You are on page 1of 15

The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology Vol. 5, No. 1, April 2004, pp.

1 /14

Teaching Performance Art is Like Sharpening the Blade of a Knife

Diana Glazebrook

The music, dance and narrative practice of Arnold Ap, Sam Kapissa and the performance troupe Mambesak may appear to conform to the Indonesian state project of inventorising local cultures in the context of unified national culture. This paper examines the political project of using cultural performance to build an alternative identity. Ap and Kapissa documented and rearranged traditional music and dances, Irianised foreign music and drew on local metaphors and meanings in new compositions. Aps evocative music and his status as national martyr provide inspiration to West Papuans in exile and in the homeland Irian Jaya. Keywords: Irian Jaya; West Papua; Arnold Ap; Independence; Music; Performance; Refugees; Indonesian National Culture; Resistance

The compilation soundtrack West Papua: Sound of the Morning Star, released in 2003 by Australian musician David Bridie, is dedicated to West Papuan musician and curator Arnold Ap (Bridie et al. 2003). This article unravels Bridies dedication to Ap by exploring the analogy that is the papers title. Teaching performance art is like sharpening the blade of a knife was said to me by a West Papuan refugee during fieldwork in 1998 9 at a former United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) settlement in Papua New Guinea (PNG). The refugee * an artist* used the analogy to illustrate how his proposal for an arts school came to be rejected by the Irian Jaya provincial government in the early 1980s. In the context of Indonesia, the logic of the analogy is that cultural performance as a representation of nationhood is conceived as an activity of resistance. The analogy is played out in the detention without trial of Arnold Ap in 1983, which led to the flight into Papua New Guinea of some 250 people, including Aps students, colleagues and fellow musicians.1
/ / /

Diana Glazebrook is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Centre for Cross-Cultural Research, Australian National University. Correspondence to: Diana Glazebrook, Centre for Cross-Cultural Research, Stanner Building, Australian National University 0200. Tel: '/61(0)2 612 55429. Fax: '/61(0)2 612 52438. Email:
ISSN 1444-2213 (print)/ISSN 1740-9314 (online) # 2004 The Australian National University DOI: 10.1080/1444221042000201724

D. Glazebrook

The article begins with a chronology of several events that foreground the emergence of a discourse of Irianese cultural performance tradition in the period 1974 84. (I follow the convention of using the term Irianese rather than West Papuan to refer to this period, as the latter was considered separatist in sentiment, and punishable by the state.)2 This discourse of Irianese cultural performance is examined in the music, dance and narrative practice of Arnold Ap and ethnomusicologist Sam Kapissa, and their performance troupe Mambesak. Such practice included the documentation and rearrangement of traditional music and dances from ethnicities and localities across Irian Jaya, the superimposition of local elements to Irianise foreign music, and the use of local metaphors and meanings in the lyrics of new compositions. The article examines how this discourse of Irianese cultural tradition articulated with the Indonesian states own discourse of national culture in the tropes tunggal bhinneka ika (unity in diversity) and wawasan nusantara (the unified archipelago). It considers how Aps cultural performance activity, which apparently complied with national rhetoric about diversity, came to be perceived as an activity of resistance. Finally, the legacy of Ap is brought into the present through a brief exploration of the approach and political intent of Bridies recent production.

Emergence of a Discourse of Irianese Cultural Tradition Narratives of Indonesian theft, subjugation and violence in a West Papuan historical discourse have been framed as collective memory of the nations suffering or memoria passionis (Giay 2000; Hernawan & van den Broek 1999). Several core events in this memoria passionis in the period 1961 9 provide a backdrop to the emergence of a discourse of Irianese cultural tradition in the following decade. On 19 December 1961, a campaign to wrest Netherlands New Guinea from the Dutch was mobilised by Indonesian President Sukarno.3 Dutch control was subsequently ceded to Indonesia in the New York Agreement on 15 August 1962. This agreement included provision for a referendum on self-determination known as the Act of Free Choice. Between 14 July and 2 August 1969, voting by eight assemblies (1,022 delegates appointed by the Indonesian administration) resulted in the declaration of West Irian as Indonesias seventeenth province. Each of these events led to state development policies and military campaigns that were deemed oppressive, and provoked resistance usually conflated as Free Papua Movement (OPM) activity (Ondawame 2000). At the time of the visit of the UNs special representative to West Irian during the 1969 voting period, Arnold Ap led a demonstration with fellow Cenderawasih University (Jayapura) (UNCEN) students and was imprisoned (Ireeuw 1994). Following his release, Ap dedicated himself to engaging West Papuan people in the preservation of their cultural identity in spite of their existence within the Indonesian Republic (Aditjondro 1993b, p. 9). In the late 1970s, Ap was appointed Curator of the UNCEN Museum by the Director of the Institute of Anthropology, Ignasius Suharno. At the time of his appointment, Ap was a geography graduate and a

Figure 1 Irian Jaya and the border region of Papua New Guinea showing the location of Cenderawasih University (Jayapura) (UNCEN) and East Awin, and regions from where Ap recorded performance material.

D. Glazebrook

musician with intimate ties to customary leaders and artists. The political nature of Aps occupation as curator has been made explicit: [as] curator of a state-built museum devoted to Irianese (provincial) culture the link between Aps assassination and occupation is hardly accidental. . . .For museums, and the museumising imagination, are both profoundly political (Anderson 1983, p. 178). The idea of the museum functioning as primary maker of Irianese nationalism has been contested. Rather, it was the cultural performance movement on the edge of the UNCEN Museum, particularly the activities of the performance troupe Mambesak, that were more likely to invoke Irianese nationalism among followers (Aditjondro 1993b, p. 16). Mambesaks repertoire was restricted to songs and dances considered traditional and originating from within Irian Jaya. The bounded nature of the repertoire imagined a certain cultural congruity* an overarching cultural Irianeseness* whereas the states discourse of national culture imagined different ethnicities as congruent parts of a unified Indonesian archipelago. The Indonesian states discourse of national culture is promoted in the tropes unity in diversity and the unified archipelago. These tropes may be traced back to 1935 when Dutch anthropologist J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong (1983)[1935]) theorised a Malay archipelago to include Netherlands New Guinea, comprising a population whose culture appears to be sufficiently homogenous and unique to form a special object of ethnological study, and which at the same time apparently reveals sufficient local shades of differences to make comparative research worthwhile (quoted in Ploeg 2002, p. 87). It was later claimed that the concept of the Malay archipelago as a field of ethnological study was only ever intended as an areal field of study, not a checklist of distinguishing features of the culture area Indonesia (Pouwer 1992, p. 99). The unified archipelago concept is the basis of orthodox Indonesian museum practice where sequences of material culture items from different provinces of the archipelago are displayed in nusantara sections (Taylor 1994). Certain cultural items (folk stories, motifs, costumes, dances) are arranged to form archipelago-wide sequences. These sequences represent both the distinctiveness of an ethnic group and its congruence as part of the archipelago. In an essay in the edited collection Aspects and Prospects of the Cultural Arts of Irian Jaya (Flassy 1983), Ap himself used the metaphor khasana, meaning treasury or storage area for valuable objects, to imagine a national culture as a container of regional cultural sequences: clearly variegated arts of regional cultures need to be uncovered and cultivated and processed as well as developed in order to fill and enrich the national cultures treasury (Ap 1983a, p. 117). Anthropologists have drawn attention to the way that regional diversity is honoured and valued by the Indonesian state as long as it remains at the level of display and performance, rather than at the level of belief or enactment (Acciaioli 1985, p. 161). In other words, the kinds of cultural differences which can be legitimately sustained are subjected to state-defined parameters of what kinds of cultural differences can be legitimately expressed (Robinson 1993, p. 229). The orthodoxy of the nusantara concept allowed Ap and Kapissa a certain liberty to represent performance art and material culture as regional, as long as it was located alongside other regions, and
/ /

The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 5

within the wider national culture. Drawing on de Certeaus theory of tactic, we might say that Ap and Kapissa used the official rhetoric with respect to ends and references foreign to the system they had no choice to accept (de Certeau 1984, p. xiii). They used the rhetoric about unity in diversity to justify endeavours that kept a sense of alternative identities alive (Rutherford 2001, p. 16). While Ap did not explicitly represent his viewpoint in relation to Indonesian cultural forms as intrusive, or Irianese cultural identity as alternative, it was implicit in his practice, and, according to some of his peers, was the subject of their private conversations with him.

An Irianese Cultural Performance Practice Ap accompanied anthropologists on fieldwork trips, and used these opportunities to notate and record songs and dances, and document material culture such as carving, sculpture and pottery. He occasionally published this research (Ap 1974, 1983a,b; Ap & Kapissa 1981; Ap & Mansoben 1974; Ap & Solheim 1977). In his essay Inventory of basic dance steps from Irian Jaya, Ap detailed dance steps from four regions, and proposed that the foundation movements of every traditional dance were a response to the surrounding environment of that dances location (Aditjondro 2000a). Costumes made of local materials autochthonised the dance, tracing its origin to a place. Imported materials erased the identity of the dance (Ap 1983a, p. 123):
uncovering regional dance material which is still abundant in our region must be worked on with detail and care so that we dont disregard certain elements which constitute the character or identity of the dance material mentioned. In order that we can account for each element which is presented we need to gather information or data from around the area of the region of origin of that dance material. (Ap 1983a, p. 122)

Ap urged resistance to the polluting impact of the Indonesian media on local dance and advocated that choreographers utilise traditional dance material:
it is still too early in Irian Jaya to busy ourselves with creative dance because that type is suitable for regions that have already exhausted their regional dance material. We need to direct our attention to unearthing traditional dance material which is still abundant and preserve it so that it can then be worked on in new creations. (Ap 1983a, p. 123)

In the early 1980s, Mambesak choreographed the Yospan dance (Aditjondro, pers. comm., 1999), which is currently exhibited as one of several provincial icons in the Irian Jaya pavilion at the miniature cultural theme park Taman Mini in Jakarta. In spite of its synthesis from Pancar, Yosim, Lemonipis and Balengan dances, the Yospan dance can be traced back to the local places of its constituent parts as though its genealogies were constant (cf. Rutherford 1996, p. 594).
The Pancar dance is reckless. It reflects Biaks hot climate. It comprises sets of leaping or jumping movements called tuna fish and forward retreat repetitions called prawn. The dancer vigorously strikes his/her own buttocks with the heel

D. Glazebrook
making a sound like crashing of waves. The leaping movement in striking is like the exhilaration felt upon running alongside breaking waves. The Yosim dance from Serui is slow and inviting. It is a firm stepping dance because Serui houses are close to the ground. It may have originated from Sarmi, taking its name from the Yosim mountain there. The Lemonipis dance comes from Sarmi, Jayapura. It is characterised by regulated, synchronised steps. Dancers hold hands and dance in a large group usually in a field, not in a house, circling a person beating the tifa drum. The Balengan dance from Manokwari is more refined with little body movement. Steps are trod lightly because houses in this region are built high above swamps. (Mambesak member, Marthen Rumabar, East Awin 1998)

Aps approach as curator, composer and choreographer was to utilise dasar or foundation elements as the basis for innovation. Such elements included composition structures, cadences, minor key (rather than diatonic form), movements and gestures. These elements were also used to Irianise foreign music. For example, hymns were commonly Irianised by translating lyrics into regional languages and using familiar composition structures and local instruments (Kapissa 1983a).4 In the 1970s, Arnold Ap and Sam Kapissa contested the European orientation of the liturgical music of the Christian Protestant Church, claiming it was not rooted in their own culture. In protest, they arranged religious songs in the languages of Biak, Windesi, Skou, Yali and Aitinyo, accompanied by accordion, tifa-drum, ukelele and guitar (Aditjondro 1984, p. 27). The trend toward Irianising music in the Protestant church in the north spread to Catholic congregations in the south (Aditjondro, pers. comm., 1999). An example of the practice of Irianising music is detailed in an essay by Sam Kapissa on the church hymn For you, praise and respect (Kapissa 1983a). The lyrical subject for this hymn was taken from Revelations 4: 11, but the melody is randan * a traditional Biak melody of praise sung during certain rituals. The lyric form is also randan, characterised as a traditional poetic form and comprising verses made of two parts. The tip (kadwor) mentions the verses subject in an obscure way, and the starting point (fuar) reveals the subject. The lyrics are in Bahasa Indonesia rather than English, with the exception of the greeting Allah which Kapissa substitutes with Neno-nene, a Biak term of greeting for a revered person. By using Neno-nene, the hymn is given the form of a song of praise for a titled person. Beginning with a dedication, it becomes a classical Biak randan hymn. Kapissa categorised this synthetic form as a Christian-Irian hymn.

Mambesak In 1974 5, Ap, Kapissa and their Biak peers formed a performance group called Manyori, meaning sacred bird indigenous to Biak-Numfoor. In August 1978, they changed the name from Manyori to Mambesak. The name change is explained in terms of the symbolism of birds: manyori was a sacred bird native only to BiakNumfor, whereas mambesak (bird of paradise) was revered throughout Irian Jaya (Aditjondro 1984, pp. 29 30).5 Mambesak member Sawaki (pers. comm., 2001)
/ /

The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 7

described the bird of paradise in analogous terms. Like any nation, the bird of paradise species includes varieties of different colour, size and movement. It is a unique species of bird, easily audible and identifiable in the middle of a forest among other birds. Like the various ethnic groups imagined as the West Papuan nation, the classification bird of paradise contains scores of sub-species. The bird of paradise, too, has a history of appropriation and theft. In renaming the group, members sought a regional translation of bird of paradise that was already popular among West Papuans. The Biak translation mambesak was chosen as it was a household name following the televised performance of the Mambesak dance at Taman Mini, Jakarta, in April 1975 (Sawaki, pers. comm., 2001). Mambesak was embraced by the public. Their songs were sung at parties and festivals, and broadcast by the governments rural development program (Ireeuw 1994). Between 1978 and 1983, Mambesak recorded five volumes of folk songs in thirty local languages from nine regions.6 Lyrics of these songs were transcribed in the songbook Collection of Folk Songs of Irian Jaya (Lembaga Antropologi Universitas Cenderawasih 1980), and cassettes were marketed throughout the province.7 Besides music and dance, Mambesak performed an oral narrative known as mop. Its form may be a short vignette or dialogue spoken between two characters, and its subject is often a moral commentary on a particular event or social interaction. Mop is written and performed in the Irian dialect, claimed to truly touch the ear and heart of the people (Irja-DISC 1983) and tap the feelings of rural Irianese (Ajamiseba & Subari 1983, p. 13).8 Kapissa (1983b) distinguished between street mop and art

Figure 2 Arnold Ap (seated fourth from right) and fellow Mambesak Musicians, c.1981 (photo: Marthen Rumabar).

D. Glazebrook

Figure 3 Yospan dancing accompanied by Mambesak musicians in front of the Governors Ofce, Jayapura (Kapissa is the spectacled dancer facing the photographer, and Ap is second guitarist from right), c.1981 (photo: Marthen Rumabar).

mop. Street mop is categorised as shallow, objectifying people for the sake of entertainment. Whereas art mop resembles a religious parable, mirroring aspects of social life: [through mop] a heart which is unscrupulous may be corrected, excessive ambition bridled, power which is corrupt restricted, greedy appetite controlled (Kapissa 1983b). Mops humorous veil enabled its performance and circulation despite its political subject matter of scruples, ambition, power and greed. Its meaning was often esoteric: to know mop was to know local social life intimately. Mambesak performed mop on the radio program Warung Pinang , broadcast on Radio Republik Indonesia (RRI) in Jayapura. Mambesak also performed 187 live broadcasts on RRIs program Pelangi Budaya or Rainbow of Cultures, a program promoting unity in diversity. Pelangi Budaya aimed to introduce regional Irian Jaya culture and awaken as well as develop community appreciation toward regional culture in a framework of protecting the values of regional culture and the enrichment of a treasury of national culture (Ajamiseba & Subari 1983). After leaving Mambesak in 1980, Kapissa developed a music industry in Biak that boasted at least ten recording groups and produced thousands of cassettes for distribution (Aditjondro 2000b, pp. 122 5). Performance groups proliferated throughout the northern region of Irian Jaya during the early 1980s. These groups comprised students and civil servants, and most groups made recordings. Performances were occasionally transparently political. For example, at the time of the states Koteka campaign, Mambesak members danced unclothed as a

The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 9

statement against the Indonesian states attempt to extinguish aspects of Baliem culture, including the wearing of the koteka penis sheath. In a dominated political environment, performing a dance of familiar local origin, to music played by local performers using tifa and ukelele, among people considered us, was affective. Collectivism may be embodied in the progression or form of dance (Bottomley 1992, pp. 72 3) and in the nature of audience or crowd formation. Dancing while singing in ones own regional language further intensifies the experience (Pigay 2000, p. 298): When we hear songs sung in our regional language it is like it is our own flag that is waving. To hear the lyrics of a song in ones own language outside of ones place is enough to make that person weep (elderly man at East Awin, fieldnote 1998). The political intention of Aps lyrics was sometimes concealed in metaphor. For example, The Orphan Child (Anak Yatim Piato), composed by Ap in the Biak language in 1980 1, used an archetype of destitution in Indonesian popular culture. Among West Papuans, orphan signifies abandonment by the Dutch and neglect under Indonesia:
/ /

First verse : When just a baby/Embraced with full affection/Held and caressed/With bliss. Second verse : But after coming of age/Looking after ones self/Parents already left this world/That child lived alone. Refrain : Not anyone to look out for him any more/He lives alone/The contentment of the past/Already gone/Pity orphan child/ Who has no parents/Pity, orphan child/Who has no homeland.

A Mambesak member at East Awin recounted Aps paraphrasing of The Orphan Child during a rehearsal in the early 1980s:
West Papuan people were like infants: what was needed or asked for was given. Upon coming of age and experiencing the abandonment of its parents, the infant became an orphan. The child remained an orphan despite its new Indonesian parentage. Indonesia is not a benevolent parent. The child must face lifes hardships alone, without parents. It has no homeland.

Aps song associates mother and homeland. Attachment to the mother produces home and, conversely, the death of or abandonment by the mother or parents extinguishes home and security. The naturalness of the Dutch parent, manifest in the expression of symbiotic love, contrasts Indonesia as a neglectful adoptive parent. In spite of adoption, the childs condition remains pitifully homeless.

Following Aps Death On 30 November 1983, Ap was arrested on suspicion of several charges (see Aditjondro 1993b), including an allegation that he had confessed that Mambesak songs were intended to inspire the Free Papua Movement separatist struggle (Budiardjo & Liong 1988, pp. 126 7). On 26 April 1984, Arnold Ap was killed by soldiers allegedly as he escaped from jail where he had been detained since his arrest.9 Seventeen years later, in her obituary of Sam Kapissa, anthropologist Danilyn Rutherford parallelled Kapissas courage to survive for a cause with Aps courage to die for it (2001, pp. 16 17). Aps death occurred against a backdrop of political
/ /


D. Glazebrook

uprising that had resulted in heavy reprisals by the Indonesian military: house-tohouse searches in urban areas, sweeping activity in rural areas and counterinsurgency activities on the PNG border deploying thousands of Indonesian ground troops and airforce equipment (Osborne 1985, p. 100). Following Aps death, students did not go to the UNCEN campus for months. Those who arrived were fingerprinted and photographed (Aditjondro, n.d.). Some students returned to their villages of origin in order to conceal themselves, others fled to Vanimo, Papua New Guinea. Remaining Mambesak members were told by the authorities that if they wished to perform publicly they must sing not of Papuan culture, but of the unity of Indonesia (Osborne 1985, p. 153). At the time of fleeing Jayapura in February 1984, a Mambesak member retrieved the original master copies of recordings and a large dual tape recorder from Aps office in the museum. He carried these items and some other meagre possessions in his flight to Vanimo. Some exiled West Papuans liken Ap to a Biak prophet figure or konor : Arnold Ap made Koreri live again (Kaisiepo in Sharp 1994, p. 64) and he could spark fire in others (Ireeuw 1994). In Biak terms, Koreri refers to a religious-political movement of the north coast of Irian Jaya based on the expected return of a mythical figure called Manarmakeri. Konor is a person who receives divine inspiration from Manarmakeri, or God in the Biak language and belief system (see Kamma 1972; Rutherford 1996). The logic of Ap as konor, and Mambesak as Koreri movement is like this: if Aps work was considered to be bequeathed by Manarmakeri, then recognition of him as konor would manifest in the emergence of a Koreri movement * conceivably Mambesak. The posthumous veneration of Ap as konor can be compared with the canonising of a person as a Christian saint.

Conclusion Aps work was apparently in line with the Indonesian states inventorising of provincial cultures towards a unified national culture. The motivations were divergent however. Mambesaks performance repertoire was culturally bounded, limited to songs and dances considered traditional, and originating from within Irian Jaya. The bounded nature of the repertoire imagined a certain cultural congruity and an overarching cultural Irianeseness* an alternative identity. For Mambesak member Constant Ruhukail, the states reaction to Aps project revealed the boundaries of the governments own culture project articulated in the statement Broad Outlines of the Nations Direction (Garis-Garis Besar Haluan Negara (GBHN)):

what was carried out by Ap, that is, to uncover, revitalise and introduce Irian Jaya regional traditional artistic culture was in line with the substance and spirit of GBHN which constituted the principal basis of the pattern for Indonesian national development. (Ruhukail 1985, p. 2)

Aps project to represent an Irianese cultural performance practice is resonant in the production of West Papua: Sound of the Morning Star. Producer David Bridie

The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 11

asked ten musicians (electronica, remix and soundscape artists) to contribute a soundtrack to the compilation recording. The contributors were provided with various audio clips including traditional West Papuan songs from the 1950s recording Muo Reme: An Anthology of Music from West Papua, vol. 1, by Dutch ethnologist J. C. Anceaux (1950s). The notes to Bridies album allow the listener to trace each soundtrack back to the local via Anceaux: for example, the yellow bird of paradise song in the language of Kayupulau; a hunting song in the Tobati language; a Nimboran funeral song mixed with Karawari sacred flutes; a Kajob lamentation from Biak; an origin song of the Demta people; a vocal of Wunin women singing to the ancestors; and a Mapnduma song about journeying. Bridies orientation to Melanesia is reflected in his mixing of soundscapes and styles: conch drones recorded in the Trobriands, rain and kundu drums recorded in East New Britain and sesano musical form from Aitape. Like Mambesaks alleged project of inspiring and supporting political resistance, Bridies recording will assist the West Papuan human rights body ELS-HAM10 establish an office in New York to lobby the United Nations. The meaning of the analogy teaching performance art is like sharpening the blade of a knife is contained in the intention of Bridie, whose production of West Papuan music will support resistance at the highest level. In Arnold Aps death, the meaning of the analogy is transparent: where the Indonesian state conceived cultural performance as an alternative representation of nationhood, it acted with violence to repress such performance.

This article was inspired by eldwork undertaken at East Awin UNHCR camp in Western Province, Papua New Guinea, between April and August 1998 and February and September 1999. Thanks to Marthen Rumabar at East Awin; Justine Fitzgerald for translation advice; and to Sjoerd Jaarsma, Kathryn Robinson, Peter Toner, Michael Cookson and the anonymous reviewers of this paper for their comments. Thanks also to George Aditjondro for access to his unpublished material on Ap (subsequently published as Cahaya Bintang Kejora , 2000). During the period of Aps curatorship at the Cenderawasih University (Jayapura) (UNCEN) museum, Aditjondro was Director of the nongovernment organisation, Irian Jaya Development Information Service Centre (Irja-DISC), which was located in the Cenderawasih Museum, Jayapura. A version of this article was presented at the Arts and Human Rights Conference convened by the Humanities Research Centre, The Australian National University in Canberra, 8 /10 August 2003. [1] Between 1984 and 1986, 11,000 West Papuans crossed into Papua New Guinea seeking political asylum. Approximately 2,460 remain in settlements at East Awin in Western Province, Papua New Guinea (Glazebrook 2001). [2] This article uses Irianese and West Papuan interchangeably to refer to indigenous people of Irian Jaya. Generally, Irianese is used in recognition of its ofcial use by the state during the period of this article 1974 /84. West Papuan is used to refer to refugees in exile after 1984, as this was the term preferred as it invoked their nationhood. Irian Jaya is used in recognition of the regions administration as a province of the Indonesian Republic at the time of this eldwork in 1999. (The name change from Irian Jaya to Papua was ratied through the Special


D. Glazebrook

Autonomy Bill for Papua Basic Law No. 21 of 2001 by the Indonesian Parliament in Jakarta on 21 November 2001.) [3] Netherlands New Guinea is used to refer to the period 1962 until 1973, when the Indonesian government changed the name to Irian Jaya. [4] Dutch anthropologist G. J. Helds 1951 publication The Papuan: Cultural Improvisor claims that north coast music had long been inuenced by a variety of popular musical styles including Hawaiian ukelele and Malay-Portuguese keroncong (Aditjondro 2000a). [5] There is a further layer of symbolism in the mapping of Irian Jaya as the upper body of a birdshaped island:

The Island of Papua can be divided and compared with the body of a bird: Samarai to Port Moresby in PNG is the birds tail; Port Moresby to Nabire in West Papua is the birds body; Nabire to Waropen is the birds neck; Manokwari together with the Arfai mountain range is the birds chignon; Lake Ayamaru is considered the birds eye; Bintuni Bay in the Fak Fak region is the birds lung and mouth/gullet; the mountain range in the middle is the birds backbone; Yos Sudarso Island (Kimaam) and the estuary of the Digul River is the stomach and anus of the bird; the rivers on the island of Papua are the arteries; the dense forests are the birds feathers. (Merauke Central Committee 1998, p. 29)
[6] 1. Mimika language/Kokonao/Fak Fak Regency. 2. Auyi language/Arso/Jayapura Regency. 3. Biak language, Teluk-Cenderawasih Regency. 4. Tobati-Enggros language/Jayapura Regency. 5. Kendate language/Tanahmerah/Jayapura Regency. 6. Moor-Mambor language/Nabire/Paniai Regency. 7. Asmat language/Merauke Regency. 8. Waropen language/Yapen-Waropen Regency. 9. Inanwaten language/Sorong Regency. 10. Tehit language/Teminabuan/Sorong Regency. 11. Demta language/Tanahmerah/ Jayapura Regency. 12. Bintuni language/Sorong Regency. 13. Genyem language/Jayapura Regency. 14. Lower Waropen language/Yapen-Waropen Regency. 15. Kemtuik-Gresi language/Jayapura Regency. 16. Sentani language/Jayapura Regency. 17. Sarmi language/Jayapura Regency. 18. Ekari language/Paniai Regency. 19. Wandama language/ Manokwari. 20. Mamberamo language/Jayapura Regency. 21. Ayamaru language/Sorong Regency. 22. Kimaam language/Merauke Regency. 23. Serui language/Serui/Yapen-Waropen Regency. 24. Barapasi language/Lower Waropen/Yapen-Waropen Regency. 25. Woi language/ West Yapen/Yapen-Waropen Regency. 26. Buruai language/Kaimana/Fak Fak Regency. 27. Marind language/Merauke Regency. 28. Kurima language/Jayawijaya Regency. 29. Muyu language/Merauke Regency. 30. Iha language/Fak Fak Regency. [7] In 1987 /8, a complete set of Mambesak recordings and cassette notes were deposited at Cornell Universitys ethnomusicology library by George Aditjondro. [8] By Irian dialect I refer to Suharnos (1979) differentiation of Standard Indonesian from Irianese Indonesian spoken in Irian Jaya in terms of four elds: phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon. [9] See Budiardjo & Liong (1988, pp. 125 /36), Ruhukail (1985) and Aditjondro (1993a). [10] Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Hak Asasi Manusia (Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy in West Papua).

Acciaioli, G. (1985) Culture as art: from practice to spectacle in Indonesia, Canberra Anthropology, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 148 /72. Aditjondro, G. J. (1984) Karya dan gema Mambesak di Irian Jaya, Oikoumene , August, pp. 27 /30.

The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 13

Aditjondro, G. J. (1993a) Kasus Arnold Ap, sebuah bukti tumpang-tindih konsepsi HAM, Liputan diskusi tentang Perkembangan Hak-Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) di Irian Jaya, diselenggarakan oleh Himpunan Pelajar dan Mahasiswa Irian Jaya (HIPMIJA), Salatiga, 24 April. Aditjondro, G. J. (1993b) Bintang Kejora di tengah kegelapan malam: penggelapan nasionalisme Orang Irian dalam historiogra Indonesia, Makalah untuk Seminar tentang Nasionalisme Indonesia pada dan Menjelang Abad XXI, Yayasan Bina Darma, Universitas Kristen Satya Wancana, Salatiga, 2 /5 June. Aditjondro, G. J. (2000a) Pribumisasi versus westernisasi: riak-riak gelombang Mambesak di bumi kasuari, Kabar Irian , 15.00 PM 3/16/00. Aditjondro, G. J. (2000b) Cahaya Bintang Kejora: Papua Barat dalam Kajian Sejarah, Budaya, Ekonomi, dan Hak Asasi Manusia , Elsam, Jakarta. Aditjondro, G. J. (n.d.) Perkembangan keadaan tahanan eks-panorama, notes. Ajamiseba, D. C. & Subari, A. J. (1983) Pengabdian pada masyarakat di Universitas Cenderawasih, disampaikan dalam seminar Lokakarya, Jayapura, November. Anceaux, J. C. (1950s) Muo Reme: An Anthology of Music from West Papua , recording, vol. 1, Pan Records, Leiden. Anderson, B. (1983) Imagined Communities: Reections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism , Verso, London. Ap, A. C. (1974) Beberapa aspek kebudayaan material Keenok, Asmat Papers I , ed. M. Walker, UNCEN, Jayapura, pp. 221 /33. Ap, A. C. (1983a) Inventarisasi gerak dasar tari daerah Irian Jaya, in Aspek dan prospek seni budaya Irian Jaya , ed. D. A. L. Flassy, Pemda tingkat I, Irian Jaya, pp. 117 /23. Ap, A. C. (1983b) Seni Ukir Teluk Geelvink (Teluk Saerera), in Aspek dan prospek seni budaya Irian Jaya , ed. D. A. L. Flassy, Pemda tingkat I, Irian Jaya, pp. 169 /82. Ap, A. C. & Kapissa, S. (1981) Seni patung daerah Irian Jaya, unpublished manuscript. Ap, A. C. & Mansoben, J. R. (1974) Membuat perahu Asmat, in Asmat Papers II , ed. M. Walker, UNCEN, Jayapura, pp. 62 /75. Ap, A. C. & Solheim, W. G. (1977) Pottery manufacturing in Abar, Lake Sentani Irian Jaya, Irian , vol. 6, no. 1, pp. 52 /70. Bottomley, G. (1992) From Another Place: Migration and the Politics of Culture , Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Bridie, D. et al . (2003) West Papua: Sound of the Morning Star, CD and booklet, EMI Music Australia under exclusive license from The Blunt Label, Sydney. Budiardjo, C. & Liong, L. S. (1988) West Papua: The Obliteration of a People (3rd edn), TAPOL, Surrey. de Certeau, M. (1984) The Practice of Everyday Life , University of California Press, Berkeley, CA. de Josselin de Jong, J .P. B. (1983[1935]) The Malay archipelago as a eld of anthropological study, in Structural Anthropology in the Netherlands: A Reader, ed. P. E. de Josselin de Jong, Translation series 17, Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde, Foris, Dordrecht, pp. 162 /82. Flassy, D. A. L. (ed.) (1983) Aspek dan Prospek Seni Budaya Irian , Pemda tingkat I, Irian Jaya. Giay, B. (2000) Menuju Papua Baru: Beberapa Pokok Pikiran Sekitar Emansipasi Orang Papua , Seri Deiyai II, Deiyai/Els-ham Papua, Jayapura. Glazebrook, D. (2001). Dwelling in Exile, Perceiving Return: West Papuan Refugees from Irian Jaya Living at East Awin in Western Province, Papua New Guinea , PhD Thesis, Australian National University. Held, G. J. (1951) De Papoea, Cultuurimprovisator (The Papuan, a cultural improviser), W. van Hoeve, The Hague and Bandung. Hernawan, J. B. & van den Broek, T. (1999) Dialog nasional Papua, sebuah kisah Memoria Passionis: kisah ingatan penderitaan sebangsa, Tifa Irian (minggu ketiga Maret), vol. 8. Ireeuw, T. (1994) Arnold Ap autobiography, West Papua Bulletin , vol. 3.


D. Glazebrook

Irian Jaya Development Information Service Center (Irja- DISC) (1983) Nomination letter to the Indonesian Department of Population and Environment for annual prize for outstanding contribution to environmental conservation (kalpataru). Kamma, F. C. (1972) Koreri: Messianic Movements in the Biak-Numfoor Culture Area , Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague. Kapissa, S. (1983a) Randan yang di Indonesiakan, Oikoumene , May, pp. 31 /2. Kapissa, S. (1983b) Budaya Mop sebagai media pesan, Serikat , November /December, p. 5. Lembaga Antropologi Universitas Cenderawasih (1980) Kumpulan lagu-lagu rakyat Irian Jaya: Mambesak , vols 1 /5, Percetakan Universitas Cenderawasih, Abepura, Irian Jaya. Merauke Central Committee (1998) Data Sejarah Papua Barat dari Tahun 1511 s/d Tahun 1998, unpublished manuscript. Ondawame, O. (2000) Indonesian state terrorism: the case of West Papua, in Reections on Violence in Melanesia , eds S. Dinnen & A. Ley, Hawkins Press, Annandale, NSW, pp. 277 /89. Osborne, R. (1985) Indonesias Secret War: The Guerrilla Struggle in Irian Jaya , Allen & Unwin, Sydney. Pigay, D. N. (2000) Evolusi nasionalisme dan sejarah konik politik di Papua , Pustaka Sinar Harapan, Jakarta. Ploeg, A. (2002) De Papoea: whats in a name?, The Asia Pacic Journal of Anthropology, vol. 3, no. 1, pp. 75 /101. Pouwer, J. (1992) Fizzy, fuzzy; fas? A review of Leiden labour, Canberra Anthropology, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 87 /105. Robinson, K. (1993) The platform house: expression of a regional identity in the modern Indonesian nation, in Culture and society in New Order Indonesia , ed. V. M. Hooker, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 228 /42. Ruhukail, C. P. (1985) Kasus pembunuhan Arnold C. Ap dan Eddy Mofu, Berita tanpa sensor, April, Gerakan demi hak-hak azasi manusia dan demokrasi, Leiden. Rutherford, D. (1996) Of birds and gifts: revising tradition on an Indonesian frontier, Cultural Anthropology, vol. 11, no. 4, pp. 577 /616. Rutherford, D. (2001) Remembering Sam Kapissa, Inside Indonesia , July /September, vol. 67, pp. 16 /17. Sharp, N. in association with Kaisiepo, M. W. (1994) The Morning Star in Papua Barat, Arena, North Carlton, Victoria. Suharno, I. (1979) Some notes on the teaching of standard Indonesian to speakers of Irianese Indonesian, Irian , vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 3 /32. Taylor, P. M. (1994) The nusantara concept of culture: local traditions and national identity as expressed in Indonesias museums, in Fragile Traditions: Indonesian Art in Jeopardy, ed. P. M. Taylor, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, pp. 71 /90.