of the state so com- it would leave no difference between state and family. men can do better on the average (Rep. why the public discipline of half the population should be neglected. because they come from a writer living in the same Greek world and breathing the same free intellectual atmosphere. But. Plato. although men on the average may be superior. Plato is putting forward an ideal of unity which Aristotle regards as impracticable even for the . save in degree. The defects and difficulties in Plato's ideal scheme have been pointed out by Aristotle with a minuteness to which modern criticism can add little (Pol. D). and would even seek to make the citizens feel themselves members one of another. which has remained the ideal. 455 c. even in 169 women's occupations. that no difference. There are strange people who think that an argument need not be taken seriously.

but on the scientific doctrine of heredity. nor on an unalterable caste system. citizens fitness . the means he line proposes will not attain The hard-and-fast drawn between the ruling class of guardians and warriors and the subject class of workers will make the state not one but two it will be like a garrison supported by a conquered population {Pol. not on the custom of inherited privilege. which teaches that men are not born equal. . provided it could be brought back to primitive moderation. though he has touched on it but slightly. at least. perhaps. says of private property. so that The advance and degeneration are both possible. of individuals according to proved worth is a difficulty in all societies and Plato has not altogether forgotten it. as in Solon's days. 5. and from his readiness to appreciate more favourably the good elements and the moral discipline of ordinary family life and the care Improve people's characters. ii. which comes from Aristotle being completely sioned about the barrack virtues of Laceclaemon. lectical — the extreme adverse case put forcibly in order may be tested.170 ideal PLATO were a right one or a it. Aristotle's arguments against Plato are partly diafor Plato's aristocracy rests. raising. and still more. or. the proper lowering. and from his greater sympathy with Athenian democracy. possible. 24). from one class to another according to their it must be remembered. 1264a. . Here the modern critic will generally agree with Aristotle. § 20. that the truth But there is a real and disillu- great difference in their attitudes to political questions. will wish with him that Plato had said more about the transference of . but which teaches also that variations are found among the offspring of the same parents.

and upon practice and habits but he refuses to give up the Socratic doctrine (which even Aristotle is willing to retain. the Socratic doctrine that virtue is knowledge is the starting-point of all Plato's ethics and politics. city making a fresh start. . Plato himself has practically admitted the force of most of them by writing the Laivs. ring. has a wider range of influence for its unrealised ideal has appealed not to the Greeks only nor to Plato's own age its lessons are not yet exhausted. To appreciate the Socratic doctrine we must . though in a more modified form. Plato.ETHICS AND POLITICS Aristotle. and constructing a model that might conceivably be imitated by some actual Greek colony or by any other such The Republic. . 171 and you will do more to promote human well-being than by attempting revolutionary changes in institutions. The argument has to us a very familiar Plato would have answered by urging that . 13). . depends partly and that institutions on nature. comes to recognise the truth.. cf. that character and conduct depend upon natural disposition. nor have they all been appropriated by the Church. when they are quite fair to Plato's words. Eth. even the nature. as we have seen. vi. hardly recognise sufficiently what Plato was attempting in his Republic. partly on nurture supply the nurture and may even help to determine We feel that Aristotle's criticisms. Nic. character. : As already said. Above the right conduct of the man who is guided by opinion there is still the ideal of a right conduct guided by perfect knowledge of the truth and a society can only be the best if it is the embodiment of the highest wisdom. as Aristotle himself holds. which Aristotle urged more explicitly. however.

There might seem a certain resemblance between the Platonic ideal and that of Comte a priesthood of men of science guiding the statesmen but we may feel sure that the Comtist acceptance and accentuation of a dualism between the spiritual and temporal powers would have found little sympathy from Plato.172 PLATO think not merely of the neglected ethical truth which Benthamism helped to recall to the minds of men. mankind into wise and fools. but must carefully calculate consequences. are dead they represent a mere external obedience. without faith. which has appeared in so many forms. if we did not supplement it by calling attention once more to the stress he lays on scientific knowledge. of the Stoics afterwards ethics. that we cannot trust to mere instincts or intuitions. His rulers are themselves to be philo" and Aristotle — . will show itself in works the works without knowledge. The difference between Plato one of degree. Aristotle holding a less high " doctrine and thinking more of the average human being. Real living knowledge. like a moderate theologian who dreads the possible antinomianism of the Perfectionist. though without the exaggeration ing the truth." : . This is the Socratic doctrine by which Plato holds. But the analogy of theological controversies would give a misleading version of Plato's meaning. His ideal is unity. . real faith. out what is right and what is wrong. —those Calvinists of Greek who divided is all elect and reprobate. and there is no security for their continued rightness. also of the religious acceptation of in order to find must think the phrase " know- We Indeed the controversy between Plato and Aristotle on this matter is but one aspect of the controversy about Faith and Works.

it cannot . on. and obedience are essential. 173 translate his his philosophers rulers. Discipline tial. and so The welfare of the whole. not because he interested himself " in Wolffian metaphysics and Voltairean " philosophy that was a private matter but because he governed with a view to the welfare of his people. but he brings out a too easily neglected aspect of Plato's thought its real significance for practical politics. what he clearly means is that the good state must be regulated by Hegel has put the matter very forcibly by his illustration of Frederick the Great of Prussia. be realised through the application of abstract theories of equality. the highest available knowledge. Science is it. either by hereditary right or by popular election. Hegel puts the matter in an extreme and paradoxical way. on the one hand. Men or by natural capacity and education qualified for administrative work should not have their special talents wasted in employment of a mechanical kind. in those fitted to profit by should be lifelong.ETHICS AND POLITICS sophers . If we notion into less personal language. He who is specially fitted to be a farmer or a cobbler sjhould not be a statesman. the natural rights of individuals. — — — The good state must. The difficulty is to find " guardians " capable of managing are women who . must be the guiding principle. or in the mere struggle to live. and not of this or that part or individual. whom he considers a philosopherking in Plato's sense. essen- Education. adopting this as a definite principle even against the obligations of treaties with other states and respect for the traditional right of corporations within the state ( u ). The citizen must be content to do whatever he can do best. not be hampered by mere tradition on the other hand.

174 all this . iii. 701 A. But a state cannot be strong and healthy. the Platonic state must be citizens its what a church or a religious order has been to most devoted members. What Plato was anxious about was the social influence of the " artist's work. unless its songs and its plays and its pictures help its young men and maidens to grow up into better citizens than they would be without them. certainly felt that the ballads of a (cf. 424 Laws." but it has not lost its value as a standard by which the political and religious schemes of to-day may be measured and judged. He . not as a mere arena life : for the struggles of rival parties and comto its peting class interests. Such an ideal is still " a pattern laid up in heaven. people were at least as important as their laws Rep. Even Plato's seemingly unsympathetic treatment of the fine arts should not be put aside as the mere pre- judices of a sour Puritan or of a scientific pedant. Art should not be minister to private luxury. PLATO and such a kind of government is of course unattainable. indeed be " . the iv. nor the fosterer of individual passion or sentimentalism. unless the state be looked upon. A city would a city of pigs " without art. but as the realisation of the best that is to say. b). to whom poetry is misrepresentation " ( 15 ).

who wrote the Ejnnomis as a sequel to it. p. we must conclude that the work was written during the last seven or eight years of Plato's life. was left unfinished. above. We have Aristotle's testimony that it was written after We have also the tradition that it the Republic. a Cretan. The Laws contains many dignified and impressive passages. 715 d). an event of 356 B. but 175 . 638 A. 28). and unless we are to suppose this particular passage to have been inserted later (in the refutation of the Spartan view that military success was the sole . an Athenian. The character of the work agrees with the view that it made belongs to Plato's extreme age. and edited by Philippus of Opus. when he was already over seventy years old. in which Plato has put on the mantle of the preacher. near the beginning (i. and a Lacedaemonian. and he expressly refers to the keen vision of old age helping a man to correct his earlier opinions (iv.CHAPTER IX The "Laws" The Laws must be the latest of Plato's writings.C. test of political excellence). completing There is an allusion the plan (cf. b) to the conquest of the Epizephyrian Locrians by the Syracusans. and speaks with great rhetorical beauty. He has himself the dialogue a conversation between three old men.

to be unfinished. 803 B. for what is man when compared with the gods ? (vii. and there is some uncertainty in his plan or method. It is often said that in the Laws Plato's views have changed. at least in its most obvious modern meaning. : . though he seems less hopeful about their possible realisation he is ready to make concessions to the world round him. and that he has recanted his earlier philoMr. The theory of ideas does not appear in the Laws. He is more ready than in his younger days to come down to the level of ordinary human intelligence but it is partly because he does not expect too much of mankind. Grote speaks of Plato interdictsophical idealism. Communism he still regards as the ideal organisation of society. is misleading. if equal lots of land can be maintained. . 739-740 vii. The workmanship is unThere are repetitions which show the dialogue equal. such as the foundation of a new colony. The expression. The wisdom which is to guide the state is . and to frame a second-best state that might actually be adopted under favourable conditions. Plato has not deserted the ideals of his Republic. etc. 793 D 804 D-806 D vi. c 804 b). but he is prepared to allow private property and separate families (v. ing philosophy as well as poetry in the Laws. in some part of the Greek world.). . 785 B. and exalting "an orthodox religious creed into exclusive ascendancy " ( 1 ).176 PLATO without the lightness and vivacity of his earlier style. if limitation be put on the acquisition of personal property. 807 b). if population be regulated and some attempt made to bring women under a training and discipline like that of the men (vii. betraying diminished artistic power and diminished care for artistic excellence.

965 c). xii. and that they direct all things. 948 c). But superstition is always mischievous (x. The whole argument moves expressly on the level of opinion. Plato's philosophical but he is willing to translate philosophy into the language of religion. Plato holds. such as the Bacchac of Euripides has been supposed to be. Atheism. but as pracself-control (<pp6vr}<f<g wisdom and " and aufpoavvy . There are three doctrines not to be tolerated in the state (1) That there are no gods ideals are not : abandoned the doctrine of materialistic selves about the affairs of philosophers . The Athenian stranger could not well have discussed metaphysical questions with the illiterate Cretan and still more illiterate Spartan. that superstition is a greater danger to states than atheism. any way a recantation of earlier anti-religious sentiments. Arist. but it is dangerous because apt to lead to moral disorder. like Bacon (in his essay On Superstition). the denial of any moral order in the universe) (3) that there are gods. 12776. vi. § 17. but that they do not concern them- men .. But what is this religion ? Not certainly the ordinary Greek " orthodoxy " which he had combated in the The Laivs is not in Eiithyph.25). Nic. and by far the most mischievous. it is admitted.— THE "LAWS" not tical cf. 12 . 4. {i. . Eth. cf. The term idea " is used only in a way which might have occurred in one of the earlier Socratic dialogues (xii. Pol iii.e. may be compatible with righteous living.ro and the Republic. 885 seq. but that they can be appeased and propitiated by prayers and sacrifices. 177 now conceived as scientific knowledge. This last is the most widely diffused belief. (2) that there are gods. The dogmas which Plato wishes to enforce are . and not of philosophic science.

is rather like a school or a college or a religious order. containing very diverse elements. that in drawing up the laws of an ideal state. the self moving. a complex and varied society. as he conceives it.178 PLATO only those which he regards as absolutely certain and absolutely necessary to the stability of any society. Martineau was a clergyman. too. " of Plato's intolerance is the intolerance of the philosophical stamp out superstitious and demoralising practices with a good deal of harshness. who would like to not legislating for a nation as we understand it. We must remember. but must in the intimate life they are to lead together. a theologian. which evidence the governance of mind and not of chance. to that which is moved but cannot explain its own movement and by the order of the heavenly bodies. Martineau to a chair of philosophy in the college he was keenly interested in. be governed by uniform is principles of life and conduct. the members of which may differ from the undisciplined world round them. or rather a combination of many societies. The " orthodoxy " of Plato has much more in common with . on the ground that Dr. best or second-best. appointment of Dr. Grote ( 3 ). if their society is to be One might have expected a more sympathetic appreciation of the precise nature of Plato's intolerance from Mr. A city-state which is well regulated. also the " " Civil Religion " orthodoxy Rousseau ( 2 ) than with the of either Eastern or Western Christendom. Plato social reformer. with common meals and continual close association. Grote. The existence of God he holds to be proved by the priority of soul. But these catch- . who opposed the strong and harmonious. and an opponent of that empiricism which was " orthodoxy " to Mr.

where it is admitted that democracy is less bad than oligarchy. reason" (vov diavo//. the diminished antagonism to Athenian democracy.THE "LAWS" words as of of " 179 orthodoxy " and " dissent " have led the erudite English Radical to take a partisan view of this. many other questions in Greek life. when compared with the Republic. he has come in his old age to admit that in most cases written and fixed laws are better than the risk of individual caprice and There is no contradiction between the error (iv. 300 a). 303 A. Plato connects the word vo^og (law) with voug (reason). politics. 714 a). where he to written law (294 A. is dealing with the second-best state. does indeed show some change of mental attitude. 715). as he had not done in the Republic. the next best thing is to compel adherence In the Laws. all — cracy (Polit. which is an inflexible tyrant though he admits. the appreciation of Athenian show the growth of a tendency which was already strongly marked in the Politicus. that if we cannot get our ideal ruler." and argues. and even that there is a good kind of demolegal institutions. . The willingness to see a certain element of rationality in the society round him. b). Aristotle adopts the notion without the fanciful etymology when he calls law "reason without passion.?!. the Politicus. and the Laws but if we compare these three dialogues we find a change from the idealisation of the heaven-born ruler to an appreciation of ordinary government with a fixed constitution and a stable system of laws. Republic. In the Politicus Plato argues that the rule of the wise man is better than the rule of the written law. " Law is the distribution of . The Laws. and philosophy. like Plato in .

15. It fits in with the notion of excellence as " the mean " or " moderation. and has evidently supplied more numerous suggestions to Aristotle than any other work on political theory. than he appeared to be when he wrote the Republic. 2). 756 e). he judges Athens more fairly and with a kindlier eye than even the aged Plato of the Laws. Aristotle. not.180 PLATO is the Laws. In fact the whole of the Laws comes very close to the Politics. The criticisms which Aristotle makes are critirule. vi. Coming from outside. that the rule of law better on the whole than personal though admitting the necessity of equitable administration of fixed law {Pol. seems never to have been given to idealising Sparta like the anti-democratic Athenians of the Socratic circle. cisms of details. and with the recognition of the political merits of the middle class. legendary setting 676-682) — of the genesis of the state {Pol. Plato professes to combine monarchy . . The commendation of mixed government for the practicable commonwealths that fall short of the absolutely best is common ground to the Laws and the Politics {Laws. 16). i. who was thirteen years old when the battle of Leuctra shattered the power and still more the repu- tation of Lacedsemon. objections to fundamental principles. when he wrote the Laws. as in the case of the Republic. iii. iii. The defects of Lacedaemonian institutions are more fully seen by but Plato was clearly beAristotle than by Plato coming more aware of them." which we find already in Plato's Politicus (283 e) and Philebus (64 e). The picture which Plato gives of the rise of the city-state out of the — simply the story of a deluge divested of its and adopted by Aristotle as his scientific account patriarchal is family {Laws.

697-699). Aristotle points out that the monarchical element is really wanting in Plato's state. with its simple doctrines of the existence of God and of the moral government of mankind in this and in any other life. . the And. and that Plato's mixed state is a combination of democracy with oligarchy. which Aristotle is prepared to sanction or to treat with contemptuous toleration ( 4 ). Plato's Republic combines metaphysics with politics his Imws combines natural theology with . But. the criticisms of the details of Plato's proposals are relatively unim- compared with the many points of agreement between the Aristotelian ideal and that of Plato's last work. state of the Republic is still his best state. . iii. the bitter hostility to the superstitious religious beliefs and practices of the vulgar. however. portant.) and a place is found for the doctrine maintained in the Gorgias that no one voluntarily commits injustice (ix. 862). too. These are Socratic elements which keep up a difference between Plato and Aristotle. does not break away from his earlier political or ethical doctrines. we have found that he reasserts the old doctrine of the unity of the virtues. similarly. 626 D seq. and the stress laid on the inculcation of the reformed civil religion. 861. as already said. Plato. so as to attain a mean between the Persian and the Athenian governments {Laws. As we have seen. But what is least Aristotelian in the Laivs is the importance attached to Pythagorean mathematics and astronomy. he recurs to the old puzzle how a man can speak of a victory over himself (i. So. oligarchy meaning to both Plato and Aristotle the state which gives special privileges to all property.THE "LAWS" 181 with democracy in the Laws.

prefers to treat law and politics in what modern phraseology would call a strictly " positivist " manner. Plato's language in the Laws need not imply anything more than an attempt to put in more popular and personal language the very same theory of the nature of evil which he had held all through. PLATO without disowning his metaphysics.). we should not at once accuse him of having adopted the Manichsean heresy. In the Laws he speaks of the " circular motion of the heavenly bodies as an " image of the self-motion of the mind (898 b). It is supposed that Plato must have departed from his earlier philosophy and adopted a doctrine which he has expressly denied in the Politicus (269 E. by asserting that God is the author of good only (ii. But such arguments seem to ignore the essential difference in manner between the Laws and the Politicus. In the Republic. with its recognition of the element of " the other. 270 a). sages in the Laws in a way inconsistent with the legislation. The cosmology of the Timceus. addressing a popular audience. If a philosophical theologian. which is his only theology. which seem to assert the existence of an evil soul in the world alongside of and opposed to the divine or good soul (896 D.1 82 Aristotle. 380 c). that there are two gods having opposite purposes ( 5 ). E 898 c 904 A seq. should talk about the works of the devil. . or speak of the eternal contest between good and evil. implying that the irregularities of other movements are due to defect There is no necessity to interpret these pasof mind. ." and the myth of the Politicus (268 E-274 e) were attempts to deal with the problem. . he had raised the problem of evil. Much has been made of a few phrases in the tenth book of the Laws.

The opposing element. a quite unnecessary hypothesis to suppose that Plato in his last days recanted that reconciliation of the One and the Many which he seemed to have reached when he wrote the Philebus. Augustine was weaned from Manichaean dualism." is not an independent god or demon. in any case. It would have been incongruous with the framework of the dialogue to have brought in the metaphysical distinction between " the same " and " the other." The change in Plato's language consists simply in his readiness to acquiesce in a way of speaking which neglects philosophical accuracy of expression in accommodation to the level of ordinary opinion. — . Yet there is no doubt that these passages in the Laws helped to countenance a crudely dualist interpretation of Platonic doctrine.THE "LAWS" 183 language of the Timceus or the Politicits. It is. or even the Republic. E) who may possibly have slightly hardened the phrases used by Plato in the Laivs itself. such as we find in Plutarch ( 6 ) and even in the author of the Epinomis (988 D. It was precisely by the Platonists that St. the "other. and it was a correct application of Plato's teaching when he asserted that evil is not a substance in the same sense as good ( 7 ).

never yet been completely written. and beyond the power of any single student.CHAPTER X Platonism after Plato The history of Platonism is a great subject: is it has In order to estimate the influence of Plato upon the subsequent course of human thought. who seems to have taken up only portions of his master's doctrine. but by his nephew. Plato was succeeded in the Academy. which thus received an exaggerated and undue prominence in his teaching. and amongst these must be included the philosophy of Aristotle himself. Speusippus seems to have attached himself specially to the Pythagorean tendencies of Plato and the treat: . it would be necessary to treat the history not only of philosophy but of theology. the alien from Stageira. indeed 184 . the influence of Plato has been more widely felt it has penetrated through a greater variety of channels. the Athenian Speusippus. not by his greatest pupil. Though the authority of Aristotle has been during several centuries more conspicuously acknowledged. The fortunes of the Academy and the Lyceum in the period immediately following the deaths of their founders gave little promise of the future conquests of these two rulers of the mind of man.

" In opposition dogmatism of the new Stoic school. § 1. but that . not even our own know. He seems to have been more of a genuine of Xenocrates Platonist than his predecessor. 11536. 5 . Arcesilas as the " Middle maintained that inability to we know nothing. Xenocrates supposed the world to be ruled not only by gods but by " daemons. was the next scholarch. also be Pythagorean in 10726. are little more than names to us but about the middle of the third century B. Chalcedon. A 7. 13. its origin. disciple. Arcesilas and Carneades. to i. though with the same love of Pythagorean formulae and the same tendency to substitute a sort of mystical mathematics for philosophy. the vii. Aristotle expressly alludes to the Pythagorising tendencies of Speusippus (Eth. § 7. exaggerating like others the dualism of Plato's language. the leading representatives of what came to be known to the Academy.PLATONISM AFTER PLATO ment cised 185 of the ideas as ideal numbers by Aristotle was probably his rather than Plato's own: what was merely a passing illustration in the hands of the master may have stiffened into a leading — —a doctrine criti- dogma in the hands of the 6. not quite abandoning the doctrine of Ideas. the personal friend of Aristotle and the biographer of Plato. 30). 10966. a new direction was given to the Academic teaching by the philosophical sceptics. Nic.C. asceticism of his ethical theories {Eth. Met. and. Some of the succeeding scholarchs . Nic. what may 5)." good and evil. Many of Aristotle's criticisms of Platonic doctrine may very likely be intended to apply to Speusippus and to Xenocrates rather than to Plato himself. Carneades maintained the more moderate view that certitude is unattainable.

and hold out some reasonable hope of a life after death. . The New Academy is mainly known to us through the disciple of who professed himself a this school. in writings of Cicero. it was Greek philosophy passed through non-Greek minds. as the first conspicuous representative which sought to bring together the Epicureans. however. the religious and ethical as distinct from the dialectical — Platonism of the more purely metaphysical works with such Aristotelian and Stoic doctrines as could be blended with it. as the older and dialectical elements in Academy had been of his Pytha- gorean tendencies. at least. or. Megaric tradition. influence on Neo-Platonism. and most to reaction against Stoicism but it could claim to be quite as true a reprecirc. was not a purely Greek philosophy. in a sort of tenets of all the preceding schools.C. and was one of the precursors of the more elaborate. more systematic. sentative of the Socratic Plato. which was . perhaps. and more speculative system of the Neo-Platonists. except the dogmatic Atheists and the popular religious philosophy which should help a man to believe in a divine government of the world. of that eclecticism the history of philosophy.1 86 PLATO various degrees of probability are within our reach. This combination of Platonism especially the Platonism of the Phcedo. has. It was descended from the offspring of the marriage between Hellenic speculation and Hebrew and other Oriental religions.). and the Laws. The Middle Academy may owe a good 300 B. deal to Pyrrho something also. the Timceas. through Cicero. the Phcedrus. unlike the earlier developments of the Platonic school. to the (fl. and who is chiefly interesting. exercised a vast Western thought.

). who founded Alexandria (about the beginning of the third century a. influence of Platonic. in Plutarch. endeavouring to find formulae which might commend their beliefs to educated Greeks. introduce and Stoic philosophy. Aristotelian. in .PLATONISM AFTER PLATO 187 brought about through the meeting of East and West.d.in the Christian Gnostics. and. Though we find the preparation for Neo-Platonism in Numenius. and to countrymen cultured Greeks like Plutarch. school in Ammonius Saccas. coming under the andria ( 1 ). and tended to make this the central position from which they looked — at everything else in his philosophy. and. occupying much ground in common with it. Christian thinkers like Clement and Origen. had been brought up a Christian. who strove to build up a credible religion for themselves out of seeking . all turned to the Timceus of Plato. fourth. as well as the philosopher Plotinus. Por- . to the foundation of the cosmopolitan city of AlexJews. and had the Christian Origen among the his pupils. attempt the defence of the old religions against the new. Neo-Platonism in the strict sense is later than the Christian philosophy of Clement. due to the conquests of Alexander. Greek wisdom to their the ruins of discredited faiths . Platonism of the third. such as Philo. came to Philo. in the Alexandrian religious philosophies of an earlier period. AVith Platonism thus seen somewhat out of perspective were combined and elements from Magian and Egyptian religions varied materials was built up the Neoout of these . most of all. There was much coming and going between Christians and Neo-Platonists. and fifth centuries. and was developed alongside of the Christian philosophy of Origen it owes something to this Christian philosophy.

St. and he explicitly recognises the affinity between Platonism and Christian theology. At a later time the Emperor Julian left Christianity for the Neo-Platonism of the school of Iamblichus. but not the doctrine that the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us ( 2 ).1 88 PLATO hostile critic of Christian phyry was a learned though theology. but still Dionysius the Areopagite. came to be formulated. Neo-Platonism produced a direct and continuous influence on the mystical tendencies of Christian thought in the Middle Ages. Through St. whose metaphysics or theology enabled them to systematise Plato was Neo. and it . Augusmore through the works ascribed to When people contrast Platonist and Aristotelian. and refused to surrender his philosophy even when he became a bishop." In the Platonic books he found the doctrine of the Divinity of the Eternal Word. " None.Platonist commentators who were most anxious to show that there was no fundamental discrepancy between Plato and Aristotle. Had he gone back to the earlier Alexandrian Platonism he might have found some of the sources of the language in which that doctrine tine. the Christian Synesius was the pupil of Hypatia." he says. they are thinking of Neo-Platonism or of Plato seen through the interpretations of Plotinus and Proclus but the inaccuracy of the popular contrast is curiously shown by the fact that those very Neo-Platonists borrowed a great deal from Aristotle. another of the pupils of Plotinus. Augustine owed his conversion from Manichaeanism to the reading of a Latin translation of Plotinus. Amelius. quoted Christian texts in support of his philosophic doctrines. On the other hand. " are nearer to us than the Platonists.

and who taught in Egypt. best known to us . though under Plato's inspiration. The " divine Iamblichus the Syrian. defenders of superstitions which Plato would certainly have prohibited in his ideal state and even in his second-best All Neo-Platonism though least in the case state. and others of his school. Oriental influences. from his Introduction to Aristotle's Categories " Proclus the Lycian. Iamblichus himself deserves considerable credit for laughing when his disciples asked him if are theosophists rather — — . In the fading light they were not unworthy to take the name of sophers. — . and educated at at Rome his pupil Porphyry. whom the Emperor Julian counted the equal of Plato. is under of Plotinus As a philosophy we may indeed call it Hellenic but there is a great deal in Neo-Platonism that is not philosophy. . —these may fitly be named in the great succession of Greek thinkers. much of it might be called more correctly Neo-Pythagoreanism and it was a revival of a Pythagoreanism of a more primitive and less scientific type than that studied and criticised by Plato and Aristotle a combination of mysticism and magic. and though of diverse races may and Plotinus especially may be regarded as the initiator. In the age and surroundings in which he lived. It may be noted how many of its teachers were of Syrian origin. the scholastic among the Greek philo- sophers and the chief doctor of the Athenian school. what race we Alexandria. than philosophers. 189 who was born know not. of Syrian." PLATONISM AFTER PLATO Plotinus. of a new type of speculative metaphysics." who is said to have wished that all the books of antiquity had perished except the Chaldean oracles be called philo- and Plato's Timceus. So far as it is Greek. a . Platonist.

and yet they handed on some of the light he kindled. the last scholarch of the Academy. His enthusiastic commentators and disciples held but flickering and smoky torches. more important for the history of Aristotelianism than for that of Platonism it was the means by which the stood it." rather than with scientific philosophical thought as Plato and Aristotle under: There is a mystical element in Plato there is a mystical element in Aristotle. 129. Timcews. with six other Neo-Platonists (among them Simplicius. in perhaps the only way in which the dark ages could have received it. When Justinian closed the schools of Athens in 529 A. : . But one cannot look into his Life of Pythagoras. Damascius of Damascus. But it is mysticism of an intellectual kind. not the mysticism which exalts darkness above light and divination above science.D. 71 E. of great significance in its influence on the later world. and for refusing to accept in a literal and materialistic sense the story that Pythagoras was the son of Apollo.) Plato has not escaped the fate of other great teachers. led up to by processes of hard reasoning. the Aristotelian commentator) wandered away to Persia in the vain hope of finding a ruler nearer to Plato's ideal than the Christian This last migration of Greek philosophy is Caesar..190 he had not been lifted PLATO up in the air and transfigured. quoted p. His poetical figures of speech have been taken as literally true whilst his more important lessons have been neglected. above. and not feel that we are here in contact with the dimly intellectual though fervently religious atmosphere that produced Oriental and mediaeval " Lives of the Saints. with its record of miracles and its uncritical tone of unction. (See Plato.

But already towards the end of the fourteenth century Traini and towards the end of the fifteenth century Benozzo Gozzoli represent indirect channels. Augustine and Boethius received some faint influences from Plato's own spirit. it Though escaped notice or acknowledgment. and so accepted as the work of a contemporary and a convert of the Apostle Paul.PLATONISM AFTER PLATO 191 Aristotelian writings were carried into the East. Platonism reached the Middle Ages. . and awaited the time when they could again be welcomed by a new " Academy " in a Tuscan Athens. it largely In Dante's Divine Comedy. but Aristotle is " the master of those that know " ( 4 ).Scot. of the In the great awakening West which began with the eleventh century. mainly through those Christian NeoPlatonic writings probably of the end of the fifth century which were ascribed to Dionysius the Areopagite. The MSS. however. attention compared with Aris- and was never made the subject of mediaeval lectures. to the West. so that his influence worked only through never ceased. translated into Eastern tongues and kept for the Arabian scholars of the Middle Ages. Western Christendom possessed a Latin translation of the Timceus ( 3 ). who reintroduced them remained and were copied in the Byzantine Empire. The book On the Heavenly Hierarchy and others were translated into Latin in the ninth century by John the Irish . Socrates and Plato stand nearer to Aristotle than the other sages. Meanwhile. and through the works of Cicero and St. of Plato — — who was a student also of Plato's Timceus. It was thus that the earliest philosophical thinker of the new nations introduced Platonic and Neo-Platonic mysticism into a strangely alien world. little Plato attracted totle.

The Renaissance dawned early in Italy. Above them are the Trinity. and St. bringing with them the works of Plato. came from the rebirth of Platonism in Italy. The first important signs of revolt against the which had become dominant in the mediaeval schools. educated Marsilio Ficino for the express purpose of which attempted to reconcile the Eastern and Western Churches in 1438 failed in its immediate object. Plato with his Timceus and Aristotle with his Ethics standing on either hand of Plato on the left. Before the incursion of barbaric Mohammedans Greek scholars fled to Italy. and the star of Plato had again risen to rival the star of Aristotle in glory. Civilised Mohammedans had reintroduced Aristotelian science and metaphysics to Latin Christendom. the Evangelists. which had for long possessed only the Aristotelian Logic. Paul. Beneath is the Pope in Council ( 5 ). Cosimo de' Medici had founded an Academy and Aristotelianism. The council together. 6 ( ) . doubly a Neo-Platonist for he combined with his enthusiasm for Plotinus a study of the Jewish Cabal. Moses. Ficino translated Plotinus labours is and the sequence of significant. and that in a fragmentary form. Thomas Aquinas Aristotle on the right of the saint. Such was the historical setting in which the imagination of the Italian painters saw the two Greek philosophers. but and Byzantine scholars it had brought Florentine translating the philosopher. The Florentine Platonists read and interpreted Plato entirely in the Neo-Platonic The brilliant Pico della Mirandola was spirit. After completing his translation of Plato. Even before the Turks took Constantinople in 1453. .192 PLATO St.

to whom physical speculations had seemed but a harmless amusement. that student of natural science.PLATONISM AFTER PLATO istic 193 doctrine which was largely permeated with Neo- Platonism. and the scholastic philosophy was fossil Aristotelianism. on the whole. But. Aristotle in Greek. For it was against the scholastic traditionalism that humanist culture and scientific freedom had to fight. So much had Aristotle suffered from his blind admirers. the spirit of the Renaissance was against his reputation and authority. to theosophy and magic. enthusiasts for nature and opponents of the authority of Aristotle. Nicolas of Cusa. By extreme partisans the contempt of Aristotle was held to be the beginning of wisdom. This Platonism. which blossomed in sheltered places of learning amid J 3 . under the banner of Plato. Gior- dano Bruno and Campanella may all be counted Platonists. A devotion to Neo-Platonism and in some cases to Jewish Cabalistic writers. benefited among a few by being known and careful scholars now came to distinguish the genuine from the mediaeval philosopher. Pico della Mirandola. was in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries often combined with a genuinely scientific spirit a mixture of symbolism and science such as had existed among the Pythagoreans enthusiastic — of old. It is one of the strangest ironies of history that many of those who in Italy and elsewhere began to devote themselves to the study of nature fought against the name of Aristotle. A curious interlude in the history of English thought between Bacon and Locke was played by the group of scholarly and philosophical theologians who are known as the Cambridge Platonists.

Cambridge. air.Platonic in character. known in 1835.194 PLATO the fierce theological controversies of the seventeenth century. Egyptian Trismegist and th' antique roll Of Chaldee wisdom. reading . flood. who left Christ's College." in who died this same sense. Thomas Taylor. Milton. but seldom approaching the purer philosophical atmosphere of Plato himself. to unfold What worlds or what vast regions hold The immortal mind that hath forsook Her mansion in this fleshly nook And of those demons that are found In fire. Hermes Trismegistus. true consent Whose power hath a With planet or with element. was a Platonist as " the Platonist. sometimes sinking to the depths of Iamblichus and his followers. Plotinus and Chaldsean magic "So if what's consonant to Plato's school (Which well agrees with learned Pythagore. Where I may oft outwatch the Bear With thrice great Hermes." In less musical verses Henry More joins Plato with Pythagoras. But Plato and deep Plotin do restore) Which If is my all scope I sing out lustily : any twitten me that for such strange lore And me blameless brand with infamy. or underground. God purge man from fault of foul malignity " ( 7 ). some- times rising to the level of Plotinus or Origen. More was entering " Or let my lamp at midnight hour Be seen from some high lonely tower. or unsphere The spirit of Plato. all which time hath tore. was entirely Neo. just about the time when Henry has enshrined in II Penseroso the prevailing conception of Platonism it.

with scholarly introductions. Schleiermacher translated Plato's works into German. remain our greatest models . own like the mediaeval " doctors.Platonists for their distinctive metaphysical speculation. But in doing so Hegel was only restoring to them what was their own ( 8 ) for. the least inaccurate thing to say would be that this difference resulted from the assiduous and first-hand study of Plato and Aristotle. keep a lamp always lighted before the bust of Plato." To Hegel and those whom he influenced directly and indirectly we owe a better understanding of Plato and of Aristotle in themselves and in their relation to one another than was possible to those who read Plato as a theosophist and Aristotle as a schoolman. But the dialectical searchings of Plato and his pupil's perpetual interpretation of facts by theory and testing of theory by facts. like enthusiasts of the Renaissance.PLATONISM AFTER PLATO The genuine more akin to 195 Plato through the mists of Neo-Platonic enthusiasms. and in Zeller's words " initiated a new era in our knowledge of Greek philosophy. He has been reproached for interpreting the Greek philosophers too much in the light of his own system. settle " controversies : by quoting texts from the the philosopher Italian we do not. . And Hegel's time was not misspent for the modern world has still much to learn from the Academy and the Lyceum. but he did not confuse Plato with them. Hegel admired and appreciated the Neo . if we have to express the difference between Hegel and Kant in any brief phrase. We do not now. which occupied so much of Hegel's time of preparation. revival of the study of Plato in a spirit Plato's due to the rise of historical criticism and to the post-Kantian idealism of Germany. is .

196 of PLATO Our thinking philosophical method. and our language are permeated by Platonic and Aristotelian influences. . who in the last hundred years have found their best interpreters and their most genuine. and a chief security against the idolatry of bad metaphysics is frequent intercourse with the two Greek masters. because their most independent. disciples.

note. p. Cf.. 427a. Anon. in his edition of Hesych. 'AttoAXojv orTeprjTLKOv k<xI yap ecrrt SrjXol 6 fxopiov.). in iii. Plato (Eng. quoting Hermodorus). s. 15 (Siov. is one of those things likely to be invented. trans. Plato (Eng. Laert.C. We are told . 2 ( ) The date of Plato's birth rests on the authority of Apollodorus.. § 3). Westermann). Laert. 197 "OOev 'A^dA-Awi a . Flach. 1. Mil. matter.. 470a. 27) that Xenocrates tov nXarwi/os But we do not even know means a complete biography. 1. Laert. iii. On the whole date. 1. v. nAarwv. Ennead. p.e. as both "Lives" are worthless and very wrote that late epitomes.NOTES CHAPTER I " Q) There are also short " Lives in the collection ascribed to Hesychius Milesius. note 2. by Simplicius (Scholia if in Arist. § 6. if he was twenty-eight at the death of Socrates (Diog. 7r€pt Brandis. The year of his birth must have been the first year of the eightyeighth Olympiad. i. ed. Plotinus. K€^toptcr/X€vo§ t£)V tto\X(x>v to 5. that this so-called Plesychius borrows from Suidas and Diogenes Laertius.). 2. which appears to be generally trustworthy. 3 ( ) p.v. with other recent scholars.C. De Viris Illustr. Vit. and in the Lexicon of Suidas. iii. § 2. see Zeller. whose Chronology. (ed. holds. his eighty-first year in 347 the usually accepted The story that he was born in the same year in which Pericles died (Diog. a. trans. The question is unimportant here. is quoted by Diog. See Zeller. yap 6.. 429 B. and died B. 6. 1.

or his authorities mean here and if we were c. which looks like a confused version of the account given by Arist.a koX kyj7tlBlov avrio to If Anniceris iv 'A/<aS?7/<ua irpiao-Oai. and which. which has been supposed to have ( ) more claims to genuineness than some of the others. the more they have to tell us. § 20.198 ot NOTES TO CHAPTER I TLvOayoptKOL criyx/JoAiKtos 7rpos a\\rj\ov<s 7roXXa>v. meaning. and especially by their The whole treatment of Socrates (Ep. ( ) the younger Dionysius. 5 The Seventh Epistle. 6 ( ) This seems to be the meaning of the story which Diogenes iii. 324b-326c). tells this story of . p. passage contains nothing which might not have been constructed out of Plato's writings. Kenyon).7ro<£a(T€i rail' The first story is that of Apuleius . The later our authorities. It meaning. gives Plato's reasons for withdrawing from the attempt to take part in the politics of Athens. xvii. c. 71-0A. Plato's Gorgias has been described avoiding as his life "Apologia. if a forgery. 'A0. 20. with Dion's money to (as Zeller says). is probably an early forgery containing sound tradition. Cf. vii. It is just possible that Diogenes Laertius means that Dion bought the garden for is difficult to be certain what Diogenes Laertius ." as it giving his reasons for political then was at Athens. a. as a rule. had bought the garden /xr/ 7rpoow#ai would have it be rendered "he did not keep irpoo-io-Oai for himself" (but the . word means more than its that) and the koX in the next clause would lose Plato. 35 (ed. Thompson's edition. 7 it would not follow that we had got the Plutarch in his Life of Dion. Laertius gives. evioi Sk kcu AtWa a7roo-T€iXat <j>ao-i to dpyvptov kou tov [Mr] irpoatcrdar uAA. 1. the second is that of Olympiodorus and the Anonymous biographer. certain of the truth. He was disgusted. first by the conduct of " the Thirty. 4 ( ) iarrjfxatvov." and afterwards by that of the restored democracy. except the curious account of the oligarchical revolution in Athens.

Deipn. Plato rebukes the licence of Hellenic morals and sentiment. said to be extant in Diog. 9 ( ) Cf. Lysis.. p. 1. and sets up an ideal of marriage which rises above what we find in Xenophon and In Laws. § 37. In §57 he gives this same Probably he statement on the authority of Favorinus. where such tales of divine descent are treated as ridiculous. only knew is of Aristoxenus through Favorinus. § 1. 117. 835-841. a writer of " Miscellaneous History" of the time of Hadrian. Theopompus was a pupjl of Isocrates. The " myth " which Plato puts into the mouth of Protagoras in the dialogue named after him (Prot. where anything in the Republic. but of ill-natured things about Plato have been scraped together. 320 c-322 d) is very likely founded on some actual work of the great Sophist it has more affinity with the account given of the origin governments in the third book of the Laics than with In Athenaeus. xi. d. Antisthenes. Laert. I have heard the Jowett telling to some of his Balliol pupils ( n) stories about "the old Master" telling 12 ( ) {i. Diog. 1.. ix. Dr. Jenkins). and Bryson of Heraclea. Theopompus of Chios is quoted as accusing Plato of plagiarism from Aristippus. i. but Among the works § of Protagoras. ii. vi. and where other Ideal States are discussed. . the model of Plato's Republic. Plato. The Emperor Julian refers to this sym- bolism in his mystical discourse " 10 ( On the Sovereign Sun. had been in in any sense an anticipation Pol..e. 508. and has an almost modern character. we know nothing of its or character. note. viii. which we had been about himself perhaps the day before. Laert." late Professor ) Plato. 8. 205 c. Diog. Rep. reference to it we should have expected some where Plato is Aristotle's so severely criticised. as Aristoxenus was of Aristotle. Aristotle. Laert. and perhaps a mistaken loyalty to their masters made them 1S ( ) attack Plato. NOTES TO CHAPTER 8 ( ) I 199 Cf. named If it 7rept TroXirzias. iii. 55.

200 14 ( 15 ( ) NOTES TO CHAPTER ) I Vit. iii. Laert. 10. ally as the wills A forger the Alexandrian sort. pp. without going in. 43. § 6. TLXaTinv. Dion.v. lxxxiv. who wish chap. Suidas. It is said. Lexicon. though that is not quite This some dialogues voOevovrau 6/xoXoyoi»/xeVo>?. 20 ( ) Diog. Part to read a full account of the relations II. and when you have reached the wall come back. though not necessarily all that we now have. The "wills" in Diog. Lyco. 55. Hesych. after Aristotle that philosophy libraries. Anon. It Strato. against the " Megaric period " immeresidence at Megara. based mainly on the Epistles and on Plutarch. Phcedrus. § 41. and ii. Gaisford. Plato. Mil. will find it in Grote's History of Greece. . apparently on the authority of Aristophanes. Laert. Diog. such as Theophrastus. 1. 16 ( ) De Vir. Diog. 3000. 1. i. was only 17 ( ) became so much a matter of books and 18 Cf. s. ed. § 106. I will keep you company. Plato's Logic. than the Letters which The tenure of property depended on the genuine- likely to be genuine ness of The wills of Plato and of Aristotle contain nothing about their books. that between Plato. contain clauses about their manuscripts. Aristophanes. 44. Those clear. as Herodicus recommends. and Dionysius. puts the Epistles in one of his So that a collection of Letters must already have been in existence. iii. " If you will walk all the way to Megara. Laert. the librarian at Alexandria about 264 b. iii. are quoted. The detailed list of Epistles in § 61 comes from Platonic trilogies. are much more wills. Illustr. § 62.c. Laert. § 16. and against a ( ) De Rep." The double walk would be a pretty severe one. The argument is diately following the death of Socrates. very forcibly put in Lutoslawski's Origin 19 ( ) and Growth of 227 d. 1. Cic. especi- age would surely have put in something of that of later philosophers. does not imply that all the others are free from doubt. the much later catalogue of Thrasyllus.

217 c. whereas.NOTES TO CHAPTER CHAPTER 2 II 201 II ( ) Soph... trans. 105 (1) Aristotle quotes with Plato's name and title of book. Sympos. of the view criticises may be found in Xen. Hipp.v. Index Aristotelicus. i. (KaOd-n-ep lv tw (To<j>L(TTf} = " as we said in our discussion about the Sophist"). (5) without name of Plato or title of book Aristotle seems to refer to passages in Polit. (?) . 2 ( ) Arist.. Rep. in Tliecet.. The reference is appar- ently to the dialogue. 1. Laches. Phcedr. iii. (3) with title of book but not with indisputable reference to Plato as author. . min. s. Soph. Hippias {i. a The fact that Thrasyllus put work in one of his tetralogies does not necessarily imply .). Protag. Apol. 183 e. Laert. (??). 1.. Euthyd. Mem. See Professor Lewis Campbell's edition of Soph. § 2. Phcedo. but not immediately the account of the trilogies of Aristophanes. . p. but without Plato's name. to start Aristotle's classification of governments p. iii. Lysis. 4. (2) with title of book. (??). Meno. TLXdrtov.e. comes after. seems also above. Tim. 4 ( ) (?). The list of jo^evo/xevot o^oXoyov/xeVws in Diog. and Pol. and yet with obvious reference to Plato. kolvuv cited yap twv ISlwv hnfUke&a TrX-qBu p. The an investigation of the Aristotelian references are well summed up in Ueberweg's History of Philosophy (Eng. Gorg. Menexenus (as 6 'E7rn-a<£ios) (4) with name of Plato but without title of book Aristotle alludes to passages in Tliecet. (cited as 01 ipwrtKol \6yoi). Phileh. Pol.6vov 8ia<£epei Trjs tCjv while almost the very words of the Politicus are .. alludes to Parm. Leg. i. 284 b alludes to Soph. results of : . ( ) See Bonitz. but only the germ. Pol. V. 105. § 12.). Cratyl. 258 e-259 Aristotle rf seems to allude to PL Pol. The germ. the allusion seems only to be to the meeting between Socrates and Parmenides.. b. § 62. See Chap. by Aristotle. after. 3 from the Politicus.

" Democritus e.. alluded to as a). . 12 ( ) Galen ixerafidcreaiv have written 7rept twv (R. Laert. 135 (Plato. 136 Grote p. of the Phwdrus. 1. § 35. Parm. The Philebus of Plato. Origin and Growth of Plato's Logic. ©paavWos Se cf>y}(TL kcll Kara tt]V rpayiKrjv nrpaXoyiav ckSowch avrbv tovs SiaAoyovs. pp. The arrangement in tetralogies is adopted in the new Oxford edition of the text of Plato (Professor Burnet's). the theory of ideas is not yet fully formed. Ibid. is said to lv 3>iA?j/?a> xi). to i. Thecet. 452). will When some scholar give us a 1 . p. 1. Soph. Bury. and the existence of ideas apart from the sensible ivorld is not laid down as in the Phcedo and Republic. 70 et seq. as in the Cratylus also. 46-66. 10 ( Hermann puts the Meno earlier than his Megaric group. ii. 1 p. § 38. which show clearly that Thrasyllus did not guarantee the genuineness of all the dialogues which were not admittedly spurious. iii. "if Plato's. really good edition of Diogenes Laertius 8 ( ) Cf Thompson's edition Diog. ( n) Professor Campbell gives an account of the question it and of his relation to in a paper read before the Oxford Philological Society in June 1890. iii. 37. the 7rivTaO\os in philosophy (Erast. 9 ( ) 348. 1. which includes Cratyl. Lutoslawski. 7.. and reprinted as an Excursus in Jowett and Campbell's edition of The Republic of Plato. Laert. tries unsuccessfully evade the force of these words. it indisputably genuine.. Polit. G. that. 5 ( ) Diog." With the reading Xoyov ("dialogue") not clear whether the tale comes on the authority of Aristoxenus or on that of Euphorion and Pansetius. Cobet reads Aoyos : "there is a it story is etc. 7 ( ) 1. § 37.202 NOTES TO CHAPTER it II that he considered Diog. vol. Laert. According to in § is Thrasyllus argued that is the Anterastae. But in the Meno. Laert. p. § 56. 6 ( ) Diog. iii. defending his thesis.. ) iii. ix.

c. Laert. §§ 47. iii.ev eivai Aoyovs kcu fjLifxrj- tov<s 'AXe^a/xevov rov Ttj'lov tovs Trpwrovs ypacfievTas twv of ^wKpaTiKcuv SiaAoyoov. " Aristotle in his first book.. trans. 5. 1 1447&. Plato. ix.ov<s fir) <£a>//. Euclides. Cf. ii. 128.).). Concerning Poets. Laert. 135 d. . Parm. 48. That Zeno wrote dialogues (Eng. 9 kolI : ovhtv yap av e^oi/xev ovofxdaai kolvov tovs Hiocfapovos fMifiovs HZevdpxov kcu tovs %(i)KparLKovs Xdyovs. to The ascription Socratic dialogues Alexamenus suggests to me the suspicion that the passage quoted as from Aristotle by Athenaeus is a mixture of that cited by Diogenes. p. § 64) Xenophon (he must have meant the Mem. may have suggested the story that Zeno wrote dialogues. Plato p. 3-8. says that Zeno of Elea is reconsidered those ascribed to Plato. note 12. /jll/j. Diog. pp. The mention of Zeno in Plato's Parm. Antisthenes. Panaetius (ap. quotes from the same work (probably a diaOvkovv ov8k i/xixirpovs tovs logue) of Aristotle's the words : KaXov/xtvovs crcis." Athenceus. Sijmp. . . 158. 3 ( ) may seem very doubtful. § 25). 7. See Zeller. Diog. Laert. Plato and Platonism. 127. (Econ. 155. The Greek dialectic is well described as " the game of question and answer " by the late Professor Minto in his Logic Inductive and Deductive. Aristotle in his "Sophist" (probably a dialogue) called Zeno the discoverer of dialectic (Diog. was the first. and iEschines genuine he was doubtful about those ascribed to Phaedo and All the others he rejected as spurious. ported to have been the first to write dialogues. r) 2t<x}<f>povo<. says that xi. NOTES TO CHAPTER CHAPTER III III 203 Q) Walter Pater. "but. or of Teios. (p." he continues. and of the passage in Poet. § Alexamenus 112 of Styra. . 505). 2 Other companions of Socrates besides Plato wrote So( ) cratic dialogues. 1. though that is certainly not implied in the references to the writings of Zeno in Parm.

" Hildebrand (Leipsic. ) Early Greek Philosophy. 12 ( ( Ibid.204 4 ( ) NOTES TO CHAPTER Adv. that alike in the Socratic kiraK- tikos Aoyo? and in the Aristotelian to kirayoiyrj the essential thing notion 8 ( is the appealing particular cases —however roiv that may have come oi 8' into the word. Apuleius. Laert. means to lead a in a court of law. 4. 13 ( ) Diog. Cf. Hist. De Vir. § 46. p. in the active voice. Groec. 7 ( ) Professor Burnet. however. 126. vol. and Growth of Plato's Logic. Math. 321.). seems to me. 9 ( ) Cf. . i. the mental of the Pythagoreans." There seems a doubt about the reading in this passage. III 16. 181. 5 ( ) De Dogm. Phil. e. 1. Plat. Mil. vii. 339 a-347 a. paper by Professor Cook person to see or admit something. dialectica atque moralis ab ipso Socratis fonte. in his Ethics of Aristotle." omitting all reference to the Heracliteans here. Illustr. says of Plato : " From the natural philosophy of the Heracliteans. Lutoslawski. quoted in Ritter and Preller. the direct object of the verb being the person debated with. took signifying the citation of witnesses But he has directed my attention to a Wilson (briefly reported in the Classical Review for November 1901. 430) in which it is argued that k-n-ayziv. viii. pp. Before "moralis" the Aldine edition has "rationalis atque. 1843) gives "naturalis a Pythagoreis. 332 j Protag. ed.g. p. Origin 10 n) ( p. xv. 182. trine as the 6 ( ) 55 names the same threefold sources of Platonic docAldine text of Apuleius. Professor Burnet says It he still is convinced by Professor Cook Wilson's argument. Rep. ) 'AAA' 6 fxlv %i3iKpd.T7]<i ra kcl66\ov ov ^wpt(rra kolI ItvoUl ovSc tov<s opLcrf^ovs' i^wptaav tol roiavra ovroiv tSeas 7rpo(T7)yop€V(rav. Burnet. 212. i. trans. and the moral of Socrates he made one body. €7rayo)y?7 as literally xxxviii. ) Cf. Zeller's Plato (Eng. p. § 316. note 81.. p. Hesych. 8.. c.

Vit. c. § 8). ji. remarks that her performance proves that " woman's nature to nowise inferior The words immediately following are variously taken to mean " only she lacks strength and judgment. referred to in Jowett note. which Arisbut it was natural use. § 10. Herodotus. " Let no one inscribed on his door comes from is given to 975 . p." it for the Neo-Pythagoreans of later times to interpret the pre- cept in the stricter sense gested. 655 (Xauck). 2. communism 19 ( of the family is a characteristic of the " golden age" or "state ) of nature. &8lkos 'I<r6r?7S Trapeiaepx^dio TySe yap kolI 8iKaiov icrrl yeu/xerpia. 300 B. had the words. 13. . tu>v <f>tXxov f is interpreted as a principle of strict j communism. Cf. and Campbell." described in Plato. 5. 20 ( ) 104." Even man's " (c.C. p. The proverb. ibid. 18 ( ) Diog. 508 a) : there M^Seis ay€0)/j. 9. is as to it is by Plato but the Cynic ideal state a " return nature" of the anarchical kind. 13." Tzetzes. sug- Cf. 2. gives Timaeus (probably the historian. Chil. Pythag. viii. § 72. but an ethical interpretation the words (recalling Gorg. K. ad- miring the acrobatic feats of a dancing-girl. 17 ( ) Cyneg. Joel. 15 ( which Plato's application of c. 19. Der echte und der Xenophantische Socrates. HovreaTiv.— NOTES TO CHAPTER 14 ( ) III 20s Diog. kolvol to. Polit. Republic of Plato. Iamblichus. 16 ( i. Laert. There is no reason to suppose that the Pythagorean brotherhoods involved more than a certain amount aid of common funds and possession the general principle of mutual —the " private and common totle prefers to the Platonic communism . ) Cf.£TpT]Tos et<rtra> fxou ttjv fxrjdels arlyqv. is Socrates. ) The tradition that Plato ignorant of geometry enter. Euripides. ii. vi.) as his authority for ascribing this saying to Pythagoras. 1. 271 The e. §§ 103-105." or "she has no lack of strength and judgment. Fragm. to In the Symposium ascribed Xenophon. Laert. iv. 8. circ.

1431. The remark. ascribed to Strato by any person. Deipn." have stimulated Plato to write his If it to him it (cf. ii. all Of course the book may not have been Aristoph. 29 ( ) Cf. VIII. 23. § 112 (p. " 28 ( ) would have to be made to the younger Aristippus. above). in his essay in Hellenica. 550. suppose that Xenophon had returned . the i. 456 c-e. Plato is blamed for not to naming Xenophon in his Phcedo. 25 ( ) the Platonic reports of Socratic conversations. Literarische Fehden ii. 24 ( ) 116 (507). says a word in favour of the hunting woman. Ibid. v. 8. 48. im Vierten Jalir- hundert vor Chr. is the work of a person greatly Plato?iism. Epist. lacking in taste." xi. Mr. as the approximate date. Teichmiiller. We have to no reason in time to evi- Athens be present at the death of Socrates there is indeed no dence that he ever came back to Athens at all. Deipn. preceded lished at once. written or pub- 26 ( 27 ( ) ) Diog. Horace. interpretation of Socrates differ on this matter from Plato's (cf. was written 21 ( after Plato's. 549. Dakyns. ii. Ranae. p. ) "Walter Pater. The date of Xenophon's Mem. iii. 155. NOTES TO CHAPTER which is III more obvious. probably implies a tradition that 6. 504). his Cynegeticus. 83. ii. iii. 17. xi. 23 ( ) chap. 8. pre- cisely settled. by others intelligent of Plato. Cf. in the closing sentence of capacities of the sexes). cannot perhaps be Athenaeus. § 67. § 65. . 328. Grote. Plato and 22 ( ) G. Chap. color et status et res. Omnis Aristippum decuit In Athenaeus. § Xenophon's Mem. where the argument is simply that there is no absolute difference between the Xenophon. Rep. Laert. The passage in Diog. grandson of Plato's contemporary. Laert. gives 390 B. Plato. The if story is told of Strato.206 the first. pp. I see no reason why Xenophon should not have written the certainly the the Greek would not make Xenophon's Symposium assigned It may p. p.C. " Banquet.




Simplic. in Schol. in Arist. 66#, 47.



by others with
( )

rpane^oT-qs, KvaOorrj? as


Diog. Laert.


1. §


names among the works


Antisthenes a dialogue called 2a'0cov
Atheneeus, Deijpn.
v. §


rov dvTiAeyeiv.



220), says that in this
koI ^opriKws.


was changing Plato's name dcrvpws

Cf. ibid. xi.




Diog. Laert.

12. § 119.

Zeller {Socrates [Eng. trans.],


221, note) tries to
particular things.


make out that Stilpo denied the reality The passage seems to me clearly to
" This

show that he you show me
( )

ridiculed the Platonic doctrine.


not the cabbage


the real cabbage


no need

to suspect Diogenes's words, avrjpa.


Cf. Quintil. Inst. Orat.




"Empedoclis, ut


ditur, discipulus."


Athenseus, Deipn.

xi. §



505), has a story that

Gorgias read the dialogue named after him and remarked, " Plato does know how to lampoon " (ws KaXws oTSe UXdnov



another version, according to which
to say that

Gorgias thought
similar story

worth while

he had never said

what was ascribed


in the dialogue.


adds that a

told about Phaedo.

These anecdotes look

variants of the story of Socrates and the Lysis (see above,
p. 27).

Of Hippias the two dialogues named



a similar portrait to that in the Protagoras
less artistic.

— perhaps a


Gomperz, Greek Thinkers (Eng.


Henry Sidgwick,


trans.), i. p. 458. " Sophists," in Journal of

Philology, vols.

and v. It is noteworthy that in Arist. Eth. Nic. ix. 1. §§ 5, 7, ( ) 1164a, 24, 30, "the sophists" are contrasted with Protagoras. 38 Bosanquet, Companion to Plato's Rejmbli'-, p. 224, ) ( "The essence of sophistry is uncriticised commonplace." On






the function of the Sophists in Greek education and their

modern analogues,





by Nettleship, Philosophical


pp. 23-26.


Jebb, Attic Orators,
Helen. Encom.
Diog. Laert.
Diog. Laert.
§ 5.

pp. 37, 38.


For other passages in

see Jebb, ut supra, p.
) iii.


et seq.

1. § 8.




1. §


( )

Ibid. ix. 7. § 40.
It is not quite clear that the doctrine of a plurality of

( )

coexistent worlds was peculiar to Democritus.

See Burnet,

Early G?'eek Philosophy, pp. 64-68. 45 On the supposed allusion to Democritus in the Anter( )
astae, see above.


Atheistic philosophers referred to in

( )





include the followers of Democritus

but the reference

very vague.

may have come


the works of Sophron

in Sicily

Gomperz, Griechische DenJcer,




Sophron's supposed influence on Plato's dramatic style,
the passages referred to in note 2 on this chapter.


( )

The opinion

that there cannot be two opposites to one
evl 7rpay/xaTt)

thing (Svo vTrcvavria

corrected in Alcib. n.,



shown that

differences of kind do not exclude

differences of degree






ably spurious, but the writer has not used the Aristotelian


Plato was feeling his

Rep. iv. 436b-437a shows that way towards the distinction between



But he cannot be



have clearly reached the conception

of the contradictory until

we come

to the dichotomies of the Sophistes.


Arist. Anal. Pr.






vav to d\rjdk

avro eavTio 6fJLo\oyovfxevov eivat




§ 1,


yap d\r)6ci irdvra arvvaBa ra



Be \f/evBet

3 ( )

SiacfiOiveL raXrjOes.

See especially Anal. Post.
Cf. Fouill^e,


19. 995,


et seq.

( )

Le Mouvement

Idealiste, p. lx.

( )

Plut. Sympos.


2, 7tojs


eXeye rov Oeov

del yeiiifxerpeiv.
( )


ap. Sext.

Empir. Adv. Math.

viii. 6,


of the atoms




In Plut. Plac.


the atoms are said to be


(Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philosophy,


pp. 222, 226.)
( )


De An.



429a, 27, *at ev




if/vxyv €?rai T07rov


But Plato


not a mere con-

( )



112, above. 7. 25, " Qualitates igitur appellavi, quas


Graci vocant

quod ipsum apud Gracos non


vulgi verbum, sed philosophorum."
( )

Leibniz, Epistola

ad Hanschium de Phil.

Plat. (Erdm.


( )

Cf. Lutoslawski, Origin

and Groicth of

Plato's Logic,


425 and 492



very strange

that in the whole

discussion about the traces of the theory of ideas in the


nobody cared to distinguish between the earlier self-existing ideas and the ideas as known from the dialectical dialogues, where they appear as existing only in souls. Such ideas, equivalent to perfect notions, cannot have been abandoned by Plato, etc." If sufficient stress be laid on the word
"perfect" before "notions," the passage seems to






too apt to suggest Conceptualism as

opposed to



Mill, Logic,












204); Bk.


vii. § 4.


Bacon, Nov.

Cf. Autobiography, p. 221. Org. ii. 2, says, " Licet enim in











reveals the atomist assumption nature.

which underlies

view of

Cf. Lotze, Logic, Bk.



317 (Eng.

ed. 1, p. 441).

Mr. Bosanquet's Essay " On the True Conception of Another World" in his Essays and Addresses, originally


published as Introduction to a Translation of part of Hegel's

in The Journal of Philology, v. p. 122, aAXwv instead of aWrjXw in Rep. 476 a. I have sought in the text to show that aWrjXwv does not necessarily involve an anticipation of the doctrine of the




By water,



For the arguments in favour of putting Rep. v.-vii. viii. and ix., see Lutoslawski, op. cit. pp. 323, But he fully admits that this does not involve a denial 324. That the of the artistic unity of the Republic (p. 291). middle books were composed at a later date than the others




does not of


prove that their subject-matter did not

belong to the original plan; but the matter probably grew
in Plato's hands.

aAA en, €7T€K€iva rrjs ovcnas These words of the Republic 7rp€cr/3€ia kou Swa/m v-jrepiyovro^. They may are referred to by Plotinus, Ennead, v. 1. 8.

"1 KJvK

ovtos tod ayauov,

almost be called the central point of the Neo-Platonic doctrine of the Absolute,

and are pregnant with significance


the Mysticism of later ages.

Cf. Professor Campbell's note

on Soph. 248 a in his


subject of this chapter has also been treated

by me


a paper read before the International Congress of Philosophy,

held in Paris in 1900, and published in a French translation, for



am indebted to the care of M.


Halevy, in the Biblio-

theque du



Dr. Henry Jackson's articles on

Plato's later theory of ideas will be

found in the Journal of

Philology, vols,

x., xi., xiii., xiv.,


While obliged

to differ

from him and some other Cambridge Platonic scholars as to the precise nature of this later theory, I gratefully acknowledge the indebtedness which all students of Plato must feel to his


aKpc/Seia in the

treatment of Platonic questions.

(*) Proclus, ad Tim. p. 5 a, p. 10 (Schneider), referred to by Grote, Plato, ii. p. 291, note. Proclus's commentary on the Parm. is printed in Stallbaum's edition of the dialogue. It is clear from the Phileb. (15-18) that Plato recognises the

logical significance (in Hegel's sense of "logic") of



cussion about the One and the Many but in the Parm. (second part) he seems to be thinking mainly of the mathematical aspects of the question, and not directly of its theological aspects.

Grote, Plato,




See Chap. II. note 3, above. Arist. Top. iv. 2. 1225, 26, cannot be regarded as a certain reference to Parm. 138 b, for Thecet. 181 c seq. contains a fuller discussion of motion. 4 We might apply the epigram of Antli. Pal. ix. 358, ( )
( )


where the Phaedo
Bvo) eyeVovro


supposed to say


ei /xc

nAaTcov ov



Panaetius had pronounced the Phasdo

5 ( )

Cf. £lie Halevy,


Theorie Platonicienne des Sciences

(1896), p. xvii.


See note 10 on Chap. IV., above.

7 ( )




Mr. Archer Hind says that eKacrrov in Tim. 51 c vor/Tov) means "only every class naturally

determined," understanding, as he does, "naturally deter-

mined " to apply only to living creatures and fire, air, water and earth, this seems to me a quite unjustifiable twisting of Plato's words to suit a preconceived and otherwise indefensible

Mr. A. E. Taylor very pertinently asks whether Plato can have thought "the Auto-Bug of more

that there is in this any necessary inconsistency with Plato's doctrine. regarded as numbers [as they were by some of the contemporary Platonists rality whom which Aristotle criticises]. And used by Plato. § 8. though the recognition of ideas. Aphr. 18 (favcrei) (8io Brj ov 6 nXarcov on €L§r) icrrlv 07roo"a has been used as an argument for the view that Plato's restricted the later theory ideas to " natural kinds " it —in the sense of the organic species. or even with Mr." So we might paraphrase the passage. It is the element of form. Jackson. Mr. et Dr. x. x. their present place to The words rovs apiO/Jiovs were read by Alex. p. are a plu- or multiplicity participates in unity. 8 as It is the <f>vrovpy6<s who makes the idea of a bed. with Bonitz. would not be inconsistent even with the form of the theory which we find the phrase in Rep. which Bonitz approves. § 8.. "The ideas. and add KaX tovs to the end of the preceding sentence. but I cannot agree with him in regarding Parm. 9875. 304. v. 22. to A in 6. e<f>rj A 3. or " limit " which constitutes an idea as distinct from the manifold of sensible things. I do not think can be proved that : Aristotle's criticisms relate specially to the later theory Phcedo is the only dialogue he names in his criticisms. Taylor's arguments against Dr. and treated as in an interpretation apposition ra dSrj. Archer Hind seem to me quite convincing .212 NOTES TO CHAPTER V worth and import in the scheme of things than clvto o 1<ttl SiKaioorvvr) " (Mind.. 1070a. Met. in order to suit his theory that the ideas are represented by the "mixed class" dpt6fjiov<s of the Phileb. in the plural. as possibly earlier than Rep. and 293.. note). Waddell in placing it not later than the most abstract discussions in the Republic (edition of Parmenides. proposes to omit rov<s apiOfjiovs in Arist. Jackson and Mr. Aristotle's Ka/ccos phrase in Met. p. though the introduction of the Pythagorean formula of " numbers " may be a somewhat retrograde develop- ment of Plato. in the Journal of Philology. unity.S. But I do not think. xxxiii). 07r6ara <f>vorcL. 286 ( ) seq. N. . p.

v. but held the dialogue supposed Plato to refute thought that Aristotle was alluded not to be Plato's. seen by Plato (in the Philebus) to involve an element of the many even in the ideal sphere. pp. 17a there is no excuse for rejecting the words kol -n-oXXd. A 9. Aristotle's objections Teichmiiller Heft 12 ( ) iii." Ueberweg and Schaarschmidt to. Zeller's omission of ra or Schwegler's interpretation. I — and — favourite it illustra- should be noted has also (186 a). This has usually been taken to mean that the Platonists did not admit ideas etc. 401. " If. 15. Lutoslawski. (Neue Studien zur Geschichte der Begriffe. Hep. venture to think Aristotle . In Met. as we sometimes feel tempted to conjecture. Greek Philosophers. Note that in the Timceus it is by a kind of spurious thought (not sense-perception) that " the other " 10 ( is apprehended. OL fX€V TUiV 7TpOS Tl TTOtOV(TLV kolO' iSea?. in Phcedo. tions with Plato in Thecp. would not affect view of Plato's later doctrine. received without offence. i. § 6. cit. Diog. phrase is Even if it be said that is l&ea iSea not here used in the strictest technical sense (but ever to Plato as merely technical as of such a phrase at all we make it?). notice ( ) one other argument which has been used in support of the view that Aristotle's criticisms refer to a later and restricted theory of ideas. op. 16 d we have the tov airttpov iSeav. 283. Aristotle says. likeness. tov<s which would seem to require the omission of this general 9 ( ) before apLOfxovs. however. p. Laert. imlikeness. 1. 363-370). Benn. those criticisms [of the Parmenides\ were first suggested to him by Aristotle in conversation. p. uiv ov <f>a/xev clvai avro ye'ros. e. €Tl 0€ ol aKpi(3i(TT€pOL T(t)V 13 X6yiOV.t. the use shows that the main feature of Plato's In later theory cannot have been a restriction of the ideas. ) Cf. 990b. It is tyjv worth noting that in Phileb. it will be still more evident that they were ( n) Cf. § 35.g. of relation.NOTES TO CHAPTER V is 213 now ei8?7. Even in this brief discussion I must.

Jowett. quoting the passage from " Plato had a better idea of the rela- tion of prophecy generally to the state of sober consciousness than many moderns. p. either — (1) that we.214 NOTES TO CHAPTERS V AND What he seems to mean (to." style. CHAPTER VI (*) On the knowledge of Plato in the Middle Ages. or rather. 418 (ed. (2) that do not seek to bring co-relatives under the same idea. after some framed not Pythagorean model. 248 D the Cf. too strong. common yeVos of masters no attempt is made to assert one and slaves . exactly. iii. but p. /xcivtikos rj 5 ( ) In Phcedr. X. 7rpos is VI been misunderstood. 290 c-e. Gomperz. is 345 (ed. i. Xoyos. but as a after the detached building in a different Socratic. and yet. Archer iii. ( ) We not as the centre or inmost shrine of the edifice. trans. Eth. while that of the philois sopher comes what said about priests and diviners in Polit. do not attempt to bring things that are merely relative to something else same class with things that have their i. remarks Hegel. but am cf. p. 133 e. we 1096&. 3). 2 " are led by Plato himself to regard the Timceus. first. § 8. also /2ios reA-ecm/cos is placed fifth in the scale of lives. in Parm. Greek Thinkers (Eng. the Platonists. conceivably.). perhaps. Jowett's Plato. 71. ™) into the meaning per se (cf. The For the translations from the Timceus in this chapter I have not followed either Jowett or Mr.e. word " detached " perhaps Hind 3 ( ) i. might insist on doing so. who supposed that the Platonic language . notes. Nic. : Timceus. Thus. Plato. 8). see note 3 on Chap. On Alcmseon. 6. 3). a critic applying an d/<pi/?e'crTepos urging the ulti- mate unification of whatever has anything in common. 4 ( ) 148 and Cf. indebted to both.

was becoming obsolete" If Plato had meant to follow the (Campbell. in Wallace. De Casio. p. Archer Hind's note on Tim. I " or " . divine in the visible world.NOTES TO CHAPTER on the subject of VI their 215 belief enthusiasm authorised in the sublimity of the revelations of somnambulistic vision" (Encycl. seems to have understood the words in the Timoeus to mean a rotation of the earth. Hegel's Phil. simply to mark any possible distinction between koV/xos and ovpavos. inasmuch as Plato's use of the verb etAAw. so that the result would be the same as that of a stationary earth and the heavens alone revolving. 34). 12 1. ii. iii. 33. Pythagoreans in making the earth revolve. ( ) ironqTov is defended by voyjtov is the reading of others. § 406 note. Cf. Professor Campbell would translate dXXo/Urirp " held ( ) \ in. he was surely mathematician enough to have added that its revolution was in the contrary direction to that of the heavens and at half the velocity. 13. 7 The word ovpavos had been used for the universe by ( ) Plato may use the word here rather the old philosophers. confined. Mr. ' ' than Kocr/xos or r68e to 7rav. (A). v. restrained. trans." Aristotle. which he probably borrowed from the poets. by Professor Lewis Campbell in Journal of Philology. See Mr. Professor Cook Wilson in Classical Review. is speaking of the interpretation given to these words by the later Platonists. 206 et seq. 1 who in many points returned to the That they should have understood elXXofxivrjv to mean rolling was the more natural. reading. because the movement of the heavens was regarded by him as the fullest expression of the have followed Jowett in using the word ". 293&. 214).heaven heavens " for ovpavos. substantially the true one. p.S. " The solution offered by Simplicius Aristotle in all probability. elements ' of Pythagorean teaching. 30. p. of pp. 6 Mind. Archer Hind on the principle that it is the more difficult votjtov suits the immediate context better. 40 b also an art. is. 8 Eikwv tov 7toly)tov is the reading of the best M.

where* . of Alexandria (to which I am indebted for these references). prop. etc. Cf. 10 ( Clemens." seems to me quite unnecessary. Thomas Aquinas. x. Psyche. carries out the same idea even more thoroughly. The same passage 23. Dr. to Strom. 37-39. Archer Hind's edition of the Ph&do. 1 and 2. Alcib. in which only two gods it must be of later date. 47. i. Apol. argues that there must be diversity and inequality among created things . art. qu. Suppl.. i. and 2 ( ) therefore the true Cf. Ethica. pp. art. 16: "Ex necessitate ( divinae naturse infinita infinitis modis sequi debent. Mr. 104. The trinity of Ep. but there it years to write.216 9 ( ) NOTES TO CHAPTERS Justin. p. The work may have taken many his hands. 130. ( ) Cf. ii. VI AND VII 60. v. 249. also in hypothesis of Rohde. xi. 1. applying his principle of continuity. c. CHAPTER J VII argued that the soul rules self. Summa Theol. and grown in is no greater development of doctrine of than can be found in some of the smaller dialogues. and was apparently unknown to Philo or any heathen philosopher before Xumenius. v. 557 note. Bigg in his Christian Platonists p. where it is the body. Prcep. The p. is i. otherwise the world would not be perfect. Introd. 8) already cited in note 17 on Chap. and Eusebius. Spinoza. 120." Leibniz. that This is precisely the Platonic doctrine. IV. 17. is referred in Athenagoras. argues that the second Platonic Epistle must belong from the sixth. 14. that " in the Republic we have two essentially different stages of Plato's doctrine only externally connected. is referred to by Plotinus in the passage (Ennead. Journal of Philology. the passage quoted from a letter in Professor Latta's edition of the Monadology. n ) Cf. § 4. Evang. ) i. to a different school are spoken of.

There is a full discussion of the distinction between ( ) "demotic" and philosophical virtue in Mr. § inspiration. Arist. Bosanquet.NOTES TO CHAPTERS the on. " On Plato's Phcedo " in Mind. p. Cf. 6 ( ) 7 ( ) Teichmiiller. 8 ( ) Professor Burnet in his Aristotle's Ethics (note on it 11. § 10. 9 fin. § 11.). 1332a. he quotes Aulus Gellius. and not the Cynics. Archer Hind's ed. The " rhapsode. i. of the Phcedo.S. vii. 13. 404. tyjv rjSovrjv. was Speusippus. (O. 333 c (where it is of Protagoras and of Socrates will be tested by discussion) the 2 way is prepared for an admission of the relative truth of positions attacked ( ) by Socrates. Sympos. i. Xen. xi. reprinted in Darwin and Hegel." here represented by Ion. Arist." I do not think this view can be reconciled with the obvious meaning of Aristotle's words in § 3) maintains that : C. 1260a. Cf. is not merely a reciter of the poets. Here the subject <£cu?. § 1 : ov yap av of ^tairj oirtp kolkov tl tTvou 27ra'o-i7T7ro?. what is said about the Republic 161. ix. 5 vetusque omnis Academia voluptatem et dolorem mala esse dicunt opposita inter sese. Literarische Fehden. p. must be If we under- . 21 . 4 ( ) more I have treated the subject of this chapter somewhat fully in an art. its There nothing in the Ion to suggest doubt as to 3 ( ) Platonic authorship. With Fritzsche " Speusippus and Grant. Pol. Pol. who held that pleasure was altogether evil. Cf. but of our is who work by 8. but professes to interpret them. etc. vii. 5 ( ) 4 Appendix I. 13. 3 ( ) VII AND on p. above. 40. 202 et seq. CHAPTER x VIII said that the views both ( ) In Protag. 25. VIII 217 first statements of Socrates are corrected and modified later Cf. Companion to Plato's Republic. and so has the airs not only of our literary critics modern actors. 13.

if Gellius is an authority." (" Summum malum dicit [voluptatem esse] ") 1 It is true we have the statement that Antisthenes said that pleasure was to be pursued after toil and not before it (Stobaeus. Deipn. 6 (513))." a conception which may. And. and that fjSovr} d^era/ieX^Tos was good (Athenseus. as has been suggested. rather than edification. and whose gospel was "the return to nature.218 stand NOTES TO CHAPTER rts as subject VIII (with Grant. words Savovs Xeyo/xeVous t<x 7repl cfjvo-Lv could hardly refer to Speusippus so well as to Antisthenes. following the Paraphrast). . Laert. who wrote 7T€/h cfivcrcms (Diog. 29. subject (and thinks this possible) . vi. " would not call pleasure per se a species of Speusippus a. 1. Plato. and that all pleasure was followed by regret. why not accept his still stronger remark about Antisthenes evil. or (2) Antisthenes may have meant that man's toil was never over. Phileb. owe something to the sophist Hippias. Stewart. who probably would not appreciate the difference between " non bonum" and "malum" And. which is hardly respectful to Professor Burnet makes Soever. 65). Aulus Gellius can be right.. note if an evil. in any case. § 17). his refers to those who deny that there are any pleasures . Aristotle would have admitted that pleasure might be " accidentally " evil. is and yet accept Aulus refute we make Aristotle the opinion that pleasure call it an evil by saying that nobody would Speusippus. feel pleasure ! " and the next.l. xi. 44 c. At one moment he might say. but I do not see how. even if Plato — there refers to views becoming prevalent in his own school. His words here must therefore outweigh the statement of a late writer and a mere literary man like Aulus Gellius. Florileg. Gellius's statement. But (1) in the days of respectable and moderate Stoicism the sayings of the Cynic doctor may have been toned down . or even of the good man on the rack. But. we need not expect strict con- sistency of language from a rhetorical preacher of extreme views. " May I be mad. for purposes of commend the pleasures of the ascetic life.

p. S. Communism in their Cf. 96).P. 3. VIII 219 the passage would not prove that Speusippus held that pleasure but is quite compatible with what I take to be the view of Aristotle. and in Candide. which Bonitz cites as a probable reference to Hipp. only proves at the most. 2seq. above. it is by far the best and most interesting of the imitations. Werke. 15 ( ) the restrictions put upon art in Books severer criticism in This represents roughly the distinction between (1) ii. maj. 13 ) 14 ( ) on Chap. p. Voltaire in his Essai sur xiv. mozurs et Vesprit des nations. . Hegel. 22. trans. Pol vii. 26). 146a. whose genuineness reasonably doubted. ii. maj. to oY oif/cus rj to 81 aKorjs tJSv. II. 10. Holy Roman Empire. I have not attempted in this little volume to treat specially of Plato's attitude to art. A 29.. and (2) the Book x. was unknown to Aristotle. If the dialogue is not Plato's. J. Eng. ed. and iii. Cf. vi. 1.. 6) calls imply. p. 7. ( ) ii.K. that Hipp. Mill. Eng. xiv.). trans. Political Economy. is The only is dialogue in which is the subject of beauty expressly discussed the Greater Hippias. xiv. ( ( 10 p. 275 {History of Philosophy. 264. ) n ) Bryce. Arist. 12 ( ) An account of the Jesuit Mission in Paraguay will be found in Kaufmann.C..NOTES TO CHAPTER was evil. 195 (Hist. knew one of the definitions and the definition quoted is not exactly that of Hipp. maj. Top. because Aristotle in referring to the Lesser Hippias (Met. Socialism and Practical Application (S. § 4. and is not a mere imitation. note 2 Phil. ( les . 9 Werke. ii. chap. 298 a (to kolXov cVti to oY aKorjs re kcu oi/zews t)Sv) Aristotle is dealing with an alternative form of definition. 13296. p. though it simply "the Hippias. that Aristotle of the beautiful there discussed . mainly because a special treatment would be disproportionate where the whole scale is so small. 1025a. § 9. but . of Cf.. c." This seems to it cannot be said absolutely to prove.

6. (I cannot understand M. § 9). And so the dialogue leaves the problem unsolved. ." But why. is asked. Cf. from it difficulties it seems deny that the beautiful later theories. 1 ).) After putting aside the attempts of Hippias to explain beauty by examples of particular which can be e). discusses in succession three general definitions is — (1) Socrates " The beautiful fitting or is t6 Trpiirov " (293 This rejected because the becoming is only what makes things appear beautiful. the good. it VIII If a highly original discussion in a genuinely Platonic vein. is iv. do we combine the pleasures of these two use the modern phrase). v. may belong to the earlier " Socratic " period. Republic." to The beautiful is the But even this is not is pleasant which free is profitable or . Phcedo. It was reserved for Plotinus to make what seems the obvious application of the Platonic idealism. it is must in respect of its philosophical stage be assigned to the period of the Gorgias. 8 . iv. and distinguish them from the pleasures of the other senses 1 This important difficulty suggests a modification of the definition : senses (as " aesthetic " pleasures. though contains the germs of many Even apart from the Greater Hippias. but he cannot be said to have concerned himself specially with them in the sense in which he does concern himself with those of Logic.220 NOTES TO CHAPTER Plato's. contains the fully developed doctrine of Ideas. Lutoslawski saying it contains nothing of interest for Plato's beautiful objects. Hipp. maj. to " useful. chaps. (2) " — cf. and v. none of logic. and Politics. and to argue that the arts need not simply imitate the visible. iii. olvto to kol\6v. Bosanquet. Plato has done much to raise the problems of ^Esthetics. 8. i Ji l The beautiful is the useful " (to xpw ° v ) a definition which had satisfied the Xenophontic Socrates (Mem. is but is here criticised. He treats art simply in its relation to morality. Metaphysics. (3) "The beautiful that which it pleasant to the senses of hearing and sight. min. History of ^Esthetic. but go back to the reasons (\6yov<s) from which nature comes (Ennead. while Hipp. Ethics.

7 ( ) Confess. 2." The the ' ' .). but the language of from Plato's own Cudworth in his Intellectual System of the point of view. chap. etc. 48 (p. Cf. xi. 14. vii. Plato. Mrs. has an elaborate refutation of Plutarch's account of Plato's opinions on the evil soul of the less philosophically strict world. CHAPTER X (*) Mr. speaks in enigmas and symbolically.' being now an elderly man. he no longer but in the Laws.g. p. language of the Timceus the Laivs is still is symbolical . I think. Zeller. iii. but names them by for he says that the universe was moved their true names not by one soul. xxxiv. 8.NOTES TO CHAPTERS IX AND X 221 CHAPTER IX (!) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) Grote. (*) 5 ( ) Cf. De Iside et Osiride. Plato (Eng." He Neo-Platonism as "the school of Alexasserts the claims of Neo-Platonism to represent the genuine Hellenic tradition — most successfully. e. p. § 10. 6 ( ) Plutarch.. c. Pol. 306. Not having the special knowledge which would justify me . the opposing principles ' same and the other. chap. Universe. Cf. c. § 13. least so in the case of Iamblichus. 545. Cf. 22. Dei. iv. 17. as it calls were mystifying and veiling the matter in many places. 12 j De Civ. 370) : " Plato. Book i. 13365. iv. Thomas : Platonists title A on Tli e NeoStudy in the History of Hellenism (the subhis of Whittaker in his work of indicates point view) protests rightly against the description andria. Grote's Personal Life of George Grote. but by several or at least by two. trans. in the case of Plotinus. xii. Contrat Social. vii..

Confess. Canto i. also Mr. Ficino had just finished his transla- and it was during his conversation with Pico On Pico that he formed the design of translating Plotinus. Averroes. of Europe in the Middle ( ) Ages. Eth. cf. The Renaissance. 311." i.d. 1890). c. in "Temple Series. vol. ( ) Mirandola (pp. Vasari. Latta. Nic. 3 5 ( ) Cf. i. quoted by Tulloch. M. 12 . cautious. Psychozoia. ( ) Kashdall. ii. Essay on Pico della Cf. p. 744. ( ) Rational Tlieology and Christian Philosophy in England in the Seventeenth Century. 4. 131-135. Kigg's "Introduction" to Sir Thomas cf. p. p. Eenan. 38-41 in ed. The mediaeval translations of the Phcedo and the Meno seem Mr.222 NOTES TO CHAPTER X amount of the non-Hellenic in pronouncing on the precise element in Neo-Platonism. in vol. J. Leibniz's Monadology. p. 4 Inferno. trans. that Plato was never the subject of mediaeval lectures. c. where the visit of Pico to Ficino is described. xii. Civ. 9. Dei. De Cf. ii. vii. Canto iv. Lives of the Painters (Eng. 2). 37 and note 3 also Appendix XIV. Cf. 8 ( ) Cf. Universities . 314. The last four lines of the passage from Milton link Plato with what Leibniz called "barbarous philosophy. viii." etc. Rashdall notes to have been made only about 1160 a. tion of Plato. More'sZt/e of Pico (London. . p. p. ii. 7 Henry More. 6 Pater. 403. Karl Michelet's edition of Arist. I have been careful to make brief statement moderate 2 ( ) my and 5 . p. 210).

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Cratylus. J. iii. 2). Sophist). Pespublica (Republic). Epistulce XIII. Amatores{Erastae. II. Charmides. iv. iii. 1). (App. ii. J. J. Glitopho {Clitophon). (App.o\oyoviJ. J. (Epistles). Tetralogia vi. [not extant]. 1. Laert. J. Demodocus. Thewtetus. and editions. Epinomis. J. i. Parmenides. Apologia Socratis. Laches. J. Alcibiades Alcibiades J. Menexenus (Ejntaphios). are— Euthydemus. J. Be Be 226 Justo.. ii. iii. i. Phcedo. indicate the the Oxford edition. ii. Sisyphus. ii. J. Admittedly Spurious fxevoi 6/j. Io {Ion). ii. (App. Hippias Major. but not mentioned in Diog. Befinitiones. Sophista (Sophistes. J. i. J. Tetralogia hi. ii. J. Tetralogia vii. i. J. ii. i. Virtutt. . Philebus. iv. 1). Leges (Laws). i. Halcyon [generally in Lucian's works]. v. J. ii. Phcedrus. I.] Tetralogia i. Protagoras. Chelidon [not extant]. i. J. Tetralogia Theages. Anterastae. J. Hebdome J. iii. etc. In our MSS. 2). Hipparchus. ii. Euthyphro. 1). J. ii. i. iv. 3) in which the dialogue will be found. §§ 56-62. iv.. Politicus {Statesman).APPENDIX III List op the Platonic Writings according to Thrasyllus (Diog. i. i. (or Erasistratus). (App. J. v. J. Crito. J. J. Laert. §§ 56-62). iv. Phceaces [not extant]. Timoeus. volume of Jowett's Plato (ed. (vodevb- Tetralogia iv. J. Lysis. [The names are given first in the Latin forms adopted in The numbers. Gorgias. Hippias Minor. J. Minos. Tetralogia ix. Epimenides [not extant].. J. Rivales). Tetralogia ii. J. Meno. Midon [not Eryxias ii. iii.4j>u)s). Axiochus. J. extant]. (App. J. J. 1. Tetralogia viii. Critias. Symposium (Banquet).

5— p. 1. iii. •227 b— p. 716 c— p. 7. xi. eh. n. 6. §§ 61. 2 seq. A. Deipn. 160 . vi. n. iv. 56. M. v. 153. x. ch. 13. JEpist. 8. 9. n. 158. xii. 81 c — p. 27 ch. n. 5. i. 9876. 15. 96e-98a— p. n. 8. f. — Leg. 987a. 98. n. 81. scq. 60. § 9. 6— p.INDEX OF PASSAGES DISCUSSED OR ANNOTATED Athen^us. 38— p. § 9. § 3. ii. 1080a. 4. ii. § . § vii. 79. § 41— ch. 6 (cf. 1070a. 324 b-326 c— ch. 18—ch. § 9. i. 183. 5)— p. A. 182. Herodotus. 10866. iii. v. Maj. 2. Nic. iii. 1. ii. iv. ch. 4. 301 a— p. 13986. 6. 12. viii. § 112 (505) — ch. iii. 114. n. Hipp. A. § 35. 988 d. 13. 32. viii. ii. 6. 6.—\\ 49. n. Plato. ch. 30— p. 9916. § 9. vii. iii. 23. 20 .)— pp. i. 21— p. n. ii. M 5. n. (cf. n. 7. ii. 23. 15— ch. i. Eth. 1260a. 22— ch. . 119—ch. 904 a. Ejrinomis. 135 . iv. § 3. ii. 85. 20— ch. iii. n. 11536. v. § 1. § 1. § 8. 62—ch. Aristotle. De . A. 18. J/Wio. 9906. A. § 37— ch. 8. § 1. 55. 12896. n. Vitis Phil. 29— p. — p. A. 95. 9. 2. § 106 — p. 106. . 49. Pol. 104 312 e— p. § 1. v. 16. 896 d. 98 a. 10. ix. 963-965— p. 10. 991a. . Diogenes Laertius. 22— p. i. n. 7. Met. Euthyd. e 898 c. 15. 13. lihet.

ch. Phcedo. 16 Polit. . 27. p. — 97. 1. d—pp. 132 b. b— p. n. 183 e —ch. — p. n. 112. init. 97 . 15. — pp. n. iii. a—p. vi. 7. Xenophon. 71 e— pp. 193 a— p. 40 b — ch. vi. iv.228 Farm. § 9. 4. p. — pp. 5. p. viii. 111. ch. iii. n. 1. o—pp. 114. ii. 56. v. 14-16— p. 60. Mem. 9. e— p. 21 . 48. 6. 59 c — 100 100 Phileb. 476 v. c— ch. 1. Protag. 155 182 a—p. § 12— p. n. b—pp. c— p. n. 40 D— 51 c —ch. Soph. n. 597— p. § . x. 277 D—p. (reference to Protagoras) Tim. ch. 6. 2. ii. n. 143. n. § 5. —see ch. 12 — ch. 99. 80. 94. x.-vii. 190 92 c—ch. 15 115. vii. ii. iii. 82-84. vi. 320 c-322 d— ch. v. 48. 621 a—p. a p. 102. INDEX — see ch. passim. a—p. 8. 89. 91. v. ii. v. 16 d — ch. 155 ch. 12. i. Thecct. 100. v. 217 c— p. vi. 101. n. — 96 ch. Sympos. 129. n. 333 Rep. 7. 129. 137. 36 b— 134. viii. iv. . —see ch. 117. 52 . 1— p. 248 Sympos. 596. 95. 72. 20. 116. p. 10— p. n. iv.


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