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Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions
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Ḥasan al‐Bannā or the Politicisation of Islam
Ana Belén Soage
a a

University of Granada

Available online: 18 Mar 2008

To cite this article: Ana Belén Soage (2008): Ḥasan al‐Bannā or the Politicisation of Islam, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 9:1, 21-42 To link to this article:

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Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, Vol. 9, No. 1, 21–42, March 2008

asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam ¯
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University of Granada AnaSoage Movements and (online) 0 1 900000March 2008 Taylor and Francis 2008 & Francis Original Article 1469-0764 (print)/1743-9647Political Religions Totalitarian 10.1080/14690760701856374 FTMP_A_285801.sgm

Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012

ABSTRACT The politicisation of Islam can be traced back to the establishment of the ¯ Muslim Brothers’ Society in Egypt in the late 1920s. Its founder, H asan al-Banna , was greatly influenced by the European political religions that appeared ˙in the first decades of the twentieth century, and there were significant similarities between the Society’s organ¯ isation and that of fascist parties. In addition, al-Banna embraced totalitarianism and developed the notion of Islam as a ‘comprehensive’ system. Finally, his worldview shows striking parallelisms with that of the totalitarian ideologues, with its depiction of history as a process of decline from a mythical past, and of the Muslim Brothers as the saviours who will lead the nation back to the lost utopia.
ar m ]a [c ar ]a m [c

In hindsight, the establishment of the Muslim Brothers’ Society [Jam iyyat al-Ikhw a n al-Muslim¯n] in the Suez Canal town of Ismailia in 1928 or 19291 was one of ¯ ı the most significant events in the development of political Islam. However, the Society started off as just another reformist association inspired by the conviction that the sorry state of the Muslim world was to be attributed to its departure from religion. Its original concerns were to spread a ‘correct’ understanding of Islam, to offset Christian missionary efforts in Islamic heartlands and to combat the perceived moral decline brought about by western influences. Its ı first project was the madrasat al-tahdh¯b [school of moral education], in which the initial Brothers gathered to memorise and recite the Koran, as well as study the Sunna2 and the exemplary lives of the prophet Mu h ammad’s Companions. ˙ ¯ The Society’s founder and uncontested leader, shaykh Hasan al-Banna, endeav˙ oured to encourage a spirit of fraternity among his disciples, rectify deviations from the Islamic creed and praxis, and form preachers who would attract new members.3 As such, the Society was not so different from similar organisations that the shaykh had created or participated in, almost since his childhood.4 ¯ ¯ Hasan al-Banna was born in 1906 in the Egyptian village of Ma h mudiyya, the ˙ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı eldest son of the local ima m and ma dhun, shaykh Abd al-Ra h man˙ al-Sa at ¯.5 His ˙ father, who had earned some renown as an expert on the Sunna, introduced him at ı ¯ ¯ an early age to the Islamic sciences and to Rash¯d Rida’s al-Mana r6 and imbued him ˙ with a strict sense of morality. When Hasan was still a schoolboy he was elected ˙ president of the Society for Moral Behaviour, which one of his teachers set up to encourage good morals among the pupils.7 However, the child and some of his friends wished to have an impact outside the school, and they launched the Society
] m ][r ia c m ]a i[r c aa m ]r [c aa m [r ]c ua []r m c ][r m ac a ua []r m c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i]c [a r m i]r [a c a]a m [r c m ar ]c [a

m ac [a r

Correspondence Address: University of Granada, Faculty of Humanities, Granada 18071, Spain. Email:
ISSN 1469-0764 Print/ISSN 1743-9647 Online/08/010021-22 © 2008 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14690760701856374

According to Jamal. it became one of the largest organisations in the country. This move marked the beginning of its real take-off.16 As we will see. where he had his first post. who had been involved in Sufism from his early adolescence.13 That particular Sufi character. In the words of Olivier Carré. until it became one of its main players. inspired by the Sufi order whose sessions he had started attending. which regularly organised lectures on Islamic morality.11 Such was the objective that inspired the creation of the Muslim Brothers’ Society in Ismailia. aa m ]r [c aa m [r ]c ua []r m c aa m [r ]c u]a [r m c aa m ]r [c ua []r m c aa m ]r [c aa m ]r [c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ][r m ac a Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 A Muslim Reaction to the Age of Mass Politics In a previous issue of this journal Renato Moro studied the Catholic response to the emergence of political religions.14 ¯ In 1932 shaykh al-Banna obtained a teaching position in Cairo.Ul um and al-Azhar to preach not only in mosques. Its founding members were six workers who had been moved by the young teacher’s lessons in the town’s mosques and clubs. Soage for the Prevention of the Forbidden. ‘the influence of the Muslim Brothers in everything that happens in Egypt from the 1940s onwards cannot be overstated’. feeling that the message ¯ was not reaching the common people.15 which he addressed to his followers and to Egyptian. as the 1930s advanced. gradually disappeared as it started attracting middle-class effendis. B.22 A. and the Society’s headquarters made the move to the Egyptian capital with him.Ulum. from civil servants to army officers – and with branches in Sudan. he co¯ founded the Hasafi Welfare Society to promote Muslim values and to counter ˙ ˙ the activities of three female missionaries suspected of teaching Christianity under ¯ the cover of charity work. he organised a group of students from Dar ¯ al. who despised ‘dervishism’. Syria. claiming half a million members representing all social groups – from peasants to students. see Appendix].9 While he was a student at the teacher-training Dar al¯ Ul um college in Cairo he joined the Islamic Society for Noble Morals. and the Society’s members gave him the bay a [oath of allegiance] and adhered to strict ¯ ¯ rules of self-discipline and obedience. Furthermore. in order to influence masses and society in . al-Banna’s younger brother – who resided with him in Ismailia at the time – their weekly meetings were not unlike those of Sufi congregations. Palestine and Morocco. their faith and their umma’ [community of believers]. He concluded: The Catholic reaction to the age of revolutions and to the sacralisation of politics accepted a challenge that stimulated the peculiar dynamism of the same ecclesiastical world. that politicisation was not entirely unconnected to events happening on the other side of the Mediterranean. In addition. adopted many of its ¯ tenets and practices: he took the title of al-Murshid al. In less than a decade. Arab and Muslim leaders. It soon had its own printing press that published a weekly journal. and the General Guide’s Epistles ¯ [Rasa il. but also in the coffee houses where workers gathered. while appropriate to the popular classes who made up most of the Society’s early membership. the Society became embroiled in the political life of the country.A mm [General Guide].12 Al-Banna.8 Later. and asked him to lead them ‘in the service of ¯ their nation. which secretly sent admonishing letters to villagers who neglected their prayers and café owners who hired belly dancers. in particular Fascism.10 ¯ ¯ ¯ In his last year at Dar al. al-Banna wrote in an essay that his greatest hope was to become a counsellor and a teacher to children during the day and to their parents in the evening.

in turn. although the change did not come from the sclerotic religious establishment (notably al-Azhar). The first were the Green Shirts of ¯ Young Egypt [Mis r al-Fata t].27 He also attached great importance to the strengthening of the armed forces. After all.26 and argued that Egypt was the natural leader of all Muslim nations. and started demanding land reform (compensating landowners). When they met. but from new movements that combined the religious and the political.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 23 · depth by entering the field of politics. Zionism). Husayn even approached the shaykh to ˙ suggest a merger. and they did so by challenging the main colonial powers.24 Even apparent ideological differences are less significant than might appear at ¯ first sight: Husayn was an ultranationalist. which would become the largest and best organised of all the paramilitary groups. party corruption and an increasing resort to violence. and the nationalisation of foreign companies. shouting matches would ensue. However.28 ][r m ac a aa m [r ]c ] aa m [r ]c ua [r ]c m m ia ]c [r aa m ]r [c aa m [r ]c m ar ]c [a Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 ua [r m c . and made of Hitler a model for his followers on a par with Muslim heroes like ¯ ¯ ı (first caliph) Abu Bakr. notorious for their provocations and general hooliganism. In an Egypt still under British occupation and whose parliamentary system was completely discredited due to palace interference. the nationalist Wafd party launched the League of Wafdist Youth. To challenge the Green Shirts. whereas al-Banna stressed the impor˙ tance of religious identity. codes and languages from them. the two groups shared many features: both were vocal in their ¯ support of the monarchy20 and received. Britain and France. occasionally followed by scuffles. Paramilitary organisations modelled on Mussolini’s Black Shirts and Hitler’s brown-shirted storm-troopers proliferated. the backing of young king Far uq. Saladin and Abd al. a pseudo-fascist party set up by A h mad Husayn in ˙ ˙ ˙ 1933 which had as its slogan ‘Country. Islam and King’. which he considered a religious duty and included among the priorities to be financed ¯ by zaka t (religious alms). ‘the leaders of modern revival in Europe’. fascism seemed to provide an attractive alternative.22 Moreover.19 It was not uncommon for the Brothers’ Rovers and the Green Shirts to hold rallies to mark the same occasions (the prophet’s birthday.23 In fact. competing with political religions and drawing means of expressions. he believed that Islam dictates love for one’s land – as shown by the prophet’s longing for Mecca – and the capture of others. popularly known as the Blue Shirts.21 Both were fiercely anti-communist and critical of party politics.18 The Italian and German regimes had been able to restore their nations’ self-confidence and prestige.Az¯z ibn al-Sa ud. Conversely. who saw them as a useful tool against the Wafd and shared their leaning ¯ towards the Axis powers. For their part. or to protest against the same evils (colonialism. and strengthen its control over its own supporters. the two movements were so alike that an irritated al¯ Banna felt compelled to clarify that the Society ‘was not a branch of Young Egypt’. the anniversary of the king’s coronation). Young Egypt gradually Islamised its discourse – it would change its name to the Nationalist Islamic Party in 1940 – and sought to outdo the Brothers by attacking bars and other ‘places of sin’. A h mad Husayn did not hide his admiration for Hitler and Musso˙ ¯ ˙ lini. Nonetheless. the Muslim Brothers had their yellow-shirted Rovers’ brigades. the most blessed of conquests’?25 He often remarked on the special status of Arabs in Islam. shaykh al-Banna hailed them as. had it not inspired ‘the most righteous of colonisations. the Brothers adopted their rivals’ populism.17 A similar phenomenon can be observed in the Arab-Muslim world.

and membership of the Rovers became a stepping stone into the Society. aa m [r ]c m ia ]c [r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m ]r [c m ar ]c [a m ]r ac [a m i]c [a r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 . ˙ ˙˙ ¯ ı more descriptively. Al-Banna pretended that such attacks were the work of a few disaffected youths. then jailed due to their anti-British agitation and alleged plotting. their martial character acted as a magnet for the youth. colonialism and the advocates of atheism and debauchery’.40 ¯ The latter. and all ‘active’ Brothers of the appropriate age were required to join their brigades. he is also quoted as envisioning its radical revision with a view to unifying all powers. its violence against Egyptian targets and its assassination of several Egyptian public figures turned the ruling elites against the Brothers. It was rumoured to have appeared during the Second World War. assisting in public crises such as floods and epidemics and so on. ı with a unique programme: to implement the shar¯ a. Al-Banna affirmed that the parliamentary system was not incompatible with Islam. the immense majority of those arrested were Rovers. but insisted that the existence of political parties was contrary to the spirit of unity and common purpose that should inspire Muslim societies.24 A. Soage On a different topic.29 In addition. Their number increased steadily throughout the 1930s and 1940s. after the Society had its first serious clashes with ¯ the government and its leaders. should be allowed to run as candidates: knowledgeable ulema. after which they underwent a gruelling military. A hmad Kamal.33 Returning to the Society’s paramilitary brigades – the Rovers – they had started off in Ismailia as sports and excursion groups to promote the fitness that is pleasing to God and necessary to fulfil the duties prescribed by religion.42 In any case.39 Nonetheless. Husayn was strident in his denunciation of parliamentary ˙ ¯ democracy and the Egyptian constitution. participating in sanitation campaigns.41 Its members – maybe around 1000 in 1948 – were carefully selected. including al-Banna. only certain types of people. identified by tradition. and denounced a conspiracy by. most probably by the king’s secret police. such as prayer. and when the Society was disbanded in 1948. crucially. The Society’s members and sympathisers claim that the Secret Apparatus was established to fight colonial¯ ism and Zionism. were briefly banished.32 Nonetheless. our traditions and our ideas’. those groups were organised along the lines of the Scout movement. fasting or pilgrimage. ‘international Judaism. known internally as the Special Organisation [al-ni za m al-khass ] – or. their military ¯ demeanour and training led some to believe that al-Banna was preparing a coup.43 All was to prove in vain. intellectual and spiritual training programme. After the banning of the Soci¯ ety and the imprisonment of many of its members. He stressed that there should only be one party.30 heads of families and clans and experts. maintained that it was clear from the emphasis on ˙ parading that the Rovers’ main role was propagandistic – and. the Secret Apparatus [al-jiha z al-sirr¯] – would play a decisive and unfortunate role in the Society’s history. al-Banna asserted its compatibility with Islam and used the article stating that Islam was the religion of the state to demand the amendment or rejection of all ‘un-Islamic’ legislation.000. al-Banna himself was assassinated. and even criticising the concept of a constitution itself. in 1948 reaching 75.34 Physical exercise was also perceived as a safe ¯ outlet for the sexual energies of the young.35 When al-Banna moved to Cairo. one of the historic leaders of the Muslim ¯ Brothers. to divert attention from the Society’s secret elite corps.31 Regarding the ¯ Constitution.36 On the other hand. Zionism.38 However. in February 1949. as ‘an alien garment. B.37 Many of their activities were not unlike those of more conventional scouts: marching. and have sought to exonerate al-Banna of its excesses. unsuited to our tastes. camping.

his advocates have tried to depict the Society as a revolutionary organisation that worked for the promotion of the working classes or. cost it dearly. defined as one ‘which applies itself to every need of the society of our times. as an early Muslim version of the ‘liberation theology’ movement. and more dispassionate observers consider the Society a middle-class reaction to the socio-political and cultural circumstances of the time.48 Not surprisingly. Al-Banna stressed the Godgiven right to private property and. This feeling was further exacerbated by the humiliating capitulation of the king in 1942. Again. Let us look at ˙ just a few examples: aa m [r ]c m ar ]c [a m ar ]c [a . which many viewed as a betrayal. which was felt well into the 1930s. comparisons with the Catholic Church are enlightening. the Society was able to secure the backing of the middle and lower-middle classes.44 More importantly. overwhelmingly illiterate.49 Al-Bann a replied that they had never taken ‘a single piaster’ from anybody. ¯ with its conservative socio-economic programme. clinics.47 It seems undeniable that the Muslim Brothers received financial support from rich patrons. equated work with worship. however. the Society’s vocal anti-Zionism and active support for the Palestinians earned it ¯ praise from both the old al-Mana r party and the incipient pan-Arabist movement.50 Building on that idea. ‘God. and the owner of the plant’. adopting a theme reminiscent of the Protestant ethic. It also led to a new conception of the Muslim religion. traders and professionals. including the palace. At a time when the papacy was appealing for an ‘integral Catholicism’. even more outlandishly. Its ideology was attractive and easy to understand to a population that was deeply religious. financial aid and jobs to the underprivileged masses that bore the brunt of the 1929 crisis.45 He endorsed the existence of ‘God-sanctioned’ ¯ social inequalities. himself. he envisioned a corporate society in which the worker was aware of his duties towards. which should regulate all aspects of life. and the rise in unemployment provoked by the withdrawal of Allied troops after the Second World War. to be attenuated by institutionalised zaka t. they were denounced by their political opponents as the tool of capi¯ talist landlords and industrialists. social welfare section and small industries provided basic services. the role of the Wafd in both events. the Muslim Brothers’ Society did not only appeal to zealous youths looking for an outlet for their energies. dismayed at the perceived moral decline and alienated from the westernised political and intellectual elites. particularly after the disappointing 1936 Anglo-Egyptian Agreement. and that all their funds came from what their members could economise ‘from their children’s food’. Its schools. Conversely.46 Finally. combined with accusations of corruption and abuse of power. went beyond the creation of a mass movement.52 m ia ]c [r ]m ar [c a aa m ]r [c ][r m ac a aa m []r c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 Islam as an ‘Integral’ System The consequences of the politicisation of Islam.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 25 · However.51 The fact is that a large portion of its membership and the immense majority of its cadres were craftsmen. at the height of its strength. when British tanks crushed the ı gates of the Abd¯n palace to impose a government more amenable to the Allies. Its uncompromisingly anti-British stance attracted the backing of Egyptian nationalists.53 al-Banna started to talk of Islam as an ‘integral’ or ‘comprehen¯ ¯ sive’ system [ni za m sha mil]. Furthermore. together with a significant proportion of the ruling oligarchy. evoked in the light ¯ of its doctrine’.

56 ][r m ac a Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 Do not forget. comprehensive.57 ¯ In Islamist circles. Islam is creed and worship. government and umma. al-Banna seemed reluctant to depart from the ua []r m c a]a m [r c m ar ]c [a aa m []r c m ]r ac [a m i]c [a r m i]c [a r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i]a [c r aa m [r ]c m i]a [c r ][r m ac a aa m [r ]c m i]a [c r ua []r m c m i]a [c r aa m [r ]c . It is matter and ¯ wealth. It is country and nation. the ‘totality’ of Islam. It is true creed and correct worship. mercy and justice. B.54 Islam is a comprehensive system. in the Koran – into a Muslim version of the parliamentary system. However. and stewardship from God to Muslims over all nations [ummas] on Earth. and reformulated the notion of masla h a [public welfare] ˙ to legitimise the use of reason in deciding what constituted the˙ best interest of the ¯ Muslim community. By adopt¯ ing it. science and judiciary.55 militia and idea. the formers’ Salafism had been an attempt to circumvent the stringency of tradition and recover the first Muslims’ undogmatic approach to religion in order to justify the adoption of western institutions and practices. Muslim rulers had been forced to abanı don the shar¯a and resort to foreign laws and institutions. religion and state. In contrast. Soage We believe that the rulings and precepts of Islam are comprehensive and organise the affairs of this life and the next. ethics and matter. nation and nationality. thereby failing to adapt Islam to the new times. the shar¯a was insufficient to fulfil its juridical needs due to its silence on numerous topics and the rigidity of its procedure. for a significant part of its history. gain and prosperity. and that those who think that its precepts are only concerned with the ritual or the spiritual are wrong. was the corollary of an unfortunate concatenation of circum¯ stances. eventually leading to the abolishment of the caliphate. First.59 In reality. as straightforward.26 A. it has become commonplace to insist on shumuliyyat al-Islam. government and umma. al-Banna was trying to challenge the separation of religion and state which. It is ethics and power.58 The clas¯ sical authors never referred to Islam as sh amil. As a result. nation and nationality. Al-Afghan¯ revamped the Arab tribal ¯ custom of shurà [consultation] – only mentioned twice. culture and law. sufficient. although they claim that he merely recovered the true essence of Islam. kindness and strength. Abduh identified the ı shar¯a with natural law. like them. It is holy war [jihad] and calling [da wa].60 But historical fact has never been the forte of political ideologues. ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ı Al-Banna is often considered the intellectual heir of Jamal al-D¯n al-Afghan¯ and Mu hammad Abduh because. he argued for the need to go back to ¯ the path˙ of the salaf. the righteous ancestors. that God has blessed you by granting you a correct understanding of Islam. It is culture and law. and rather vaguely. concerned with all aspects of life. Book and sword. spirituality and action. a modern term used to characterise the totalitarian doctrines that appeared in Europe in the 1920s and 1930s. indistinctively. complete … You have understood it rightly: creed and worship. which they saw as essential to ¯ ı shake the Islamic world out of its torpor. the caliph was a mere figurehead instrumentalised by powerful political dynasties to legitimise and strengthen their rule. You have believed in it in its true nature: religion and state. Brothers. ı And even at the height of the Islamic empire. for the Islamists. the ulema ‘closed the door of ijtih ad’ (the personal effort of interpretation of the Koran and the Sunna to find answers to new questions). That had paved the way for foreign domination. and practice ijtihad. but the novelty of such a discourse cannot be emphasised ¯ enough. Book and sword. The Islamists themselves credit al-Bann a with coming up with the concept.

It is useless for the preacher to repeat that alcohol is the work of the devil if the law allows drinking and the police protect the drinker. therefore. ¯ Arab and Muslim political leaders in 1936.63 He rejected the ‘colonised. they will not believe [in truth] until they make thee judge of what is in dispute between them and find within themselves no . which he deemed in continuous need of God’s guidance. the only real Muslims are those who agreed with the Muslim Brothers’ understanding of Islam. thirst for knowledge. ‘whereas the earlier “Islamic reformers” such as Afghani and ‘Abdu were striving to modernise Islam. Those for whom politics is not an integral part of Islam are at best igno¯ rant of their religion – at worse.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 27 · dictates of tradition. Muslims must be political.62 ¯ The concept of the ‘totality of Islam’ was. and even make sure that he gets home safe and sound!65 Consequently.66 Indeed. a nationalism in which loyalty to one’s country does not preclude devotion to the whole umma. the fundamentals of an economic policy. for all peoples. As Nazih Ayubi has pointed out. discipline and obedience. its da wa. as shown by his understanding of parliamentary democracy. and follow not their desires.69 Similarly.67 He described the Society’s objective as ‘the hope of every Muslim. and condemned the distinction between religion and state as a foreign illegitimate innovation [bid a]. al-Banna used it to allude to his contemporaries’ imitation of the West. in which he laid out the institutional and political underpinnings of the Islamic state: aa m [r ]c m i]a [c r m i]a [c r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c ua [] r m c aa m [r ]c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 A domestic policy that fulfils the divine injunction: ‘So judge between them by that which Allah hath revealed. and at all times.’ (Koran 2:143) A judicial system derived from the noble verse: ‘But nay. its enemies. he stressed the totality of Islam in his 1939 epistle ‘Under the banner of the Koran’. Islam must have executive and judicial authority. addressed to King Faruq and to Egyptian. Islam. he insisted. and that the messenger may be a witness against you. submissive and servile Islam’ that accepts its confinement to the private sphere. provided a blueprint for this life and the next.61 ¯ ı ı Al-Afghan¯ and Abduh used the term taql¯d [imitation] to designate the ulema’s ¯ blind imitation of their predecessors.68 ¯ ¯ In his epistle ‘Towards the light’.64 In his opinion. as ‘the legacy of the messenger of God’ and its programme. the wish of every believer’. in al-Banna’s eyes. that ye may be witnesses against mankind. and distrusted reason. in all places. ambition and determination. a moral code. al-Banna asserted that Islam provides all the elements a budding state needs: hope. a concern for public health. the following generation of Islamists such as al-Banna and the Muslim Brothers were striving to Islamicise modernity’. but beware of them lest they seduce thee from some part of that which Allah hath revealed unto thee. ‘the guidance of the Lord of the two worlds’ – and he considered any deviation from that programme tantamount to a deviation from Islam itself. al-Banna’s response to the uncertainties of modernity. to implant the military spirit in the souls of the nation’s sons.’ (Koran 5:49)70 A foreign policy that fulfils the Koranic injunction: ‘Thus We have appointed you a middle nation. by thy lord.

’ (Koran 96:1)71 A family policy that rears the Muslim boy.‘ (Koran 4:5) A cultural and educational policy that puts an end to ignorance and obscurantism. B. music and literature. be they the ruler or the ruled.e.e. gambling. etc. based on the divine injunction: Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 ‘Give not unto the foolish [what is in] your [keeping of their] wealth.’ (Koran 28:77)72 ¯ As well as espousing these general principles.’ (Koran 91:9) Finally. punishing the neglect of religious duties (prayer. matching the sublimeness of the first revealed verse of the Book of God: ‘Read: In the name of thy Lord who createth. and be thou kind even as Allah hath been kind to thee. the insti¯ tutionalised collection and distribution of zaka t [legal alms]. which Allah hath given you to maintain. the banning of dancing. under the headings ‘Political.28 A. moral crisis that plagued Egyptian society. as he saw it. and submit with full submission. cinema. hell]. alcohol and usury. al-Bann a also proposed concrete measures to deal with the political. fasting.’ (Koran 4:65) A defence and military policy that realises the objectives of the general call to arms: ‘Go forth. like the amendment of all laws so that they conformed to the shar¯ a. judicial and administrative goals’. a general spirit that dominates all individuals of the umma. Most of them have a religious and/or moral characı ter.74 censorship of the theatre.) and moral aa m []r c m i]c [a r ]m ar [c a .73 the development of links with other Muslim states so as to prepare the ground to give ‘serious consideration’ to the question of the caliphate. and seek not corruption in the earth. realising the divine injunction: ‘O ye who believe! Ward off from yourselves and your families a Fire whereof the fuel is men and stones [i. on the basis of God’s words: ‘But seek the abode of the Hereafter in that which Allah hath given thee and neglect not thy portion of the world. ‘Social and educational goals’ and ‘Economic goals’. light armed and heavy armed.’ (Koran 66:6) A moral system for the individual which accomplishes the salvation intended by the divine teaching: ‘He is indeed successful who causeth it to grow [i. In ‘Towards the light’ he set 50 main objectives. economic and. the Muslim girl and the Muslim man. and strive with your wealth and your lives in the way of Allah!’ (Koran 9:41) An independent economic policy to manage individual and state wealth. the soul]. Soage dislike of that which thou decidest.

it is difficult to imagine that he would have become the Society’s main ideologue had his thought constituted a radical departure from that of its venerated founder. for example. the shaykh reiterated these measures in a treatise entitled. state control of the economy. the tradition ‘God loves the skilful believer’. Hendrik Hansen and Peter Kainz compared the thought of Sayyid Qutb to that of Karl Marx and Adolf Hitler.84 However. and many of its proposals – a single party.80 He could always find a prophetic tradition or a Koranic verse to support his espousal of any particular policy. is invariably blamed for Islamism’s totalitarian drift. together with the verse ‘and We revealed iron. flogging adulterers.77 the prevention of bribes and nepotism. totalitari¯ anism was already one of the constitutive elements of al-Banna’s worldview. the Muslim Brothers’ programme was akin to that of the radical nationalists. notably universal social security. and he added others. among others.78 On the other hand. making religion a basic subject at all levels of education. In this section. A particular group of people is the standard-bearer of hope and.81 However. far from being Qutb’s addition to Islamism. a corporatist vision of society – would be implemented by ¯ the Free Officers after the 1952 Revolution. History is always interpreted as a process of decline. This group will then realise the utopia of the classless society. nationalising foreign-owned firms. and employing graduates of al-Azhar in the public service and in the army. and that the solution necessarily involved a return to Islamic values. In any case. in which a fundamentally evil power has brought mankind to the verge of disaster and threatens its very existence. social justice. not least by the Brothers themselves. reviewing the girls’ curriculum to make it distinct from that of boys. as the personification of good. promoting public health and exploiting natural resources. the list includes a number of proposals that have no clear Islamic basis. such as encouraging projects to provide jobs for the unemployed.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 29 · ‘offences’ by.75 scrutinising the private life of government employees and café regulars. ‘Our problem in the light of the Islamic system’. improving the productivity of peasants and industrial workers. industrialisation and land reform. or the purified society of followers of the true faith.83 Sayyid Qutb. a complete segregation of the sexes in education and within society as a whole.79 A decade later. reducing the power of monopolies. The authors concluded: This analysis of the three ideologies shows that they are all based on the same structure. who was one of the leading members of the Muslim Brothers’ Society from the early 1950s until his execution in 1966.76 the promotion of marriage and procreation. In favour of industrialisation he quoted. a]a m [r c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 ¯ Totalitarian Structure of al-Banna ’s Thought aa m []r c The similarity between Islamism and political religions such as Marxism and Nazism has often been pointed out. land reform. In an article recently published by this journal. including university. the natural race struggle. we will use the structure proposed by Hansen and Kainz to further argue that.82 What distinguished al-Bann a’s vision was his conviction that the first cause of Egypt’s problems was moral corruption. ¯ Qutb was a great admirer of al-Bann a’s and considered himself loyal to his legacy. has the mission of saving humankind from doom and ridding it of evil. wherein is mighty power and [many] uses for mankind’ (Koran 57:25). aa m []r c aa m []r c .

91 Contrary to al¯ ı ¯ ¯ Afghan¯. most virtuous. Soage History as a Process of Decline ¯ Hasan al-Banna attributed the decline of the Muslim world to its abandonment ˙ of religion. al-Banna did not include among the political factors ¯ of Muslim weakness the ˙neglect of shurà and the transformation of the caliphate into a hereditary dynasty. the prophet and his Companions fought Jihad not to satisfy their personal ambitions. that state had been able to create a powerful empire that relegated Christianity to a defensive position within the Byzantine Empire and destroyed the religious and political authority of ‘devious Judaism’. which he dubbed ‘the primary evil that ruins the social structure of the umma’ and regarded as a consequence of.88 Its armed forces enjoyed complete mastery over land and sea. Mamluks. the depravity of the young and the abandonment of Jihad’. acquire booty or subject other peoples. and the reduction of religion to ‘dead words and expressions.95 Intellectual factors – rivalries and controversies between the different religious sects and schools. and characterised by complete social and political unity. What a contrast with modern colonialism! What a contrast with the wars waged by the ‘civilised’ nations! What a contrast with ‘their’ international law!87 The shaykh offered his most comprehensive analysis of history in his 1942 epistle ‘Between yesterday and today’: the ideal society was embodied in the virtuous Islamic state established by prophet Mu h ammad and continued by his immediate successors. but to fulfil the mission they had been burdened with: to spread the da wa. Muslims gradually deviated from the precepts of Islam. Social factors – the uncontrolled enjoyment of luxury and sensual pleasures.92 As ¯ shown above.89 Alas.86 In his idealised vision of history.30 A. Their intention was to civilise. aa m [r ]c ][r m ac a aa m [r ]c m i]c [a r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ua []r m c aa m [r ]c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 . for the sake of God. to teach and to lead toward the Truth. When they conquered a land. Daylamites. while accepting what was beneficial from them as long as it did not threaten its unity. the sun ¯ of Mohammedan guidance [al-hidaya al-mu h ammadiyya] shone over the souls of ˙ its people. and was convinced that its rebirth required a return to the teachings of Islam. and there was no question of any triumphant conqueror or defeated enemy. in which there was no plundering. The reasons for that downfall can be classified under the following headings: Political factors – infighting among Arab leaders. thus bringing about their state’s ruin. and its language and religion succeeded in Arabising and Islamising peoples of other civilisations. Based on unshakable faith in˙the principles of Islam. They fought merciful wars.94 He was particularly concerned with the first. al-Banna’s biography reveals a puritanical obsession with enforcing morality. B. they all became loving brothers. which had already been a favourite of his predecessors. They were noble knights prepared to sacrifice everything they possessed. most blessed of ummas’. and in his epistles he often quotes the Koranic verse ‘Allah changeth not the condition of a folk until they [first] change that which is in their hearts’ (13:11). stealing or rape. which led to power falling into the hands of non-Arabs – Persians. including their lives. Abduh and Rid a. he added as social factors of decadence ‘the tyranny of women. ‘women overstep[ping] the limits that religion has prescribed them.85 He maintained that the Islamic programme had been ‘tested by history.93 Elsewhere. flout[ing] natural law and disregard[ing] their task in life’. confining it to a narrow region. most merciful. when it created the strongest.90 Turks – who ‘had never tasted true Islam’ because they had not been Arabised.

while the way of Islam is ‘glory and fortitude. and had to choose between ‘the way of appetites and vanities’. in the meantime rival nations developed. namely that Muslims neglected the applied sciences and wasted their time with speculative philosophies and pseudosciences. selfishness and usury. ‘raised on the laps of foreigners’. delights and luxury.D. in the fourteenth century (nineteenth and twentieth centuries A. and instead had given rise to resistance in the shape of nationalism and Islamism. economically.106 Furthermore.109 Confronted with the decadence and fragmentation that afflicted Muslims as a ¯ consequence of these factors. al-Bann a set two main goals for the Muslim Brothers: first. until they caught the umma unawares. All this should be corrected. to liberate the Muslim world from all foreign authority. he was a Muslim’. that aggression had had the opposite effect. with the medicine of the Koran. and to sow doubt and atheism in their souls with their schools and cultural centres.96 The shaykh wished to recover the simplicity of original Islam.102 In effect. that its materialism had killed all compassion and spirituality. He claimed that its people had been seduced by demons. nurses. And he urged the king: ‘Take the umma down this way. intellectual and artistic progress had been unable to bring happiness.97 He was also eager to overcome sectarian differences yet insisted that they were inevitable. feed the hungry or eradicate crime. namely Islam. always lying in wait. truth and strength. because until such a state existed ‘all Muslims are living in sin’. firmness. westerners were well aware that the only chance of a revival for the East was through Islam. in other words. Dazzled and deceived by the West.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 31 · with neither spirit nor life’.). Among the 50 measures mentioned above can be included. Muslims were abandoning Islam to imitate the Europeans – especially the rulers. to save this tormented. their theatres. dress. contending that all its scientific. Islam had offered first. customs. virtue and nobility’.108 However. even desirable. psychologically. when ‘a Bedouin could sit with the prophet (peace be upon him) a few minutes or one hour and. lechery. etc.110 ¯ ¯ In his 1936 epistle to King Faruq. socially. ailing world!’111 aa m []r c aa m [r ]c a]a m [r c aa m [r ]c ua []r m c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 . governesses. and may God grant you success! Be the first to come forward in the name of the prophet of God. that its most prominent features were atheism. and ‘the way of Truth’. particularly in upper-class homes’. to establish an Islamic state. In the way of Europe there is ‘ostentation and splendour. the shaykh paid special attention to the westernisation of the elites. dissipation and licentiousness’. their cabarets.D.103 ¯ Al-Banna was extremely critical of the West. blessedness and righteousness.).105 He dismissed its achievements. militarily and culturally.107 According to the shaykh. ‘(p)utting an end to the foreign spirit in the home with regard to language. he tried to persuade him of the merits of an Islamic order. anything the western systems had to offer. Egypt. intellectually. peace be upon him. was at a crossroads. and that Muslims should be tolerant amongst themselves. were able to take advantage of Muslim weaknesses on two occasions: the Tatars and the Crusaders. when he got up.100 Al¯ Bann a perceived a Muslim world under siege politically.104 Its nominal Christianity was but a tool to subjugate the ignorant and justify the conquest of the rest of the world. so they tried to tempt Muslims away from their religion with their liquors.98 He identified a second intellectual factor of decline.101 He emphasised the dangers of cultural colonialism.99 External factors – the enemies of Islam. their ‘half-naked’ women. and the modern colonial powers. second. in the sixth century after the Hijra (twelfth century A. the western model. he wrote.

your Society is the most honourable of societies!119 A year later. the successors of his Companions … ˙ Remember it well. Soage The Muslim Brothers as the Standard-bearers of Hope ¯ In the mid-1930s. You are the soldiers of the Koran. he reminded them in ‘Between yesterday and today’: Brothers! You are not a charitable society. You are a resounding voice that rises. . You are a new light that shines. Those who think that they can prevent you from realising your aims and achieving your objectives with slanders and insults. B. or with threats and banishment.114 The shaykh instilled in his disciples a feeling of belonging to an elite destined to save the umma and ready for self-sacrifice.117 He categorised people into groups. the followers of the prophet’ message. he addressed the Rovers as follows: You are not boys. Meanwhile. held in 1941. Brothers! You are exceptional beings who act with integrity when everybody else has been corrupted. and their societies were ravaged by poverty and unemployment. and told them that the da wa was incompatible with other loyalties. the bottle of medicine’ to guide humanity and cure all its ills. the Brothers held ‘the torch of light. at best. and directed the Brothers to relate to them accordingly. and the possibility of a third world war in which nuclear weapons might be used conjured up images reminiscent of the Day of Judgement. the bearers of the Koran. the brigades of God.32 A. the heirs of Mu hammad (peace be upon him). You are the preachers of Islam. nor an organisation with limited aims. In truth and without exaggeration. You are a new way of thinking with which God shows humanity the difference between right and wrong at a time the two are confused. which humanity has neglected. in that the latter’s faith was dead – or. dispelling the darkness of materialism with the knowledge of God. the connection between heaven and earth. Brothers! Your da wa is the purest of da wa-s. reviving it with the Koran.113 Fortunately. and confidently asserted that they stood at the edge of the abyss. depending on their attitude to the Society and to Islam. you must feel that you are bearing this burden. al-Banna saw the western masters of the world plagued by dictatorship. the Arab and Muslim lands continued to be subjected politically and corrupted morally. will not succeed. nor a political party. You are a new spirit that makes its way to the heart of this umma. echoing the message of the Messenger (peace be upon him).115 He required from them complete dedication. asleep – whereas that of the Brothers burned brightly in their souls.116 He distinguished them from other Muslims. he exhorted them: Remember it well. economic crisis and the absence of values.120 And in 1947. Those unwilling or unable to pay the ultimate price were asked to ‘move away from the ranks so as to allow God’s brigade to advance’.118 aa m [r ]c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 During the sixth general congress.112 After the Second World War he painted an even bleaker picture: the West – which included the two Cold War blocks – had completely abandoned the noble principles it had pretended to espouse in its hour of need.

‘religion [will be] all for Allah’ (Koran 8:39).132 He also decided to run for parliament twice. that cycle would be broken when supremacy returned to the East and humanity reached a stadium of unity and perfection within the Islamic order. rule out the use of violence if other methods proved ineffective. to the umma and.127 He spoke of the inexorable spread of his Society’s message from the individual member to his family. the ı depositaries of his shar¯ a’. However.128 The initial strategy to bring ¯ about that vision was to educate the masses. he referred to the Muslim Brothers as ‘the heirs to the Koran from the prophet of God …. to society at large. and granted them dominion over it to guide it to Islam. knights by day’.125 aa m [r ]c m i]c [a r ][r m ac a ][r m ac a ur [a ]c m Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 The Way to Utopia ¯ In the Khaldunian vision of history proposed by al-Banna. ‘who have been performing those functions with great effectiveness for many years’.133 He warned those who stood in the way of the Muslim Brothers that the choice was between loyalty and enmity. supporting you. others hard’ because the Brothers would have to confront the opposition and hostility of those who did not understand the truth of Islam.130 By 1943. in 1942 and 1945. The third and final stage would see the implementation of the message through an Islamic government. the shaykh saw the Muslim Brothers well into the second stage. and dying for the sake of God is the loftiest of our wishes’.124 Time and again he repeated that God grants victory to those who ¯ ¯ struggle [muja hidun].123 Furthermore. jihad is our path.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 33 · For what is your aim. so often used to great effect in rallies and demonstrations. the ¯ prophet is our leader. They do not know the strength contained in your souls – and that God is behind it. as ‘monks by night. Elsewhere. The Society’s slogan. although on the first occasion he reached an agreement with the government to withdraw his candidature. the shaykh spoke of death as the most beautiful of arts. and getting ready for the third.126 He believed that God had designated Muslims as the guardians of mankind. but the triumph of Islam? And what is your objective. the Koran is our constitution. He did not. he wrote that holy war was a aa m ]r [c aa m ]r [c aa m []r c m i]a [c r aa m [r ]c . the bearers of his banner’. ‘some soft. but to institute the state of the Koran? They do not know the faith that has captured your hearts. just like Mu h am˙ mad’s Companions. however. that the only obstacle is despair. and that they would not hesitate to declare war on anybody ‘who d[id] not work for the victory of Islam’. finally. to the whole world when. and promised the Brothers victory or martyrdom.131 ¯ Al-Bann a explored lawful means of gaining power: in 1939 he tried to persuade ı ¯ prime minister Al¯ Mahir to put the ministry of social affairs and the territorial army effectively in the hands of the Muslim Brothers. was: ‘God is our goal. providing social services and setting up projects and businesses. while his 1945 attempt was thwarted by electoral corruption. he predicted.129 He had an action plan to be implemented in three stages: in the first. and God’s reward. the Society would spread by preaching. the pendulum of power oscillated between East and West throughout history. He even went as far as to describe them as ‘the Companions 122 [sic] of the prophet of God. to the government. The second stage would require the spiritual and military formation of the troops. that today’s dreams are tomorrow’s realities. but al-Banna warned that other measures would be needed.134 In addition.121 ¯ Examples of al-Banna’s messianic rhetoric abound. leading from the harshness of worldly life to eternal bliss.

139 He also declared that peaceful relations with non-Muslim states were possible. to be included among the five pillars of Islam. Finally.144 m i]c [a r m i]c [a r aa m []r c m i]a [c r ][r m ac a Conclusion This essay has illustrated the impact of totalitarianism on the founder of the ¯ Muslim Brothers’ Society.136 He vowed to his disciples.135 and stressed that the da wa requires Jihad and sacrifice. On the one hand. with its portrayal of history as a process of decline from a mythical past. he declared that the Muslim Brothers should not content themselves with liberating Muslim lands from the colonisers’ yoke. Young Egypt. which discusses the circumstances in which war is permissible. ‘three hundred brigades equipped spiritually with faith and doctrine. physically with training and exercise’ – and reassured them that the wait would not be long. B. the fascists’ praxis was always rather more conservative than their rhetoric. insisted on the sacredness of private property and longed for a more innocent time when cabarets did not exist and women stayed at home. and reflects their different circumstances. quotes the Koranic verse that legitiı mates the extortion of jizya [a tax paid by non-Muslims]. and he must have been aware that he was aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m ]r [c aa m ]r [c . Soage Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 prescription as important as prayer or fasting. but that they should chase the oppressors back to their own countries. i. capable of offering a comprehensive solution to all the problems of modernity.142 His treatise ‘Peace in Islam’. and both received generous support ¯ from the pro-Axis palace and. ‘until everyone is convinced of the Koran’s teachings and calls out the prophet’s name.140 Still.137 The same ambiguity characterised the shaykh’s attitude to non-Muslims. although Muslims had the duty to invite them ‘insistently’ to embrace Islam. Al-Banna believed that power was obtainable. his worldview fits into the structure of other totalitarianisms. The shaykh was also a social conservative who courted the king’s favour. mentally with knowledge and culture. together with a had¯th which asserts that fighting ahl al-kita b [people of the Book. possibly. the umma). he highlighted Islam’s protective and benevolent attitude to minorities and foreigners. his writings suggest that his tolerance was limited to non-Muslims prepared to ı accept Muslim domination and the implementation of the shar¯ a. shaykh Hasan al-Bann a. Jews and Christians] carries a double reward from God. and therefore behaved as a pragmatic politician. and the shadow of Islam stretches over the whole world’.34 A. the Axis powers themselves. Yet again. its depiction of the Muslim Brothers as the saviours of the nation (in this case.141 Moreover. although his bargaining power depended to a great extent on his control over his young.e. excitable followers.138 and even conceded that they might be employed by a Muslim government. and that martyrdom is the highest level of faith. There were striking similarities between his Society and the most fascist of Egyptian parties.143 His epistle ‘On jihad’ quotes the same ˙ ¯ ı verse. That conservatism is perhaps the most notable difference between Hasan al˙ ¯ ¯ Banna and Sayyid Qutb. The evidence strongly indicates that he was a man fascinated by ˙fascism – like many of his compatriots at that time – and well aware of the propagandistic effect of resounding slogans and mass rallies. and his plan to recover the lost utopia. eager to see action.145 Al-Banna reformulated Islam into an ‘integral’ or ‘total’ system. ‘there is no God but God ¯ and Mu hammad is the prophet of God’. as long as they did not occupy positions of leadership. and a had¯th according to which Muslims must fight until all people proclaim that. that he would lead them against ‘all the obstinate despots’ once they had formed.

Ibid. Ibid. The Muslim World 98/1 (January 2008). 6. but also on ¯ rhetoric derived from that of al-Banna.94–5).76–8. For more on this topic. ¯ Establishing the totalitarian roots of al-Banna’s thought is not merely an academic exercise. which. he was no firebrand anti-colonialist. Mudhakkarat al-da wa wa-l-da iya (Cairo: Dar al-Shihab. economic and social grievances that provoked its birth. which first appeared in instalments ¯ ¯ ¯ in the Society’s newspaper in 1947.’146 Given the messianism already present in al¯ Banna’s discourse. was far from moderate. aa m [r ]c m i[r ]a c aa m []r c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c ur ]c m [a aa m []r c aa m []r c m i ]r [a c aa m []r c aa m []r c ar m ]a [c m i]c [a r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i]c [a r aa m [r ]c m i]c [a r m i ]r [a c aa m []r c aa m []r c . ¯ 8. Rash ¯ d Rida’s stated intent was to follow in the footsteps of ı ¯ ˙ modernist reformers Jamal al-D ¯ n al-Afghan ¯ and Mu hammad Abduh. continue ¯˙ to defend al-Banna’s legacy and to peddle the fiction that the radicalisation of the Muslim Brothers was the work of Sayyid Qutb and the Nasserist prisons. The Sunna is the collection of h ad¯ ths. p.24–5. Al-Banna (note 3). The term shaykh designates someone with knowledge of the religious sciences. 2. Jam al al-Bann a or.. that transition was fairly straightforward. something better might eventually emerge. only on a par with the ı prophet’s Companions. Modern-day Muslim Brothers and so-called moderate Islamists ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ like Y u suf al-Qarad aw¯. imagined a pristine Islamic order under which everything would be transformed. back then. As well as bitter disappointment. For instance. For a brief period. which was very similar to that espoused by the Brothers. The exact date is not known. Ayubi adds another reason for this radicalisation: the failure of the Nasserist socio-economic project. However. Islamism thrives not only on the perpetuation of the political. their moderation will remain questionable.. he admits accepting a donation from no other than the Suez Canal Company (ibid. the shaykh had become an important political figure. which feeds a radicalism always at risk of spiralling out of control. ‘The immediate task had therefore to be to break completely with that project … and to transmit the whole situation to the Almighty in the hope that.147 Such veneration could readily be interpreted as an enduring adherence to his project. The ‘martyred imam’ remains untouchable. reports of prophet Mu hammad’s words and actions. only to see it slip away and find themselves the target of terrible repression. see Ana Belén Soage. ‘the watchmaker’. in Europe. as we have seen. pp. “Rash ¯ d Rida’s Legacy”. In fact.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 35 · playing a dangerous game. the Hegira date corresponds to April or May 1929. 9. Al-Manar was founded in 1898 and soon became one of the most influential Islamic publications ¯ in the Arab and Muslim worlds. Until mainstream Islamists deal with the most troublesome aspects of this legacy. The imam is the prayer leader in the mosque. H asan al-Banna. is an allusion to Abd al-Rahm an al-Banna’s ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ˙ trade. although his thought ¯ ı ¯ ı ˙ was rather more conservative than that of his predecessors. By then. By the mid-1950s. The nickname al-S a at ¯ . The ma dhun is the official authorised to conduct ¯ ¯ Muslim marriages.18–19. he recalls the feelings of grievance and disaffection he felt in Ismailia. the Muslim Brothers had come tantalisingly close to power as a result of their alliance with the Free Officer. Qutb condemned all Muslim societies as un-Islamic and.16. pp. which would seem to indicate that. ı ˙ ˙ 3. Tariq Ramadan. Mudhakkarat al-da wa wa-l-da iya (note 3).75). ı ¯ ˙ 7. so it is reasonable to assume that those memoirs were coloured by subsequent events. in reality. ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ 4. Isolated from the world in his prison cell. a town that symbolised foreign military and economic domination (ibid. or even the revered imam Al¯. p. The confusion stems from the fact that al-Banna wrote that the ¯ Society was established in Dhu al-Qi da 1347/March 1928. pp. The main source of information about the early years of the Muslim Brothers’ Society is alBanna’s memoirs... 1966). the situation had radically changed. 5. unassailable. aa m []r c aa ]r m [c ua []r m c aa m [r ]c m i]c [a r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i]c [a r aa m []r c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 Notes 1. with His grace. pp. no longer burdened by practical considerations.

82–3. 23. p. uses the term ‘épître’ in his apologetic Aux sources du renouveau musulman. see Appendix (2).286. Interview with Jam al al-Banna on 10 July 2007. Now in his eighties. Another interesting. see his Five Tracts of H asan al˙ Banna (1906–1949): A Selection from the Majm u at rasa il al-imam al-shah¯ d H asan al-Banna (Berkeley. Furthermore. Soage 10.109.199. those countries ascended the steps of internal rectitude and external prestige. 13.. Dirasat f¯ tar¯ kh Misr al-mu asir (Cairo: Al-markaz al. 702–6. ¯ 27. order. to the ‘racist’ and ‘aggressive’ European nationalism.123–4. ibid.36 A. and remained the most active section of the nationalist and anti-British movement.. from the prosaic letter to the divine revela¯ ¯ tion. Appendix (5).98.192. collapsed when they fell’. Renato Moro. Ibid. 12. “Al-sal am f¯ -l-Isl am” (1947). p.58–9. The Society’s press was extravagant in its praising of King F aruq. ¯ 25.. see Appendix (3). and whole-heartedly supported ¯ ¯ his pretension to the caliphate. example of the politisation of Islam is that of Ab u ¯ al-A là al-Mawd ud¯ . Appendix (9). he often compared Muslim nationalism.50–51.214–16.20–21. Quoted in Abd al. Égypte et Syrie (1928–1982) (Paris: Gallimard. The youth organisations were officially banned in 1938 – although not the Muslim Brothers’ Rovers. Very soon. pp. Abd al. Appendix (8). which ‘has sanctified the use of force but leans towards peace’. which means ‘message’. That ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙˙ support would continue even as the king became increasingly unpopular due to his despotism and dissoluteness. 16. based on love and fraternity.25. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 6/1 (2005). it was frequent for students of the different political parties to clash with the police. p. but it can also mean ‘nation’ in the sense of a group of people who share a history and a language.44. Mitchell: The Society of the Muslim Brothers (London: Oxford University Press. 1980). Al-salam f¯ -l-Islam wa-bu huth ukhrà (Cairo: D ar ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ˙ ˙ al-Fikr al-Isl am¯ . p. pp. strength and glory. pp.303–4. 1998). Olivier Carré. Richard P. pp. Appendix (8). the heavenly bodies trembled and the age took notice. 195?. 19.A zim Rama d an (note 22). p. Appendix (6). the second caliph. 1983). p.21. pp. the shaykh also contrasted Mussolini. Appendix (1). Al-Banna (note 3). 11.. progress. In the post-1945 period.58. pp. p. ¯ ı 21. p. hope was renewed in the souls. p. 699. Far uq wa-suq u t al-malakiyya f¯ Misr (1936–1952) (Cairo: ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Maktabat Madbul ¯ . which is probably more descriptive of the messages’ content and intent. 17. p. Al-Bann a sycophantically described him as ‘the defender of the ¯ Koran’ and dubbed him ‘al-F aruq’ – a reference to Umar ibn al-Kha t t ab. 22. al-Bann a. ¯ ˙ ˙ 24.192–3. Hitler ¯ ı and Stalin’s aggressive militarism to Islam. pp. Ibid. p. pp. and both Hitler and Mussolini guided their people to unity. see La t ¯ fa Muh ammad S alim. British intelligence suspected both Young Egypt and the Muslim Brothers of receiving funding from the Axis powers throughout the 1930s.70–71. Al-Banna. 1996). “Religion and Politics in the Time of Secularisation: the Sacralisation of Politics and Politicisation of Religion”. Rasa il is the plural of risala. ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ CA: University of California Press. see S alim (note 20). al-Bann a kept a certain admiration for their regimes. in H asan al-Bann a. and for members of the Muslim Brothers’ Society and of Young Egypt to battle the Wafdists and the communists on the streets. Thus. For his part. Even after the Axis powers’ ¯ ˙ defeat. that is how al-Banna’s followers under¯ stood the messages from their leader. ¯ 26. The religious overtone of ‘epistle’ is intentional. However. H asan al-Banna’s younger ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ brother has become a noteworthy Islamist scholar on his own right.76. Ibid. And then what happened? It became apparent that these powerful and cohesive systems in which the will of the individual vanished in the will of the leaders went wrong when those leaders erred. The term umma designates the community of all Muslims. David Wendell prefers ‘tract’.211. He wrote in 1947: ‘Nazism and ¯ Fascism came to power in Germany and Italy. D’al-Afghani à Hassan al-Banna: Un ¯ siècle de réforme islamique (Paris: Bayard. 1969). pp.263. Al-Banna. The shaykh’s grandson. When the Fuhrer or the Duce spoke. thanks to their powerful connections and their registration with the Egyptian National Scout Movement.58. strayed when they strayed.5–50). the paramilitary groups continued to operate unofficially at least until the 1952 revolution. and almost contemporary.¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ı ¯ ı ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ li-l-ba hth wa-l-nashr. The influence of Marxism ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ı on his thought has often been remarked. pp. Appendix (3). Appendix (4). To be fair.659. pp.A zim Rama d an. 20. p. who founded Jam a at-e-Isl am¯ in Pakistan in 1941.8–9. pp. Les Frères musulmans. 14. Appendix (8). were oppressive when they oppressed. the king ¯ had known pro-Axis sympathies and sought to get closer to the likely future masters of the world. 15. ¯ aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c ur m [c ]a ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c m i[r ]a c ar m ]a [c ua []r m c u]a [r m c m i[a ]c r a]a m [r c a]a m [r c m i[a ]c r a]a m [r c u]a [r m c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c ua []r m c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r a]r m [a c ar m [a ]c ur m [c ]a ur m [c ]a m i[r ]c a ua []r m c m i ]r [a c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c m i[a ]c r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c ur ]c m [a aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 . 1978). Appendix (2). 18. stagnant aspirations were reawakened and the whole country was united under one leader. B. p. Tariq Ramadan.696–9. Al-Banna.

203. p. In the Muslim Brothers’ third general conference. Mitchell (note 14).000 (see note 14. and it is quite likely that some of their volunteers took part in military operations inside Palestine. Mahm ud ¯ ˙ Abd al-H al¯ m. p. 1989). pp. Mitchell quotes two articles published in the Society’s newspaper in 1946 in which the shaykh offers Russia and Turkey as examples of successful oneparty systems – which is rather odd. Mitchell gives the more modest figure of 40.216).e. for instance. n. Muh ammad Shawq¯ Zak¯ .islamonline. given his profound dislike of communism and ‘kemalism’ (see note 14. although he was not ¯ recruited until 1946 (see note 40.170–1. Appendix (3). ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ˙ ˙ ˙ Cairo: Markaz al-Mahrusa. pp. Al-nuqat fawqa al. As explained in an article published by Majallat al-Da wa quoted in Mitchell (note 14). Al-Banna. pp. Al-muta slimun. see Appendix (10). The date for the establishment of the Secret Apparatus varies widely. Ah mad Adil Kamal.aqd. 1994).net/Arabic/personality/2001/12/article6. Appendix (3). Madha fa alu bi-l-Islam … wa bi-n ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ a? (Cairo: Maktabat al-Usra. active and ‘struggler’ (mujah¯ d) (see note 3. as shown in ‘many countries’.86.49–50. see Appendix (8). ¯ 33.32–3. 36. Mitchell adds that ‘scientific’ observers attributed to this fact the Society’s success amongst university students. jurists able to derive rulings from the Koran and the ¯ ¯ ¯ Sunna through ijtihad (personal effort of interpretation).¯ wa-l-islam¯ wa-l-d am¯ r ¯ ¯ ¯ı ¯ ı ı ¯ ı ı ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ al. Mitchell opts for late 1942 or early 1943 (see note 14. Zak¯ (note 37). ¯ 31. p. p.238–40. ¯ ˙ 42. vol.190. Mitchell (note 14). “F¯ rakb al-Ikhwan” and “Ma ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ˙ ba da h all al-ikhwan”. Abd al. p. 1948? 1949?). p. the persecution the movement suffered in 1948–9 was brought about by their ‘heroic role’ in that war. Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun wa-l-tan z ¯ m al-sirr¯ (Cairo: Maktabat Ruz al-Yu ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ı ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ suf. held in 1935. see. Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun wa-l-mujtama al-misr¯ (Cairo: Dar al-Ansar. Appendix (8). Appendix (8). ¯ 29. remembers that al-Bann a formed a ‘Salvation Front’ with Palestinian mufti Am¯ n ı ¯ ı ˙ al-H usayn¯ . Qa diyatu-na bayna yaday al-ra’¯ al. 38. “Filistin. i. 40. 1994). pp.A z¯ m Ramad an (note 39). Even its own members provide conflicting information: Kamal affirms that it was set up in 1938.57. Al-Banna.201.alam¯ (Cairo: ?. 1985). associate. p.islamonline.amm al-misr¯ wa-l. ¯ 40. 43.h uruf. Al-Banna. p. However. in Al-Qara d aw¯ s¯ ra wa-mas¯ former Egyptian prime minister Al¯ Mahir and other leading personalities to try to ı ı ¯ ˙ reach an agreement with Germany.52. Umar al-Tilmis ani. ˙ 32. ¯ ı 44.29). ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ pp. II (Ma ad¯ .232. Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun wa-l-ni z am al-khass (Cairo: ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙˙ Al-Zahra li-l-I lam al.202. 41.SHTML (last accessed 5 September 2007). In the Society’s mythology. p. p.102–3. and derived from his conviction that Islam provides a clear and unambiguous programme for which there should be no alternative. in Al-Qara daw¯ s¯ ra wa-mas¯ ra. several hundred of them went to fight in the first Arab– Israeli war.194). al-Banna defined four levels of ¯ membership: assistant. aa m []r c aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c ur m [c ]a ar m ]a [c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r ar m ]a [c m i[r ]a c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r ur m ]c [a ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c ur m ]c [a ar m ]a [c ] aa m []r c aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c m i[r ]a c m ]a i[c r m ]a i[c r ][r aa m c ]m ur [c a m ][r ia c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r aa m []r c ar m [a ]c ur m ]c [a m i[r ]a c m i[r ]a c ua []r m c ] Ar [] a m c aa m [r ]c ur ]c m [a ]r aa m [c ur ]c m [a ]r aa m [c ]r aa m [c aa m []r c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r aa m []r c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r aa m [r ]c ua []r m c m i[a ]c r aa m []r c m i[a ]c r m i]a [c r m i]a [c r aa m []r c ua []r m c ]r aa m [c ur ]c m [a ]r aa m [c ]r aa m [c ]r aa m [c m ][r ia c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r ua []r m c aa m []r c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ur ]c m [a ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c m ]a i[r c ur ]c m [a aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ua []r m c aa m [r ]c m i]a [c r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c ar m ]a [c m i[r ]a c m i[r ]a c m i[r ]a c aa m []r c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c m i[r ]a c ar m ]a [c m i[r ]a c m i[r ]a c ar m ]a [c m i[r ]a c m i[r ]a c ar m ]a [c m i[r ]a c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r aa m [c ]r d m ]a ir [c m ][r ia c m ]a ir [c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 ar m [a c ua [r m c .asr al. Appendix (8).30).Arab¯ .197. his opposition to them was more fundamental.Quoted in T ariq al-Bishr¯ . Appendix (2). 1972). organised demonstrations and published pamphlets. ¯ 35.197. Al. Al¯ Ikhwan al-Muslimun: Hal hiya sa h wa islamiyya? H asan al-Banna wa-l-bina’ al-fikr¯ .44. Jam al al-Banna (note 42). p.162. 71–3. Al-Banna was probably right when he denounced the Egyptian political parties as corrupt and ¯ self-serving. 30. ı ¯ ¯ ı ı ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ 1980).net/ ¯ ¯ ı ı ı ˙ ˙ Arabic/personality/2001/12/article8. and Rif at al-Sa ¯ d. Al-Banna. Appendix (10).islamonline. ¯ 34.235. The term used is al-fuqaha al-mujtahidun. Appendix (16). During the 1936–9 Arab revolt. Carré believes that there is no definitive proof of the ı ¯ ˙ ˙ Apparatus’s existence before 1943 (see note 16. Appendix (14). He even claimed that parliamentarianism does not require parties. Kam al later became one of the leaders of the Secret ¯ ı ¯ ¯ Apparatus.36–7.150).74. Dhikrayat la mudhakkarat (Cairo: Dar al-t aba a wa-l-nashr al-isl amiyya. p. al-Qaradaw¯ . In 1948.49–50. Jamal al-Banna.305–6. Al-Bann a refers to the three groups by the classical term ahl ¯ ¯ al. p. the Muslim Brothers collected funds. sina at al-mawt”. 1982). Appendix (10). Yusuf al-Qarad awi. p. pp. quoted in al-Sayyid Y usuf. ‘those who [have the power to] bind and unbind’.SHTML and http://www. quoted in Abd al.A z¯ m Ramad an. pp. Mas uliyyat fashl al-dawla al-islamiyya f¯ al. Regarding the Society’s anti-British activities. pp. p. p. H asan al-Banna.159–62. pp. ¯ ı 37. p. p. pp. 2004).62–4. p.h araka al-siyasiyya f¯ Misr 1945–1952 (Cairo: Al-Hay a al-Misriyya al¯ ı ¯ ı ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ¯ A mma li-l-Kitab.235–7. available at: ¯ ¯ ı ı ¯ ı ı ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ http://www.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 37 · 28. p. available at: http://www. 41. but the plan came to nothing.37.h ad¯ th wa-bu h uth ukhrà ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ˙ ˙ ˙ (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Islami. pp. another leading member. ¯ ¯ pp. Fellow member Muhammad Kham¯ s H umayda declared ı ˙ ˙ in the 1954 trial of the Muslim Brothers that it was launched ‘around 1942 or before’.h all wa-l.SHTML (last accessed 5 September 2007). ı 39.201).

Appendix (3). Nazih Ayubi. ¯ 55. 56. Al-Banna ¯ recommended Arslan’s work in al-Man ar XXXV.167. which he attributed ¯ to pessimism that they would not be listened to. Majallat al-Shih ab I. Appendix (17).398. Appendix (4).41. Mitchell (note 14). quoted in al-Bishr¯ (note 33). ¯ 57.408–9.233. p. B. p. pp.99. pp. 182. “ Aq¯ datu-na”. Appendix (6).568–77). Al-Banna. see note 135 below. n. Appendix (1). see his Appendix (8). See Noel J.190. inheritance.80. ¯ 47. Soage ¯ aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r aa m [r ]c ua []r m c m ]a i[r c ar m [a c ¯ 45.349. We have translated it as ‘holy war’ because.312. Al-Banna took the ulema to task for failing to undertake the reform of Islam.69. ¯ ¯ 46. Political Islam. pp.231. The Protestant ı ¯ theme comes from Shak¯ b Arsilan’s Li-madha ta akhkhara al-muslimun wa-li-madha taqaddama ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ghayru-hum? (Why did the Muslims remain behind while others moved forward?). November 1947. See. 53. transcript available at http://www. p. in (note 3) (pp. see note 42. that was one of the main topics of al-Banna’s lectures to union groups. S alim (note 20). in Al-Shar¯ a wa-l-H ayat 20-2¯ ı ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ 2005.54. 22 April ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ı 1939. pp.314–416). 399. “Shumuliyyat al-Islam”. pp. and religious endowments). ¯ ı 49. the ¯ ı ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ only admissible evidence was the oral testimony of two adult Muslim males (or four Muslim women). as stated in the consecrated formula.). chapters 8 and 9. Appendix (8). pp. p. al-Khubar: Dar al-Mujtama . ¯ 64. Islamic Political Thought (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. see Amad S.126ff. p. Al-Banna. 2005). Appendix (10). However.38 A. written by Alain Gresh. ¯ The literal meaning of dawa is ‘invitation’. ¯ (note 14). 50. 62. 1999). reproduced in Mu hammad Fat h¯ Al¯ Sha ¯ r.47. it means ‘inviting to Islam’.qaradawi. 48. That made successful prosecutions extremely difficult and contributed to the marginalisation of the shar¯ a. 54.372.173. Yusuf al-Qaradaw¯ .299. 1999). ı ] ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c aa m [r ]c m ][a ic r aa m ]r [c m ][a ic r aa ]r m [c ]ar m [a c ]ar m [a c ]ur m [c a ]ar m [a c ]ar m [a c aa m ]r [c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c aa m [r ]c ua []r m c ua []r m c aa m []r c m i]a [c r ua []r m c aa m []r c m i]a [c r aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r ] ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c aa m [r ]c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c m ][r ia c ar m [a ]c ar m [a ]c m i[r ]a c m ]a i[r c aa m [r ]c aa m ]r [c m ][a ic r aa m ]r [c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m ]a i[c r aa m [r ]c m ][r ia c m i[a ]c r Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 ar m [a c . pp. p. Appendix (6). 1992). al-Bishr¯ (note 33). “Al-Ikhwan bayna al-d¯ n wa-l-siyasa”. 406. “Nazarat f¯ isla h al-nafs wa-l-mujtama ”. 60. there was a dual system of courts in which the representative of God’s law.313–14. Al-Banna. Appendix (14). Mitchell (note 14). p. T ariq al-Bishr¯ . p.120–21. 1991).24.130. Religion and Politics in the Arab World (London: Routledge. Al-Bann a. pp. and W. A History of the Arab Peoples (London: Faber & Faber.699–700. p. pp. 1985. Moussalli. which adopted the thesis of Max Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. four male witnesses had to swear that they saw ‘the pen enter the inkpot’. Jamal al-Banna has written that the Egyptian ruling classes never forgave the Brothers their ¯ ¯ promotion of working men to leading positions. the qad¯ . p. 61. Al-malamih al. Appendix (11). Al-Banna. the s a h ib al-mazalim. p. 59. ¯ ı ˙ civil transactions and injuries. p. Coulson. al-Banna. and the representative of the ruler’s law. Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: The Ideological and Political Discourse of Sayyid Qutb (Beirut: American University of Beirut. ¯ 51. According to Mitchell.44–7.249–50.86.asp?cu_no =2&item_no=3959&version=1&template_id=105&parent_id=16# 20% (last accessed 30 August 2007). note 45. in our 10 July interview he admitted that their workers’ section was ‘very weak’.173–4). or to dismay before the enormity of the task. al-Nadh¯ r X. 2002).409–11. Al-Banna. more often than not. Tariq Ramadan’s ‘theology of liberation’ parallelism is questioned even in the prologue of his Aux sources du renouveau musulman (note 15).amma li-l-fikr al-siyas¯ al-islam¯ f¯ al-tar¯ kh al-mu asir (Cairo: Dar al¯ ¯ ı ¯ ı ı ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ Shuruq. the shar¯ a’s jurisdiction was never much wider than it is ı today in most Muslim countries: in caliphal times. Al-Banna. dealt with private matters (family law. He also pretended that one of the main obstacles to adopting laws derived from Islam was foreign opposition.18.42. pp. in A hmad Isà Ashur (ed.257. In spite of the Islamists’ protestations. see “Iftitah ”. p. p. p. 1985. p. A History of ı Islamic Law (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Appendix (1). p. Mitchell (note 14).253– In most cases brought before a shar¯ a court. Appendix (18). pp. pp. ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ pp. pp. ¯ 58. Was ¯ ı ı ¯ ı ˙ ˙ ˙ a il al-i l am f¯ da wat al-Ikhw an al-Muslimin (Jedda. especially chapter 9. Quoted in Moro (note 17). in a religious context. p. p. that was the meaning given to it by al-Bann a. Montgomery Watt. in cases of adultery. pp.51. Appendix (15). p. Al-Banna. took care of all others. p. 71. Albert Hourani. See ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ also Appendix (11). Moussalli distinguishes ‘modernists’ such as al-Afghan¯ ¯ ı and Abduh from ‘fundamentalists’ like al-Banna and Sayyid Qu t b based on their different ¯ ˙ approach to reason. 63. Appendix (8). 52. pp. for instance.570–71. The term Jihad literally means ‘effort’ or ‘endeavour’. Appendix (15).181. H ad¯ th al-thul ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ¯ atha li-l-imam H asan al-Banna (Cairo: Maktabat al-Qur an. and his statements ¯ against ‘philosophical speculations’. 182.330–31.

164.69–77. pp. from whom Qu t b ¯ ¯ ı ˙ had borrowed a number of central concepts. Appendix ¯ (13). Appendix (14). from home-wrecking to crime. ¯ 70. ¯ 79. for ¯ ı ˙ ˙ whom only abusive rates of interest constituted riba. the programme of the Muslim Brothers did not differ materially from that of the radical nationalists of the time. Appendix (14).325. 17 ¯ ı ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ˙ August 1934.. p. pp. and he criticised instead the thought of Abu al-A là al-Mawdud¯ . The ¯ ¯ phrase ‘the Lord of the two worlds’ comes from the Koran and alludes to the world of men and that of jinn (spirits. p. ¯ ¯ ˙ etc. 80. p. p. p.308.haqaniyya f¯ wujub al. see Appendix (13). pp. as well as with palace man Az¯ z Al¯ al-Misr¯ . later. M. pp. the culmination of a process that should be preceded by the liberation of Muslim countries from colonialism and the creation of Islamic governments. ¯ He spoke of it as a final goal. It is interpreted as an injunction to acquire knowledge.256. Appendix (4). Afaf Lufti al-Sayyid-Marsot has pointed to its similarity with that of Young Egypt. pp. al-Nadh¯ r ı ¯ı ı ı ¯ ı ¯ ı ¯ ˙ VII. As we have already mentioned (see note 20).19. All translations of the Koran are from M. ı ¯ and passim. in Majmu at al-rasa il (pp. The vagueness of the language is symptomatic of al-Bann a’s approach to the issue of the caliphate. ¯ ¯ ¯ to the caliphate. Qu t b’s ı ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ standing among the Society’s rank-and-file was such that al-Hu d ayb¯ did not dare to disown ı ˙ him openly. The first denunciation of Sayyid Qu t b was Du at. see Egypt’s Liberal Experiment: 1922–1936 (Berkeley. Jar¯ dat al-Ikhwan al-Muslim¯ n XV. p. Albert Hourani has indicated that although derived – in theory – from Islamic principles. the Society’s newspapers enthusiastically supported the candidature of king Fu ad and.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 39 · 65. p. According to Muslim tradition.amal bi-l-shar¯ a al-islamiyya”. Appendix (11). Appendix (15). see al-Bann a. Picktall’s classical translation. pp. Al-Banna. ¯ 67. For al-Bann a. Appendix (1). see Hasan al-Banna. note 3. 85. of his son. F aruq. reads: ‘I believe that the reason for the Muslims’ backwardness is their turning away from their religion. p.194–5. Al-Banna defended the hudud penalties (amputation of limbs for stealing. ˙ 72. 78. pp. pp. 82. Appendix (3). written around 1931. ¯ 66. Appendix (10).336. stoning for adultery.323. Appendix (14). “Li-l-ghayuriy¯ n min abna al-islam”. see “ Aq¯ datu-na” (note ı ¯ 3. p. eventually leading to the election of a caliph. However. p. 77.227.192–3. ¯ 81.93. normally malefic. that can exert an influence on men). who had known sympaı ı ı ˙ thies with Young Egypt.264. ¯ 73. That contrasts with the position of Mu hammad Abduh and Rash¯ d Rida. pp.297. 69. no ¯ ¯ matter how small. Not Judges). p. Appendix (17).300.93. aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa ]r m [c ua ]r [c m m ][a ic r aa ]r m [c aa ]r m [c ]i[r m a c ][r aa m c ]i[r m a c ]m ur [c a ]r aa m [c aa m []r c aa m []r c a]a m [r c ar m [a ]c m i]a [c r aa m [r ]c ar m [a ]c a]a m [r c aa m []r c a]a m [r c a]a m [r c u]a [r m c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ur ]c m [a aa ]r m [c m ][a ic r aa m ]r [c m ][a ic r m ][a ic r aa m ]r [c m ][a ic r ua [r m ]c m ][a ic r aa m ]r [c m ]i[r a c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r ]r aa m [c ]r aa m [c ]r aa m [c m i[a ]c r aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r ua []r m c ua []r m c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r aa m []r c m i[a ]c r aa m []r c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 . 76.336–8). anything else would be frivolous and counterproductive. but al-Banna must have known that the possibility of its re-establishment was ¯ rather remote. The Free Officers had close links with the Muslim Brothers (some of them were members of the Society). al-Banna’s successor as General Guide. The last point of the Muslim Brothers’ creed. ¯ 74.261–7).52–3. see Appendix (2). p. in the early 1970s. Appendix (5).286–7. Al-Banna. from the femenisation of men to economic ruin – because of all the money women spend on cosmetics and adornments (!). 68. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 8/1 (2007).83–7. Appendix (3). la qu dat (Preachers. 97. rib a (usury) was any commercial operation that involved the charging of interest. 83. pp.173–4). Ibid. Al-Banna. Al-Banna. 193. “Radical Islamism and Totalitarian Ideology: a Comparison of Sayyid Qutb’s Islamism with Marxism and National Socialism”. ¯ Appendix (8). 84. Al-Banna. p.377. p. Elsewhere. p. al-Banna argued that social contact between men and women leads to all kinds of ¯ evils. that was the first Koranic verse the archangel Gabriel revealed to Muh ammad. p. 1983).287–8. Ibid. 75. Appendix (4). Appendix (15). H asan al-Banna. p. Appendix ¯ (8).360.174. Al-Banna. written by ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ H asan al-Hud ayb¯ . pp.) as a deterrent against crime. Al-Banna.109–10. Al-Banna argued that a girl’s education should be just enough to allow her to fulfil her obliga¯ tions as wife and mother. “Mudhakkirat al-Ikhwan al¯ Muslim¯ n li-ma al¯ waz¯ r al. 1977). Hendrik Hansen & Peter Kainz. See also his 1939 letter to prime minister Al¯ Mahir (note 3. CA: University of California Press. these would then develop links and alliances.68. see Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 71. 11 July 1938.7. and that the basis of reform must be the return to the teachings and rulings of Islam’.

pp.403. Appendix (12).141–2.16. 151.. Al-Banna.hukma al-j ahiliyyati yabghuna wa-man a hsanu mina all ahu hukman ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ li-qawmin y uqinuna”. al-Nadh¯ r I. saying that no text explicitly forbids beating one’s parents either. and argued that the intention was to cancel their individuality (see note 33. 114. reproduced in Abbas al-S¯ s¯ . which is used here.209. note 102. 4 July 1938.172–3. pp. Appendix (7). al-Nadh¯ r X.150. Al-juz al-awwal ı ı ı ¯ ¯ ¯ (Alexandria: Dar al-t iba a wa-l-nashr wa-l-saw t iyy at: 1987.. ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ 116. ¯ 108. p. pp. Soage aa m []r c 86. See also al-Banna ı ¯ ¯ ˙ (note 3). Appendix (5). Appendix (5). Appendix (9). p. Appendix (7).216. Appendix (3). Incidentally. 1992).66. more lastingly. p. p. Appendix (7).373.39.212. Appendix (3). pp. ¯ 105. T ar¯ q al-Bishr¯ remarked on the Society’s extreme demands on its members.321. Al-Banna. Appendix (9). Appendix (9). Appendix (15). The shaykh’s aggressive anti-Semitism must be put in the ¯ context of the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. pp. pp.40 A.67–8. p.4–5. ¯ 94. “Kayfa aktub ¯ …”. p.287. note 22.276–9.71). Appendix (2). Al-Banna.373. Appendix (5).94. the Crusades started at the end of the eleventh ¯ century.169. p. Al-Banna. pp. pp. The Mamluks were a military cast of slave soldiers who occasionally seized power. 292. “Iftita h”. 101.. Al-Banna. Al-Banna.30–31. p. ¯ 114. Appendix (7). Al-Banna. ¯ 106.207–9.27–9.. Al-Banna. p. ¯ 88. F¯ qafilat al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun. p. Al-Banna. Appendix (5).144.142. p. Appendix (7).147). p. Appendix (17).51–2. ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ı ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ 22 April 1939. ¯ 107. p. p. p. In a work very ¯ critical of al-Banna. like in India (1206–90) or. 99. Al-Banna. p.59–60). pp. Appendix (7). Al-Banna felt ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ that the task of women was to take care of the home and raise the next generation of believers.75.7–8. H asan al-Banna.142–5.541–9). Appendix (7). H asan al-Banna. p. pp. pp. which came from the Persian region of ¯ Daylam. ¯ 102. See also Appendix (4). p. pp.51. 111.146) and asserted that the British had sold Palestine to the Jews (ibid.107. “Kayfa aktub al-qism al-d¯ n¯ li-jar¯ dat al¯ ı ı ı Ikhwan al-Muslim¯ n”. pp. pp. Appendix (7). quoted in Ibrah¯ m al¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ˙ Bayum¯ Ghanim. Al-Bann a. Of course. Appendix (3). ¯ 92. p. He ridiculed the arguments of those who contended that Islam allows them to go out to work because no sacred text forbids it. pp. pp. p. Al-Banna. Ibid.544–6. p. Al-Bann a took ¯ many liberties with history. p.143. see also Appendix (15). ¯ 109. Appendix (1). Al-Banna.549. p. The term ‘Daylamites’ designates the Buyid dynasty. pp.211–12. Its 1983 edition was published by the Islamist Dar al-Shur uq. “ Ajaban! Hal kana ya lim rasul allah ma sa-yakun?”. pp. Al-Banna. p. “La nur¯ du f¯ suf ufi-na illa mu min yata hammil a ba al-jihad”. p.82.. Appendix (8). ˙ 89.322. Ibid. ¯ 112. p. see also note 45. ¯ 104.573. ¯ 98. ¯ ı ı ˙ which went as far as telling them how to speak and laugh. Appendix (7). pp. pp. ¯ 95. for instance. p. he characterised the Spanish Reconquest as a Frank invasion (ibid. Al-Banna (note 22). 385. Ibid. Appendix (17).320–21.151. ¯ ¯ aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c ua [r m ]c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ua [] r m c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ua [] r m c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r ua [r m ]c m ]a i[c r aa m ]r [c ][r aa m c m ][r ia c ][r aa m c ][r aa m c aa m ]r [c m ]a i[c r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i]a [c r m i]a [c r m i]a [c r aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c m i[a ]c r aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c aa m []r c a]a m [r c a]a m [r c ur m [a ]c a]a m [r c ua []r m c ur m [a ]c m i[r ]a c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c m ][r ia c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r ua []r m c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m ]a i[r c m ][a ic r m ][a ic r ]i[r m a c ]ar m [a c ]ar m [a c ]m ur [c a aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c m i]a [c r m i]a [c r m i[a ]c r aa m []r c ua []r m c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 . p. the 1972 edition of this work. “Kayfa aktub …”. pp.107. Appendix (2).320–21. Appendix (1). pp. pp.154.144.143. p.4. Al-Banna. reproduced in Sha ¯ r (note ¯ ı ¯ ı ı 59. Al-Banna. al-Nadh¯ r VI. 96. ¯ ¯ ı 103. p. p.573. and the Tatar – or Mongol – invasion was in the mid-thirteenth century. Appendix (15). Al-Banna (note 59). p. 93. see Appendix (13). in the following pages.107–8. 15 June 1933. 113. although there are plenty of unpleasant references to the Jews in the Koran due to Mu hammad’s own difficulties with them. pp. Appendix (2). in Egypt (1250–1517). Al-Banna. 91. “Min a lam al-nubuwwa”. Al-Banna (note 45). Majallat al-Ikhwan al-Muslim¯ n I. B. 30 May 1937 (reproduced in note 3. 97. ¯ 87. ¯ 100. Appendix (3). p. Al-Banna. Appendix (6). p. He later ‘converted’ to Islamism and ı extensively revised it to take account of his change in perspective. p. They ruled the Abbasid Empire from 945 to 1055. p.86. Al-fikr al-siyas¯ li-l-imam H asan al-Banna (Cairo: Dar al-tawz¯ wa-l-nashr al¯ ı ¯ ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ˙ islamiyya. 153. Al-Banna. pp.149. Ibid. ¯ 110.66–7.145–7).122. pp.379. was written when al-Bishr¯ was still a Marxist. “A-fa.183–4.144.147. Appendix (8). Al-Banna. p. Appendix (4). p. Appendix (7). quoted in Ghanim (note 94). Appendix (7). Appendix (8). pp.116. Appendix (1). The dichot¯ omy between an irreligious ruling class and a pious people is a recurrent theme in al-Bann a’s writ¯ ings. see.164. Appendix (3). p. 55–6. ¯ 90. Appendix (8).

203. then they are rightly guided.68.25.322. ˙ 138. Appendix (8).114. Al-Banna. ¯ 126. pp. The figure of 300 hundred brigades was not arbitrary. Appendix (12). to emphasise that the effort to control one’s appetites is the most difficult and important. in Mu hammad Abd al. Appendix (15). the armed forces. And he warned Muslims that they would have to answer before God for their failure to recover them. p.78–9. Al-Banna. al-Bann a ¯ ¯ quotes the h ad¯ th ‘and twelve thousand will not be overcome through smallness of numbers’ – ı ˙ i. pp. ¯ 120. in that case the ¯ five pillars would become six. Al-Banna.378. Al-Banna. p. pp. p.265. the ı neutral dhimm¯ . al-Bann a left ¯ no doubt that he meant ‘war. Al-Banna. and dismissed the h ad¯ th as having a weak chain of transmission. Appendix (17).115. Appendix (17). Oddly enough.60. p. 146.322. see also Appendix (2). the people closest to him – and also to refer to the Muslim Brothers. Al-Banna (note 3). Appendix (1). p.379. p. p.312.¯ H asan al-Banna or the Politicisation of Islam 41 · 117. Appendix (17). Al-Banna. [They] would spare no pains to ruin you. Appendix (5). p.376. “Iftita h” (note 115). “La nur¯ du f¯ suf ufi-na …” (note 115). we have slightly modified Picktall’s translation to render it clearer).372–8. p. the opportunist.311. Appendix (14).375–7. pp.16. and the prejudiced.–15. Appendix (5).174. Appendix (5).152–6). pp. ¯ “Ma bayna al-ya s wa-l-amal”.96. categorisation – ¯ inspired by the mediaeval treatises – divided people into six groups: the diligent Muslim. pp.147. Appendix (3). Appendix (8).176. Appendix (4). Another. Al-Banna. The same idea constitutes the central argument of Al-far¯ da alı ˙ gha iba (The Neglected Duty). pp. Appendix (1). the Knower’ (Koran 2:137). ı ˙ pp.218.217–18. Of course. 279. pp.129–30. Al-Banna.379. Appendix (7).e. Al-Banna. ¯ pp. Appendix (3).158. p. the negligent Muslim. He is the Hearer. Al-Banna. p. p. 313.38–9. Appendix (1). p. see Appendix (4). Al-Banna. Appendix (15). “La nur¯ du f¯ suf ufi-na …” (note 115). but that which their breasts hide is greater’ (Koran 2:137. who has faith in the Society. pp. the undecided. the reinforcement of all means of defence and attack’. the sinning Muslim. p.185–6. p. p. p. and Allah will suffice thee [for defence] against them.302. Sometimes. Appendix (17). al-Banna alluded directly to the reconquest of ‘those lands which Islam ¯ rendered happy’: al-Andalus. I (Alexandria: Dar al-Da wa. One such categorisation was for Muslims: the believer.71. p.232. to ¯ ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙˙ designate the prophet’s Companions – i. Appendix (7). A few months after that speech. ¯ 140. Appendix (7). pp. the south of Italy and the Mediterranean islands. a large group of Brothers. pp. who hesitates before it. instead of the most usual s a haba. ¯ 124. pp. see also Appendix (14). Sicily.H ak¯ m Khayal (ed. p. pp. pp. p. who seeks to benefit from it.261–7).31. But if they turn away. vol. ¯ 133. who is hostile to it. 137. p. ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ı ˙ 130. p. see al-Bann a. in which the prophet distinguishes military Jihad from ¯ ¯ ˙ internal Jihad. p. then they are in schism. Appendix (17). the Balkans. Appendix ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ˙ (17). p. Innocent ¯ mistake or subliminal message? 139. Appendix (6). Appendix (1).111–14. Appendix (8). see Appendix (12). see also Appendix (3). Al-Banna. 123. Al-Banna (note 3) (pp.155–8. H asan al-Banna. “Fann al-mawt”. and the belligerent dhimm¯ . Al-Banna used the term as hab. Appendix (2).95–6. the dhimm¯ (Christian or Jew) allied to a Muslim state. The connotations are clear. see Appendix (17). p. p. Al-Banna. p. Appendix (15). ¯ 127. Appendix (8). p. However. and ‘O ye who believe! Take not for intimates others than your own folk. Al-Banna. al-Banna. in Minbar al-jum a (note 124). ¯ 134. p. split to establish the Society of Our Master Mu hammad’s Youth. ¯ 131. 300 brigades of 40 fighters each. 129.). Appendix (17). Appendix (4). ¯ 128. Appendix (4). p. Appendix (3).177. Appendix (9).71.377. the influential pamphlet written by the Jihad group’s ideologue ¯ Abd al-Salam Faraj. Appendix (15). referring to the former as ‘small’ and to the latter as ‘great’. ¯ 132.300. The meaning of that slogan is explained in detail in al-Bann a. p. Al-Banna. 125. “L a nur¯ du f¯ suf ufi-n a …” (note 115). p.110.157. Hatred is revealed by [the utterance of] their mouths. ı ı 119. p. Some authors quote a h ad¯ th. exasperated by the wait.379.263.78. ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı ı ˙ 118.263–5. Quoted in al-S¯ s¯ (note 115). Appendix (8). they love to hamper you. Appendix (3).185–6. who was executed in 1982 for his part in the assassination of Anwar al-S ¯ ı adat. Al-Banna. more general. ¯ 121.98. p.301. al-Bann a illustrated ¯ ¯ the tolerance of Islam with some rather intolerant Koranic verses: ‘And if they believe in the like of that which ye believe. 136. Minbar al-jum a ı ¯ ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ li-l-imam al-shah¯ d H asan al-Banna. ı ı 122. ¯ and Appendix (14). 1978?. ¯ ¯ ı ı ¯ ¯ ˙ p. Al-Bann a.e. p. ¯ aa m []r c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r ua []r m c aa m []r c aa m []r c m i[r ]a c m i[r ]a c m i[r ]a c aa m []r c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c ][r aa m c ][r aa m c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r aa m [r ]c ar m ]a [c m ]a i[r c ar m ]a [c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c a]a m [r c a]a m [r c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r u]a [r m c a]a m [r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m ]r [c m ][r ia c ]r aa m [c aa m [r ]c ] aa m ]r [c m ]i[r a c aa m [r ]c m ][r ia c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r m i[a ]c r ua []r m c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c aa m [r ]c m ]a i[r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c aa m []r c aa m []r c Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 aa m [r c . Appendix (9): pp. p. ¯ ¯ ˙ 135. Al-Banna.

am¯n]” (1942). ¯ “Ilà al. 16. ibid.t alaba khassatan” (1936). 8. Jamal al-Banna has compared al-Banna’s assassination to that of Al¯ . ibid.265. ¯ 142. ibid. Note the contradictory statements in the same message. ˙˙ ¯ ¯ “Ta hta rayat al-Qur an”˙ (1939). ¯ ¯ ı “Risalat ˙al-ta al¯m” (1943).101–16. pp.. ibid.141–2.. see his Risala ilà al¯ da awat al-islamiyya (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Islam¯ : 1991). 10..11–33. pp.aqa id”. See note 21 above. ibid.5–61. ¯ ı ı “Da ˙ ¯ ı ı “Bayna al-ams wa-l-yawm [Risalat al-nab¯ al. ¯ “Na hwa al-nur” (1936).. 6. Al-Banna.331–67. 18. ibid. pp. Appendix (12). pp. ibid.. ¯ ¯ “Risalat al-mu tamar al-khamis” (1938). ¯ 143. ibid. Al-Banna.. pp.117–35.21. 146. ibid. ¯ 144.4. ¯ ¯ ¯ ı cousin and son-in-law of the prophet and last of the Rightly Guided Caliphs. he asserted that the implementation of the shar¯ a is a demand of both Muslims and ı ‘reasonable non-Muslims’. For instance. 7. ¯ 145. Appendix (5).281–92. 270. B. ¯ ı ¯ ¯ ı “Mishkilatu-na f¯ daw al-ni z am al-islam¯” (1946?). pp.109.393–431. Ayubi (note 62). ibid. 147. 15. ibid. pp.293–308. in Majmu at al-rasa il. ¯ ˙ ¯ “Risalat al-mu tamar al-sadis” (1941). ˙ ¯ ˙ ¯ ı “Al-ni z am al-iqti sad¯” (1947). 5.161–204. pp. passim.. 4..89–116.. 3. Al-Banna (note 22). p. 1998). 14. 13. ¯ ¯ “Ilà ayy shay nad u al-nas” (1936). pp.. p.. ˙watu-na f¯ t awr jad¯d”. ibid. ¯ ¯ ¯ “Da watu-na” (1936). p.261–80. ˙ ¯ ¯ “Ilà al-shabab wa-ilà al. pp. ˙ ¯ “Ni z am al. ibid... ¯ ˙ ¯ “Risa lat al-jihad” ˙(1935).. pp. pp. 11. pp. pp. 17.205–23. 2.. see al-Bann a (note 102). 12.369–86.hukm”˙(1947). pp.63–87. an honour normally reserved to the prophet’s Companions.t ullab” (1938). pp.136–59. ¯ “Al.32. ¯ “Hal nah nu qawm amaliyy un?” (1934). pp. Soage m i]c [a r 141. pp.225–43. ibid.42 A.309–30. p. aa m []r c ua []r m c ar m ]a [c ua []r m c aa m []r c ua []r m c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c m i]c [a r m i]c [a r aa m []r c m i]c [a r m i]c [a r aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c m i]c [a r aa m []r c aa m []r c m i]c [a r aa m []r c aa m []r c m i]c [a r aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c ua []r m c aa m []r c aa m []r c m i]c [a r aa m []r c . ibid. pp. ibid. Islamist author A hmad Shurbaj¯ uses the formula radiyà allah an-hu (may God be pleased with ¯ı ¯ ˙ ˙ him) after al-Banna’s name.245–60. see his ¯ Al-imam al-shah¯ d H asan al-Banna: Mujaddid al-qarn al-rabi ashr al-hijr¯ (Alexandria: Dar al¯ ı ¯ ¯ ı ˙ Da wa. pp.. 9.. ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ı aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m []r c aa m [r ]c m i[a ]c r ][r m ac a aa m [r ]c ]m ar [c a ]i[r m a c ]m ar [c a ]m ar [c a ]i[r m a c aa m ]r [c aa m ]r [c aa m ]r [c m ][a ic r ar m ]a [c m ar ]c [a m ar ]c [a aa m []r c aa m []r c m i[a ]c r Downloaded by [Universiti Teknologi Malaysia] at 01:42 17 May 2012 ¯ Appendix: Hasan al-Banna ’s Epistles ˙ ar m ]a [c 1. ibid. “Al-mar a al-muslima”.

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