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Working Paper Series No.

51

A Nation at Risk, A Nation in Need of Dialogue: Citizenship, Denizenship, and Beyond in Japanese Education David Blake Willis

Afrasian Centre for Peace and Development Studies Ryukoku University

Mission of the Afrasian Centre for Peace and Development Studies


Poverty and other issues associated with development are commonly found in many Asian and African countries. These problems are interwoven with ethnic, religious and political issues, and often lead to incessant conflicts with violence. In order to find an appropriate framework for conflict resolution, we need to develop a perspective which will fully take into account the wisdom of relevant disciplines such as economics, politics and international relations, as well as that fostered in area studies. Building on the following expertise and networks that have been accumulated in Ryukoku University in the past (listed below), the Centre organises research projects to tackle new and emerging issues in the age of globalisation. We aim to disseminate the results of our research internationally, through academic publications and engagement in public discourse.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Tradition of Religious and Cultural Studies Expertise of Participatory Research / Inter-civic Relation Studies Expertise in Southwest Asian and African Studies New Approaches to the Understanding of Other Cultures in Japan Domestic and International Networks with Major Research Institutes

Afrasian Centre for Peace and Development Studies

A Nation at Risk, A nation in Need of Dialogue: Citizenship, Denizenship, and Beyond in Japanese Education

David Blake Willis

Working Paper Series No.51

2009

2009 Afrasian Centre for Peace and Development Studies 1-5 Yokotani, Seta Oe-cho, Otsu, Shiga, JAPAN All rights reserved ISBN 978 4-903625-82-9 The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Afrasian Centre for Peace and Development Studies. The publication of the Working Paper Series is supported by the Academic Frontier Centre (AFC) research project In Search of Societal Mechanisms and Institutions for Conflict Resolution: Perspectives of Asian and African Studies and Beyond (2005-2009), funded by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, and Ryukoku University.

A Nation at Risk, A Nation in Need of Dialogue: Citizenship, Denizenship, and Beyond in Japanese Education
David Blake Willis Abstract
The Japanese society and educational system are being challenged today by a range of issues that herald the advent of a global multicultural society. These issues challenge the traditional Japanese identity as well as the organization and thrust of the curricula of Japanese educational institutions even in those local areas not directly affected by Others in their midst. The Government, the Ministry of Education, and the society at large, have, however, viewed 1) culture and identity, 2) education for a global consciousness, and 3) recognition and appreciation of multicultural diversity as issues to be resolved at the local level by local schools and teachers. These key issues for a globalizing world have been seen as unworthy of larger, nation-wide policy deliberation. What is needed now is dialogue in Paulo Freires sense of the word of dialogue as praxis, as constitutive of both reflection and action. Praxis can transform the world, as Freire points out. This paper calls for a dialogue in Japan as the encounters between peoples both inside and outside Japan. It is thus at the local level where we begin to see the transformation of Japanese education. Those who have been denied their primordial right to speak their word must first reclaim this right and prevent the continuation of this dehumanizing aggression of elite-directed mass education. We begin with a new transcultural, multicultural Japan at the local level in schools and communities.
Key Words: cultural transmission, citizenship, nation at risk, educational reform, minorities, globalization

A Nation at Risk, A Nation in Need of Dialogue The Japanese society and educational system are being challenged today by a range of issues related to diversity that herald, at least in some local areas, the advent of a multicultural society. These issues challenge the traditional Japanese identity, even in those local areas not directly affected by Others in their midst, as well as the organization and thrust of the curricula of Japanese educational institutions. Among them are: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) Culture and Identity Education for Global Consciousness Recognition and Appreciation of Multicultural Diversity Alternatives to the Credential Society (Globalization as Elite Standardization) Japanese Identity as Cosmopolitan Identity

These key issues for a globalizing world have been seen as unworthy of larger, nation-wide policy deliberation by the government and the Ministry of Education, while the society at large has skirted these and other multicultural challenges. Generally speaking, they have been seen as matters to be resolved at the local level by local schools and teachers, if at all. In an era of risk, where action has to be taken in a timely, proactive, and not reactive way, we note the continuing risk-aversive nature of Japanese policy-making.

Professor of Anthropology and Education, Soai University, Osaka, Japan (Emeritus, 1986-2009) and School of Human and Organization Development, Fielding Graduate University, Santa Barbara, California, USA (2009-Present).

This is quite at odds with foreign depictions of Japanese education. The late 20th century saw a celebration of Japanese educational achievement and the accomplishments of Japanese society, often attributed directly related to a successful educational system by the mainstream media and by scholars of education (Rohlen 1983; Duke 1986; Bennett 1987; White 1987; Leestma and Walberg 1992; Stevenson and Stigler 1992; Lewis 1995; Rohlen and LeTendre 1998, are some examples). These scholars seldom noted social or ethnic conflict. At the same time, refuting these rosy reports, attention within Japan began swinging towards topics such as dissolution of order and plunging test scores in the late 1990s. Concerns about a rising class gap between haves and have-nots then began to be highlighted as the educational system became increasingly privatized (Kariya 2001). Deep criticism by the Japanese media and society of the education system have appeared: gakkyu hkai (classroom collapse), gakuryoku teika (tumbling academic achievement, lazy/poor/uncommitted teachers, continued ijime or bullying, increasing tok kyohi (school refusals; 130,000 in Japan last year and growing), and other problems. The documentation of falling scores in international tests of educational achievement has shown dramatic drops in mathematics literacy (2000: 1st place; 2007: 6th place in an OECD study) and reading ability (2000: 8th place; 2007: 14th place). The Ministry of Education released a statement at the time that Japan was no longer in the top rank of nations educationally (Asahi 2004), although a more recent report from the first national achievement tests in 43 years revealed high marks for basic knowledge at the same time as lower marks for the application of knowledge (Kyodo 2007), a mixed bag which may not justify the policy surge for a wholesale change of the education system (Tsuneyoshi 2004). Along with the increasing commentary on problems in the education system, important developments have been taking place, including an assertive individuality and a serious questioning of traditional values; gender, race, class, and cultural differences; and educational purpose (Okano and Tsuchiya 1999; Sato 1999; Cave 2001; Tsuneyoshi 2001; Kariya 2003; Willis 2007). There is questioning at all levels of the Japanese educational system, something that would have been unheard of ten or fifteen years ago. While this discourse has revealed class conflict, social dislocation, and transformations in the society, it has not addressed issues of diversity or difference in the society or in schools. Nor was there much about globalization beyond elite platitudes and slogans such as kyosei shakai (the symbiotic society; see Umesao and Ishi 1999). What, then, are the key problems and prospects for this nation, a nation in need of deliberation and dialogue on globalization and its impacts on education? One of the immediate and pressing need concerns the rising populations of those who are different in Japanese society. We need to ask, first of all, who are these Others in Japan? What are their needs? Moreover, what do reflections on diversity in Japan mean for oldcomers and newcomers in Japan, for both old and new groups and their agendas in the educational system and the society, for old and new communities? Where are the needs for the larger education

system in Japan? What are the needs for educating The Other and about The Other in Japan? Finally, how do these issues get situated in terms of the broader concerns of citizenship and human rights? My research follows earlier work which has been concerned with the critical examination of being Other in Japan. This work portrays the multiple intersections of the architecture of cultural identities. I have been concerned with a) Identities and structures of power, and b) Race, ethnicity, class, and gender. Understanding the ways the transcultural, transnational borderlands of Japan reflect globalization in this island nation, our research concerns a new, Transcultural, Transnational Japan that reveals relationships formed in contexts, both global and local, of unequal power relations. Regional, national, and cosmopolitan movements complement global flows, hybridity, and networks. These social nexus points show the need for an educational vision in a planetary context. Fieldwork I have done with the alumni and community of an international school in Kobe, Japan, including a longitudinal study as well as over 250 interviews (1980-2007), aims to understand the impact of an international education and a transnational lifestyle over the lifecourse. Moreover, I have also been working with Professor James Banks of the University of Washington, Americas leading scholar of multicultural education, exploring possible education approaches for diversity and citizenship in transnational settings. Professor Banks, I might note has shifted his attention from national to transnational settings. What I would like to do with this paper is to introduce the range of changes affecting the society in terms of diversity and suggest how these are having, and might have, an impact on schooling. This paper is intended as a vehicle to generate discussion in the context of education, identifying the issues and prospects for both the larger need of responding to globalization and the more specific needs in terms of providing for Japanese minority education. What do reflections on globalization and diversity in Japan mean for oldcomers and newcomers in Japan, for both old and new agendas, old and new communities?

The Center of Changes, A Problem Posed: Depictions of Japanese Education Education is at the center of changes in any society. It is the core of cultural transmission at the same time that it is the vehicle for values and their enactment. What is happening in Japanese educational settings today in terms of cultural transmission? How are policy-makers ideas of the Third Great Education Reform being translated into practice in the classroom, families, schools, and other educational settings? How have these educational settings become key places for reflecting, encouraging, promoting, denying, or supporting difference? How are they contested ground for schools and minorities and for Japan in and of the world. Recent work by Satoshi Yamamura, Jeremy Rappleye, and myself has noted that there are now two depictions of Japanese Education in the popular and scholarly media (Willis,

Yamamura, and Rappleye 2008). These are: 1) Japan as a leader on the frontiers of education 2) Japan as a system in chaos with instability, falling standards, and deep uncertainty One depicts democratization, equality of opportunity, fair outcomes. The other depicts a society riven by class conflict, desperately torn between haves and have-nots. These metaphors for Japanese education reveal much about those competing for policy-making ground in either Japan or other countries. Who is viewing whom? Why and where? What are the agendas (competing, coalescing)? Whose responsibility is this set of deliberations? There is a need to explore the cultures of crisis and reform in Japanese education in terms of globalization and a cosmopolitan world of haves and have-nots, from the inside and the outside, from micro and macro level, as seen through the ways power, identities, and relationships are revealed in Japanese schooling/education in relation to diversity/difference in global and national settings (Linicome 1993; Willis and Yamamura 2002; Miyake 2006; Lebowitz et. al. 2007; Takayama 2007). With the perspectives of peace, development, and equity, what are the roles of cultural transmission; ethnographic and sociological documentation and analysis; and policy formation and cross-national attraction? How can comparative educators, educational anthropologists, sociologists, and others inform the debate?

Japans Metamorphosis: Transformation in the Cultural Borderlands Japan is now a society undergoing metamorphosis as the coming of globalization has meant the advent of a multicultural society. Transformations in the cultural borderlands of Japan mean new transcultural realities, making the reporting of the cultural spaces of others in Japan an important task for scholars. Racial discrimination and xenophobia highlighted in the recent Diene Report of 2006 of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (Diene 2006) has meant that issues of cultural identity, ethnicity, race, gender, and identity have to be situated in a larger context and not one only of what has long been stereotyped as a homogeneous, unchanging, monolithic Japan (Graburn et. al. 2007; Willis and MurphyShigematsu 2008). Diaspora and mobility are a good example and have resulted in cases like the JapaneseBrazilian migrants, those who have journeyed to what Angelo Ishii calls the land of yen and the ancestors, between privilege and prejudice (Ishii 2008). Soccer, samba, and Nissan all take on different meanings in this changed Japan. Surprisingly, there are nearly 100,000 Muslim workers in Japan now, too, representing yet another changing face of Japanese society. As examples of visibility and invisibility, these new members of the society have identities that are often diasporic. And many of them have children, children who are part of the education system, a status more de facto than de jure. These children and their parents operate

between being buffers or bridges for some, like the Okinawans, or forming new/old enclaves for others, like the Nikkei Brazilians or Zainichi Koreans (Ikegami 2001, Onai and Sakai 2001, Arita 2003, Onai 2003, Okano 2004). The limits and ambiguities of Chinese identity in Japanese society are of special interest here as Chinese numbers rapidly eclipse those of Zainichi Koreans, who have long been Japans primary Other (Maher 1995). How can one imagine oneself in this context of, depending on your background, visibility and invisibility? There are the original first peoples, too, Japanese minorities like the Hisabetsu Burakumin, Japans invisible inner Other (Neary 2003) and the Hokkaido Ainu, Japans First People (Akino et. al. 1998), as well, people whose voices are finally being heard. The stories of dignity, discrimination, and resistance of all of these groups, oldcomers and newcomers alike, echo loudly in the education system, which until now has been designed with a one-size-fitsall approach to curricula, instruction, and organization (Inoue et. al. 1996). Memory, power, and resistance are all invoked as these groups position themselves in the Japanese nation state. New identities are being formed and new relationships are being established. Transnational and transcultural flows in Japan thus mean a range of new problems and prospects in the Japanese landscape. There are indeed roots of prejudice in the exclusion of Others by the Japanese, but these practices are now giving way to border crossings, the fragility of new identities (even for young Japanese), and the transience of Creole communities in Japanese society. This is no longer a monoethnic Japan alone. This new multiethnic Japan often goes beyond issues of marginal versus multicultural towards narratives of hybridity. The transcultural borderlands of transnational Japan mean that border spaces are now even more important, especially in terms of citizenship and what has recently been called denizenship, one way of getting around the problems of nationality for people who are long-term residents. Globalization, hybridization, and creolization all exist in Japan now, making for what Homi Bhabha (1997) calls minority manoeuvres and unsettled negotiations taking place at what could be seen as frontline/border posts. This contested terrain represents a new Japan, a transnational Japan. Preparing Japan for Diversity Public discourse in Japan has been resistant to what has been seen as a divisive approach of multiculturalism, one of multiple and competing ethnicities (Ishi 1999; Maher 1995, 2002; Graburn et. al. 2007). A liberating theory of culture and multiculturalism, a theory about process and dialogue, not about reified tribes, nationalist religions, and communalist conformity, is what is needed now (Willis and Murphy-Shigematsu 2008). This processual approach versus a materialist (identity as property) approach is therefore something new in the debate about multiculturalism. It moves beyond the divisive rhetorics of a homogeneous Japan and a Japan of multiple ethnic groups. Culture, we should remind ourselves, is not just something we have and are members of, but

also something we make and shape. All identities are identifications and thus situational. Flexible, imaginative, and innovative approaches to culture and cultures are thus especially needed in educational systems. Differences are thus relational rather than absolute. They are a flexible, crisscrossing set of multiple identifications. Thinking about cultures can then be seen as multi-relational rather than one-dimensional. This is especially true for Japan, which continues to be a highly ethnocentric, gendered society, as my work with Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu (2008) recently demonstrates,1 and as Ted Howe has noted (personal communication, November 30, 2008). Why is it, as Howe notes, that Japan ranks last among developed nations in the number of foreigners and women in higher education (OECD 2009)? The typical university in Japan has a faculty where around 10 percent of the professors are women. There are even smaller numbers for foreigners, of course, who are often seen as necessary tokens. Positions for foreigners in Japanese universities seldom break an invisible barrier of one to two non-Japanese per department. The reality is that most departments do not, in fact, have any foreigners, with those positions still seen in the light of eigo-ya, as those who are seen as jack-of-all-trades teachers of English whose only real qualification need be that he or she is a native speaker. Appointments to teach in subject areas other than English, Anglo-American culture or history, or cross-cultural studies, are rare indeed. While this is not so surprising given that less than five percent of Japanese society is of diverse backgrounds, what is truly shocking are these figures concerning women in higher education. Even the elite universities barely break 20 percent in terms of women professors, and the upper ranks of administration in Japanese universities seldom see any women. Although Japanese universities should lead by way of example to reach gender equality, diversity and global citizenship, as Howe points out, they instead demonstrate by example their disdain for women, diversity, and Others. Equality in Japan is all too often a codeword for sameness and harmony. Diversity and difference, traditionally anathema for Japanese society and Japanese educators, are now begrudgingly given a stage of sorts by an emphasis on tabunka kyosei (multicultural symbiosis). This is not, it should be pointedly noted, tabunka kyoiku (multicultural education), the fashion for which is said to have passed in Japan just as many other nations are forming multicultural education policies, research agendas, and university courses. Japan is still mired in discourses of ibunka, of Otherized outside cultures.2
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This book, Transcultural Japan: At the Borderlands of Race, Gender, and Identity (2008), provides a critical examination of being Other in Japanese society, portraying multiple intersections of identities and structures of power, race, ethnicity, class, and gender. Understanding the ways the transcultural, transnational borderlands of Japan reflect globalization was an important goal for the two of us and our co-authors when we began the book. 2 The Iibunkakan Kyoiku Gakkai, or Society for Education Concerning Outside Cultures, of which I was a member for many years, takes this tack. Indeed, I often felt that I was an outsider in this society. While they now call themselves The Intercultural Education Society of Japan, the only English or language other than Japanese on the home page is this particular title. The goal of the society seems to continue to be how to understand and manage difference within the Japanese context. Ironically, of the 26 officers of the society listed on the home page, 17 are women and nine men, highly unusual for Japan.

With the so-called Third Opening of Japan, the rush of globalization, and a concern for what national cultural identity means and how to promote it in Japanese society (Jung 1996), courses for citizenship have recently been promoted in Japanese schools with titles such as Education for International Understanding (Kokusai Rikai Kyoiku), Ethnic Education (Minzoku Kyoiku), Education for Newcomers (Newcamaa no Kyoiku), and Global Education (Gurbaru Kyoiku), among others. Courses which have long been in the schools such as Civics (Komin, or public person-hood, a word made up by the Ministry of Education to teach this subject), Values Education (Dotoku Kyoiku, sometimes called Morals Education), Human Rights Education (Jinken Kyoiku) Dowa Kyoiku, (Dowa Kyoiku, recognizing the struggles of Burakumin), and Returnees Education (Kikokushijo Kyoiku) could also be considered as belonging to the realm of citizenship education in Japan.3 What distinguishes all of these courses from those concerned with citizenship education in other countries, however, is their marginalization. Sited on the peripheries of the Japanese curriculum, almost as an after-thought it seems rather than at its core, these courses have targeted specific constituencies other than mainstream Japanese. They are also nearly always found only in urban areas with significant diversity. This is now about to change as serious political and demographic challenges involving immigration and gender equality face Japan and other nations (Stromquist and Monkman 2000). There will most certainly be a major change with regard to the Other in Japan. Immigration will begin on a larger scale, and women will come to play increasingly important roles in the society. The greying of the population and subsequent massive retirements mean a serious loss in the numbers of workers. In order to maintain the present standard of living, new workers will have to be brought into the labour force. In 1999 the UN and the Japanese government estimated a shortfall of 600,000 workers a year beginning in the early 21st century. The only viable way to address this need is more immigrants, what the UN calls replacement migration, and more women in the work force. 4 The implications for education, especially citizenship education, are serious and far-reaching. Debates on curriculum, which have been focused around global competition and national identity, are increasingly being impinged upon by race, language, and ethnicity. The model of assimilation is being seriously questioned and multiculturalism, with its twin needs of respect and inclusion, has appeared throughout Japan in various forms. Two surges, one of an awareness of a diverse, multicultural Japanese society, and the other of an apparent neo-nationalism, have at the same time been noted in the mass media. So far these have been seen as happening in parallel, but the reality is, that for Japan as well as for
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Otsu Kazuo has recently written on this in Otsu (2008). Other Japanese scholars who have written on these issues include Nakagawa (1997); Nishioka (1996); Uozumi (1995); Otsu (1992); and Minoura (1997). 4 See Nishihata (2001). Scenarios call for between 10-30 percent of the Japanese population to be composed of immigrants by the year 2050. For the UN Report, see the United Nations (2000). See also Koshiro (1998); Kajita (1998); and Douglass and Roberts (2000).

other advanced societies, the two surges are meeting and will be/are in a dialectical relationship. The first speaks for a compelling drive for more openness in Japan and is outward looking, democratic, and inclusive in its conceptualization of citizenship. The second is exclusive, inward looking, and based on images of a homogeneous canon for Japanese culture. Both have been introduced into school contexts, resulting in considerable tension and dissonance. Concern has been raised about the dilution of Japanese identity, manifesting itself in enforced singing in schools of the national anthem and required national flag-raising at ceremonies, not to mention on-going controversies about the contents of school textbooks. Dilemmas for citizenship education abound in Japan, indicating possible future directions for the roles of educational institutions in this key component in the transmission of values for the Japanese cultural identity. What is a citizen? What is citizenship? These two questions are not so easily answered in the Japanese context. The words themselves, those words ostensibly used to describe citizens and the concepts of duties, rights, and responsibilities associated with individuals, are fraught with divisiveness, oppression, and considerable historical baggage (much of which has been conveniently forgotten, in an impressive amnesia). Those Western ideas so dear to the concept of democracy have simply fallen on fallow ground, at least if we expect to see them being enacted in ways similar to those of Europeans or North Americans. What is needed is a careful analysis of the historical antecedents, of the compelling concepts, to determine which concepts resonate and why in the Japanese context. We need a new look at the radical challenges to the Japanese educational and political system, especially with the advent of neo-nationalists adored by at least some of the masses such as the Mayor of Tokyo, Shintaro Ishihara, who has warned of the dangers of foreigners in the midst of Japanese society. It is a new culture in Japan, but one not nearly as simple as the mass media portray it.5 Like many nations and societies in the world today, Japan is depicted as grappling with a wrenching transition, either to a new/old national system or to a global system of dissolved cultures and vanished traditions. The reality will likely be far more complex, as we shall see.

Educating The Other in Transnational Japan: Citizenship, Denizenship, and Beyond Prospects for Minority Education in Japan Being Other in Japan means finding ones place in terms of education, as well as economically and politically. Ethnic schools have been, until now, separate but not equal. Korean schools (North and South: see Sugihara 1998 and Okano 2004), Chinese schools, European schools, and, more recently, Brazilian and Filipino schools, all fit this marginalized
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Ishihara has been called Japans Le Pen. See Lim (2002) and Shimazu (1998).

definition. Their struggles are juxtaposed against those older international, overseas schools whose elite tracks have catered to difference in a privileged manner. There are now many new international schools, too, reflecting the Japanese/global boom for international education. There has literally been an explosion of international schools designed to appeal to well-todo Japanese parents who see the necessity and advantage of their children being bilingual. These international schools have been the subject of my fieldwork and are sites of increasingly transformative encounters. Creolization and hybridization, new concepts in education and the social sciences, help us imagine such sudden transformation, mobility, flows, and interconnections. Transnationally experienced people and transnational schools like the Columbia Academy of Kobe, Japan, which I have studied since 1980, are focal points of the long-term impacts of such transformations. Starting with idealistic assumptions about who was international, a reflection partly of the raging discourse in Japan on internationalization, and drawing on my previous research on expatriate returnees, our study team (Willis, Minoura, Enloe et. al.) constructed an extended longitudinal study with the support of the Toyota Foundation of what seemed to be a unique population, the alumni of an international school located in Kobe, Japan (1913-1983). What our study has shown us is at once more revealing and more challenging than we had expected. These people do indeed think globally and act locally, but they also show us that there is much cultural flux, especially at points of departure and arrival. Culture for Transnationals or Transculturals is clearly not a place or state of mind, but what Appadurai (1990) has called an arena for conscious choice, justification and representation. Though they may not be allowed legally as citizens, they are certainly denizens, living with and working with others in Japanese society. As a new diaspora, Transcultural/Transnational people act here as agents who, to paraphrase Appadurai, continuously inject new meaning-streams into the discourses of their landscapes. They also bring a central force to the modern world: deterritorialization. Their experiences and views can perhaps teach us about the conditions of growing social disjunctures. They may show us how the globalization of culture is not the same as its homogenization. For them, the shapes of cultures are less bounded, more fluidand more of a daily challenge. They demonstrate the importance of a key skill for a new world: the flexible re-negotiation of mutual understandings and spatial arrangements. In a word, they are radically context dependent, indicating possibly both the results of and directions for the future study of identity and behavioral development. And in our case this context is Japan. At the same time, the increasing numbers of Brazilians in Japanese schools, the Nikkei Burajiru-jin, represent a large and growing problem, not least of the reasons for this being the age-specific nature of what is happening and the invisibility of the Nikkei in Japanese society and schools (Ota 2000, Onai and Sakai 2001, Onai 2003). There is a parallel question for Filipino children, for those who have one parent who is Japanese as well as those whose parents are both from the Philippines.

Challenges in Schools 1) Education for international consciousness 2) Recognition and appreciation of diversity at the local level 3) Human rights education 4) Multicultural education 5) Budgets, time, resources There are, moreover, the struggles of oldcomers like the Zainichi Koreans and Chinese, the Burakumin, and others as they simultaneously deal with the old hegemonic Japan and newcomers who bring new global approaches to society. Often located in the poorest districts of cities like Osaka, these people, as Okubo Yuko (2000, 2006, 2007a, 2007b) has so carefully reported, find the new directions have often resulted in their further marginalization, especially in the education system. This has led for many to establish their own schools, including a Korean International School (The Japan Times 2007; Soo im Lee, personal communications, 2007-2008), but these have often floundered because of inadequate financial support or the departure of key personnel (Ota Haruo, personal communication, November 7, 2008). They are the counterpart to the elites I have been studying in the international school communities, people with access to resources, mobility, and power. Okubos dissertation, Visible Minorities and Invisible Minorities: An Ethnographic Study of Multicultural Education and the Production of Ethnic Others in Japan (2005), is an important exploration of these issues in public schools as constructed around the slogan and metaphor of tabunka kyosei (multicultural co-existence, which she refers to as multiculturalism). How are ethnic Others constructed within educational institutions and minority communities, for oldcomers and newcomers? Okubo sees race, ethnicity, and nationality translated into everyday practices in schooling, which re-creates and re-inforces minority and ethnic status. She notes that it was only after local governments began promoting multiculturalism from the 1990s that it became a topic of interest in Japan, and even that, in local areas alone initially. Her ethnographic research examined a Buraku and Korean community in Osaka and special policies for the support and production of difference, just as new immigrants from Vietnam and China began arriving in the area. Minority education then became a contested space, with newcomers further marginalized as they did not fit into the narratives of colonially oppressed oldcomers. Similar work has been carried out at the Museum of Ethnology in Osaka, as noted by Tai (2005), though in this case with a thrust towards newcomers and away from oldcomers, who are regarded more as Korean-Japanese or Dowa-Japanese. Who then are the global citizens or cosmopolitan citizens? What kind of citizenship is really needed? There are other cultures that can be seen in the landscapes of Japanese education, too. These struggles concern the construction of identities and individual personalities of those who are Japanese but who are different. This is an issue taken up, for example, by Roger Goodman

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with his studies of returnee school children (1990) and more recently by Stephen MurphyShigematsu in his work with mixed Haafu (2008). What does passing or disappearing mean for identity construction and the construction of a socially just society in cases like these?

Minority Education in Japan: An Outline of a Research Agenda on Educational Apartheid What might an outline of a research agenda on the educational apartheid that is the education for minorities in Japan look like? To begin with, we should note the history and complexity of what have essentially been separate but equal ethnic schools for minorities. These include, but are not limited to, schools for Zainichi Koreans and Koreans (North, South, and, more recently, even a combination of these two), schools for Chinese (formerly Republic of China and Peoples Republic of China, but more or less integrated today), schools for Brazilians, schools for particular religious groups, schools for Europeans, schools for South Asians, and international schools. The latter are in many ways treated as a different, privileged track. These elite international or overseas schools have been identified in the Japanese eye as for foreigners only, at least until the late 1980s, when many kikokushijo (returnees) whose parents had been working abroad began coming back to Japan. They often did not find Japanese schools appropriate given their skill sets, which Japanese schools attempted to literally peel off of them, to find their true Japanese essence. International schools were the logical alternative. Some of these schools are old schools that been around more than one hundred years. Others are new schools, reflecting a boom in international schools, especially for younger children, and the enhanced popularity of programs like the International Baccalaureate (IB). This Japanese/global international education boom may well indicate a future direction for Japan, but it is also one fraught with difficulties, not the least of which is their cost, putting them out of reach from all but the most affluent families. This of course raises the question of, yes, a cosmopolitan education, but for whom? Again, those with resources seem to have an even greater possibility of raising their social and cultural capital. Brazilians in Japanese schools, the Nikkei Burajiru-jin, are perceived as a large and growing problem, especially because of the age-specific nature of their student population. These children are often older and have little knowledge of Japanese. Local schools in the many rural areas where their parents have found work do not know how to cope with this influx of second language learners, resulting in neglect and a high drop-rate (Shimizu and Shimizu 2001; see also Sato 2007 for a larger look at the problems of children in an at-risk society). The problem is exacerbated because many of them look Japanese, having Japanese ancestors, thus rendering the invisibility of Nikkei in society and in schools (Ota 2000, Onai and Sakai 2001, Onai 2003). Other cultures in Japanese education and the construction of their identities are only recently becoming visible. Mixed children or Haafu, most of whom do not fit the media stereotype of

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Haafu being half-white and half-Japanese (from their fathers and mothers, respectively), are now predominantly children of Japanese fathers and Chinese, Korea, Pilipino and other South East Asian mothers. There are also now considerable numbers of Chinese children as those people with Chinese passports have now surpassed the number of Koreans. Other new immigrants from all over the world appear on Japans streets today, some predominant examples being Africans who sell hip-hop clothing in trendy areas of Tokyo and Osaka, South Asians who open Indian restaurants, and Russian used car dealers. Passing or disappearing has become less problematic for those who look Japanese. What does all this say about identity construction and the creation of a socially just society? One thing is for sure, that we are entering an era when Korean Japanese, Chinese Japanese, English Japanese, Thai Japanese, Filipino Japanese, and American Japanese will be more and more common in Japan. What to do with the curriculum? That is the next question if Other children are both to receive an appropriate education and be incorporated into Japanese schools and society. Thus, programs such as those for ethnic education; Dowa education; education in Human Rights; and programs in language(s), literacy/illiteracy, and communication, will need to be reoriented, not only for mainstream Japanese children but for all children who are part of the society. Gender(s) and Global Literacy are two particularly pressing needs. What to do with teachers? The role of the media? What is to be done in terms of equity and social justice? Are these minorities in Japan and their children citizens? Denizens? Subjects? What other possibilities are there? This series of questions of course points to the central truth that there are different kinds of citizenship: cultural citizenship; polysemic citizenship (Miller 1993:12); multicultural/polycultural citizenship; flexible citizenship; citizenship as resistance and dissent; what in Japan are called shimin or kenmin, citizens of the city and the prefecture, or denizenship in fact; and transnational cultural citizenship. All of these deserve exploration and research agenda. There are then certain implications for Japanese education and Japanese society when we become cognizant of the changes taking place in this major society. Educators in Japan thus have the following challenges: 1) To recognize how globalization is changing the nature of schooling 2) To recognize the growing interconnection between knowledge and power 3) To understand when education is a silent partner or conscious opponent 4) To create active citizens who are educated for transcultural global values

Minority Education and Japanese Society: Other Choices These are thus serious and important challenges to Japanese education, if less than visible in what is a powerfully hegemonic and almost monolithic society. They include problems of

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economics, reform, and human rights. Following the recent work of Kariya Takehiko (2001, 2002, 20036) and Nomi (2006) on the end of egalitarian education in Japan, my research explores the implications of minorities in Japanese society and larger questions of transnational citizenship. As Tarumoto Hideki (2003) has noted, there are other choices than traditional citizenship based on monoculture, including multicultural citizenship based on the coexistence of multiple cultures and equality before the law, residence-based denizenship, and post-national citizenship based on human rights, all of which are being considered in different localities in Japan. General trends concerning immigration in England, France, and other European societies as they have faced these questions are particularly relevant to the Japanese case, as we note that the diversity in Japan now is similar to Italy and to France, Germany, and the UK in the early 1990s. There has also been research in England and elsewhere on global or cosmopolitan citizenship education that might inform Japanese directions (Marshall 2005, 2007; Osler & Starkey 2003, 2005). Issues of class and race are of special interest in the European context, especially as they are positioned around questions of the politics of identity, social spaces, and transnational economy. This helps us reflect on what is happening in Japan. Power, its uses and abuses, identities, and relationships are all being transformed by this cosmopolitan moment we are all now experiencing, in ways unexpected and, at least in some spaces and places, profound. Some examples in the Japanese education system, the main vehicle for Japans cultural transmission from one generation to the next, can be seen in questions such as What to do with the curriculum/curricula in the Japanese education system? This is an especially important question, and one that is being addressed recently at the local level of city and prefectural school systems. While there are programs for ethnic education, Dowa or Burakumin education, human rights education, an education for international understanding, and increasing attention to languages and communication, these do not fully address the problems of immigrants (nor of gender, for that matter, another huge issue for Japanese society that has parallels with the situation of immigrants and Others who are discriminated against). What to do with teachers, the role of the media, and equality and social justice? These are all critically important dimensions to the new challenges facing Japan and other global societies. What is needed now is dialogue in Paulo Freires sense of dialogue as praxis, as a praxis constituted by both reflection and action (Freire 1985, 1996, 2000, 2006; Horton and Freire, 1990). Ending the silences of Japan is an especially important task. Praxis can transform the world. It is action and reflection, making us capable of this transformation (Freire 1985: 154155). The need for deliberative democracy is a call for a dialogue in Japan as the encounters between peoples both inside and outside Japan. At the local level, this means finding the
6

Kariya Takehiko recently joined the Nissan Institute at the University of Oxford and now has a joint appointment with Oxford and the University of Tokyo. His work will be available in English translation in 2009.

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spaces where we can begin to see the transformation of Japanese education. As Freire has strongly emphasized, those denied their primordial right to speak their word must first reclaim this right. Preventing the continuing dehumanizing aggression of elitedirected mass education means bringing a new dialogue on centrality and marginality to the context of education. This can be seen as a need for critical resistance education or what might be called Border Pedagogy. Educating for a planetary consciousness and educating the global citizen are now pressing requirements for educational systems. We begin with a new transcultural, multicultural Japan at the local level in schools and communities. This is a call for citizenship in Japan as cosmopolitan citizenship, a call for a flexible and activist orientation. Global warming, the spread of nuclear weapons, and environmental destruction are pressing on us like never before. It is now time to re-invoke that famous Latin saying for educators and students: Carpe Diem! Seize the Time! In order to seize the time effectively we have certain critical issues that need to be addressed. First among these is that the era of singular national survival is no longer viable, that we now need to reach for a cosmopolitan education. In order to do this we will need an education system no longer tied to one nation state alone, to one body of citizens and consumers only, without regard for the global. Of course the nation and the local society must be protected and nurtured, but the education system will need to proactively engage the global in order to thrive, too. Paradoxically, becoming immersed in the global will enable a deeper understanding and appreciation of local Japanese culture and language. This is not a zero-sum game, as envisaged at the beginning of so many of the conflicts of the 20th century. It is, not the tragedy of the commons, but instead a celebration of the commons. As Jennifer Chan and her co-authors have proclaimed in the title of their recent book: Another Japan Is Possible (2008). To engage with the global and local, and to create another Japan, Japanese students will need the following skills: Global Skills Needed for a New World 1) Empathy and Love for Others 2) An Understanding of the Global System 3) Analytical, Creative Thinking within and between disciplines (inter-disciplinary) 4) Knowledge and Respect for Ones Own Culture and Language 5) Ability to Express and Articulate Deeply in Writing and Speech 6) Knowledge of Other Cultures and Languages 7) Communicative Abilities and Empathies for Other Cultures 8) Hybrid, Blended Identities Social justice and peace will need to be seen as principle core values (Willis 2005). Critical thinking, questioning abilities and the ability to engage in dialogue need to become central to the goals of the curriculum and its enactment. In our age of global interdependence, where

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boundaries are easily crossed and re-crossed, even in a single day, we need new thinking and new approaches to our common humanity, as exemplified in the peace education work for young teachers of Nakamura (2008). Teacher educators and teacher education programs will now need to focus on certain themes as they develop the skills mentioned above. One of the most important is fostering the following values in students, teachers, parents and the community: 7 Global Values Needed for a New World 1) A Spirit of Awe, Wonder, MysteryExamination And Contemplation 2) The Process of Meaning Making (The Creative Process) 3) Community, Interdependence, Democracy 4) Justice, Compassion, Caring 5) Outrage at Injustice and Oppression 6) Love And Joy How will we act responsibly and decisively in moving towards an era of hope, liberation, and possibilities that are bright and compelling? Towards an era where these values are commonplace in schools? For our students and their future, we need to heed the call of Barack Obama during the 2008 presidential campaign, when he and his supporters so often said, with joy and affirmation: Yes We Can!!! Yes We Can reach for this future, developing cosmopolitan citizens for all, not just some special elite, as in the past.

Conclusions: Cultural Identity and Globalization Globalization discourses are often oriented to the concept of cultural relativism and cultural identity, especially how globalization might or might not protect ethnicity and cultural identity from the invasion of predatory economic and cultural capitalism. Satoshi Yamamura has pointed out that while cultural relativism has helped counter the hegemony of a Western-centered mind-set theoretically and socially, it has also long in fact been a shadow of the nation state as the categorizing unit (Yamamura 2002, 2007; Willis, Yamamura and Rappleye 2008). We still need to be aware of the dangers of essentialism in discussions of cultural identity, especially in Japan. Yamamura notes (2002, 2007) that, Essentialism has temptingly suffused the Japanese with the dualism of purity against being mixed or polluted and generated such concepts as pure ethnicity and pure Japanese, which have often been used as powerful jargon in politics. For the discourse of globalization, the duality of purity and being mixed or polluted can be studied together with the concepts of specific and universal to avoid a particular concept from gaining a universal position. Ludwig Wittgensteins concept of family resemblance is a useful concept here for discussing two key words for interpersonal and
7

Fostering is a special skill of teachers. It involves simultaneously cultivating, nourishing, and developing students.

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intercultural dialogue: pluralism and Otherness. This concept helps us look at and live with similarities and differences that are not clearly defined and to stand against ethnic, cultural, and racial essentialism (see also Horio 2005 and Ninomiya 2007). Will Japanese society and conservative educators now be able to transform their unconscious mind-set of racial and cultural homogeneity and nurture insight toward real dialogue? This, perhaps, is where Japan is really A Nation at Risk and where the opportunity lies to become at least in some ways a Global Model for our common future humanity. Japan is in fact both a Global Model and A Nation at Risk, depending upon the standpoint of the observer. In this way, the central question of globalization also becomes an appeal to the importance of critical self-reflection. We might begin with reflection on what political processes have created our notions of Japanese education in the first place. For observers who feel that Japanese education is in a dismal state, one might ask: what and who has created these ideas? Are problems such as bullying and school violence really problems or simply narratives to direct our attention away from other problems such as the increasing class gap or lack of acceptance and support for increasing numbers of Others within Japanese society (Willis and Murphy-Shigematsu 2008)? Answers to this question should be empowering and productive. It is here that we find those frontiers where educators are pioneers, defending their territory of transformation to the business or political world and their control of the mass media. Themes of globalization then take on special salience as the questions What can the world learn from Japan? and What does Japan need to learn from the world? become windows of opportunity leading to innovation and renewal for diverse local and global communities in their pursuit of educational excellence.

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Kosuke Shimizu, Human Security, Universality, and National Interest: A Critical Inquiry

No.25 (2007)
Franois Debrix, The Hegemony of Tabloid Geopolitics: How America and the West Cannot Think International Relations beyond Conflict, Identity, and Cultural Imposition

No.26 (2007)
Naomi Hosoda, The Social Process of Migration from the Eastern Visayas to Manila

No.27 (2007)
Chizuko Sato, Forced Removals, Land Struggles and Restoration of Land in South Africa: A Case of Roosboom

No.28 (2007)
Michael Furmanovsky, Reconciliation, Restitution and Healing: The Role of Vietnam Veterans in Facilitating a New Era in U.S.-Vietnam Relations, 1985-2005

No.29 (2007)
Hiroyuki Torigoe, Land Ownership for the Preservation of Environment and Livelihood

No.30 (2007)
Kokki Goto (Edited, Annotated, and with an Introduction by Motoko Shimagami), Iriai Forests Have Sustained the Livelihood and Autonomy of Villagers: Experience of Commons in Ishimushiro Hamlet in Northeastern Japan

No.31 (2007)
Kazuo Kobayashi, The Invention of Tradition in Java under the Japanese Occupation: The Tonarigumi System and Gotong Royong

No.32 (2007)
Benedict Anderson, Useful or Useless Relics: Todays Strange Monarchies

No.33 (2008)
Pauline Kent, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: The Use of Radical Comparisons to Enhance Mutual Understanding

No.34 (2008)
Naomi Hosoda, Towards a Cultural Interpretation of Migration in the Philippines: Focusing on Value-Rationality and Capitalism

No.35 (2008)
Anan Ganjanapan, Multiplicity of Community Forestry as Knowledge Space in the Northern Thai Highlands

No.36 (2008)
Shinji Suzuki, The Increasing Enclosure of Mangrove Wetlands: Towards Resource Management in Development Frontiers

No.37 (2008)
Akiko Watanabe, Migration and Mosques: The Evolution and Transformation of Muslim Communities in Manila, the Philippines

No.38 (2009)
Acharawan Isarangkura Na Ayuthaya and Senjo Nakai, The Emergence and Development of Interfaith Cooperation: A Case Study of the Theravada Buddhist Advocacy for People Living with HIV/AIDS (PWA) in Upper Northern Thailand

No.39 (2009)
Jeremy Rappleye, Decline of the Tokyo Technocrats in Educational Policy Formation? Exploring the Loss of Ministry Autonomy and Recent Policy Trends with Reference to Globalisation and Educational Transfer

No.40 (2009)
Robert Aspinall, The New Three Rsof Education in Japan: Rights, Risk, and Responsibility

No.41 (2009)
Takehiko Ochiai, Personal Rule in Nigeria

No.42 (2009)
Toru Sagawa, Why Do People Renounce War? The War Experience of the Daasanach of the Conflict-ridden Region of Northeast Africa

No.43 (2009)
Aysun Uyar, Political Configuration of Thailands Free Trade Agreements within the Framework of Southeast Asian Regional Economic Cooperation

No.44 (2009)
Kosuke Shimizu, Nishida Kitaro and Japans Interwar Foreign Policy: War Involvement and Culturalist Political Discourse

No.45 (2009)
Julian Chapple, Increasing Migration and Diversity in Japan: The Need for Dialogue and Collaboration in Education, Language and Identity Policies

No.46 (2009)
(Forth coming.)

No.47 (2009)
Nakamura Hisashi, Social Development and Conflict Resolution; as Seen by an Unorthodox Economist

Afrasian Centre for Peace and Development Studies Ryukoku University


1-5 Yokotani, Seta, Oe-cho, Otsu, Shiga, JAPAN ISBN 978 4-903625-82-9