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Kroeber. Pp. 1907 _ 5. 381-384. L. pp. by Samuel Alfred Barrett. Kroeber. plates 1-10. $1. 6. Berkeley. On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok Indians.76 2. Friedlaender & Sohn. 49-64. 1908 . Leipzig. 3. Nos. plate 9. and Semitic Philology. 344 pp. by A. The Yokuts Language of South Central California. Kroeber. Sinclair. February. plates 1-8. California. 65-238.. 357-374. Calif. Pp. 1910 Index. September.. Index. 1904 . and for journals devoted to general They are for sale at the prices stated. by S.00 3. March.„ _ 2. Pp. Kroeber. $4. 1907 . Life and Culture of the Hupa. L. Baxrett. 65-166. A. Pp. 1906 _ _ _. Kroeber. 1908 2. 293380. Kroeber.. Berlin. plates 15-21. L. plates 1-14.50 . A.26 J5fl . L.— 3. Otto Harrassowltx. Pp. Price $5. L. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Department. Kroeber. The Material Culture of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of Northeastern California and Southern Oregon. Vol. Prices.—A. 1907 . 251-318. 1-332. Prayers and Songs.UNIYERSITY OF OAIjIFOKNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPAETMENT OP ANTHBOPOLOOY The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects issued under the direction of the Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publications of anthropological departments and museums. 333-368. by A. Pp. Pp.50 . 1-20. January. pp. 319356. Hupa Texts. Modem Philology. Pp. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco. The Morphology of the Hupa Language. 1905 _ 1. May. Pp. Vol.. AMEEICAN AECHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY.25 3. by Washington Matthews. Volumes 2 to 10. Geology. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California. Navaho Myths. with 5 tables. 1. plates 1-30. Pathology. Indian Myths from South Central California. edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Volume 1. Pp. 5. 1905 6. Pp. 1907 _ _. January. The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians.. 1. 105-164. The Earliest Historical Eolations between Mexico and Japan. 4. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians.... Part I. 239-292. 1903 „. Vol. and in the U. December. University Library. 2. September.75 1. 381-400. 21-63. S. pp.„ . by A.75 1J50 76 75 60 36 . by Samuel Alfred Barrett.. S. European agent for the series in American Archaeology and Ethnology. U. by Eoland B. June. 2. 8. 1. L. Dixon. Pp. 1907 _ _ _ Index. by Pliny Earle Goddard. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada. Publ.. 1-88. Am. September. June. Cited as Univ. Vol. anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. map 3. $3. Pp. Pp. inclusive. by A. by Pliny Earle Goddard. April. Vol. Pp. „ 2. and map. 1910 5. 1904 . The Shoshonean Dialects of California. with a map. Kroeber. The Chimariko Indians and Language.00 40 60 25 76 2. 1907 Index. by Zelia Nuttall. Kroeber. September. Ethn. following. Types of Indian Culture in California. All orders and remittances should be addressed to the University of California Press. 2 and 3 in ome cover.00 each. Index. maps 1-2. by A. For the series in Botany. Kroeber. Pp. 167-250. 81-103. 1909 4. _ Pp. L. plates 10-25.60 . The Phonology of the Hupa Language.26 8.. L. pp.. by Pliny Earle Goddard. August. February. 1907 „ „ 4. June.. Arch. February. The Individual Sounds. by A. Volume 11 and Editor. 1-27.50 each. by Pliny Earle Goddard. L. 1904 4. by A. by A.. 369-378. Physiology.25. from original documents preserved In Spain and Japan. 1-47. with Texts and Translations. 89-368. 165-377. 369-380. Philosophy. pp. Zoology and also American Archaeology and Ethnology. National Museum. Vol.. Kato Texts. by A. Pp.. by Ales Hrdlicka. Pp. 1. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California. June. 1906 3. April. The Religion of the Indians of California. S. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave. Classical Philology. L. 379-392. by William J. based on collections in the Department of Anthropology of the University of California. 29-80. Pp. Education.„ 2. B. 1. 1904 _. Pp. by Pliny Earle Goddard. Juno. March._ 6.

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. Prefixes not yet 1. 71-138 June 28. C. 83 85 85 86 87 Compounded of Two Separate Words Nouns and Verbs Formed with Prefixes Nouns and Verbs Formed with Suffixes Verbs Word-forming Prefixes A. etc C. referring to space Word-forming Suffixes Grammatical Prefixes Grammatical Suffixes Pronominal Endings Connective Suffixes Classified List of Stems 2. 1916 ARAPAHO DIALECTS BY A. 3. pp. Apparently adverbial. 105 109 109 110 112 Transitive Intransitive 113 113 115 . Prefixes used also as independent verbs. Prefixes used also as independent adverbs. referring to manner 3. etc B. KROEBER CONTENTS PART I—DIALECTS OF THE ARAPAHO GROUP PAGE The Dialects Comparative Vocabulary Notes on Vocabulary Additional Words Arapaho Proper External Phonetic Correspondences of the Group Vowels Internal Phonetic Correspondences of the Group Basa°wunena" Gros Ventre Na"waSinahana° 73 75 76 76 77 79 80 — 80 81 81 PART II—SKETCH OF ARAPAHO PROPER Phonetic Elements Composition A. 12. Nouns B. No. L. 90 90 97 99 found as independent parts of speech 103 103 103 104 Apparently verbal Apparently adverbial.

and Ethn. expresses his indebtedness. Morris K. and under the direction of the Trustees and officers of the in 1899. to whose courtesy the writer . and 1901. through the generosity of Mrs. 12 PAGE Nouns Plural 11^ 117 Cases Possession 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 124 125 126 127 128 Pronouns Adverbs Numerals Texts Text I—A Prayer Notes Text II An Adventure Notes Text III—Tangled Hair — Notes PART III—NOTES ON GROS VENTRE Phonetics Composition Verbs Affixes of 131 131 133 Mode and Tense 133 133 Pronominal Endings and Connectives Nouns Pronouns Numerals Text IV— Tangled Hair 135 136 137 137 The investigations upon which this essay is based were carried on.72 University of California Publications in Am. 1900. [Vol. Arch. Jesup. American Museum of Natural History.

recent brilliant discovery of Dr. Cheyenne. that all the Plains Algonkin tribes are recent offshoots from the main body of the stock in the wooded region. . or any other known Algonkin division. Washington. and Arapaho tongues are as distinct from one another as from the remaining languages. Twenty-eighth Annual Report. and Arapaho were buffalo hunters in the open plains. the Basa'^wune'na" or Wood1 Science. the Ha"anaxawune'na" or Rock-people. E. they were not. the Hinana'e'ina" or Arapaho proper. The other tribes with scarcely an exception were timber people. which is still largely current. life The writer believes that the Arapaho have been separated from the Central and Eastern Algonkins for more than a thousand years. but very unequal groups. The Blackfoot. The Arapaho recognize five former divisions of their people.1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 73 PART I DIALECTS OF THE ARAPAHO GROUP The Dl\lects According to the latest authority. xxxv. in so far as the imperfect evidence permitted opinion. 675. the prevailing assumption. at least as regards the Blackfoot and the Arapaho. close relatives and perhaps not even neighbors of the Cree. and has long rendered very improbable. It is erroneous. before Dr. and Arapaho. to look for an exact repetition of this primary cultural cleavage in the linguistic organization of the family. It cannot be emphasized too strongly that wherever these tribes may originally have lived. 1912. 1912. This fact had indeed been asserted. however. Truman Miehelson/ the languages of the great Algonkin family Blackfoot. and Bureau of American Ethnology. or Eastern-Central. these were the Na'^wa^inaha'na'^ or South. Sapir that the far-away The Yurok and Wiyot languages on the Pacific Coast of California are Algonkin or dis- proves that the history of this great assembly of tongues cannot be deduced by any off-hand inference from recent habits of tribution of the Indian tribes involved. for a long time past. fall into four primary.?-people. Three of these are The fourth. sub- stantially co-ordinate. 221-290. Ojibwa. As placed by them in order from south to north. The Blackfoot. Michelson's exact comparative studies. Cheyenne. Dr. comprises all the other dialects of the family. Cheyenne.

which is said by the Arapaho to have been the most different from their own. 1896. though without any identity as a separate group. One of their submerged dialects. Ann. necessitates the recognition of this people. but which would be arbitrary. however important historically. the words in the two other dialects were obtained from people who no longer habitually used them. instead of the southern Arapaho proper. It is not impossible that some specimens of this speech may yet be recoverable by careful the tribe that calls itself Ha'a'ninin house-people. and the Hitoune'na" or Begging-people. and are therefore given with imperfections. appended. as discussed below. gives the five Arapaho subdivisions differently. probably this Ha'^anaxawunena" tongue. from the point of view of language and earlier history. Eep.. search among the Arapaho. Still. As the language of these two halves scarcely differs even dialectieally. but Ha"anaxawunena". ment is here made only on Indian authority. Mr. Ethn. at least superficially. This is unfortunately badly and the phonetic perception and rendering are no doubt inadequate even for Arapaho and Gros Ventre. 12 The last are and has long been known as Atsina or Gros Ventre of the Prairie. the distinction. some Arapaho declare to have been The stateintermediate between their own speech and Blackfoot. 954. No one was found who remembered the speech of the Ha°anaxawiinena'i.The three other tribes have long since coalesced with the Arapaho. [Vol. From one of these was obtained the brief vocabulary given below. 1907). Arch.74 University of California Publications in Am. and. a proceeding which would reconcile all conflicting statements. which all their 2 so. Politically this may be correct for recent centuries. 30. 73. which the author had ampler opportunity to hear. native is to assume the specimens of speech obtained as Na"wa^inahana" to be not Na"wa^inahana". Am. xrv. and Bur. as one of the five diviThe only altersions. James Mooney (Bur.. Bull. Ethn.. and Ethn. the southern half of the Arapaho proper. The Arapaho proper have for a considerable time been divided into a northern and a southern branch. Further. but the existence of a markedly separate Na"waWnahana" dialect. He therefore virtually omits the former and exalts the southern branch of the Arapaho into a distinct division. are still to be found among them in some numbers. A very few people remembering something of the Na"Ava^inahana" dialect were living in 1899. shows some resemblance to Cheyenne. perhaps had never done mation. The Basa"wunena. A brief comparative vocabulary of the four dialects on which is material could be obtained selected. may be disregarded in the present connection. apparently through identifying the Na°wa^inahana° with the Na"wuinena". . This dialect is more divergent from Arapaho proper than either Basa'^wunena" or Gros Ventre. the lists contain new infor- may never be duplicated. Am. w^hose dialect was very similar to that of the Hinana'eina".

) waxu' hiwaxuha"x-abi (Pl.* hi. na"sitca'' hana"tca* hicinan bihi'i* hana"tyei hita"nan bihi'i deer antelope elk ) nictca* na"8ity hiwax" mountain sheej hota' himaxsout hoxtaha" hiwax"* hota'* hiwaso" hote .* bax beitcitfei* axa'ana"tya'' bita 'awu isota" bis beitsit wood ma' mahi 'itsita mihia" hoxtoxt metal road ba'a" tree. luminary ma 'axta hot hicihia" bat hotsi hisos hicis star haSa'a" netc' nitciye ha^a 'aha 'a" netc titc hatou nets. Cottonwood haha"t' grass. nin'" house house ha'a"wu bata ho(9' ha 'a"wu* bata* hoei* hicis* bow arrow sun.) hatfa. baxbeitcitfei haxta" mixta 'amu ih 'cita° haha'ana"ka" bita 'awu hixt.hiwas 'ha"tf waxuha"xeb (pl. medicine ba'ah* hahatci* haha"tina" (pl. ih 'ta°* baci. ni 'in* wanot* batyetyi hand foot wa 'a"»' nina" mo 'oxts mi 'in ha 'axamuntf wa 'a''ts nin.* ha^abiha" hote (pl-) hana"tea" hTSeina" bihi'i nisitca".) hatam hita"m6° mixtihi tcasitca" waxu'. nits nitsa" water river stone earth fire netsi* nitciye* haha'ana°ka° bita 'a"wu icita" bac'.) waxuina" (pl. monoxta" hinot* hitcet hi 'a"c nina".' '' ' ' ' 1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects COMPAEATIVE VOCABULAEY English 1 Arapaho Hinana 'eina^ tcaseix nisi Southern People^ Wood-lodge People^ N a'livadindhdnan Bdsa"wiinena^ tca"cilaha'3 Gros Ventre Ea 'dninin tca^eity ni^a 2 3 nisaha' nanisetci nanisehi' nasa" yein* yatfan* 4 5 6 7 8 9 nahaha' niabaha' niotanaha' neixtfioti nanasei yananei yanatfani nitcatax nisa"tax nanasa"tax'^eit ciotaxahei na^a' yani yatani neitya"tos ni^a°tos na^a"tos a"habeta'>tos nita"tax" nisa"tax"' nasa"tax'" ei"" niciota" nexiotahaha" cioxtahaha" 10 man woman child batatax" hinen' hisei teia" nih 'a"^a° maxtoxtahaha" hiten hihi'i batcatoxe hini hisiina" beta"tos hineni hitfa white man hakutsa 'anaha* matsohu^a hitfextin teia"nihi ni 'a"s5 teia"na nix 'a"t nitfina" father mother elder brother neisana" neina" nasaha neiha"' son haictin nixtsia" neicta' daughter grandfather grandmother grandchild eye nose natane nabaciba neibaha" neici bjicisa naxtanaha (h)amacim (h)ihi'im ni 'icitaha" hisananin* neinah* nih'sa* neiha'* natana* niibacibaha neibaha"* hicisa neina" nahaha neiha' natan '* nabeseip niip niisa besofl beic mouth tooth bati beitci^ masixsan maic matin meitcixta hi^ea hitcina hinitcic beica betyi bitsit' tongue ear bei^an hini^an biitani wanatana' basona" hinatana hisa" wanotan watfana neck belly wanot batcet moxta".) hiwaxuaha^a.) maxsou masoutihem horse dog buffalo bull buffalo (herd) he^-abi (pl.* wasiina" (pl.

batana" banasa" na"k- supernatural large hahaha' mouxtia" ma'ana°ha" nanamatit hou ba'an* tananaba 'ana" banasa" na"k-* ouu wouxei ba'anou bata- manacie wanatsia" moxtsia" maoxtaheini hitianie white black red yellow basou nana"tsa wa'ota" baniha"ya° wa'ota"* niha"ya"* wa 'ota"ya" baxa 'a" niha"ya" Notes on Vocabulary 1 2 From Tall Bear. * "Small. but seems doubtful. 3 An 1 was recorded.* waxuina" (pl. bird xouhu ni'ihi xouhu* ni'ix tcasei crow magpie turtle hou wa'uei ba 'ana" nanaba'ana". Arch. Additional Words —Arapaho Proper mountain night young man young woman old old hanaxa'aha hiteiya" woman batabi(a) baha'ei. 12 Arapaho English beaver rabbit bear Hinana'einan Southern People^ Wood-lodge PeopleBdsanwunenan Na"wa0indhana>' Gros Ventre Ha 'aninin habes na"tse habac na"k" hamaha' ma"kut habac* ua"k"* wox".' 76 University of California Publications in Am. bi-hifl nouba" batei bisa". Unmarked words from the wife of Kow-of -Lodges. and Ethn. breast-water b'4nec batie haota" batfenetc' bed boat meat pipe tobacco corn fruits penis testicle ha^a" batfas = rib bin a" bic ^iwu haseinou cisa"wa" vagina tail hahatc batihi hitca" hie 'h\t\d\e 'i beckatana" rib liver bush coyote buffalo fly ka" 'a" kidney blood cow bii ba ba. behi'i hinenita" 6iik" moon sky.) wox" ha"xei mahom SSLOO was ha"^ei tfouu ni'ihi wolf ha"xe* skunk eagle. hisa"na" excrement louse shadow shaman batata" batat worm fish nawat . 5 The manuscript record may be read either with final s or 6. as does the Basa"wunena" form. recorded both as ha"sivaxta and ha"silaxta. starred words from Tall-Bear." Evidently contains the diminutive suffix. however. as the Arapaho ordinarily are unable to pronounce this sound. cloud ha" 'ani bika" bikosis hana"' human being ghost thunder fog creek baxa 'a" ba'ana" head hair throat hakuha" bei^e 'a beita" kaha 'a"wu hi snow tent pole bone heart hixu biita" robe haka"x hou bei bixuti ha" awl dress arm elbow sinew milk. The word for "rain" in the same dialect was. [Vol.

k. and will be at The following ableast as familiar with the material as the writer. deer. tc. External Phonetic Correspondences of the Group K Assuming the Eastern-Central group of dialects. Ch shows k. it is clear that original k is but rarely retained in the Arapaho division. efforts Hayden. besides many others whose been drawn upon. Rand. EC Mi Eastern-Central Algonkin F Cr Micmac Fox Ojibwa Cree Ch Bl Cheyenne Blackfoot Arapaho group of dialects Arapaho proper Gros Ventre A Ar GV B N Of the symbols ology. x. usually . k>s: neck. and ' is the glottal stop. but probably unrounded. A. ks. antelope. E-C has k or sk. breviations have been used to designate groups. Ch. in which are included the great majority of those belonging to the family. GV usually k>h. languages.: 1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 77 Some of the more readily noted correspondences in sound between Arapaho and the other Algonkin languages. EC. 6 is Basa"wunena" Na"wa^inahana" is s used. Jones. k>tc: metal. Bl. Bl. The material used in the comparisons is familiar to students of the subject in the works of Baraga. ts. k. sun. to be most representative of the original or former condition of Algonkin. bone. woman. Ch. have not For this reason the Indian forms of the words The few who may follow up the present suggestions can verify them with ease. Bl. bear. a"^ and German. c or sh as customary in American phil- the same as English surd th. Ch. skunk. is x is a surd fricative approxi- mately in k position. eye. nose. a a as of is "bad" in a" are nasalized vowels. A. xt. has 6 for s. Lacombe. t. x: beaver. or is entirely lost or represented only by a glottal stop. s It appears most commonly as or h. o somewhat as in American English. will now be given. Petter. one. and within the Arapaho dialects. k>k: wolf. k>t: black. and lialects referred to in English have not been given. A. There is no pretense that these observations are complete.

n. star. four. There may be two n>n: bone. tooth. mouth. Ar. entirely lacking. metal. 1913. One appears with The other is t varies between d. eagle. and 1 in the Eastern. five. F and Na show ny. b>k: sleep. Na. in Arapaho that the author can tc. Bl N 1. As between these two E. k. k?. E-C again shows sk as well Ch usually agrees with Arapaho. including Arapaho. 0. Ar.. y>n. 538. in Blackfoot. toward xt.^ rabbit. Ch. These are the principal occurrences of k rule. variable. x. t>tc: pipe. though in y. p. d. red. Bl. Ch. t?. fish. t. Ba. Bl. water. American Anthropologist. reflexive has some inclination toward ts or st.78 University of California Publications in Am. but little variation as t. night. and seem to have disappeared from the Arapaho group. but Arapaho proper and Basa^wunena'^. Bl. N N usually recurs unchanged in all Algonkin groups. tc. water. Ch is '. Ch. p. Original labial stops begin to be lost or altered as soon as the Eastern-Central division entirely p. Ch. d. suffix. k. n. t. Mi. six. turtle. Sapir. b>tc: tooth. daughter. t>t: bow. six. In the last three stems m sporadically supplants n. Na. EC. night. heart. M M of original Algonkin seems to be retained quite regularly in Eastern-Central. two. buffalo bull. n. k. also kw. Ba. All dialects except Mi and O have y in some of these stems. drink. y: tongue. man. five. 12 k. 3 In the three other Arapaho dialects it is and replaced by b and w. wolf. n. but T Algonkin dental stops seem to be of two kinds. — P . Ba. Ar. sit. variable. GV. p w. dog. in Cheyenne. turtle. b. . t. [Vol. one. ten. three. d. nine. n. b. Arch.Central group. star. white. E-C. A. foot. while Bl oftener retains k. sing. as k. is left behind. k> is — : bow. t. foot. and in the Na^wa^ina- hana" dialect of Arapaho. account for by any phonetic p. s. mouth. ts. EC. xv. neck. p. sleep. and Ethn. GV. t. O. tc. in in Cheyenne as in Gros Ventre and Na'^wa^inahana".?. some stems the sound varies between n and distinct original sounds involved. t in all dialects. fire. GV. Bl. daughter. 1>^: tongue.

Bl. s. house. rain. . that in trying to say the English It is also illustrative word "buffalo. and baha'a". like t. writer. bow. 8>s: sun. Eastern-Central s. EC. Perhaps allied to the VOWELS The vowels of Arapaho also evince fairly regular correspondences with those of other dialects. and hiniiwaha". Counting a" and a" for the present with a and four prin- cipal equivalences are noticeable. a°. i. Ch. dj. defecate. Ch. defecate. rabbit. This probably represents the transition w>m>n. ten. drink. There is thus the possibility that eastern with which has been included.* This is a consistent phonetic law of Arapaho. two. except Na t. a". Ar (and Ba?). road. tobacco. becomes c (sh) 6. h. Ar. e. three. GV. eagle. even within the dialect the same stem changes from b to w if the vowel becomes a back one. regularly n. red. his grandmother. whose idiom follows the same law. Ba. Bl.1916] Eroeber: Arapaho Dialects 79 sounds. grass. is not clear to the a. earth. wood." the Gros Ventre. change k>s. Na. Na. the frequent nasalization of a and a. antelope. a. w. : m>b ni>w (a. — 0. Compare Ar neibaha"^. o): black. a") blood. h. a. nine. wind. . perhaps also ear. EC. white. tc. Ch. 4ba'a". deer. turtle. (a. dog. the rule is that b occurs before the front vowels o. beaver. (e) : metal. A dialects have h. In these Cheyenne m>n: W A more remarkable change is that of original w to Arapaho n. represents two sounds originally distinct. eat. m>b in>b (i): eat. speak wa^anou instead of ba^anou. two. my grandmother. sometimes m. a". and Na show alone has sometimes: tobacco. though the cause of their most marked peculiarity. fire. fish. sometimes s. In a few words has n also. and w before the back vowels u. sometimes recurs in Arapaho. bear. are exceptions noted in simple stem words. w>n: buffalo herd. s. m changes to n in Arapaho. yellow. three. s>tf: hair. GV s>h: stone. thunder. give. or X frequently. All Arapaho labial sounds seem to be derived from original m.

: wunena". dog. and sometimes other A dialects. mouth. jump. bear. 448. Arch. and x in fire and s. Ch. a. bear. a. black. i often. possesses the vowels i and u. since Arapaho B in these words stands for original becomes wood. GV alone several times has which in most its occurrences in e. eye. man. sit. o. a. that dialect seems to replace Subtype la times ei. i. water. dog. On B. Am. var. nose. e (i) a. i. give. except Bl A sometimes tongue. heart. Cr. i. a. ten. Type 4 — a>u: bone. Anthr. Mi. some- Type 2 four. O. red. a. two. B in t. open o for a: neck. Bl. i. beaver. e. yellow. two. GV occasionally shows ou. sleep. ba-. F. tooth. 1907. i GV var. Subtype 3b — Same. rabbit. e. O. Ar. re- flexive suffix. that Na'^wa^inahSna" leans towards Cheyenne o. Ch. O. A. eat. denies that Cheyenne properly . Bl. back vowels. a or o. Bii. instead of the indefinite wa-. at least under the orthographies that have been em. six. differs little B. drink. Arapaho group.80 University of California Puhlications in Am. O. All the Basa"wunena" body-part terms obtained from both in- formants begin with the possessive prefix of the third person family represented by ma-. six. —Same. a. o.^ favors a sound usually written Type 1 and Blackfoot the vowel fire.?. foot. possibly only variant orthographies for a. Na. pipe. ten. 12 Mi Type 1 Type 2 Type 3 Type 4 i F i Cr. Cr. Ch. skunk. a. GV. Mem. word for nose. white man. which elsewhere in the is 5 Fetter. Ch i [Vol. or c. fish. ployed . grass. Bl. oftener GV. water. Type 3 a>a: daughter. —i>i: — i. metal. but a further specialization. ten. Subtype 2a i. Subtype 3a i. pipe. — i. and c recur unchanged in Basa*^the other hand. Basa^wunena" in the In other stems Arapaho Arapaho s. Ba. a". Mi. turtle. i. o. a. a>a: ?. Mi. star. e>e: hand. Ass. from the B at S or is c sometimes appears for s as in tooth. wolf. but not always. Basa^wunena" principal dialect. defecate. Internal Phonetic Correspondences of the Group BASA»WUNENA" Within the Arapaho group. Cr. bow.. F. wood. a. mi. F. u a a o. three. rabbit. Na. hi-. Bl. beaver. Cr. of Arapaho. sun. Ba. and Ethn. e. buffalo. (i) u var. i i O Bl i Na i Ar. e>i: woman. T occasionally appears as tc tree. except Ar. stone. e a u It is evident that there is a special similarity between Fox and the that the latter i. — — a. a a a a o o o. neck. u a. turtle. a back vowel. Ch. Ar. Ar i. a: five. e. This not a reversion to original which Arapaho times represents. A i. F.

Ar s. mountain sheep. Ar k>GV ts: rabbit. father-in-law. or b. neck. In all these points it departs from the Arapaho group of dialects in the direction of the Central and Cheyenne groups. skunk. sun. white. c>GV older brother. five. more than a mere Na^'wu^inahana'^ agrees with Cheyenne in retaining ra which Arapaho has converted to b and w. s>h. Ar tf>GV Ar t>GV ts. tc. in certain words which possess n in Arapaho. 6 Comparison shows Gros Ventre to be the more con0: t: servative. such as ear. in others original k. s>s. ty: mouth. elk. Mus. correspondences of all G Bull. Three words in this dialect s As regards and h sounds. GV apparently has specialized. Avhere Arapaho has y.e eye. both Ar and 0: GV have t. 1902. It agrees with Cheyenne and Ojibwa in having w. tc: eight. hand. In other instances Ar s of both origins remains s in GV. six. sometimes a sound written xs. once or twice by s and ts. buflPalo. on the other hand. to be transition. buffalo herd. wife. in the Na^wu^nahSna" words obtained. or ty. black. Ar tc was usually heard as either ts. seven. however. bear. star. three. Ar i>GV 6: eye. son-in-law. tongue. in Gros Ventre. Ar Ar Ar x>GV x>GV »>GV s: grass. fire. xvni. fire. two. ten. In place of it Na°wu^inahana" sometimes has s. Arapaho d was usually rendered by t. Nat. GV evidently clings to the older sound which Ar has altered. for original t. father. metal. Arapaho X is probably an h with partial stricture rather than a true palatal fricative. "nephew" (when not called "son"). "niece" (when not called "daughter"). eight. eight. Like these two dialects. nearly ky. woman. as the Ar sound stands foot. dog. tobacco. are found between Arapaho and Na"wu^inahana". In ''bear" h equals x. Am. daughter-in-law. In some of these words Ar s represents original s or h.1916] Eroeber: Arapaho Dialects 81 GROS VENTRE Gros Ventre presents greater changes. Ba shows a similar tendency. three types. NA°WUWNAHANA» but stands nearest of the Eastern-Central. . x>s. 9. Hist. wolf. white man. In many other words. in fact the dialectic pronunciation of ''Washington" was given as mo"cten. It Na"wu^inahana" not only departs farthest from Arapaho proper known Arapaho dialects to Cheyenne and presents enough peculiarities. ten. brother or sisterin-law of opposite sex. belly.. it shows n as the initial of the words for four and five.

It seems somewhat and xs were really spoken. and Fox k. Arapaho a was sometimes rendered by a in Na^wu^inahana'^. and s in Na"wu^inahana*^ causes the suspicion that the informant was exaggerating a real or imaginary greater degree of aspiration. ' . and Ethn. and must be considered doubtful. [Vol. Ei becomes e.82 University of California Publications in Am. 12 were recorded with 6. but the sound does not agree regularly with any Arapaho sound in tnese cases. consonants. The X or h so frequently written before t. Cheyenne. Arch. xts. sometimes by a. as well as before k. either of vowels or of Arapaho to possess. doubtful whether however. ts. shows a similar parasitic x or h before t. Yurok also has xk. than he believed full xt.

Gros Ventre adds to these a mixed vowel almost o. i. however. was often written. u. are conspicuous resemblances to the phonetics of Yurok. a. some. Sapir has Long vowels shown the connection. sometimes resembling a. o. a"." a". ei. A. times written as sonant. i. often confused with a". long. open. a surd or sonant vowel being always present . The writer strongly of the impression that no word in Arapaho really final ends in a consonant. At that time his understanding of the nature and formation of spoken sounds was vague. regularly. are surd or whispered. the latter orthography has been employed in this paper. as in American English "bad. now that Dr. note 1. more or less doubled. very open. and has been omitted nasalized. open. very open. possibly spoken with the tongue slightly more raised than in the following. e. 1916J Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 83 PAET II SKETCH OF ARAPAHO PROPER Phonetic Elements It is fourteen years since the writer has heard Arapaho or Gros Ventre. sometimes as ii. but not from the present orthography. This is a derivative from Arapaho ei was sometimes heard with an approach to the quality of oi. as well as the presence of a. a°. many distinct motor impres- and a comparison of variant orthographies makes other points clear which inability of interpretation rendered baffling at the time. left sions of words. See text are iii. sometimes indicated by small superior characters. nasalized. The nature of surd vowels was not understood by the author at the time his notes were recorded they were therefore sometimes omitted. So far as is it could be restored with what seemed reasonable safety. a". o. sometimes heard as i. unless long or accented. Arapaho vowels are u. long. less clear than a. The following notes may therefore still have some value. ou. a. The extreme openness of most of these vowels. Final vowels. Some experience with and much interest in the two languages have.: .

follow the vowel changes. especially between b and w. but that in part at least they follow the interdialectic equivalences be- tween Arapaho and Gros Ventre. perhaps always this. x. the nature of the two is X and h were also much confused. 84 University of California Publications in Am. connection with the surd vowels. and the Arapaho so render it in trying to reproduce Gros Ventre. and other Californian languages. glottal stop ( ') show usually. y. 1911. is by the writer. that is. Michelson was not observed. the general equivalent of which often stands for Arapaho t. w. and ty. and Ethn. with w. Arch. both in Arapaho and Gros Ventre. many Indian languages. . Gros Ventre vowel. h followed by a surd vowel. were written indis- criminately for naha 'a. Vocalic changes are illustrated throughout the grammatical and textual material presented below. they are sometimes in the direction of assimilation. Naha and nahaa. these stops seem to be entirely surd. ^ is a surd dental fricative like is strong in both languages. so that h and ' have been better orthographies. and by its alternation. an h with conmight the case. and tc (English ch) are probably sonant during part of the explosion. Here again the similarity of process it is to Yurok is marked. 62. Final h or X. from suffix to stem.^ In Gros Ventre initial h is particularly faint. If this is sounds is the same as in Yana. perhaps more exactly naha'^. it is sometimes heard as ky.: . tc is replaced by two sounds: ts. as would be indicated by its origin from m. In Gros Ventre. English th in thin. and n need no discussion. When final. 12 but proof or disproof of this belief must be left to future investigators. The g mentioned by Dr. 7 Present series of publications. b is a full sonant. and from stem prefix. of note Consonantal changes are also somewhat obscure. at other times of contrast. siderable stricture. and that h is seems that x really fainter than in English. though he inclined to consider It They were very touch confounded them two sounds. may furnish an exception in the case of final surd n its but this sound seems to owe quality to the surdness of the preceding In Gros Ventre. Ty seems to be a very posterior t. [Vol. Changes to proceed from stem to suffix. The orthog- raphy naha' should be sufficient. but are very complex. an echo. and was often not heard. Consonant alterations. Gros Ventre surd n has been mentioned in Arapaho tc. the surdness of final vowels seems more complete than in Arapaho. also. t. Vowels followed by a in distinct speech. s and c (sh) are diflScult to distinguish. Arapaho consonants k. The two are however not as diflPerent in articulation and sound as the orthographies might indicate. and their explosion as in so takes on a vowel color. Mohave.

the majority of the forms are proper names. Hence the term ' ' incor- poration" is avoided for them. worm weeds women Kiowa (nitciye. they go after noti-sei-n-a"t'. American ciciye-n-axu. snake weed. waxu-sei-na". looks for women. These comprise nouns containing two or more elements used also as independent words. the giver of water. A. club dance bi8a"-n-ox"-ina''. ' ' Woman Black (Is) ' icita°-ku^a". how far these examples are to be interpreted as being verbs or as being nouns. nitcihe-hinen. "Bear Spotted (Is)" ha"xa-ba'ani. be seen that the verbal Compare "Lime Crazy" "Bear Creeping" (cici. wax-tciyei. NOUNS COMPOUNDED OF TWO SEPAEATE WOEDS the first Noun and noun. "Wolf Eed (Is)" ha'ati-n-aha"ka". and a larger number ending in elements which are always "suffixes. but the entire word being nominal. which can also be used as a separate. white-man woman. fire drill . club lodge. dog he5a-w-a"wu.: ' : 1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 85 Composition The intricate subject of word composition is too little plain in Arapaho to allow of more than a listing of some of the principal forms which word compounding has been observed to take. hisei-waota"ni. dog lodge hi-tce'aox-a"wu. ha"-n-isei. are more conveniently considered in connection ' ' ' ' with the subsequent section treating of the structure of the verb. following verb or adjective stem. river) nih 'a"^-ousei. creep) wax-kukatani. or of a verbal and an adverbial stem. who owns the waters It will be seen that the noun comes before as well as after the It is not certain verbal element. the former determinIt will Noun with ing the latter. burrs he a wife hi-netci-bi-ni^'. independent substantive wan-isei-na-hi^i." Verbs consisting of two verb stems. bear. snake medicine woman Verb with a noun as its object. determining the second "Bed-Woman" bvish heSa-bic. suffix -ni. a few words containing elements occurring only as prefixes.

"flat" (straight tubular) pipe bedbugs tah°-sa 'i-ci. funny men. boards sa'ei-tca'a". "Lie-abed-long Young-man" na-. they burn ha"ix-woti-^-a". large knife (wa"xe) haba^-inen'. large water. NOUNS AND VERBS FORMED WITH PREFIXES wot-i-. I them into slices flat peg you out sa'i-^i-xa-h-un. praying young man habat-a^. small man kaha'u-ci-nin. scabby dogs ha"t-etc'. [Vol. real person. the crucified one. citci-na-waxu. large dog (he^) habat-a"xe. relating to clothing. half a day haseihi-n-axucitana". Arch. Christ sa'i-ci-w-anaxa'a. sacrifice (sun dance) paintings niha"-n-ouha". dress! . 12 Verb. na-ta"nei. into fire. south people hawah-a"wu. sa'i-. or adverb preceding and determining a noun: h-axa"^-inenina". added wood to the blaze sii'a-. in fire. fire-starter wot'-tana-tana-na". black crow (hou) ka"ku-na"tinei. they put it him in the fire fire woti-ka^hu-na". after she lay sa 'a-beitci^a. town ha"wa"-u-n-anaxa'aha. untrue person. adjective. spirit ^awa^-inenita". flat wood. small knife hatcac-inen'. then cut sa'i-tfi-xa-h-u^en'. take off moccasins na-tataha". laughable) na"wu-nenitana°. patch on) ocean (netc'. "One-eyed Sioux" (ka"kou-iya". sa'a-hitfi. large man haba^-i-waxii. flat ones. yellow buffalo calves (won) waota"-n-ou. sa'a-baxa°. spade sa 'i-ce-tfana°. woti-tan-ehi. and Ethn. human being B. flat. stretch) tcayataw"-inenita". they ran into the woti-tana". flat metal. large bear (wox") hatcax-a"xe. name of a band (axa"t-ehi.86 University of California Publications in Am. take off clothes nS-ya''-un. roof sa'a-sana°. take off leggings na-tfibi. sliced meat ha"ix-sa'a-se'esi. many houses. lasting weed (cicitci. water) ka"kuiy-a^abi.

welcoming an invitation a redeeming tceita"-h-atit'. cohl) year bedtime. burn. on names of ceremonial acts. all of you dance around me! -tana. he fire ha-tana-hei. put the fire out! ha-tana-^-a"t. relating to mental action. isibi-ta-ni-ni. tca'-atit'. -I-n'. gridiron tcabitana-tcana. they burn it -tea-na. yesterday tayu-ni-n'. rain dance nou-t-ah*wa"t'. time for lying down xa"taei-ni-n'. sometime later it when was late in the night -atlt'. kaka'-u^etca°-na". the settling of a dispute by a game or test -ah^wa'^t'. woti-tana-t'. winter. cook . I maintain the fire constantly . round dance. hi-tcana-at'. think about it C. he extinguishes it ha-tana-kana-tfei. probably from the same radical as the last. hou-n-ah*wa"t'. half a tihi'-si-ni. Also seems to contain the ending of the third person. do to or with makes a fire. drench the fire wot'-tana-hokani. tatayou-ni-n'. fried bread nl-te-tcana-tfayei-na". day kahau-ci-ni-n. foot touching. ear piercing tiaxa"-n-atit'. untying. which no doubt the same.1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 87 kaka-. dance. cutting dance na"a-n-ah''wa°t-aniba. is on the numerals 11 to 19. autumn (tai. NOUNS AND VERBS FORMED WITH SUFFIXES Compare the suffix -in* on measures of time. The last part of this suffix is almost certainly an ending denoting the third person. thoughts kako-xa'anata". shortly after. crow dance hasa°-n-ah"wa"t'. tcatceci-n-atit'. tcatci-n'. tcaoxu-tcabi-h-atit'. dancing out of sun dance ka'ei-n-ah"wa°t'. tah''-tcani-bihiya"-ni. ghost dance tawa-n-ah'wa^t'. foe-shooting.

a large fire hi-baxutcan-affa. wa"^ei-n-akac. her tent yeiyi.88 University of California Publications in Am. your. fire. batabi-h-akac. large tent hatcax-akay'. hiyei. who has pole. tciy-anehi. -akay. I truly thought ha°na°-kaxtaw-utfetca°-t'. the metal tent into the main tclt-akahay-ina"t'. 12 -i-^etca". house. he dressed -a"wu. wa"xeit'. she thought bi 'a"h-ou^etca". shaggy dog dog n-eiha"wu-t-anihi'. creek kakuiy-a"wu. [Vol. suffix pet. molassea -(i)yei. then she thought something was wrong -^ibi. short-legged . perhaps contains the diminutive quoted below. kindlings -anihi'. tent: nma°. thoughts wax-^tfetca". undress tci-5ibi-t'. small tent wa"^ei-n-akay. This and the preceding three elements seem verbal and could with equal propriety be listed among the suffixes or stems of the next section. and Ethn. ninan. think. nayei. hayei." tent his tent is black woman 's ' ' hi-beitci^ei-n-akay-anit'. in the dog tent -a^a'. feel sad (wa"sa". I have no horses ta'-anahi-hi'. bad. ugly) ha''-s-itfetca"-hoku. set sis-ayei. tent. banas-atfa'. up a tent take down a tent n-eiha°wu-uyei. relating to clothing. tent. muddy water tcanata"-n-a"wunetc'. furry. water. ' ' "Black Lodge. I have no tent -akac. an old brown tent waota"na-h-akay-eit'. domestic animal. na-Wbi. sung when water is brought peyote tent he^aw-akay-a-ni. blue or deep water tfa°^i-a"wu. my. kaka'-u^etca"-na". habat-akay'. Arch. high or rough waves kaha'-a"wu. old hina-n-akay-a". when the fire became low kox-k-a5a-ya"-na". by which tent is raised enter-tent-song. haxeci-n-a"wunetc'. sticky liquid.

horses (hiwax". ringed tail?) taxa°-n-ineihi. looks for horses hiwaxu-ha°xabi. n-abit-a"xabei-t'. fractured his skull ka"-xu-ha"ix-tab-a'ei-ku-d-ana". Independent word. struck him in the face -^a"^-i. cut-nose-bush. hair. hahis-^a''d-6hu. foot. kou-ehi. steals horses or cattle noti-n-a"xabi. when they all put their heads in -i-^a. hawah-a"t-at'. many legs. bear foot (wox". heads stumps tab-a'ei-na". tca'a'ei-n-axa'ana"x". Blackfeet (with erect hair) kax-a'ei-sibat'. Independent word. wa"Oeinifl-ineihi. fingers. starched collar tah"-tcih'-ba-tcit-a'ei-xa"-^i. also opossum (smooth tail?) Satan (brown. fruit appears noseless like a skull -ehi. claw. nail. bear claws. bear) ha"s-ixta°-cisa". tab-i^a-bic. head. lay your head on na"k-a'ei-n. wa'a°^*. hand. The independent word for "hair" is bei^e'a. cut-head. elk) -a'ei. ' ' Sore-foot-child ' -ineihi. domestic animal.! ' 1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 89 -h-a'^x". white-neck. face. batcet. leg. all cut off tab-a'ei-bas-i. or old. was-ixta". ta"ta"ka-n-ineihi. wash hands -a'^t. nose. neck. plural -h-a"xabi. you are curly haired and when he laid his head down ka"k-a 'ei-^i. ha°tit-a 'ei-niW. tail. cut-head-wood. swell-face. then again they cut off his head behic'-tab-a'ei-<^ehi. biitihi'i. centipede -ixta". scratched head baba'-a'ei-n'. The independent word whose is beic. na"-ta"-h-icib-a'ei-nei-t'. for "his head" hakuha'i. round-head-ax tcastc-a 'ei-ni^i. comb hair beheaded ones ot-a'ei-hi. raccoon (twisted. mosquito kahan-ehi. Independent word. horse. hair burnt off ha'-ni-tabi-eihi-t'. bat. ugly tail?) . hornless saddle tcih-tas-a 'ei-ci.

are often difficult to separate tas-i- from independent words.and xanou-. short-legged dog Verbs word-foeming prefixes Among purpose be is the elements prefixed to verbs. For instance. which is much more specific in meaning as usually to carry the principal idea conveyed by the complete word. ' ' away. to depart or elope ' ' . "to begin. as prefixes Verbs themselves. however. Thus. are essentially word-forming it is clear that those which come nearest the stem." are employed. follow." and xanou.' 90 University of California Publications in Am. ^i-aya". "to stop. and Ethn." It is true that even when these elements are themselves verbs they are not used merely with the personal suffixes. would after all be a prefix of the adverbial or prepositional type familiar from so many other languages. [Vol.occurs as the first etymological element of all a considerable number of verbs or nouns in of which the idea of "in" or "on" or "projecting upward" is contained. kax-. "straight. are themselves the real stem of the verb in which case the preceding element. general. in verbs . young man. -xa. 12 -hi'i. in the forms xou. in turn. "to impact violently". -ni. and tcan-i- mean ''on" and "under" they are adverbs but provided with the locative suffix -i-hi ' which stand alone. but that second elements such as -hi. "to ' ' strike. classes. like tcasis. hanaxa'a-hi'i. "to are used as prefixes to other verbs. or be or come in contact tca^-i-. Thus. old cicitci. 0\- or ^ei. is Now these added elements. child. which are frequent on indubitable verb stems. no hard and fast line can. while those whose more strictly relational or grammatical on the whole pre- cede them. group are such elements as ta'-. "to travel. -ku. tie. tou. woman. past. ' ' with". -h are added to them. tcab-i-." and teab-i. teia"-n-aha' duck." and ^a'^ku-h. and tca^-i." and kax. As might be expected. diminutive. to verbs. to this last Apparently related tou-. ' ' Just so xou-wu-hu'. outdoors. -ha'. "through. Arch. -hahi. "im- mediately. have all been listed as suffixes. hanaxa'aha. boy batabi(a). batabi-hahi teia°." and ' ' ta. . ' ' whose significance usually so by no means precluded that is of the vaguest and most . But the possibility these ' ' suffixes. alongside. drawn between the two Word-forming prefixes. eicitce-ha" ta'anahi-hi'.

ever." In the same manner the ^ei- "he combination of the variant "Which part of Oi- with the suffix -ok". But either ^ei. "to steal. guages. or both. are more precisely understood. when the Algonkin. "thief. a verb stem. compounded of elements which themselves either are. or can become. are lost like That Arapaho. totally foreign to other languages. put together they form steals horses. the frequent element always at the end of words. "to sit. "to carry on the back. and often adds little if anything to the meaning of the stem to which it is attached." n-ablt-Ihi. then ^ei-wa-n. perhaps normally. then ablta-ku must be a compound of two verbs." When. that matter the Iroquoian and "Incorporation" is another linguistic concept Avhich has been re.or -ku. and with them a large number of other elements. And yet the process involved in these cases ^ei- is not one of mere simple word-compounding. And still extreme caution seems called for in drawing any such inference." If the second element is are clearly compound or double verbs. and for Caddoan languages." -kii is On the other hand." h-abTt-a"xabei-ti. And when the reality of the process was finally demonstrated the itself into proof resolved the recognition of pronominal incorporation . It is therefore possible that the old terms " polysynthesis " and " holophrasis. as in abita-ku. results in ^i-ok". the prepositional "prefix" Oei-kn. but with the same denotation. be rehabilitated with a new and exact meaning. possesses true — — as affixes. howand the vague "suffix" -ku are "to put in. for apparently short. it never occurs with- out a following element and -ku never without a preceding one.1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 91 ''a post". the term "incorporation" was abused until the very existence of the process was challenged and denied. "to steal. " which in recent years have been in justifiable disrepute on account of their vagueness and their implication of processes may. in ablta. "to enter in order to see. In would seem that the Arapaho verb is frequently. verbal in force. established of late years and yet the justification was brought about only by an abandonm'ent of the very traits which "incorporation" was originally and long believed to denote." of which the stem appears without the -ku." (9ei-ku and ^i-ok" is what is in other languages would be called the stem? If the first element a verb stem. apparently an intransitive equivalent of transitive -ku. and such parallel forms as tcl^i-n-a"ha-b. ^ei-ka-h and Oei-wa-n. Bandied about without standing for anything definite. Shoshonean and some other American lancompound verbs verbs functioning as such and composed of two verbs is thus probable.

while Dr. however important. it remains undone. and any attempt to apply such a procedure leads quickly to contradictions and inconsistencies that of ''prefix.92 University of California Publications in Am. the same time. away the brush and brought us face to face with the untimely death but he has not led us out of the This task he would no doubt have achieved. He in does not separate "prefixes" and "suffixes" from "stems" the verb. William Jones reached exactly the same conclusion as regards the Fox dialect." reveal the arbitrariness of the method. and Ethn. This classification is a valuable and important departure from the all too frequent method of forcing new languages not so much in their kind of to fit old schemes or the categories established in other tongues." stem. the Algonkin verb. In it." order. In short. so far as Arapaho is representative of cannot in any off-hand manner be broken up into the usual elements and "suffix". not in kind. [Vol. That the principles of Algonkin verb formation are in some respects con- spicuously different from those of Indo-European Dr. first but distinguishes "initial stems. the concept of incorporation involves only a new application of a widespread and well known linguistic process. save for his . The late Dr. as in their mere order or position in the word-compound. Jones has made very clear . and a realization of this fact is the first requisite to a true understanding of Algonkin structure. Jones has cleared trees. fine. fit is." "secondary stems of the of the second order. The realization that the Algonkin foot does not the Indo-European last into the grammatical shoe built around first step. " But if so. and of nominal incorporation as a form of the equally familiar process of etymological word-compounding." and "secondary stems making these elements differ from each other meaning or in their ability or inability to appear as separate words. only a The . Or it might be said that incorporating idioms from non-incor- porating ones in degree. In an analogous manner it seems possible that we may ultimately be justified in speaking of Algonkin as truly "holophrastic" or " polysynthetic. At forest. with only the one distinctive feature that in "incorporating" languages noun and verb can be combined to form verbs. Arch. 12 as a familiar and purely grammatical method represented in some degree in most languages. these terms will essentially be only a com'^enient designation for the linguistic process which allows tM^o verbs to consolidate into a single one. not a new and unique differ process itself. whereas in other idioms they combine only into nouns.

1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 93 next and necessary one must be the construction of a shoe which new type of fit upon suitable modification for individual cases will both feet. to drop the metaphor. are better understood will both Algonkin and Indo-European. is an essential purpose of the study of both for whether . Or. had been completed. and formulations on through a constructive denied to him by time. as well as the aim of any deeper research in Indo-European philology. the construction and use of an entirely novel set of categories for Algonkin is meaningless. be more truly understandable. our interest lies in the problem of the nature or that of the origin of is human speech. the development. The first interpretation is that of the verb as the result of a process of comppsition similar to that of noun composition. the science of language is But until revolutionized by entirely new methods of thinking about it there seem to be only three possible descriptions of the Algonkin verb that have a usable meaning. the whale of his habits. must therefore be the more precise languages able in and fundamental determination of their relations to all other and this necessitates concepts and terms which are appliccommon. however different these common may in reality be from what superficial acquaintance or a one-sided approach Avould lead one to suppose. It is impossible to characterize the wolf in terms . inherent nature. The real aim of the study of any American tongue. while an application to Algonkin of linguistic categories derived from Indo-European leads to misun- derstanding. The types of structure repprinciples resented by the two groups of languages obviously have something in common. but extended in . to construct a classification which will help to reveal the will be paid. in In fact. What this relation will be the writer does not have knowledge or understanding enough of any Algonkin language to say. Jones's work still not by a standing off where his labors were unfortunately broken when chiefly their negative or destructive side efforts but by carrying his phase to a point. a classification is involved. its scope and its niethods. or the origin of the animal king- True tribute to the memory of Dr. and then dom. the elephant of his embryology. Only when speech in general. or for that matter any particular group of languages. In its widest ultimate aspect philology concerned not with Algonkin as such nor with Indo-European as such but with all languages. of his skeleton. the determination of what they have common. involving as it does the recognition of that in which they are different. at which Algonkin will once more appear in a definite relation to human speech as a whole.

and the statement of Dr. in a position where it cannot be summarily dismissed.94 University of California Publications in Am. swim. and also the inference of the present writer. hotly. holding. 388. pem(i). fly. ta(wi). hither. nag(i). Principles of Algonquian Word-formation. Jones's examples of each class are fully rep- resentative of that class. pas(i). being chiefly or wholly prelast. pon(i). as adverbs. jump. but it is clear that his own presen- tation of evidence leaves the interpretation of the "secondary stems of the second order" as being true verb stems defined by prefixes. Arch. kog. ota. alongside. assiduously. cit. In this case the "initial stem" of Dr. or modal particles. n. 394. crawl. float. if this But is it can- not be too clearly recognized that even stance the correct one rules explanation in sub- we do not yet really know anything as to the and conditions and limitations of this verb-compounding. I^iitial stems citedio are: ki. walk. wetly. sag(i). Thus the "secondary stems of the second order" listed by Dr. stand. Jones^ that on the whole initial stems more definitely perform the function of verbs. . possible interpretation is also that of a verb stem with the word-forming ones. The second interpretation of the Algonkin verb is that of a stem followed by a greater or less number of suffixes. painfully. usa (Arapaho is-a. incipiently. pi(t). [Vol. 1904. mik.. cosk. 9 Op. American Anthropologist. hogo. s. nouns. pugo.. Jones^ are most simply rendered as follows: ega. it is This essentially is the conclusion of Dr. If this view is correct. pya. by wiping. whereas substantially stems of the first all his cited "initial stems" and "secondary dis- order" can actually be rendered. fixes. the stem coming except for grammatical endings. and Ethn. stop. without much tortion. Jones would be the only true stem. in both Arapaho and Fox. cease. swim. the type of Arapaho verb-building would be somewhat analogous to that of Eskimo. convey by water. 8 Some VI. us-a). isa. carry on back. with water. run. It is not certain how far Dr. The third affixes. 5. with. however. In support of this explanation is the fact that the initial elements of verbs come nearest to having the power of forming words by themselves. about. into. 10 P. his lists obviously aiming at well translated instances rather than at fullness . wi. dance. suddenly. also to verbs. smoothly. 401. straightly. his "secondary stems" the suffixes. gapa (Arapaho ^i-a^ku). isaho. past. projecting. 12 Algonkin Jones . In favor of this last view is the fact that practically all the "secondary stems of the second order" given by Dr. Jones are naturally translated by words which in most other languages are verbs. kas(i). tcim (Arapaho tcawou). paho (Arapaho i-ka"-hu). auxiliary verbs.

tag. kum. pag-a'kwi-tuna-cin-w% "he bumps his mouth" (p. color. But this increased material does not alter the conclusion which can be drawn from Dr. owing to IndoEuropean idiom. and the following body part stems. head. 386) " incipiently he walks" (or "he begins in his walk"?). be able. pag (pp. nape. completely.: 1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 95 wap(i). Meanwhile the strong probability is that if the "initial stems" are truly verbal in nature the normal Fox verb is a compound binary lip. "he has a headache" (p. he begins to walk approaching in a circle "incipiently hither circularly he walks" (or "he begins his hither circular walk"?). ane. but. 12 Bureau of American Ethnology. think." suffixes does not seem likely from the character of the examples given. "he bumped his nose" (p. wood. the first order are clearly not the principal stems "initial The stems" may be verbs. nota (pp. which are perhaps the truest. . to which the reviser. 394) he is" (or "he hurts as to his hfead"?). 735-873. wina. he hurt himself by impact"?). " "he hit-nose-strikes. used objectively or adverbially (in translation) to the verbal element in the verb complex: ca. Jones's analysis. 393)= "with impact his nose he struck" (or "he struck his nose = = "he fell and hurt himself" (p. The secondary stems of the of the verb-complexes. 404). 'kwa. Jones's earlier work as here summarized. Jones in the Handbook of American Indian Languages^^ gives some other forms. expanse. Michelson or some other authority competent to carry on Dr. nose. belly. is If their number substantially limited to those quoted. 40. appearance. hair. hole. resisting. 391. 403)= "with impact against something resisting his mouth he struck" (or "he struck against something resisting with his mouth so as to be stopped"?). are. Secondary stems of the first order^i^ are a'kw." "he hurt-strikes. Arapaho kax-). their suffix if their nature might be conceived of. nagu. kic(i). but number is indefinitely large they cannot well be anything but true verb stems. " "he against it"?). kam. ita. horn." "he hit-hard-mouth-strikes. feel. "he begins to walk" (p. then. pagi-kuma-cin-w"." The posthumous and fuller grammatical sketch of Fox by Dr. be unable. tun. kask(i). has added a hundred odd further initial stems taken from the Fox Texts of Dr." "he hurts-head. Bull. tawi-cin-w". begin. nag. mouth. Jones. becomes as decisive on this point as that of quality and this evidence must be awaited with interest from Dr. painfully as to his head tawe-'kwa-ho-w*. ear. Translating these Algonkin words as compound verbs gives a third set of renditions. 1911. =" =" begin-hither-around-walks. tea. 394. 386) painfully he struck" (or "he hurt himself against it. almost unintelligible in English: "he begin-walks. Dr. Michelson. can. The evidence of quantity. by striking. Compare also wap-usa-w". 403. 393. If they "secondary stems of the second order" are either suffixes or That they are other verbs compounded with the "initial stems. with impact. wapi-pya-tci-tetep-usa-w'.

In short. while the present treatment proceeds. But Arapaho is so obviously Algonkin in its whole plan of expression and word-building that the fundamental problem is undoubtedly identical in the two languages. they deserve only to be ranked as prefixes. s." 13 It is a matter of great satisfaction to the author that since tlie preceding passages were written. is proposed. is. possesses verbs verbial.96 University of California Publications in Am. " or " enteringly first The solution seems indicated likely to be correct . that true verbal elemlents. dropping of the term secondary stems. however. that are built in up around a kernel of a normal verbal stem or root. If. 12 verb. if it proves fallacious. XV. the Tentatively name ' ' final stems. or . the "initial stems" are essentially ad- modal in quality. ' ' ' ' is whether these he enter-looks. ' ' In that ' ' event the designation "secondary" will be misleading. fundamental problem of Arapaho. Fox. and Algonkin in general languages say he looks. difficulties from the more conservative premises of prefix. ' ' at least as applied to those suffixes. case probably the ruling and in the latter and ' ' determined ' ' one of the pair.. " "he enters lookingly. it In either last the probable first or third event. 1913) have been published which evince a very similar realization of the more important aspects of this intricate problem. . that he should have come to nearly the same conclusions is therefore gratifyingly corroborative." The problem has a somewhat different aspect in Fox and Arapaho because Dr. and these stems or roots are the "secondary stems of the second order." One suggestion It is the to future laborers in this field ' ' may not be amiss. the undetermined and. Michelson have started their analysis of the verb from the concept of three kinds of stems. as most languages. and suffix. Jones and Dr. the third appears more than the second. Michelson (Am. and Ethn. [Vol. Dr. If they are stems. and with it no doubt Algonkin in general. "of the second order. on the other hand. in the writer's mind.. prepositional. two statements from the pen of Dr. stem. Anthrop. even if some of them may have reached this condition by the way of once having been subsidiary verbs and in that case Fox." If these "secondary stems" are nothing will be gained by denominating them stems. can be said that the element comes nearest to being the principal verb stem of the complex word. Arch. Michelson 's knowledge of Algonkin is much the greater. 693. The thorough of knowledge difficulty of judging this case in the present state may be illustrated by the English words "contend. n. though with full realization of the involved. ' ' which parallels that of initial stems with- out any implication of primacy or dominance. they are either the real stem of the entire verb or at least one of a pair of stems. 475.

" "compete." and that the second syllables were adverbially modifying suffixes of this stem. tempting though may seem to explain its verb as compounded of two verbal elements. try to chop roll it through down! ^a^k'^-. begin. tah''-ba-nayei-tf*. for purposes of presentation. and therefore." little If English were as as Algonkin. come back tfa"(k)-ka"outa". "-pete" do not occur independently. begin to climb naye-. fight. begin to flee tcetfi^-ouhu. tfana"ku-h. Merely Verbifying Suffix tcasis-. follow making dust ta'-." or "withdraw" became This understanding of it Algonkin we do not yet possess. the old concepts of stem. tried to naye-tawa-h-un'. it understood in its basic structure and history in these would be a fair inference that "con-" words denoted the That "-flict" and verbal idea of "struggle. tou-. tana-'. behind. The element occurs first also as an independent verb or characteristic part of the verb in a . oppose. would only incline to confirm the conjecture. A. Separate Words. and suffix have been retained. is wiser to proceed with caution. or Made Into Verbs BY THE Addition of an Unspecific. tcasis-ina"ei." ''conflict." "combat. try. as the categories underlying the following classification of Arapaho verb elements. tanou-. fla"ku-na"-usa. prefix.1916] Kroeier: Arapaho Dialects 97 "contest. cease. Accordingly. following. when all tried nayi-kaxk-ati-wa 'ou. Obviously would require a wealth of accurately understood and exactly anawords and their strict lyzable lexical material before the true nature of the elements of these parallelism to the constituents of "offset. it or of a nominal or adverbial with a verbal element. stop. and "tend" and "test" when separate words have an entirely different meaning from their com- it pound forms. "forbid." clear. follow tfa"ku-h. go oflf to hunt tcesis-ta-ka"hu. subject to the qualifications discussed. Prefixes Used Also as Independent.

they are tied up for tou-ku-hu-i-n-a"wii. shoots kox-k"tfaha°-na". come and stop when going kou-ta '-a"-ba-. coup. fractured his skull kax-aei-t'. jail tou-tci-hit'. I kick ta"-ya"-b-etfen'. tcitfi-x-tca-hi. passing. come by you walks tcab-i-xa-h-e^en'." a down the tree name kax. tcab-i-hi-t*. pass by. tcitfi-n-a"ha-b. tcab-i-ka"hu. pass on. he will cut nitawu-tou. I chop wood ha"t-ta-wa-h-at'. indoors . pass. struck him ta-wa-hei-na". [Vol. three ni-tou-na°. tying-up house. I carry tcit-. go indoors go in to see run inside. in. wedge kaxa'-at'. touch. him "breastpins" of tent kox-k-"^a-ya"-na". shot off kaxa'-a"-hak". "Striking First. bed) ha"tni-taux-tca-i-nitfi. takes him in teit-awa°t'. do to. go into tcit-a-n-a". counting strokes tou-ku-hu-ta-ni-na". I bite you you taa-w-a"ti. walk. into. stop (a". belt ta'a-xa-n-etfen'. pag-. taa-b-a°. rolled through kah-a'ei-si-ba-t'. go continually tcab-i-sa.98 University of California Publications in Am. contact. chipped oflF. copulate tcab-i-. tcab-i-xa"t'. be on way. tcit-ei. it went through kax-k-oti-wa". striking kaxa'-axuxa". entering. there was a fissure kax-ouhu. lie abed long tana'-usa. I strike first it for you up the remainder of the tent poles erected to hold tou-ninat'. kindlings ("through flame starts"?) kox-ta-wu-h.seems to imply violent impact or penetration. undershirt. Arch. Compare Fox kax -ka 'ana". dancing in tcit-a"-bTxut'. impact. 12 number obstacle of words which denote by a motion. stopping place ha-tou-n-a"wu-n-eW. enter. on. past. tci^-i-. travels continuing. I hold tanou-ku-hu^i. or the meeting of an ta'-usa. and Ethn. inner garment tcit-a"wu.

was far into the night tcen-a-naba'a-t'. to. ta"s-isa"-tfi. headlong. tcih'-a°xu-s. on the bed a^xu-. tax-. rolled across h-a"xu-x-a"t'. ha"tfab'. go down. across the stream a"xu-n-oti-wa". Prefixes Used Also as Independent. h-a"x-ana". "drop" tcan-isa. when arrives ha"^a'-ei-sa"-t'. before. head hatfab-asei. or Similar Parts OF Speech h-ixtc-i-. sew come across! .1916] Kroeber: ArapaJio Dialects 99 B. h-ixtc-is. fall threw him off off. on top of the hill tasihi ' a"ba. across. then he put on mounted (horse) tax-oha^i. at tas-ihi'. chief men woman root hatfawa-n-axu. on. top of a tent tasiha" tca'ota"ya". plunged headlong tas-. arrive t-a"^ab-i-na-usa. the top. of. on. under tcan-isei. flee far tah'-tcani-bihi 'iya^-ni. go far tcan-i-xouka". flew down when it tcen-i-ta-ka"hu. in front ha^aw-unena". ahead. give birth to. go up ha"^ab-i-. above he-tci'-ixtci-ku-s-i-ba. Separate Adverbs. throw me up hixtc-aba. the crossing h-a"xu-iy-ei-n. tcan-isi-b-eit'. " chief -medicine. ha"tfab-i-iia-sa. up. reaching to. far. which he rode tasi ninana. up. " a tcan-i-. at on top the top it ha"i-tas-a-n-a". down. put hands on hih'-ta"x-oku-ta-n'. toward go there ha"tfab-i-nou-isa. before him ha"^a 'ei-tii". tean-ihi '.


University of California Publications



Arch, and Ethn.

[Vol. 12

${-, dei-,

on, upon.

Perhaps more properly



tfi-ok", sit,


put, place


tfi-a-ya", post,

on the back

put in

^ei-ka-h-a", carries

^ei-wa-n-ohu, carrying on the back

has-, ha"s-i-, hard, very, fast, violently.
hana°, hanou, hard
ha'na'ei, ha'na'ou, fast, very fast

very good run hard, swiftly

hasa'a"-t', anesa'a", swift

hasa 'a"-n-oti


"fast-wheel," train


hasa"-netc', rain
has-a"ha-b-eti-t', looking at oneself

has-a"ha-^ana", sights


a sore "Sore-foot-child," a name asi-na-ta, hungers for it asi-na-n-at', anger

asi-ni-h, to


make angry when he became


nou-, na"a-, naha-, out, around,



na"a-hi, go out,

come out walk about na°a-ka"hu, run around

nou-ta-n-in, bring her out!

drive out

nou-t-ahawa"t', dancing out, a ceremony

went out



nohu-ku-tf, lift up, carry

na"a-n-ahawa"t-ani-ba, dance around me!

a"wu-, Ina"wu-, hani-, down, falling.
ha°wu', hanawu', down n-a^wu-hu ', south n-a°wu-ba 'ei, southern berries
tcih'-a"wu-ina", let

come down!

tah*-na"sou-n-a"wu'-nihi-sa-t', while he traveled down-stream

h-a"wui-nihihi, down-stream
t-a°wu-n-iho-a", floating

ina°wu-sa°-hak", dived,
h-ina"wii-a", it

down-stream went under water


hani-naa", fall

throw down


Eroeber: Arapaho Dialects


kou-, kanoii-, long, far.



' '


ka"a"n-ihi', slowly
kanou-ci-bi-tfi-hi-na", I eat a long

kou-^-inat-it', long life

kou-ta'-a"-ba-, lie

abed long some time later

kanou-ta"ta", long

XOU-, xanou-, straight.
xanou, xaxanou, straightway, immediately xouwu, xouw-uhu', straight, straight in
xoub-a", straight
xanoub-i-x-t', straight

tani-xoub-ei, a very straight one xouwu-xati, take this straight xana"-ku-ba, "straight (across) red,"


of a design

xouw-usa, go straight

tceib-i, aside,



crooked crooked


xouba", straight)

tceib-i-s, step aside!

tceib-i-sa-na", I get out of the



jumped aside







he elopes

tce^-i-ka"hu, escape, start
tcetf-eia"t', goes,



tcetf-akouuhu, go farther

up blew him away

wata°-, into the



into a

wata"-s", go into

camp the camp


wata"-ka"hu, go (run?) to


ci-, cix-, seci^-,

senix-, into water, in the water,

8ec'^-a"wu, at the bank, near the river

throw me into the water here! threw him into the water seniex-tcahit', jumps in the water na"-tci-ci-eisa°, come right into the water! hana"-nisa"-cl-eisa"-^i, then both entered the water wa°-c^-e-b, take into the water
hit' tcih-cih-kii-^-i,

hana°-cih-ku-^-a"t', then he


University of California Publications in


Arch, and Ethn.

[Vol. 12

nanab-, north.
nanaba', nanabi', north
nanab-isa-t', goes north

nis-bis-, east


nis-na-, west,


go east go west

naxk"-n-, with, also.
naxku-hu', with, together, including, also ha"-ba-naxku-ha", you might be included nanaxku-ni-hi-tawa, I include it
naxku-n-isa, travel with

ha"t-naxk-a-tce^ ei-a"t', he will go

away with him

nas-, hanas-, thus;

compare the demonstratives na-ha',

again nas-it-a"t', did accordingly hanas-i^etca"-tana-hok", thought of him thus
tSba-, just then, begin to.
taba, then! lo! just then! being about to,

nas-inat-it', thus lived


taba-bana, begin to drink taba-tawa-h-at', begins to chop


ka"x"-, ka"xa"-, again, once more.
ka"x", ka"xu, ka"xa"i, again, another time, then at last

ka"xa"i-ka^e-n-a, again lost

ka''xa"i-naxaw", again

him was near once more he struck one down by kicking
completely, enough, sufficiently, until,

hana'ut'-, hana'a-,


hanaut' bitcixa" tcan-isei, all leaves are falling ha"ix-hana 'uta-ya", now was complete
hana'ut'-ha''ix-ya<?ani-sibihei, until

he had killed

(all) five

hana'ut'-ha"t-icite-n-a", indeed I will catch it

hana'ut'-hah'-naha-'ou, until I killed them
bR-, behi-, behic-, babanei-, all.

everyone, anybody, completely

ba-hi-nihani-x-t', the
ba-tani-ci-nitfi, all

owner of all have a hole cut
have four arrows


ba-hi-niha"-you, all are yellow
ba-hi-yeiya"-una°-^i, all

ba-h-axa"-at', shot all

ha"^ei-, all, all
ha^'^ei, all.


See Text

note 5

ha"tfei-hi^eti-ni, all

that were good

ha"tfei-wana uneiti-ni^i, all




nawu-. well. make a motion move forward. Referring hinix-. keep going cit-isa. surely. very good hin-tca-b-it'. go to eat ni-wa°-ka"huwa. hana"-wan-bi-ii-a"t'. "tied leggings" na-nis-a"ku-hu-niW. Apparently Adverbial. wire fence nis-i-a^eiyo. journey. indeed. plunged headlong nis-. smell good ni'-bi-ni. I went and cut wan-ote-n. go on. good. went to give it go for. then he to him wan-i-bi. good to eat good hunting ni'-baha". "they who go after women" to. it him must be eatable 2. ha^a 'a"-biti. is sweet ni '-owa-be-hi-na". nabi-x-tca-hiSi. eatable ni'-tca"-t'. is fine-looking . tied to. trousers. continue. very tall ni'-. hanux-. to. to. arrive. very. indeed I shall be revenged ha^a'a"-ha°-t-icite-n-a". the tied ones na'-. go to. hinix-iffeti. ni'-ina"ei. I feel well ni-eh-t'. truly. na'-usa.1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 103 C. ni'-tcei. necessarily. arriving. 1. nis-axaya". nabi-. — go after. come to cit-. made a motion forward tcena-naba'-a-t'. ha^a'a"-. burrs. go in order to jump wan-isei-na-hitfi. na"-us. Prefixes Not Yet Found as Independent Parts of Speech Apparently Verbal wan-. go and gather wan-i-tcena'a°. hinix-hanixt'. surely I shall catch hatfa 'a"-ha"ni 'itcei. to Manner — very good water-monster ("very-shooter"!) hanux-u^eti-n.

into the open. go aimlessly. mole ("who constantly runs"?) In-i-. (Vol I. about. skillfully. dragged him along in-i-sa. tci-. tci'-isa. skillfully he lived again ina-. drink frequently neni-na"ku-t'. again. constantly. h-iy-i-sa. iyi-ha"-n. nani-. back.104 University of California Publications in Am. fast. tca'-isa. blind ni-neni-s-ei-ka"hu-t'. more swiftly. tci-sa. and El ha. in-i-kuhi. went around in-i-tatf-ka"hu-h-eit'. out of the tci-bixa^-u-ka". "bum around" was chased about in-itf-i-ka"hu. in front. tani-. Arch. near. without delay nih'-ina-sa-t'. rolled back tca-naih-a"-t'. Referring tea-. come near. tani-xoub-ei. 3. out. very. sprang . go ahead tci-bixa"-. nani-bani. go back back tca"-w-oti-wa". run ly-i-. Apparently Adverbial. indeed. wander. approach i-ha"-n. up ha"ix-bis'-tcena'a". pursue a"y-. randomly. "again killing. quickened his pace h-ina-nawa. a"y-ei-ka"hu. came running out of the timber bis'-." a place tea-yi-ka"hu. up. very straight one nih'-tani-tca-inati-hok". woods. go after. nani-. aimlessly. to Space — returning.

I have no horses n i^e-ti-ni-n. to the degree of being almost grammatical. h-itfei-hi-naxk". flee na-ka"-hu. causatives and similar derivatives of wide applicability but general meaning. resembled (na'a-si. come. who vows hump backed . wet (netc'. na'a-tfi-x-t. to have verb-forming. am is what a coward sacred hi0a"wu-tai-hi-na". you are good be a deer bani-0i-hi-na°. I eat kanane-hi-na". They comprise transitives. bring ni-sa''ku-hu-^i. intransitive i-ka°-hu. intransitives. run ta-ka°-hu. I nanaba-hi-t'. water) hi-netci-bi-ni-tf'. flies yana-hu-t'. he tca'otaya-hu-t'. good to eat natci-ni. food) ana°-tfi-. he who has tentpoles n-eiha"wu-uta-ni-hi. the water-giver. bi-^'. I nana-ni-na".1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 105 WOED-FOEMING SUFFIXES The etymological "suffixes" of Arapaho verbs are not only less numerous than the "prefixes" but far less concrete and specific. eat something. hiha°w-aha 'anaka"-ni-n. bi-^i-. if bihi'i-hi-n. to be. shouts tcabixa"-hu-t'. it is am hump backed I -di. becomes an old man ni'-bi-ni. there are no stones hTt-aka"xu-i-ni-t'. truly I am cold -hu. thus) eat (bi-n. . I am an Arapaho inenita-ni-n'. living bahaei-ahe-ni-t'. -ni. owner of waters niha"-ni-x-t'. that which is good hinana 'ei-ni-na°. be different in appearance -hi. I. were tied nitou-hu-t'. is yellow (niha"-ya") tea 'otaya-ni-na". pledger. you would be well. intransitive. intransitive.

shoot) ni-tana-xa-hei-na°. bring in (nou-. axa-wu. all have a hole cut na'a-si. be in the condition be lying of. wheel) -h. the "prefix" tcabi. isi-si. transport (tcab-i-. back) peg out flat (sa'a-. make travel. thus. See the starred forms under the "connective" suffix -h. bring about. Arch. tcabi-xa-h. take sa'itfi-xa-h. cause to be in condition of. make tentpoles (a"xu-. I get axa"-ba. I feel sick has-owa-. make. became a water-monster it they opened bani-awui-n'. sew making pemmican (tceb') tic-tcibat-ei-t'. give me food! waxu-ba-. causative. be. causative. na"a-. out) tca'e-xa-h. . made laugh axa-ba". feel.106 University of California Publications in Am. bodily condition. hole) ba-xa-h. tca-tcab-ei-tfi. meat t-aseinou-ba-na". -ei. to have medicine oti-wa". [Vol. after he made a sweat-house -xa-h. ba-tani-si-ni-^i. flat) it xouwu-xa-ti. I dig a hole (tana-f. haka"x-ei. 12 -awui-ni. fed them. across) h-a"xu-iy-ei-n. become. spring (bani-tce. strike What at first appears to be the stem preceding this suffix is in most cases an element which itself is normally a is prefix. na'ei-si. straight) / tca-bi-xa"-hu-t'. roll (hoti'. back (tea-. as in so many other cases. cause. summer) -owa. passing) na"a-xa-h.or the "suffix" -xa the true verbal Whether "stem" remains to be determined. thus it is kah-a'ei-si-ba-t'. fractured his head -ba-n. begin. sick -si. t-intcabit-awui-ni-t'. he ka°na"-n-awui-iii-tfi. -wa-n. takes straight (xou-. ni '-owa-be-hi-na". flies (tca-b. and Ethn.

wash one's hanas-i^etca"-tana-hok''. ci-ta-n." make a motion leading to the condition or position deThis "stem" in turn is often a "prefix" in put in (tci^i-. kaha 'ii-sa"-ta-b-a°. bring. ^ei-. to. aheisi-ta-ni. stand (^i-. with. on) nohu-ku-tf. cause to be. hixtcaba. be agreeable (to?) axa"-tana-w-a"t'. holds it tight for him ni-tana-wu-hei-na". tells it to him self) makes fun of him gave to be washed (aheisi-ou. tcatf-i-. capture for ic-ta-n. of. ta"x-ok". attack ^a^wa-ta-n. tas-. he uncovered i6i-ku-0. thought of him thus h-i5i-ku-ta-n-a"^i. for. ride (tax-. for. in. meddle with . wa^anaha-wu-n. -ta-n. be sitting tcan-ok". on) down) -a. carry (nou-. lift. threw him up (hixtc-. do to. make disappear for a"^i-ta-n-a"t'. back. believe ciyi-ta-tf. to. tied to him tou-ku-hu-ta-ni-na°. release. let go (tea-. seize him abita-ku-0. other words. I dig a hole kox-ta-wu-h. took half of her tou-ku-ta-n-a". on. to make. takes him in bas-a-. up) bind ka"ka"ni-ku-^-a". eat up for neiana"-wu-n-a". an intransitive ending -ok*^. they are tied up na-na(h)a-ta-n-eina". bedtime. -ta-na. seat oneself (tcan-i-. away) ha"ix-ixtci-ku-^-a°. write to ata-wu-n. time for lying ^aha'i-ta-n. tci-. projecting) ^i-ok". sit down. sit.1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 107 -ku-0. tou-ku-tf. about. steal ba-ku-ta". bring wood (bas') tcit-a-n-a". when they seized them isi-bi-ta-ni-ni. "red stand. to scribed in the "stem. ici-ta-n. carry. ffei-hu-ff. he killed them for for us -wu-n. out) tcei-ku-^." a head-dress is Probably the same in origin as -ku-^ ^i-a"k". make kousa 'a"-ta-n.

Arch. forms abstract nouns. cover. and Ethn. speech. sickness anet-it'. the painting ka'ue-h-it'. food. speaker haba^-ehi. goal ^i 'a-ya". thing for. "ear-piercing" ceremony "welcoming" ceremony has-owa-be-h-it'. hemorrhage property. that post. tce'-at-it'. belt • dance anger h-a"xii-a"t'. eating basa-iha"t hina-t it' (ceremonial) touching (by old men) it'. to own) . is yellow) niha-ya". an offering ba-tfa"to-a". a large one kataohu. bixa"-^-et-it'. batfi-ya". life hinen-tan-it'. love bi-W-h-it'. [Vol. agent. hasei-ya". clothing bani-ya". darkness bihi'i-ya". which. monument. beadwork (kata-. a crossing bat-a"t'. a asina-n-a"t'. This ending seems to be that of the third person subjective. thief aneti-b-ehi. h-abit-ihi. yellow (niha"-ni-x-t'. 12 -t* ("i-t". oblong niha"-ya". hide) tcawouw uhu. a bleeding tou-tci-h-it'. self (niha-ni-. -ehi.108 University of California Publications in Am. swimmer -a'^. paint. tribe tceita"-h-at-it'. long. night. instrument. -y-a". ohu. -a"-t'). action. voice waxu-c-it'. at night kana° 'a"-ya".

"let me" me. probably of purpose or intent when. tih'ta°-. See text iii. are evidently introductory and appear to contrast with each other. continuing. because action incomplete action complete tlsini- ta"hisi-. subordinating 14 These two frequent prefixes. ti. 29. tah"tisi- after. tei-bah- tcini-. nih'-isi- negative negative negative imperative sometimes positive imperative incompleted action completed action nih-isiha-n-isi- ha»tha"t-iha"t-a°n-it- future. ta°hiisi- ta"husmiha"-ti- optative. which. ' let ha°ha-ih-.' " 1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 109 GEAMMATICAL PREFIXES Grammatical affixes of verbs are prevailingly prefixes. ." quotative conditional. " —ing" the same meaning as the last hawa-tih'- although GEAMMATICAL SUFFIXES -eti reflexive -uti -hok" -axk" -haxk" -naxk" "it is said. whose exact force is not clear. notes 4. " "let us ha"-tih'hih'»ii(9i- "would that!" optative. tcihtci-ba'-. ha"-ix- meaning not determined 'then"i* 'then"i* relatively subordinating or noun-making: ha°-na"ni- "he who. kk-ih'k-a"- interrogative k-a"heik-a"ha- k-a°hui-ha"wutci-. except for most of the pronominal and a few other elements. where" nihhi- nihihiniha°-ta°ha°ha»-tcisiia"souti iia°sou- where while.

bana-na° n-aneti-na" I drink I speak Woku-t' ^ia"ku-t' he sits he stands is The The intransitive imperative the stem. is intransitive negative with the prefix iha°wu- formed with prefixed pronominal elements. Some verbs. and Ethn. tcii-b. ei. as well as the initial prefixes. 12 PRONOMINAL ENDINGS adjectives. The I transitive conjugation is formed by Us __ suffixes. [Vol. ei. the "I-them" form -ou. are suggestive of the possessive prefixes. including numerals. These are: — — Me You Him -a"' -a"t' You -etfena" Them -ou -a"tei -a"t' It You un' -eina" — — e(?en' — -eia" -in a" — -awa" -aw" -a' He -ein' -a"t'i5 -at' We You They -an' — -eina" -ana" -eiana" -iW -ana" -a"^ii6 -einanl -eiana" -eina" — at' -ana" -a"(9i -awina" -awina" -ou -eina" including The above forms have been found on most stems. a. except for the inanimate object. and perhaps certain other forms of the third person object. ka"u-s-i^en'. I The pronominal endings of intransitive verbs. Some e. Perhaps the division should be nei-ha"wu instead of n-eiha°wu. tca-b-I-na". probably the stem for "all. I you he we you they n-eiha"wu h-eiha"wu h-iha"wu n-eiha"wu h-eiha"wu h-Iha"-wu —ba (or -hi-ba) —ba (or — na" (or -hi-ba) -hi-na") In these forms -na" recalls the commonest plural -ba is suffix of nouns. or u. including baxa-h- and 15 sa'i^Ixa-h-. Thus.and ka"u-s. you he or a vowel we you they -na" -na" -^i. are: -na" -n' -t'. substitute u for a as the first vowel of the suffix 16 Second form: he (B) to him (A): -eit'." and the vowel change in the third person. Second form: they (B) to him (A): ei#'.— — 110 University of California Publications in Am. by i. and independent pronouns. Arch. replace the first vowel of the suffix. other verbs. be it e. or a vowel These endings are usually added directly to intransitive stems. .

but prefixed as against the third. suffix in some verbs: na-naha'. is while the third person. but contrariwise in the third person object change a to and ou to ei. -in. except the "A" form of the third person: nanaha'-eina". dence is not so clear. The forms referring to an animate object of the third person are preceded by connective consonants which in the indicative of the same verbs occur before the first and second persons objective. has the same suffixes.) like him! The negative imperative. the as against the second. occurs before all persons of the object. IT Possibly a final surd " has escaped notice in these forms. transitive imperative forms differ somewhat from the indic- ative: -un. object. first is suffixed In this the second person prefixed only is always prefixed . On the other hand. -ei first plural object. The endings themselves cannot be analyzed in all cases into regularly recurring subjective and objective constituents. implies the object of the third instead of the first Probably it expresses only the subject of the second person. The second person comes last. -na° second plural subject and object. but nanaha'-a'^t'. whether subject or object between the first and third persons prece. Them It i^ Me I You hei eO Him Us hei eia° You You He hei nei We You They — — hei — uba nei— ei hei hei — — hei — ei —a° —a" hi — nei —aba hei — a"ba —ana" nei hei hi —e^eba nei—a"na' nei— hei — hei—a"na' hei — hei — ein hei — eiba hi — nei—aba nei — awuba hei —Sba hei— eia"ba hei— hei — awuba hi — awQ hei— ein hei — eiba hi — ana" it hii 17 a''ba The person. like like bixa"-x-u bixa"-x-un' hi-s-in' me! him! like them! fear him! haseina-b-in* bixa"-t-a" bixa"-^-eia° bixa"-tf-a hate him! like it! like us! do you (pi. . The impression given by the endings is that the two elements of each occur in a fixed order not so much according as they represent the subject and the object as according to the person denoted. is This confirmed by the transitive negative conjugation with the prefix -i-ha"wu-. animate and inanimate." e —a e a a — 1916] Eroeher: Arapaho Dialects 111 in the first and second persons a. when is there are two elements of this Such a form as hei-ha°wu-bixa°-^-e^ also corroborates the inference that -e^ in bixa"-^-e^-en> the part that means " I ". are clear. nanaha'-eit'. although -n^ for the second person singular object. the stem vowels change according to the kill. with prefixed tcl-ba-. nanaha-ein'.

. Am. 807. except in so far as they all occur only on transitive verbs. 1911. by the consonant Am. with any other than its characteristic consonant. between stem and connective consonant gave no Meaning see strike Verb a"ha ta" Me b21 b21 b2i You b b b b n n n s s Kim Us b b b b [n] You b b b b [n] Them It t hate shoot tell aseina tea itawii bi w w w b n n n X s w w w b n n n [x] s t [t] t t eat reach fear cut like ouxa"-ta i b n n n s s <?22 n [n] s n [n] s s w w t ka"u bixa" sa'i^i-xa s X t e e e e e peg kill flat h h23 > strike ba-xa na-naha h h > h h > h h } [h] h } h h > h h t These connectives or instrumentals change somewhat according to the person of the animate object expressed in the pronominal endings which follow them. Anthrop. [Vol. on the other hand. 12 CONNECTIVE SUFFIXES The 6. Such variaa which are illustrated in the following table. later as a connective characteristic of each verb. At first regarded as part of the pronominal suffix. n. bii-n Ethn.^^ in fact. and bii-h. . find.-° It may be added that a search for a possible phonetic relation results. Jones. The four other consonants. Except bii.112 Vniversity of California Publications in Awi. xv. had been recognized as a causative. these consonants were later seen to correspond to the " instrumentals " of Dr. Am. except by the remotest implication. but are invariably preceded by one of five consonants: b. They certainly do not in most cases refer. loosen. 22 23 X with subject of second person singular and third plural. Arch. and Ethn. to a part of the body or a type or shape of instrument. 1904.. transitive pronominal endings are not added directly to the s. 403. ana"ka-b. Bull. n. 693. 476. 20 Compare Michelson. 21 w with subject of second person singular and third plural.. are clearly of phonetic origin.. 40. stem. h. There are also scarcely any observed instances of one stem appearing. 18 19 But s. and ei-n. This is the only stem found with the glottal stop.^® The designation instrumentals there' ' ' ' fore seems of dubious applicability in Arapaho. where substantially the same contention is advanced as regards Fox. ci-h. Anthrop. which occurs both as capture. s. a radical change undergone vi. under the same or an altered meaning. tions. do not appear to be significantly instrumental in Arapaho. n. and in part according to the stem. ana"ka-n.. -h Before this. Bur.

Transitive -b. which lack connectives. catch. -w a"ha-b ana"ka-b a"tana"ta-b abita-b aseina-b ayiata-b Ijas-ana-b see loosen (also with -n) buy steal hate pursue closely think of highly bite ka 'a°-b ni-b marry bathe strike bite help cut. This followed by one giving the principal ascertained intransitive verbs. question (noti-h. CLASSIFIED LIST OF STEMS A number ' ' of transitive verb ' "stems" list is follow. scare up take. is inanimate. come with breathe in. tousa-b ta-b ta°ya-b tahi-b ta-b tca-b wa"-ci-e-b break off shoot take into water -n outaya"-n awiina-n a"ina-n iyiha"-n. yiha"-n isa-n icita-n. especi- from -w to can scarcely be due to any merely phonetic laws.1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 113 when ally the object denoted by the pronominal suffix -t. seize nou-ta-n tci-ta-n basa-n bring out take in. seek) go with. bii-h give find koutesa'a-n ka"a5ei-n ka^e-n ka"koua-n ka"ne-n kayei-n chase. ta-n hang up pity to dry know go to. ite-n. cut) pull out. bring touch eat bin bin bii-n. pursue alarm. The author is sees in this thorough difference of form when the object inanimate a further argument against the instrumental nature of these connectives. ata-n. go after. arranged according to their connective ' suffixes. pull off nouxa-n nou-sa-n nota-n n-itfa-n meet drive out ask. drive off cut open belly lose grip on envy open (ka"u-s. suck in nitou-n .

and Ethn. ita-s fear meet.114 University of California Publications in Am. suck in ouxa"-ta-n ici-ta-n. notice visit With suffixes -wu. open) carry out pierce. show make disappear for With suffix -leu: ('i-)tou-ku-0 tfei-ku-^ bind. take. ka"ne-n. carry bind release ata-h -axa-h. capture cinouhu-n tou-n. anger) think suffix Starred forms show this with an indisputable causative force. tanou-n ta-n resemble hold pour kick ta'xa-n wa 'awa 'a-n With suffix -ta: go in. -axa-h *asini-h -i-0etca"-h 2* give bring. -X at. make) tfa"wa-ta-n kousa'a"-ta-n na-naha-ta-n ci-ta-n believe attack kill for capture for tie to touku-ta-n tca'a-ta-n tcei-ta-n perceive. back. tie to ka"ka"ni-ku-^ nohu-ku-tf nisa"-ku-d tcei-ku-tf put in uncover lift up. ^ei-ka-h carry on back cut tree down for write to imitate a bear tawaha-wou-n wa^anaha-wu-n waxu-ba-n -S. draw in. love ka"koutci-^ sixaha"-tf ciyi-ta-0 scratch do thus. etc. make hole in give here unite paint -e tanas tcei-s wahani-s waxu-s a"^a°-e aJ^ei-e a"ka"-^ aneti-^ bixa"-tf rub narrate take home speak to like. be angry at (asina-na-t*. ci-h take. Arch. go to bed with tfei-wa-n. carry (in. (n-)i-s ita-s. [Vol. . arrive come to ba-s ka"u-s nou-ta"-s touch cut (ct. ic-ta-n reach make (n-ici-h. 12 ci-n. reach. -ha: ata-wu-n isi-bii-n eat up for lay down.) anger.

cause to smoke ignore. transport. go to bed be lying shout. ^a"a-h tfa"ku-h tfei-ka-h. meddle with. take carry. sting cover up search for. right. pierce. favor a"ku-a" a°t-a" awuna" atfixtce-hi ana"^i atei-ni atei-yaka-ni hitfa"bei ixane-hi ina"-ei inenita-ni inikati isi-bi isi-si hunt be well. atei-a" make noise. rise to surface of water weep. not know strike give medicine find to. fall pick fruit make dust get up. atou. ici-ta-n deceive. bii-n give pipe to. itou. scatter Intransitive ouhu ou* ot climb hang comb thaw. ci-n *tcabi-xa-h *tcitei-h wawa-h capture. grind. bleed be red hot be curly haired drink smell bai-ni bei-tcixu baba-a 'ei . cry wash snore ^a°ba Oibi have to do with clothing cut hair hide. rise. roar (cf. live play lie down. ride patch on chip off . stay over night come to a camp be true.1916] 1 Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 115 *h-itca"-h iya-h ba-xo-h. so provide for. seek (nota-n. tfei-wa-n *tfia"ku-h koxtawu-h ka"kax"ka-h kataya-h *noti-h crush.bana. be warm stand be closed shove be different make camp. kohayei ka"kou kaxou-hu dig drop. enter a hole Wya-hu koxuna koxahei ka '-U8 ka'uyeka"outha"hei. forcibly) follow carry on back make stand do to. ask) natani-h n-iei-h. chew (Oaxan. n-itou-hu) h itou ita"-ei beg take arms be bloody. ba-xa-h *bata-h bii-h. cause to travel cause to enter. ben* bana"^ei basayei bixou biwa"-hu hahisi touch emerge. let in throw over. trick make whip peg out flat nicka-h sa'itfi-xa-h ci-h. copulate with stab. doctor ^ouu-h.

bind) be cold tou tai taye-hi be ashamed tcena 'a" teani tcastc tcatecti tcin wiia° wa"^a". so far as their meanings permit. search na'ihei-. eat noti-h. 12 kaxa'a kanane-hi ka^a"!!!. make noise saya cicitci chew stretch eiyiha"ti disappear strike (tou-ku. trouble. be dead be blind own sting. eat basa-yei-. a"in-. irritate nih 'a". lay down ici-ta-n. look. shoot sa"ku-tf. touch bii-ti-. make basa-n. inhabit isi-ba-n. The following are the principal observed cases of a more extensive Transitive akii-hu-. stay isi-bi-. waxusi y an a-hu vow In general. kana°a"ni kou. live. be lying hanita-. aci-ta-. touch bii-n. kanou-. without further change than that produced by the modification. loss or insertion of an "instrumental" connective. n-iei-ti-. ask naha'. a"ina-n. n ici-h. [Vol. or vice versa. whistle. dent be a coward be slow swell (kou-. lie make ici-hi-. naya" na"tfa° away na^ku^ei na"nou nani^e natca. breathe (cf. noti-hi-. kill nib. nih 'aa nibou-ha n-itou-hu sase-hi use perfume shout. kana" crack. do. kill ni-ni-. hurt. find bi-^i-. and Ethn. marry tca-ba"-. naha'. itou) play. nota-n. naiha"-. transitive stems are used intransitively. fissure. shoot bind sa"ku-hu-. hurt plant.116 University of California Publications in Am. do. cook be warm isi-si. Arch. marry tca-la-. be tied . far) fly kaya 'a-hu na-. Intransitive a"ku-. netce nenina"k" niha-ni take off (clothing). dress stay push get ready menstruate die. bii-ha-. seek. flay scratch cut. bury rest in water abound paint pledge. know hinita-(t). long. know down. thaw. wana"tfa" jump skin. kanou. find bi-n. bii-h.

hani 'iha" hanaxa'ahi'i. ha^a". robe. leg. adjectives. ^eikana" tfiw". herbage. nicitcaha" ni'ihi. medicine. or This has been observed on numerals referring to them and not in the nouns themselves. bitei'i. is also common. -ha"') . hanaxa'ahiha" hata". cisa°wa'*. nitcihaha" hou. haxa'ana"ka". parfleche beic('). tcibat*. sinew. hair braid. man . arm. ha°ka"xuiua" nic'tceinan*. tooth. raven. -ha" (probably really -a"'. ha^xei. ha'^kuha". baxa" wa'a"^'. wa 'aha. 6 becomes bata". watceot('). buffalo bull . tobacco . heart. banoxa" bas'. bird. ha'uwanatfa" benec. raven. wood. waxuwa" wou. eagle. ha"kuhuha" hani 'i. wax". buffalo calf. above) ha"kiihu'. nic'tceinana" (for nic'- tceinan'na"?) batceot('). tcaotfa" . tca'einatfa" (ct. bridge. waxucitana" ha"ka"x". bag. buffalo. tube. chief hana"tca". ghost. -e. sweat- hI6'eina". antelope. wolf. river. The most common plural haha'^t*. foe. baseit*. head. ^iwana" -a". whistle house. this With some slight or apparent change of ending occurs also in the following words wax". cottonwood. hou. wrist. bata"ha° nicitca". final vowel. buckskin (probably antelope skin). tree. wouha" tca'einox. boy. houwa" (ct. below) waxucit'. stone. grass. -c becomes or -x. liver. gender being expressed by the verbs. gun. mouse. hic('). saddle. beitcita" tcaox". wa'a"ta° beitci^. medicine. hataha" waxu'. -6 Before it -t. penis. . . hinen'. above) ' ha'uwanux. urine. . woman wa 'a. stomach. dove. nose. . beitfa" case. -a. ant. boat. ni'ahiha" nitciye. worm. hisei. suffix is -na". kaka°x('). wana'. blsa"^. tent pole. haha'ukta". hou.: 1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 117 Nouns PLURAL Arapaho nouns take a plural this distinction of suffix whether animate or inanimate. na^tca*^. moccasin kakuiy. painting. batceotana" ^k". change to a and -x becomes -$. waxuina" (contrast waxu'. Comanche.

mountain sheep. ha"wu ha^a"'. wasa°tfi habas('). bihi'i tca"tfani'i. woman. ha"tetci wasa"tf('). hafia'u (ct. leaf. club. this with a stone that man. ha^a°. kaha'a"wu hoseina". arrow. tuxkana' banina"t' nitca-ou-n' bitcineni-n'. u>ii. creek. [Vol. wa"ketci hota'. Kiowa was handsome. man struck . -n*. hotei ba°cisa'. lake. hoseinou wa"ketc('). usually an objective. hi^a"xu kaha'a°wu. hiwaxuha"xabi CASES An It oblique case. netci ni'etc'. Arch. tca"^ani'i wox". woxii wa'ax". seems to be formed by Msei."o^a" bitcic. eye. objective hisei-n('). bitcixa" tcicihi. bear. habasi hitfa"xu. and Ethn. note 28. this ha°ixnouxane nitcihe-hineni-n'. star. Tuxkana' gives a blanket to Bitcinen'. kaxawu hiwaxuha^x. wot naha' nitcihe-hinen' ni 'babanahaxk". ni'etci ha"tetc'. water. naha' hinen' tawa"t' hi'ihi' haxa'ana"ka" hina' hineni-n'. ba"ci8ei ha"w". hititfi^a" (sic) (sic) Lengthening or vocalization of the i>I. tomahawk. final vowel is fairly frequent a'^>ou. penis. night hawk.: : 118 University of California Publications in Am. 12 tce'a"ox". horse. he^abi ka'a". suffix dog. he met a Kiowa. tce'§. hotfi bihi'i. above) wanatana'. hiti^i^. au. tciciha" kidney. cattle. a>ei. prairie dog. meat. was observed on a few nouns. ocean. a. compare text ni. arrowpoint. beaver. nail. ho^'. ear. wa'axu netc*. guts. deer. coyote. house. wanatana'ii Apparently formed by a special YieO.

netci tca'ota"ya". cottonwood tree. recalling both one type of plural and the objective. -u. general locative. also -i'.) Their hibacibahaina" Somebody 's .) Their neixa" neisana" heisana" hinisana"(n') heisananin' nasaha 'a hasaha'a hisaha'a" hasaha'ehin' nasaha 'ahina" hitanehina" basahii'a Somebody 's hinisananina" beisana" Word Vocative My Your His (s. tetcena"na' tcaseix. my tent. haha"ti'. haxa'ana"^a' nina". It takes the is more fre- forms -ha'. hi'a"tfin' bei. wheel. grass. awl. tent pole. h-a"ba' hoti'. ha"kuha"na' haka"x. beiha' nitciye. ice. spring. nayei. n'. also serving as an instrumental. nina"na' lia°xeb'. water. tcaseiya"na '.) Your (pi. -i.) Our (excl. one.) Our (excl.) Our (incl. river. his leg. in the doghouse POSSESSION The personal possessive affixes of nouns are illustrated by the following examples Word Vocative FatJier Mother na'a" neina" heiha" hinan' heinanin' neinanina" heinanina" hinaninina" beina" Older brother Daughter nata natane hatane hitana" hatanihin' My Your His (8. gun. nayeiha' (plural) hi'a"^'.) Grandfather nabaciwa" nabacibaha habacibaha hibaciwaha" habacibei-hin' Son ne'i Sons neih 'a"ha" heih 'a"ha'' hi 'a^ha" Bobe (hou) neih 'a° heih 'a" hi 'a" heih 'ehin* natou hatou hitouwu Our (incl. head.) Your (pi. haha°ti-n' bita'a"wu. tca'ota"ni haha"t'. ax. nitciha' haxa'ana"x. hi'a"ta'. road. -ba'. earth. bed. ba'a"na' ha"kiiha". waxu 'una h-a". kakuiyana' tetcena". door. wa'awu hefi-aw-akay-a-ni. kakuiy. tent. hotiba' netc'. haka"x"ina' kakuic. hill. -na'. bita'a"wu waw". in one spot wax". ha^xebina' ba'a".: ' 1916] Kroeber: Arapdho Dialects 119 A quent.

Arch. Independent words transto questions. ta"teiha° who what where whenever ha"tax" tou tousa" tahou. nuhu hina' hini alike for singular and plural. what kind how many for tou^ouhu how much. and Ethn. at what -price A real latable personal pronoun does not exist. nat-aha°ti-bi. my children net-a^abi-bi.) Your (pi. ani- this that. Interrogatives ha"na ha"you ha"ta". " " your. it is thus. and their may The "vocative" in ' ' ' ' ' ' : ' the terms of relationship is the term of direct address father ! ' In the other words given. or of reference only Compare: na'asi. thus. my tree hit-aha"ti-wu.) Their hatouwun"" hitouwuna" ba^a" hitaSabibina" nayeihina" hayeihina" hiyeihina" Somebody 's Some of the above forms under ' ' our. Pronouns The demonstratives. or near the person spoken to that. na'asa". all three This perhaps denotes acquirement of possession. which are mate and inanimate. the corresponding form in parentheses the nominative. tahoutax" when why. alike. is Several nouns show a suffix with labial consonant in persons. his tree my dog my kit -fox na-na"tca"-wa°. Dog (heO) [Vol. ta"ti. nanii- hisou. na-nouhuha-bi.) Robes (houwa") natouwa" hatouwa" Penis (ha(?a") Tent (nina") nei^a" hei^a" hini^a" neta^abibi heta^abibi nayei hayei hiyei hayeihin' hita^abiwu heta^abibin' Our (incl. ' really denote plural instead of singular nouns. nE'a(9ixt'. are: naha '. invisible. na'eisi. my chiefs na-teia"ni-wa". or by English pronouns occur only in answer . resembles. 12 Word Vocative My Your His (s.) Our (excl. visible.' ' ' : ' 120 University of California Publications in Am. he resembles.

he. Without the suffix. They are verbs formed from a demonstrative stem. ha^tfa-b'. on account of hi^a"w-uhu'. I am crazy man" The ''independent mine yours his possessive pronouns" are also verbal sentences. what) -ba. some time later beyond (kax-. through) over a hill kanaw-uhu'. nana-haxk" must be "he" am a Compare hineni-ni-na" hisei-ni-na" it is I I haha"ka"-ni-na" am am a man that I am. to be so) ^ei-n-ihi'. many times hu '-uhu '. under (tcan-i-) on (tas-i-. what price homeward (tou. along. kox-tf-ihi'. -wu. nana-bi. north na"ta-ba. it is it "I" 'he" he. -uhu'. south hawaho-uhu'. during ka"-kaxu5-ihi tou-^o-uhu'. above (hixtc-i-) toward (ha"tfa-. ^einei-si. hi '-ihi '. obstinately. "I a woman a fool. at ka"ka"tf-ihi '. with a possessive prefix and a subjective suffix of the third person. really. slowly (kou-) xou-w-uhu'. inside koutf-ihi'. '. is the commonest ending of independent words of adverbial or prepositional force. straight (xou-) tcan-ihi'. unduly nih-ihi '. ba-h-ihi'. several of the stems occur as prefixes of verbs.: 1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 121 occasionally for tautological emphasis. with. tax-) ka"a"-n-ihi'. violently. all (ba-) na"-uhu'. over. nana-ni-na" nana-ni-t' it is I. at the same time kanax-uhu'. meanwhile. hixtc-a-ba. tas-ihi'. is another ending of adverbs. -bi. truly (hitfa"bei-. up. ha"^a-bi-) nana-ba. ha"wui-nih-ihi '. opposite the door . at the rear of the tent. ours yours theirs neinis'ta"t' ("he is heinis'ta"ti hlnis'ta"t' neinis'ta"tibina" heinis'ta"tinina° hinis'ta^tinina" mine") Adverbs -ihi'. down-stream n-a°wu-hu'. whose stems in some cases also serve as prefixes of verbs. out from the river or valley (nou-) hanawu-n-ihi '.

hard.) ha-nai-0' ha-yeini-5' Cardinal na-nisi-xt' na-nis-et' na-nisi-^' na-nis-ei na-nai-^' ya-neini-S* ya-natfani-fl* Ordinal na-nit-awa-t' tcaseix nis* na-nit-awa-(na') na-nisi-awa-t' 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 nasa". Numeral have not yet been ob- served. four bands. under ground naxuta"wu. initial y of the stem turns two sounds has been mentioned before. further enlarged by the ending -na' sometimes ani- when inanimate. and in the vocabulary are those used in mean " — times. fast.: ' : 122 University of California Publications in Am. like verbs with the prononinal endings animate. and when classifiers mate has the ending portions are referred -t'. herds. Counting 1 Cardinal ha-nisi-xt' (an. is The In stem of the cardinal numeral "one" the same as that of "two. earth hi^a"wu. except -a'^na. nanahis-ou." the stem for what may be its original form. very fast na'asi. on the prairie hi^awa°wu. or and which may be a locative or collective yaneiy-a°na'^-na'^. nit. formed -i-i. and inanimate. reduplication. in sentences are -ei.or with prefixed to n.) ha-nisi-^' (an. above ground -OU: han-a". towns.) ha-nis-et' (inan." The cardinals used -i-^'. alike ha-na'. 12 -a"wu refers to the ground bita'a"wu. is employed when camps. and Ethn. They occur of these either with a prefix ha. what Numerals The Arapaho numerals given counting. thus. [Vol. ha"-y-ou. by the suffix -awa." -ix-t' but has the corresponding singular suffixes and -e-t'. The stems for "one" appears in "nine" and "ten" The ordinals are This is are used without reduplication or the prefix ha-. who. Arch.) ha-nis-ei (inan. formed. very hard ha'na'-ei. han-ou. nasax yein' ya^an* nit-a"-tax" nis-a"-tax" nas-a"-tax" ha-ya^ani-^' ha-nit-a^-taxu-tf' na-nit-a"-taxu-tf' ha-nis-a°-taxu-^' ha-nas-a"-taxu-tf' ^i 'a-taxu-ff' na-nis-a"taxu-^' na-nas-a"-taxu-ff' 9 10 ev^ bata-tax" na-nisi-awa-(na') na-nasi-awa-t' ya-neini-awa-t* ya-na^ani-awa-t* na-nit-a"-taxu-awa-t' na-nis-a"-taxu-awa-t' na-nas-a"-taxu-awa-t ^i'a-taxu-awa-t' bata-taxu-tf' bata-taxu-awa-t * . the ordinal and the forms for "six. with reduplication. ha'na'ou. In this reduplication The relationship nis. which to.

. -a'.' ' '' . in 6 to 10. Michelson or some other investigator better fitted by capacity or long occupation with Algonkin than the writer. and any analysis making a pretense at even approximate completeness was impossible. and ha^tax'^. is far the most difficult form of speech encountered by the writer at first hand. . 1 4 5 7 tcaseix yein' 11 ya^an' nisa"tax" nasa"tax" 14 15 17 18 tcaseini yeinini ya^anini nisa"tax"ini nasa"tax"ini 8 40 50 70 80 yeiyu ya^aya nisa"tasa" nasa"tasa Other forms: tca^xa**. How much remains to be done in Arapaho before the language is really understood is revealed by the The purpose of them will not need the advice that for nearly every point explained there is a problem For these reasons raised. nita". found also in tahoutax**. one. is these notes elucidation. . notes that have been added to the appended texts. animate. or u'. nisaha'a. first. Several hundred pages of Arapaho texts were secured by the writer. one. and several that are not even touched on. after all. but whoever consults the entire body of texts recorded has been put in the possession of the American Ethnology. Algonkin. But the foregoing description is. 1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 123 The numerals from 11 to 19 are formed from those for 1 to 9 by the suffix -ini. before. without a study so thorough-going that the background indefinitely other would have crowded into work which was a nearer duty. as represented by Arapaho and Yurok. with change of preceding consonant. another one tcaseix. it With the possible exception of Eskimo. The suffix -tax^. nlsa'^ouhu'. which occurs also on words denoting measures of time the tens by the ending -a"'. appears how many. in the hope that under the hand of Dr. both. TEXTS Only enough textual material is presented here to illustrate some of the leading structural and phonetic features that have been outlined. their publication will Bureau of ultimately result in greater usefulness than could be attained now. inanimate to be tcEsa '. whenever. not more than a sketch of part of the salient traits of the language .

may be -ehi. 1 — my — — — my — . -naxku-n-. Am. nanitane'ina"^ hear us. [Vol. bixa«^eti't^love. grandfather. xviii. -eina". hase'isen** wind hi 'i'^eti good. -a". swift. 12 TEXT I— A PEAYEEi ha°-heisana'nin' Ha! our father. ha^'^a*^ neixa»'2^ Oh that! my father! kakau'^etca"3° thoughts. teibah'tcaha'^tl" all listen I water hatciyawa'^ni'na"^^ Your food-remnants ha'^twani'blni^*' we will go to eat. denoting the agent. hicic. to the vowels of which their initial vowels are assimilated. diminutive. sun. 13 -ha". nih'-. natci^^ in tcesaehe'iha'^^^ animals. 10 ha"^i. mention. stem. naha-hana'xa 'ahixi-and boy nax '-hine'n and hanatcixa^ye'it of all ages. -w-. 8 Cf ha. our. very. water. tcixtca 'a'^I-* listen. 1907. Notes Bull. below. and. 9 These two words were heard as parts of the preceding ones. nabaeiba. I him. -hahi. an ending of adverbs referring to the ground.may be part of this or part of the possessive elements ha h-in*. optative. 3 -n-. hanaw^'natl't happiness ha"tmni^ixanabe^en^^ We will eat you. tcasae'hi Animal ha^^itca'^ini^° listen hi(9a'^'wa'^wu" under the ground naxuta^'wu^^ above the ground tcasae'ihi animal. Nat. violently. teia^na' children hanateiha^ye'it^^ of all ages. with. a prefix of verbs. 6 na-. hanihi'i^e'hi^' May they be good ha^tihiteihika'^'ta"^^ ha°wa^a'w^ breath '^^ hinaiti't^^ life! ha"tihiawa"ho'ua" May increase hise'hihi-^ girl May there be long hina^tanl't^^ the people.sa'a°t'. father. naba'eiwa'^^^ na"nihi'i^a"a"-'' for my grandfather what I ask. hard. 5 Also a prefix of verbs. face. us strength bi'ciwa^^^ the food ha^neika^'hu^i^^ while runs hiel'c the sun. transitive imperative. na-h'^baclbe'hin'* and grandfather. plural. hi'sei man batabi' old woman. pi. 315. ita. -ehei. connective. bah'^e'ihahin-^ old hanatcixa^ye'in of all ages.apparently equals ha^ti-. woman. swiftly. -in'. ha"tnmioxane'ia"nou-* It shall give man. 4 na"' or nah" is "and". the -h". bita 'a"'wu earth u'^etin'' good. for na°' or nah". na'yeitci timber i'i'^etin^ good. and the prefix of verbs has-. hlci'^ day ha^e'? All naha 'a^se'hi 'it the shining ones nanaxkunihi 'itaVa*^® I also nl'ha"ya" yellow..! ! ! ! 124 University of California Publications in Am. -ehi. connective. 2 1st pers. inclusive: neisana". Mus. -ehi. and Ethn. or final -hi'i. Hist. incomplete action. . Arch. he me or they us: thou us is -eia". 7 Cf. 12 Locative of netc'. bata"'^^ heart. 11 -a"wu.

is or contains the stem. -n-. eat. The form has the appearance of a locative. where. -ha'. think. i^e appears to be the stem meaning good. -hahi. usually with the intransitive suffix -hu. he will be about to touch her. 33 ha"tni-. recurs below on abstract nouns. 27 << Vocative. -hi. note 10. behic^nic'tca"^ All antelope hinaninouyuyaxkan was her clothing. Plural. -bah'-. eat. behi 'i. connective.. as in last word. cf. etc. optative or precative (cf. -eia"nou then would be the pronominal ending. 18 ha°tih'-." intransitive. hanibia^^e^en let ha^^a^hok^ said to her nah 'nihaya" "And yourself me love you. while." hacita"nani please. one form of future of intent. give me food. man. except for the abstract ending. stem. Indefinitive possessive prefix b-a-. i. 2* ha"tni-. -n. incomplete action. . ka"-t-a" suggests the "prefix" kou-. -b-. ha^natcatcka'^hut'^^ Then he returned taxtayehit^" ashamed. in spite of the -h. to bring. 23 baha 'ei. bihi'i "Deer. -hi'i. in the second word following. think. hitaxa'^hok^ He came to wotix accidentally touciniehin one who was pretty hisein* woman. woman. nihi-. long. cf. b-ei-. -eOen. compare tcatf-t-. he who. life symbol. Compare the stems for old woman. bi. evidently to agree with the unexplained -n of the present noun. 21 Unanalyzed. 25 Unknown derivation from bi-. hinen'.appears to be the connective. carry. go to do. hinana'ei. connective. 32 bixa"-^-etfen'. "Deer" then was ashamed ha°wo-nih^ot-bia 'a°t^^ at being deceived in loving. — TEXT II— AN ADVENTUEEi bihi'i "Deer' ha"ixlna"ei^ now went hunting. hiteni. for ni-. person. regularly a shortened form in terms of — relationship. regular in the negative. wan-i-. purposive future. especially to run. 19 Cf. i-ka°. possessive. all. and n-ih'-. old. child. 16 ha^t-.. occasional in the positive. I love you. hi-. and for grandfather. possessive. nih-. axa-wu. as in note 4. -axa-h-. nih'-. ta°ba" Just ha"tnItena'^hok^2 hlna^nanax ha"ixwosatouhin" then she cried (like a deer) tcestcatcena 'a° suddenly jumped. incomplete action. continuing. 26 ha"-. kaka-xa 'anata". 20 Plural (?) of tela". ha'^ixaneitaxawuina^^ Then she motioned for him to approach. " 1st pers.of -axa-h. note 10). though -eia" is thou us. perhaps ni'-. -oxa-." wa"hei "Well. for -it see note 19. notes 10 and 14. perhaps 30 -i^etca"-h-. -ih' probably denoting incompletion of action. to move. 28 Imperative: cf. with 2nd pers. -tcihi-. imperative. with perhaps the diminutive suffix. note 9. to his surprise tcatcebita 'eixa^'^'^ ran oflf ha°i 'blniha^haba^® Then he saw she was bihi'i a deer. above. not fully clear. -ni-. the stem. hanaxa'aha. purposive future. ni-. diminutive. take. 29 na"-. ha"ta"ni-. -ni^ixana-. "Crumbs. possibly tci-. 1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 125 1* tcl-. bihi'i ha^ixtaye looking back.. i^ha"tih'-. cf. -ne-. thought. I you. kanou-. young man. good. The ending of the next word changes from -t to -n. or ha"t-. 22 hisei. hinenita". tcahatf-t 15 imperative. -it'. hanaiyiha^t^" Then he went to her. far. to 31 my. no doubt containing the pronominal ending of the 3rd pers. Arapaho. w-a-." ha'^^eihok^ she said to him. unanalyzed. note 19. xanou® Straightway ha"ixtcetcl^ana'i then he wanted to court her tah'*nahawa"t'^ when he saw the hisein* woman. that which.

he him (a form different from those given above in the table of transitive pronominal endings. -hi. -at. aimlessly. behici-. back. etou. tea-. 20. ha"ixnana"ni^a"kua° then his eyes looked different. a"ha-b-a". -a". he. 5 ba-. deer. -hok". 1" Perhaps from hixa^-O. when. 12 ha"ixxa"ta 'einin Now later ha"ixinikuhina". 2iha"ix-. ite-n. taye. for tah'. naye^a"na'' In the camp-circle bihi'i "Deer" wa"ti like bihi 'i wa"ti Like bihi'i a deer a deer. ite-n. pursue. make a motion to. she who turned into a bear. bini-h-. or more probably from -awui-ni. 19 tah"-. 8 Cf . 10 hanaha"na"-. a"tak". completely. Am. for -a"t'. tceib-i-. bah-. : — = him. -ei. back. and no less common. ita-s. 7 tah"-. in-i-. -a"t'. Am. possibly from -ku-^. 18 ha°na"-. as above. subordinating. to. itou. run. 22ni-tf-. jump. and Ethn. iyeiha-n-. Hist. I will love you. 2 For ha"ix-. all. for itou or atou. When he was caught. bii-h. . become. hunt. and the independent word wa"ti in the next sentence. xxviii. intransitive. 11 Also a prefix. the stem seems to be the same verb of motion as in the word referred to in note 8. -a". to love. possibly from bii-n.?. i2ha°t-ni-.(?). because. 4 An apparent instance of the objective or oblique case: hisei. all. Cf Michelson." as in notes 5 and 23. 20 Perhaps the intransitive verbifying suffix -hi. ' ' ' ' — . begin. he him. be ashamed. -t'. equals -a"t'. travel. Rept.. tea-. again. shout.?. 20 ta'-. for. 16 ha"ix-. Ethn. or perhaps reduplication here. iyiha"t suggests the analysis iyi-h-a"t'. Arch. which see in note 29 to next text. -hak.. bihi 'i "Deer" ha"ixtatina" now had his ha"ixbahaneiaiia"^' Then all mouth open. find. uncertain. backward. take.(f). i-ka"-hu. ina". but their relation is not yet clear). "jumped about". Mus.126 University of California Publications in Am. but here heard as a separate word. wos-. pursued. teesis-. 25 Again the prefix "all. -tc-. causative. as in the preceding sentence. -hi-na"ti-n. na"sitca". intransitive. and -n-. ha°nl At last ha"ixtcmin' then he ceased bihi'ihin-*' being a deer. from -wu-n. [Vol. but evidently contains the conditional. aside. see. but the form otherwise found is stem iyiha" with connective -n-. -ku-hi-na". wa^ti like bihi 'i a deer tcatcena 'a"^* he jumped. -t'. connective. babanei-. nisitca". Nat. as in note 5. about. conditional. na'a^lclhit' For this he is bihi'i "Deer. wa"ti like bihi'i a deer hahna^kiihnahak" he fled habahiyeihana"tak"^^ all ticitanat-* on the prairie. for iyiha"-n. he. he sees — . n-a°ha-w. For ha"ix-. see note 29 to following text. see note 3. when. for -haxk". held him. 23ha-. he him. transitive. compare ni-waxu-na"t'. Bur. reach. i3ha"ix-. nIMouhak-" he cried. make a noise. cry. meet. 9 For ha"t i-bixa^-^-etfen'. h-itaxa" in the third word of this text with this ' ' stem ' ' compare ita-s. shout. they say. at random. tea-." named Notes 1 Bull. begin. as ante. 6 Also a ' ' prefix ' ' of verbs. catch. as the word in note 22. 15 Cf. -hi. again. intransitive. here: go to. 1902. 1912. woman. and -hi.? 1* Cf.1 then was chased bihi'i "Deer" ta'bihi'ihina"tin-° became like a deer. 24 tic-i-. it is said. crooked.?. when. see note 2 -wfiina". bihi'i. xviii. 3 -hok". tcena'a". behi'i-. with. antelope. again. 237. Ann. atou. -n.

na^'ya^neinia^wa^nl" But the fourth time ha°ta°na'>hoku-^ she made a hole ha°tca'>ci by means of hi'ihi' with beiha^'a''^^ an awl ha"xuti at the left of the nTna"na" door in the tent. ha^'xutl at the left of the door ha°na"eiwa'^ha"wa"ti* Then she looked out hlhl^I'i through nuu that a"ta"na"tlhmi hole hl^'i through. had told her na^ha'^na^eita^seini^i^ And then he came to hmini his wife. ha'heitc "Here!" ha^^eihoku^^ he said to her na''Ina"sa"ya"kani as he turned back. ta°hma"tca"(9eia"ni(9'^* when he turned back. na^na'^teiti" a powerful one hlna'^ha'^teineiti'' with tangled hair hlha'^wuxuwa^'^ is who hard to satisfy abou* ha'^Ina"ya° He will make a noise ha'^ta°nlta°sa '* when he will come na° and tciba°yei^a°eini do not look there hita'^seinihina^ku^ where he comes. na°ha"tcIta"ka"ha"wa°hoku* And she did not look at him. ta'^tciteia^neiti^" ha°^eihoku he said to her: ta°nia'*cina°na"=* "I na"tcia"xa"wu" give When he came in am hungry. . ha"eita"wuna"hok" He told her ha"ta"nlna"eiti^ when he was about to go to hunt: ha°na"ya" "Mind! tclba"ta"ka"ha"wuna°* do not look at him ha^tanita'^seini^ when he comes to you a°tltci plates. na"na"tca°Isa°ya"ka"nei^® And he went back ha'^tlsa^ni^i''' ta°tcmeia"ha"wa"ti* when she did not look at him. na"ha"ma°eihok"^ He went to hunt.. hma"ha"teineini^i^* he whose hair was tangled. hina'^ha'^teinihini^i^^ one with the tangled hair. 1916] Kroeber: ArapaJio Dialects 127 TEXT III— TANGLED HAIRi hinen A man hlnini his wife. ta'^^a^niheiti he failed nuhu that one ta"ba"tlta"seiti'' on first coming nuu that a"ha"ka'*neinei^i-^ demented one. ha"tea"Isa'»ya"ka"!^" he went back to nuhu that where he had come from. ha'^na^ya" mind! make a noise. ha"yawuta"sei(9i^ whenever he came to nitcIta"ka"ha"wa"hoku* her who did not look at him. ta'^huhi<9iwa'^ha"wa"ti*' as she looked through."' ha"^a"hoku^he said to her himnin^^ his wife ta"tca°^eian'^* when he went away. tciba"neia"ha"wuna"* do not look at him na"na"teiti the powerful one. iia"na'*tca"^icma'»eihoku^'' And he went to hunt tlcinlhi^a"ti^'' after he hinml his wife na"na"na"^a'^hoku he left tlna"eiti^^ to hunt. ^* eiha"i^a"hi^i'^ "Let me see him!" ha"haku Ae said. ha"ba''tcitcitei^° he might enter ha"yeia° 'a*^^^ your tent. ha'^nixa'^tihok^lived alone. beiha'a" an awl. ha"ma°ya'^ He will hota°iiItoutca°na"^i® he will shout. me to eat.

her open. ha"iia'*iblwa"huti^^ Then he cried. The informant spoke with elaborate slowness and distinct syllabification. nisa°u both •'•' ha^na'^'a^hia'^*'' were boys. 1903. na°ta"hana°wa"m^i" And when he had eaten ha'^na'^ika'^^eineit'^* then he slit wa"ha°imsei^® She was pregnatt with twins. man. ha°itca"ti^mi she did not answer. na"ha"na°a°titclheiti And then she gave him for a plate hlwa^nlna"^^ her moccasins. hinlni his wife. which. ka^xu Again ha°na'^ielblni^i^* then she lay down ha^^i^eineihi 'i^^ flat na^na'^ "That is iti ha"(9a"hoku he said to her. nlsa^na'^^® the twins. not the kind use for plates. Arch. hiha^wnanisou 'u^^ "It is iia'^titcita°na"='2 I not the kind use for plates. ka"xu Again ha"inE"eihIti he said the same. The slow utterance of the present informant may have caused nasalization to be heard where it was not organic. Notes Publications. na'^ and tca'ixa^ one a'^ha'^I^eiku(9a'i** he threw under (9a"ya"ka'^xu the right side of the door nina^na'^^^ at the tent. ha^na'ii 'Ita"iia'^ti*^ Then he took them tca°xa'^''2 nuu that ha^na'^ 'a^hla"*° boy ha"na"iwa"cieiwa"ti*^ then he put in the water one ha"xabeina'" in the spring. ta°nlcla°ti*^ when he called her. on her back. the author noted only a° and a". ha°na°a"titclheiti Then she gave him for a plate hlbixuta^nlni^^ her dress. ta'^na'^na" "Very nearly!" ha"(9a"hoku he said to her. ha'^na'^tci^ma^ha'^wa^ti^' Then he went in to see. Dr." open. na^ And xa^xa^nou**" straightway lia°ia"ini^^ he knew ta'^na^einei^i^^ that she was dead ta'^tca'^ti^eini^i^^ when she did not answer. Michelson nasalizes o and perhaps other vowels. Anthrop. 12 lia"^a°hoku^^ he said to her nuhu' that hlseini^^ hana°a"tltciheiti-^ Then she gave him for a plate ha^eina"^'' a clay one. 1 Field Columbian Museum . Series. had placed ha"Ina°kei He returned. as Dr. ha"^a^hoku he said to her. ha°ha"eikR"^eini^* She was slit neiteinihl^a^na'^ou'"* "I told you. Michelson says. hiha" wna^isou 'u "It is na°tltcita'^na° I haha^ku he said. To this are due the numerous nasalized vowels. ^ ha°na°na°^itca"^ia''ti*^ Then he went away tic^eiku^a'^ti*'' after he teiiyana" the children. tend to disappear in rapid speech." hana°a"titelheiti-^ Then she gave him for a plate bacina"^" a wooden one.' ' . ta"na"na°' "Very nearly!" ha'^<9a"hoku he said to her. [Vol. v." ha°na"a°tltclheiti Then she gave him for a plate ka'^ka^ha^wa^ti a war-bonnet. ha"na"iia"^ina"hit' Then he went off. na-hma^ni*** this ha"einlci'ia*^ he called hlnlni his wife. ' 128 University of California Publications in Am. 378. and Ethn. though Arapaho long vowels were usually heard a" was sometimes confused with o. woman.

negative. the "suus-ejus" distinction has been far transcended. first begin to. ha"ta"nl-. with implication of completed action. -hok". 13 Without the final -n in other occurrences in this text. "then". tou-. the same stem seems to be used to express the meanings of anger and hunger. negative imperative. and. -ni. the force of the paired Arahapo forms would be somewhat similar to the contrasting Yuki particles sa"' and si'. to. he. causative. what). 18 Compare the corresponding form in note 6. ina"-ei. inanimate. away. tcit-. Cf. animate. cf. Eep. he (B) said to him (A). in. -ti. cf. away. although the slight importance of the trait at best. "quotative". probably for hihifl-ihi'. tciO-i-.1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 129 or doubled. 7 iha"wu-. 24 ta"-. and. stem. ha"yaw-. 12 ha"-^a"-hok". quotative. stem. such double vowels have in this paper been represented by single letters with the macron. huhitfi-w. . go to hunt. plural. ha" -you. off. a"ha-b. i-sa". tca"^-i-. let me. -^i. tca^-i-. na"-. 26 asini-h. of which one indicates the continuance and the other a change of grammatical subject or agent in the sentences which they open. 2 The ending -hok". hi-. -fla"-.(also independent. when.is evidently a form of the independent word hihi^i'-i or hitfi'i (as below). ta"-. . enter. which are represented. asina-na-t'. As the writer in studying other languages has. but the writer is under the impression that. 237. -nitfi.. ha"ti-. when. and are to all appearances verbs. ha"na°-. and on words denoting measures of time. intransitive. na"-. as ante. with pronominal prefix. and written as geminated for -t'. only. 6 These two words contain the 3rd pers. 5 ha"tani-. he (A) said to him (B) ha"-^ei-hok". Am. 1* ta"-. as in the preceding text. by ei and ou. tea"-. probably containing -ei. Ethn. Michelson as a stem meaning "say. tca"^-ei-. see. ha"-^a"-hoku. after. entering. to stop. i(?i-. 1912. just. whenever. if the translation obtained is literal. which both imply stirring emotion. -ti. Text ii. go. The tendency to double crest long vowels seems nevertheless actually to be fairly marked in Arapaho. given by Dr. Cf. future. ita"-s. Bur. Ann. found this apperception to be largely an individual peculiarity. ti-. ya-neini-awa-na'. see note 6. It appears that a similar distinction is made in other verbs in the transitive pronominal endings. 19 na"-. -ti.for ha"ta"ni-. -a"-ti. or by stopping. tih'-. ina"-ei. when. ta°-. 3na"-. after. hunt. and. 3rd pers. anger. but evidently pronominal. perhaps regularly loosely proclitic rather than prefixed)." is common as a quotative. to see. the fourth. pierce. tana'-. tah"-. -hoku. ha"t-. jjrobably related to ha"ix-. ta^k-. ta'-. probably make its orthographical neglect preferable.?. to anger. in Arapaho at least. 22 ya-neini-awa-t'. modal-pronominal. note 12. except long e and o. nah". also the fourteenth word below in the text. crazy. . cf note 1 itou.. however. would mean "whenever" (independent. as heard. and the cumbersomeness of its appearance in print. note 3. ha"t-a"-. he. -na". 17 t-. go to hunt. -na occurring quite regularly as the subjective and objective element of the 2nd pers. . ha"-. 25 tfi-. tci-ba-. purposive future. Michelson. -hok". 21 haha"ka". when. -ti. come. and. not determined. make hole in. 9 hota"ni. ha"na-. nei-. see note 29. or has the similar sound of the English words led to confusion in translation? The ending -na" is the regular intransitive of the 1st pers. not clear. go. a"ha-w. ending -(ei)-t'. xxviii.?.. tanou-. 4 tci-. the two forms serving rather as a convenient and valuable means of expressing over considerable passages the ideas which in our legal documents are rendered by "the party of the first part" and "the party of the second part. i-sa". 8 Cf. ticini-. 10 tcitei. The two contrasting forms are probably related to the two forms of the third person in Central Algonkin. 20 ha"t-. note 5. "quotative". 23 tanas. ta"ba-. The ending -ni is evidently the same as is found on the cardinal numbers from 11 to 19. as. 16 tic-. because. back. a"ha-w. where. 11 These words all contain a locative suffix. to come to. when. particularly from this informant. ha"-tax". ei-ti. come. 15 na"-." If this view proves correct. a frequent form of the negative in verbs.

Compare the endings of the two occurrences of the stem: -a°t' and eit'. For ha°. for tca^-i-. 56 biwa"-hu.alone see note 4.once means that. 37 na"-. take. to enter. this. one." The myth refers to a time when the Arapaho at least knew pottery. it must be he. Perhaps best: he entering saw. put in him. -na". -ha°. and -wa. 01 Transitive a"ina-n. -ta-na. plural. when. -hahi. ata-wu. bite." They appear to be relational to the discourse as a whole rather than syntactical or grammatical. For: naha' hinen*. plates. 41 ite-n. .u-6. entering. translated. he enter-saw. mentioned in the preceding text. in. nuhu'. ha-nis-ei. isi-bi. -na". moccasin. catch. wa°cie-b. and a"wa". young man. nana-ni-na". away. 34 ici-bi. plural." since it is followed directly by the pronominal ending. he 45iia"5i-. plural -na". usually a "prefix. and Ethii. axa-wu. wood. diminutive. -hi'i. n-ei. that. This word illustrates excellently the difficulty in distinguishing in Arapaho between verb stems with adverbial prefixes and binary compound verbs. 32 a"titci. to see. 44 i-tfei-kii-tf for dei-'k. or h-a"ta"-. — 47 teia".130 University of California Publications in Am. for -a"'. visible. dress. he (B)—him (A). ante. 50 Or xanou. adverbs. and haaninin. it is I. eat up for). for. in 43 i-wa"ciei-w for wa"cie-w. of. ha"t-. 46 tic. occur. -a". as "lime-men. This form seems to be intransitive and without pro48 nominal suffix. just below. 39 ms'. hana"-. is lacking. The force of these two common prefixes is not clear. 31 i-ha"wu-. eat. [Vol. lime. white earth. 12 2" tei-. Informants left them untranslated or rendered them by "then. wa'aha. The expected ending -efien'. also a prefix. negative of verbs.seems to be the part . is found on independent verbs. Arch. and notes 8 and 16 of Text ii. counting. a wooden one. 28 Objective of plates. in subordinate verbs. ka"ne-n. cut open belly (ka'a"-b. once when. 40 hanaxa 'aha. 52 ta°. hina'. nana-haxk". 49 This transitive stem seemingly is used without the usual connective consonant." here obviously the "stem. tca"ffi. future intent. the commonest suffix of 36 Compare naha'. child. -a". a"ha-b. as discussed above in the first part of the section dealing with verbs. cut off). See note 38. two. ha'aninin. to. I of the word meaning I. cf. or tisi-. he. -eit'. bixiit'. For the ending -i-na" compare baeina". ka"u-s. ka"a^ei-n. 35 -ihi'i. I. completed action. here and elsewhere in the text. -ihi'. take into water. lie down. positive or negative imperative. a"xa"-wu. 30 Compare Gros Ventre ha'a"ty'. to cry. two (counting). cause. as in note 44. -h-ei. either the initial nor the final -na" denotes the first person. the Gros Ventre name for themselves. the A and B forms according to the table of pronominal endings.?. perhaps in false etymology. plural. causative. as in note 29. -ha'. inanimate. -a". open. after. wa'a. her. ta"-. from bac'. 42 Compare tcaseix. correlative with ha"ix-. eat (cf. and. ha"na"-. -ta-n. 54 55 53 tci^-i-. when. a"ha-w. 38 i-ka"^ei-n. 33 hi-. —you. For: hanaxa'ahiha"'. -ba. give to eat! hisei. better 29 a"titci.

ha'a-n-i^a. b'-teibyi." butterfly. ba"a° bis. ha'a"-ty'. "red louse. down along a stream. a large person. Distinct: -iba-. Assiniboines. "left-hand rabbit. consonantal substitutions. batf-ei-(y)a". baxa-a". Gros Ventre. hitana"(n)-i-bi. red wood. a large one. na°k"-5-otei. nixa"t-ou-i^a. nawat-a"ts. bas-inita". ' large gopher. Gros Ventre woman. a"wu. he is red. "flat nose he is. large mouse. and reduplications or similar expansions. ba^-ani ' flat. louse. he is white." bedbug. but the laws by which those of they are governed are not often clear. increments. white-man woman. habaty-inita" (haba-ty'-inita"?). na"k-a"t8. bas-ou. na-na"ty-ix-ty'. inanimate. waota°--ii-os. wanot*. "white belly. a large thing." donkey. ba^-a"tsu. ' ' . "some one's louse". Certain sound correspondences between the two languages have been pointed out in Part I. Arapaho : -i-^a-. "pierced nose they are. I was red headed. n-a"w'-na"tyinei. "flat louse. rabbit. ha'a-n-inin. planks. be-ic*. is flat. independent stems of the same meaning others are the same. ba"as-8ba°-na°. ' ' prairie-dog . "thunder louse. "red porcupine(?). " lower- " Sioux. buffalo cow." cut ' lumber. white clay. nose. wos. Composition Some body part stems when in composition are dissimilar to the ." flea." cottontail rabbit. b-eie. bana"b(a")-a"tso-na". it large. na''ts''. kaka-tyi. kak-ou-bi^. . down. "white rabbit. I have he is large. bana^-ei-(y)-a".'ta-na". bear. bax-ou. nix-ba-a'a-na". nose . black bear. red eyes. fla-n-iba-ty'. "large person. 'i. banatf-ei-tyi. na"ts-ou-hitana". tfei-teibyi." badger." jackrabbit. a"wu-nihi 'i." pig ' ' ta-n-iba-ts." a giant. lime. some one's belly. red. is ' rat . he is red. white buffalo. "flat ' ' wood. Vocalic changes. are frequent." Nez Perce Indians I have a large nose large nose I am.1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 131 PAET III NOTES ON GROS VENTRE Phonetics The sounds of Gros Ventre have been discussed in connection with Arapaho proper. he is flat. red (animate) bana-ty'. large (inanimate). banaba. bei-teibyi. it kaka-ya". I have red ears. bei-x-ty'. baxa 'a"-teibyi.

ha-kuha'^. in composition only." Flat-head Indians -taxE-. [Vol. "grass their houses. -i-yei. I have large breasts Several other nouns occur in two forms -okay-. "breast water." sap waota"-nots'. bl-tsit'. breast-water. 12 -a 'a-. -yei. banabSs-tina-na". Arapaho: ba-ti. tooth. house. . ha^tyis-taxsL-na". and Ethn. I have ugly eyes Identical: ityi-. I -*tan-. head bei-^e 'a. Arapaho: -a°wn. belly." whisky bete (n) -nits*. eye . house. water. wa-^ana. I have pretty teeth : -o^ana-. wa-n-otan. " the Minitari wasoin-hiyei-hi-ts. banaba^-'tan-(n)a°. independent word with possessive pronoun nln*". banas-6^ana-ni-na°. Arapaho Arapaho : bei-tci^. tooth . nixa"t-ou-nets'." a Shoshonean tribe -a^w**-. be-so^. eye. white water tsok-a"w''.: 132 University of California Publications in Am. ear. . wana"^-ityi-na". netc' ba»-a"w''ha"<i'a°-nets'. house. ba-sona"^. Arapaho : a 'ei- . "flat head meii(?). water. mouth." milk be^'-nits'. "(?) -houses. 1 Arapaho: wa-not. bana^-a 'ana". ninan'-a"tsota-na°. neck. mammae . nets'." coflfee "white man's water. red rain nana"k-a"w" nets'. black water "black water. be-tyi'. milk. Arapaho -akac : or -akay. Arapaho wa-natana : '. nina'^. . "wood-water. I have a large neck -tina. bl-t^ '»" ( or bit-^ '^"^ ? ) . breast. Arapaho : ba-clsa. neck . belly. head . Arch. independent word without possessive. be-ten. muddy water waota°-n-a"w". in composition only. I am large headed kaka-a 'a-nin. am ugly mouthed ear . clear water hou-n-a"w". hair." "they have grass houses. wux-n-okay-an. am small-bellied -a"tso-. head. mouth. wa-n-ot^. Arapaho : ba-^en-etc'. wana''wa"^-a"ts6-na". I have large ears -a"tsota-.

"was about to". Arapaho: tei-. "let hax-. PRONOMINAL ENDINGS AND CONNECTIVES The intransitive endings are Gros Ventre I A rapaho -na" -n« -t' You -na" -n^n -ty' He We You They -nin -na" -ts(') -na" -na" -Si The intransitive imperative is expressed by -ts. ha"-e-. nabinaye-x-ts6-. perhaps. ihi-. Arapaho: nininih'-. incomplete action. niya-x-tso-. nih'- Arapaho: ha"t-. subordinating.: : 1916] Kroeher: Arapaho Dialects 133 Verbs AFFIXES OF MODE AND TENSE The tense and mode in Arapaho. Arapaho: -ehi. Arapaho: tcasisna"wa-. incomplete action. Sufflxes Arapaho: -eti. -ohu -n-axku. ha"ta"ni nih'-a°ta"-. Arapaho: nawu-. -h-axk". Arapaho: past unreal supposition na"tfei-. tah*- when. interrogative. past ha" 'aHa"-. talk! This ending has not been observed in Arapaho. completed action. Arapaho: na"xeiaffixes A few etymological tca"-s6-. present. make a motion to. ha°t-i-. negative. ha"-tih' ta"-. present. anity-i-ts. ka"hei-. na"-. Arapaho: -etyi. added to personal ending. perhaps: once continued action completed. Arapaho: nih-isiha"ta"ni-. Arapaho: nih'- nih-ise-n-. try to. me". -ya". if. past. interrogative. n-. ka"hu- ha^-ex-. affixes observed are substantially the same as Prefixes nih*-. Arapaho: -a". tcih- ha°-(n). future. n-axk" ending of -ya» many adjectives in the absolute or inanimate form. na"bi-. and ha"ta°Arapaho: kih'-. that. agent. . ni-. ka"ha-. past. probably of intent. optative. future tso-. ka"-. reflexive. -uti -ehi. tsu-. Arapaho: ha^-ti-. have also been distinguished Arapaho: nayebegin to. interrogative. now ha"ta"-. tsa-. -ohu. tse-. conditional.

suffixes used formed by -i-ha^wu-. and Ethn. Arapaho. Gros Ventre -eta -a" -a" . Corresponds to Arapaho s.' 134 University of California Publications in Am. I do not see 25 you 26 27 Unparalleled in Arapaho.1 I—you I it (pi. them they— me they—him.-a» -ei -a -ei -'. tci-by-in nihi'-in shoot him! kill him! The transitive endings occurring with the interrogative prefix ha^ex. Arch. [Vol.(and its phonetic modifications). to be based on the use of the prefix tso.-a° -ana" One of the two personal elements seems to be expressed. Gros Ventre Arapaho -eOen^ -a"' —him —them I— you—him he—me he —you he—him they—you they—him I I—you -etin -u . -in'.has not been observed.) -etina" -ou -e^ena" -ou -awa° -ots' -awa" -a"t' -ein*" -ein' -eina" -ein' -a"t' -aty' -ein"«(') -ots' -einani -a"tfi The preceding consonant or connective as in also undergoes change much You b Arapaho. The negative conjugation appears tci-.are evidently the same as the in the negative Arapaho personal Arapaho -ee -a" -a". the other understood. J I —him you — him. I am not small he-tsu-na^ha-b-et'. corresponding to Arapaho The equivalent of the Arapaho negative ne-tsa-asa". un'. As in Arapaho. I in I-ha'^wu. 12 The transitive conjugation is substantially the same as in Arapaho. . Verb a"ha ta" tci ta<9a eaning see strike Me b You b b Him kw25 Them It t w by n t27 J w shoot kick tell by by n t27 bit26 t27 n i kill naha The transitive imperative is -in . am not swift na-tsa-atces6u-hi. them he—me he—him. them I—you -a"na -e -'.

-in. -u. (h)ani'iha» i^osa" neih*" ^a^a"ya 'ei ^a0a"ya 'eiha" puss wus na"k''^otei wusha" na°k"^oteihiha" na"k"tiyehi'"' donkey bald eagle turtle fish na"k"tiyehi ba'anou na"w" baxa'a"-teibyi nitsa butterfly river ba'anouha" na^wuh"" baxa 'a-teibyihiha"2i nitsaha" Lengthening of the final. horn parfleche 28 ninis bitsit ninit bag houwanos houwanot Apparently different plurals on the same stem. -ha". -an. often surd or inaudible. vowel to -I." or compounded with it. as in Arapaho. -abi.1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 135 Nouns The plural -n. . corresponding to Arapaho wos(o) (h)iwaso" be^a"tya (h)ouu nouba" bii hii?"" bear elk woso'n (h)iwas6hin betfa"tyan wildcat crow fly (h)oun nouban biin feather bone tent stone hi^an nin"" (h)axa'ana"tya" ninan (h)axa'ana"tyan . nots wanatanou notsa" b'teiwuh28 water louse b'teibyi Words Arapaho dog for "domestic animal. deer bihi'i bihi'ihi beaver skunk cattle (h)abes 0OU wa"kety' (h)ot««> (h)abes6i done wa"ketyi (h)otei mountain sheep wooden house ear batyi^ou batyi^ou 'u wanatan nets'. -na"^. ' ' insect hiwas 'ha°d dog ' ' (h)otiM hiwas 'ha"tfebi bi»a"ha"»ibi bitfa"ha»d A few words change tooth final -s or -ts to bitsits -t. take -ibi.". (h)ot^ ' ' horse. of nouns shows the same types as in Arapaho. -i-na*^. a^tsu na"8ity na°ts* (h)ani'i i^os nei mouse antelope rabbit a"tsuhih"n na°sitya" na''ts 'ha" gopher muskrat otter squirrel cat. as in Arapaho. or a phonetic equivalent. elk-dog ' ' dragon-fly.

or. earth. and Ethn. as at earth stone parfleche bags bita 'aw" (li)axa'ana"tya" houwanot (h)a"w"' houwanote (h)a"ba' bed in The types of possessive pronominal prefixes are those occurring Arapaho. arrow. and money. includes many names of lifeless things. river. wagon. is a verbal sertence. pine. log. sage. formed by a vocalic suffix. [Vol. mountain. bow. mowing-machine. the so-called "pronoun" it is it. several times in Arapaho. grass. occurs before with a vowel. 12 Animateness or inanimateness of nouns called. which do not move. Word vocative Father ni^a" ni^ina" i^ina" iniflina" Mother na'a" neina" eina" Son neihe' eihe' Grandmother nip eip my your his iha'aha" iniwaha man" our (incl. sky or clouds. rain. rainbow. moon. spring. The third person frequently shows a vocalic suffix increment. adjective.) iSinan anitfinan'?i your iWnanina" Grandchild niso nisa isa Word vocative Mother's brother nis 'ha" nis' as' isa '»" Hair nanif" anit"" init"" Mouth netyi etyi' ityi' my your his inisaha" somebody 's bit" betyi It is probable that an h-. iron.) our (excl. or numeral. cedar. is indicated in the con- joined verb. bita'awu (h)axa'ana''tyei of which denote A locative is moving objects.' 136 University of California Publications in Am. the verb. tree. pipe. all the above words written as commencing Pronouns As in Arapaho. willow. stone. stars. it is I was will be I it is "they. gun." they . Arch. and wind. which travel and snow. water. Inanimate are the nouns for : . as they should collectively be The "animate" gender. ni-na ni-na-ni-na" nih-na-ni-na" ha"ta"-na-ni-na" ni-na-ni-ts that I is it " I. Such are sun. lightning. which is fainter in Gros Ventre than in Arapaho. " it it literally. thunder. however.

Here the 6 of "two" and Twenty to 100 are made by Here s -ou. nl^a^tosoin. him!" hana'yeiso'* if tso'tya"ts enter. ySnin. 39 anhayanou.) ah-yatani-ts (an. beta^ta^ou. nisoin. "First" is nitawu. tained without the prefixed reduplication. 1000 bas beta"ta^ou. The difference of consonant in the animate cardinals for one and two animate intransitive ending ' ' ' ' ' ' ' follows that in Arapaho. tya" 'a"ya"tei biS yatan-an-ei. animate. 1 to 9 by -in. noted is -an-. . -a'. yatanou.) 29 Ordinal ni-nit-awa"-ty* tjadei nitfa 2 3 ni-nisa-uwa"-ty' na^a yan' yatan' neitya"tos iiT^a"tos natfa"tos ni-nasa-uwa"-ty' 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ye-nana-uwa°-ty ye-natana-uwa"-ty ni-neitya"tos-awa"-ty' anhabeta"tos beta"tos ah-beta"tsi-ts (an. ' ' ' to The only appearance of a " classifier Arapaho -a'^na. -a"'.' ' ' ' 1916] Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects 137 Numerals Counting 1 Cardinal ah-ni^i-ty' (an.) iih-nisi-ts (an. ha"-yatan-ei.) ah-ni#-ei (inan. Eleven to 19 are formed from tya^ein. is becomes Twenty-two ni^ou nisoin. 200 ' ' n!^** beta"- ta^ou. inanimate. yanou. neitya'^tosoin.) bata"tos-awa"-ty' The above ordinals are animate." five piles of sticks TEXT IV— TANGLED HAIR ini'n houxni^a"teIba"a" was living alone. anhabeta^tosoin or anhanl^ou." a"'t'asoj'ha"'te'i when he was away 29 i'n-ini'n this h5uu'ta"wu surely n5unenta"te'ihini some one came. na^ou. 6. Arapaho. great hundred. a"'tasna"ka'ni In the morning hou'xa'atso'u lie A man hlto'uani in the evening went hunting. to its Arapaho form. corresponding "heaps wood five. wa"tyinana"'nna"tye'ity' he returned. na^a"tosoin.) ah-yani-ts (an. a collective. nS^a^ta^ou. tso'tya^ts enter tsab 'hi 'Isiin do not let a"hi'ta"wu' And indeed he is about to him. The inanimate forms lack the The form for "second" was ob-ty'. s. anhabeta"ta^ou. yatanin. nohuutc'ha'ntinan "When I nohuu'^a"ts when comes ta'ta" "Even am away.) iih-ni^-'' (inan. Arapaho -ini: nasoin.) ah-na^-i (inan. "three" reverts ta^ou. ini'ta" a person. tsab'he'i do not tso'tits'ne'hin invite wa"tyi'ta"tyi he told her ini'n^ his wife.) ah-yan-ei (inan. Or: ha"-yatani-ts. -oin. man. -u': nl^ou. neitya"- nT^a"ta^ou.) ah-nixi-ts (an.

wa'^tyina^'ni'i Then she began ityho'uwin not to a°tyl'tsha°tyi what to use as a plate. tana'n'na'^ that is wa^tylte'ity^ he said to her. And a man ouxtso'djRni it wa'^tymehi 'i She began to byitsiwa"na° cook for him. [Vol. ni'watcl-ka'so Constantly she changed anatyi'tsaha'a'^ his plates a"h and hou'uxnl'^^ the same 1 nite'idj* he said. houxtci' again n6une'nita°te'hinin some one came ti'iso' but did not nu'hu that ini'n man. nu'hu that ini'tan person nuhuu' who inounenita^te'itan came. tsa'bh'' 'isi'n do not let he is about to him!" wa°tyi'ta"tyi he said to her inl'n his wife. wa 'e'idy'ya'^ts "Indeed he didl" niwatci'teity^ she said to him. h6u'xka°kanitak5'utyln Then he flapped hitidje'na" the door. a'^h 'ine'n no longer. very near.' ' " 138 University of California Publications in Am. wa^tylna' 'nl know Then she began notyana^ta" to think otna"djrts^ha"tyi what to use as a plate. wa"tylnehi 'i' She went to not the kind use as plates. 12 rninm His wife naxka'^'ka^ just hitso'watcatcini would not say anything.' . hi'ni^an hou'xtani He made as if i'^awu in tso'tsodja" enter. nan 'i' every kind." wa°tyi'teity* he said to her. wa^tyina'n And she went and a"tyltsha"ty' used it WU UU "Ha. was who entered. naxta'^' naxta'< And agai again ho'uxats '5u went hunting nu'hu-inen that man. a'^'hta^^ itsonani'^ou "That is na^tyitso'tan I And again. hana^'dya^ "Now tsotya"ts enter ta'ta" even hana'yeiso if hi^awu' in tixi'i' tsotya"ts' enter. wa^tyine'hi 'i Then she began bihl all hatyi'tsaha" to use her plates. wa'^tyinehi 'i'tsa^nine'ixty She began to restrain herself tsodja"ts "Enter! wa^tylta'^'ty' she said to him. hih* 'a*^' "Is that so?" ni'watcita^ he said to her. a"li no'hu that ini'ta" person And ka^ka"' just Ii6uxna"a"(9a"'t' walked about. not the kind use as plates. Arch. ha'^axtso-noune'nita"t "Has some one come?" ni'watyita^t he said to her hini'n his wife. nah 'nou 'u^a'nts Returned hi'n-inin this hou'xna"tcitana asked her: man. ha"hu'ityinabut he did to itsowatyi-istsS'd ja" not enter. ho'huso"' When she had byltsi'wa"na cooked. wa'^tyine'hl 'i Then she went and nat 'a'hni drew off 'I axnl'^etyin one of hiw^a'xa her moccasins." a'natetyin change a°tyi'tsha°'tyi his plate. him'n'a" His wife ha"hItso'watyatyin would not sa. a^hlyo'u-wa^tyl'nits And he said: itsiinani' 'i^ou "That is na°tyi'ts5ta" I wa'^tyl'teity' he said to her.v anything. wa°tyma xnl He was about to i tayanl' tsotyanits enter. as a plate. wa"tymehl 'I' she went to ha^a'wa"ty' give him food. and Ethn. haxkouta'nixty^ When he was away long.

L. 1916 The Delineation of the Day-Signs in the Aztec Manuscripts. Alden Mason. by A. L. by A. by Pliny Earl Goddard. Pp. 4. 1907 . 11. 6. Pp. Kroeber. Harrington. November.. April. 1908 .. by Juan Dolores. Kroeber. 1. 1-12. May. February. Tequistlatecan. T. by T. December. C. L. by N. 1916 - 30 40 70 . together with Yana Myths collected by Roland B. by J. Pp. by A. Pp. December. 271-358. Waterman. The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco. L. 5. 38 text figures. 31-69. 1. June.(CONTINUED) Vol. Pp. 45-96. Pp. Pp. 1916 Pp. 3. Kroeber. by Constance Goddard Dubois. 29_ 68.50 Index. March. 1910 _ Index. 4. 1. r. Pp. 187-234. 1-106. Waterman. L._ J. April. by Edvard Sapir.00 10 1. Dixon. The Emeryville Shellmound. 1915. L. C.. plates 38-41.00 Vol. Pp.. by A. by William Pp. 1908 The Eeligion of the Luiseno and Dieguefio Indians of Southern California. by Max Uhle. 1914 Sarsi Texts. 189-277. 139-194. Record of the California Indians. 2. by Pliny Earle Goddard. by A. 1916 Arapaho Dialects. Pp. Composition of California Shellmounds. April. 1. 1S15 „ Dichotomous Social Organization in South Central California. 1911 The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians. February. by Pliny Earle Goddard. 381-385. 1909 The Ellis Landing Shellmound. Pp. by A. with 1. Pp. Pp. 427-443. Pp. by Edward Winslow Gifford. pp. 1914 Index. plates 1-15. by Edward Winslow Giflford. 9. 1911 2. pp. plates 6-20. February. 10 45 66 1. 1912 Papago Verb Stems. by A. 297-398. from a Manuscript in the Bancroft Library. 1910 271. August. Kroeber. 1908 The Ethnography of the Cahuilla Indians. November. 1908 The Culture of the Luisefio Indians. 359-369.78 60 75 VoL 8. pp. plates 1-5. 273-435. Pp. 3. September. 1916 Miwok Moieties. 3. plates 13-14. 289-379. June. Chilula Texts. Pp. 1-29.00 10 05 1. 7.. 6. by A. A. Pp. 6. Pp. plates 21-28. 6.. 3. 13-44. 399-472. 279-290. Kroeber. by T. 1908 _. Nelson. Phonetic Constituents of the Native Languages of California. plate 20. February. 55 . Porno Indian Basketry.UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS . platei 36-50. Pp. 1. Pp. Kroeber. 1913 Notes on the Chilula Indians of Northwestern California. June. L. L. July. pp.. 1-176. by N. Texts. 4. February. 1908 Notes on Shoshonean Dialects of Southern California. Nelson. 1916 Index in preparation. March. August. 97240. by T. 1-27. Pp. Pp. by S.. by A. 5. plates 1-12. 265-288. 1. 177-188. by Edward Winslow Gifford. 71-138. 1910 The Chumash and Costanoan Languages. 235-269. 7. 1910 Index. Serian. L. by J. 6. Kroeber. L. June. and map. 133-306. Yana 2. 2. 291-296. Kroeber. Kroeber. 3. 69-186. 2. 1911 The Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language. Pp. 1914 November. 237November. 4. 36 1. 2.00 70 VoL 12. 241-263. June. 437-439. A Mission 2S 76 1J25 J50 36 80 Vol. T. 357-426. February. Pp. 4._ _ _ „ Eecent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California. Barrett. plates 15-30. by A. by A. December. P.75 25 30 1. 1909 The Religious Practices of the Dieguefio Indians. Pp. 7. plates 1-45. Pp. Vol. Pp. Sinclair. by Pliny Earle Goddard. March. 3. T.50 85 1. by Philip Stedman Sparkman. 1911 Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language. 1-235. 1912 Phonetic Elements of the Dieguefio Language. 2. Kroeber. 309-356. and Hokan. plates 21-37. Kroeber and J. April. 10. Pp. California Place Names of Indian Origin. plates 16-19. Waterman. plates 32-34. October. 107-130. Alden Mason.25 2. 1916 The Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan Based on the Vocabulary of De la Cuesta. Pp. r 231 text figures.. May. Elements of the Kato Language. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Begion. Pp. L.

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