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TARBELL GINN AND COMPANY boston • NEW YORK CHICAGO LONDON • • .:m. AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Edited With Introduction and Notes 1^ IDA M. SPEECHES. SELECTIONS FROM THE LETTERS.
S.A. TAR BELL ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 911.6 GINN AND COMPANY. COPYRIGHT.Cy.PROPRIETORS -BOSTON U. - . BY IDA M. 191 1.
and if so. it out in his own life. particularly as we in his 3. In what town was he living? 3." by John George coln : iii . dif- The 1.. selections here given have been chosen with three ferent but closely related ideas in mind way and see Abraham it Lincoln's understanding of democracy. that the best place to study Lincoln in his own writings. in his relations with his fellows with the American people.? Who were his friends 1 What was his family 1 6. selections should be read with the facts of his in The pupil should be helped to put himself in Lincoln's place by such concrete questions as 1 How old was Lincoln at this time ? 2. : : N i^ (v This little PREFACE ABRAHAM LINCOLN book is founded on the compiler's conviction that the life the most practical and inspiring guide our history offers for de- veloping genuinely democratic Americans is of Abra- ham Lincoln. it His English prose and the method by which was perfected. handling of the slavery question. Biographies which will be useful are "A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln. what was Who was his opponent ? These questions well answered will help the pupil to see Linmuch as he sees other men. How was he earning his living. His intellectual and moral development. Coupled with this conviction is is a second equally strong. life The mind. 4. and the he worked 2. 5. 7. What books was he reading? What was his political party and what was its platform it? ? Was he seeking an office.
If fuller material is wished. Seward. to his generals. written They begin with when Lincoln was twenty-three years old. Nicolay " The Life of Abraham '' . Jr. men to show to this: his law partner Herndon to Stephen H. the Man of the People. the best source in which to seek it is Nicolay and Hay's " Comin of letters to friends plete Works of Abraham it Lincoln. as they were to their author. extracts from the first public address. from the selections 710 1 ions help he cati get from biographies. should be remembered that the ideas which all have controlled the selections run through practically of them and are not illustrated simply by a few extracts. Lincoln. Lincoln's and with what of what a ma7t should be in a de7nocracy I. Douglas. of addresses on a great variety of occasions. Holland Biography for Young People. " The Every-Day Life of Abraham Lincoln. A Abraham Lincoln. Self-Respecting." by Francis F. or a complete copy of a document from which only a fragment is here quoted. to Study his relations to other . and of extracts from the debates and speeches in which he expounded 'his ideas on slavery." In reading. presented clearly as a series of practical rules of certainly I. of public ''"papers." Brooks . Browne. and end with his last public words spoken Washington three days before his assassination. and the compiler's " Life of Abraham Lincoln." by John Torrey Morse." by Noah man Hapgood Abraham Lincoln.iv ABRAHAM LINCOLN '' . William H. G." by J. ." by Nor" Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln's Ideas of Democracy It is important that Lincoln's ideas of democracy be disen- tangled from theory and oratory in the pupil's mind and be life. Materials The selections are arranged chronologically. Let the pupil work out. They consist and to political allies and opponents.
tions . sacrificing his ambition to be a United States senator in order to from the presidency in How he offered to resign would help the situation. if it action threatened to defeat his reelection to the presidency. Holding Public Good above How he took his de- feat in 1858. in his efforts for compensated emancipation. What ivas Lincoln'' s idea of the 7'elation of one man to another in a democracy ? This theme can be studied best by taking up Lincoln's treatment of certain persons with 1. 3. letters of advice to His Stepbrother. What was Lincoln'' s idea of a public mail's relation to the people in a dejnoc?'acy ? Did he believe the people capable of thinking out public quesand coming to their own conclusions.? Lincoln believe to be the right and true way to lead the people Ample is material for answering and illustrating these questions contained in a study of his debates with Douglas. 4. Helpful reading on the democracy of Lincoln in to in be found Carl Schurz's Essay on Abraham Lincoln.f* 2. Illustrate this by his poHcies. Self-interest. 4. whom See he was thrown into close relationship. What did What did ? Lincoln mean by " fooling " the people. and choice of men for his administo and for the army. General George B. Self-Developing. Herbert . or did he believe they followed the views of the leader of their political party 1. Douglas. Horace Greeley. although the make the issue clear to the people. Stephen H. II. Trace his struggles for education. and be continued until the in his insisting that laid the Civil War South down is arms. 3. See Lincoln's treatment of him in the debates of 1858. what was wise. McClellan. 2. political tration 3. How he insisted 1864 on making a draft of men needed for the war. him.PREFACE 2. V fol- Self-Reliant. At critical points in his career Lincoln always lowed his own conclusion as choice of studies. III.
The following questions will serve as suggestions for work: ing out this important study 1. when he was considering a policy of merciful reconstruction. new Republican Party ? Douglas's main argument in the debates of 1858? What was How did Lincoln answer that argument ? What were ? by which Lincoln sustained or it would spread over the 6. and what effect did that repeal have upon him party in 1856? Why did Lincoln leave the Whig What were the views of the 5. his position that slavery the arguments must be stopped entire nation Was the Civil War fought to free the black man ? inconsistent with How ? did Lincoln show want that slavery was democracy 8. 9. 7. What was Lincoln the general opinion on slavery in Illinois in 1837 his first public protest against it? when any 2. made Did he run his action? risk of losing his place in the State Assembly by What experience had he had with the institution before this? What was time? the political situation in 1845 which called out the ? letter to Williamson Durley What were when Lincoln's political ambitions at the 3. What was Lincoln's idea of reconstruction? . Why Was did Lincoln to free the slaves ? by buying them ? emancipation a wise war measure TO. What was Lincoln doing the Missouri Compromise was ? repealed. ^^e time of his first public protest against the institution. The selections here given are sufficient to enable the pupil to trace the in the way in which he solved each successive step problem from 1837. of American Lincoln's Treatment of the Question of Slavery Lincoln's treatment of the question of slavery gives an ad- mirable opportunity to study his mental and moral develop- ment. comments on Lincoln in his " Promise James Russell Lowell's Essays. 4.vi ABRAHAM LINCOLN in Croly's Life " . to the days just before his death.
— at questions — he risked Months each In 1837. which characterized Lincoln's successive positions. so clearly that the humblest could understand his meaning. In turn there should be taken up his study of English grammar.PREFACE Throughout lectual this vil study stress should be laid on the intel- integrity. of writing. 1863." by Allen Thorndike Rice. His art was the logical result of a life-long struggle to express the ideas which interested him. 1864. and at the same time conveying a sense of his own sincerity. in 1856. of surveying. the Bible and — Shakespeare. Lincoln as a Writer of English Abraham Lincoln's ability to serve the country was greatly increased by his command of English prose. Books. It will be well to begin a study of his English by a review of his schooling and his habits of reading. The result of his if close hard thinking could never have been as effective he had not understood the art of putting thoughts into convincing and moving words. The tracing of their effect on his prose is not and should be attempted by the pupil. useful for are " Six at the study White House with Abraham Lincoln. Carpenter " Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln by Distinguished Men of His Times. and of speaking. other than those above named." by Francis B. the courage and the willingness to sacrifice personal to public interest. and of the law. as his first public — address in 1832 with the speech on the repeal of the Missouri . critical moment in his connection with slavery his position by the boldness with which he this insisted that his views should be understood. The gradual development of his style may be traced by comparing extracts of different periods. in 1858. 1862. when a boy. in 1861. . What were the reasons impelling him in each case ? What were his obstacles Two difficult How did he meet them ? How did he succeed ? ? books largely formed Lincoln's style.
Richard Watson Gilder's Introduction to his " Lincoln Passages from His Speeches and . is found and the Second Inaugural. with the Cooper Union speech pare in these extracts the vocabulary he times. Conkling (August 26. the flexibility tone. It should be remembered that their full value cannot be appreciated unless the pupil understands the occasion which called each forth. to General Hooker (January 26. Grant. the Gettysburg Address. Com- commanded at different and elegance of phrase. For studies in strength and exactness of expression there are no writings better than Lincoln's remarks on labor and capital in the Annual Message of 1861. written in 1864. and James Russell Lowell's Essay on Lincoln. The in the purest and most beautiful English he wrote Springfield Farewell. and to J. and compare with that made of Lincoln's letters.viii ABRAHAM LINCOLN in i860. Herndon. Take the letter to his partner his letters to Hooker. and the ability to A similar comparative study may be documents too often overlooked. and they deserve most careful analysis according to the favorite methods of the individual teacher. . Compromise in 1854. Bixby here printed. and with the extracts from the First and Second Inaugurals. M. Letters " . 1863). and Mrs. Books which throw light on his literary qualities are Carl Schurz's Essay on Lincoln. The value of the short well-chosen word and of the terse sentence are admirably illustrated in these extracts. I. T. the elevation of convey feeling as well as ideas. Greeley. C. and the letters to Horace Greeley (August 22. 1863). 1862).
. and Lawmaking Political xi ..6 CONTENTS PAGE Introduction Views on Money.. Right of Self-Government After the Defeat of 1856 " 25 25 31 A House divided against itself " Equality of White and Black Races Republican and Democratic Principles compared Lincoln's Autobiography 32 37 Slavery as the Fathers viewed it Farewell Speech to his Friends in Springfield . reproving him for Suspicion of Others 9 10 11 2. the Inspiration of Labor Repeal of the Missouri Compromise.. 39 63 The Perpetuity of the Union become the 63 Lincoln's Reply to Secretary Seward's Offer to Head of the Administration 72 73 On the Relation of Labor and Capital to Message Congress recommending Compensated Emanciy^ pation Letter to Horace Greeley yj 78 ix Sabbath Observance .Loaning.. Johnston 185 4.. Education. Herndon. . 3 5 Views in 1836 First Public Protest against Slavery 6 7 Letter to Williamson Durley Letter to William H. Johnston (January Letter to John D. his Law Partner. 1) 1) 13 (November 185 14 15 1 Hope.. Reflections on seeing Niagara Falls (1848) Notes on the Practice of Law (1850) Letter to John D.
Extract from Annual Message
Letter to General Joseph
Proclamation for a National Fast
Letter to General U. S. Grant
Letter stating his
Proclamation for Thanksgiving
The Gettysburg Address Amnesty for those in Rebellion
Suggesting that Intelligent Negroes be admitted to the Elective
Review of Slavery Policy
Letter to General U. S. Grant
Letter to Mrs. Bixby
Extract from Annual Message
Part of Second Inaugural Address
of the Southern States
Abraham Lincoln was one
and morally which
country has produced.
had the power which
the highest end of education,
to think out to a logical conclusion the
brought to him, and to express these conclusions in
language which the simplest could understand, and which at
same time was distinguished
convincing and moving men.
His moral power matched
that a course of action
when he had once made up his mind was wise, no amount of persuasion or
pressure could dissuade him from following
the courage of his convictions."
superiority of Lincoln's development
prising because of the circumstances under which
more surwas worked
He was bom
on a small farm
Kentucky, when that
sparsely settled and
opportunities for school-
old to a piece of uncleared land in Indiana.
moved when he was but seven years The log cabin home, young Lincoln helped to build. The
food and clothes of the family he helped to produce.
was strong and good-natured, and was
helper in the hard task of earning a living
most useful from what proved
be a rather poor farm. His father was illiterate, unable to sign his name save with difficulty, and never known to read any book but the Bible.
The boy never
had, all told, over a year of schooling, and even was under the itinerant system common to pioneer districts where the only qualifications required of a teacher were that he
be able to teach " readin',
'rithmetic to the rule of
and where a master who understood a little Latin was looked upon as a wizard. There was but one redeeming feature his mother, a gentle woman, able to his boyhood education, to read and write and with a genuine ambition to instruct and
She gathered them about her, relating to them Bible stories, curious country legends, wild tales of Indians and of pioneer hardships, and often when it grew dark in the evenings, heaping the chimney place of the log cabin full of spicewood brush, that her boy and his sister might see to read their few books and to con their lessons. Lincoln's own mother died when he was only eight years old. His father married again, and fortunately for the boy, the stepmother proved to be as interested in his books and lessons and as ambitious that he should learn as his own mother had been. Indeed, as he grew up and his father objected to his taking time for reading and study, it was his stepmother who became his
inspire her children.
In spite of the barrenness of his early surroundings the boy
showed from the
a love of books and a necessity for ex-
pressing himself in writing.
as he had learned to read,
There were few
his father or those of his neighbors.
Robinson Crusoe," " Pilgrim's ProgA History of the United States," and Weems's " Life of Washington " comprised the store of reading matter in the community in which he lived, and when young Lincoln had exress," "
Bible, " .^sop's Fables," "
he began to borrow from a distance.
a friend that there was not a book he had not read within a
radius of fifty miles of his
character of the
difference to him.
say that he walked as far to get a treatise of law as to get a
volume of poetry or biography. Everything excited his eager curiosity, his hungry desire for new thought and expression.
storekeeping. It was while Lincoln was studying Shakespeare that there fell into his hands a set of books which finally led him to read law. Soon after Lincoln's nomination to the Presidency. Ac- cordingly. Lin- coln many questions about his early life in order to find Out. of a Conant confesses that he had not expected practically to find much subject. if this new man unconventional. to Springfield to paint the portrait of the party's nominee. copying something which own. amazing his auditors by his knowledge. The incident illustrates very well the eagerness with in his which he always seized any book which came avidity with way and the which he read it. He was fond of seeing the plays acted. . J. intellectual cultivation. during the sittings. and which furnished him material for the long discussions he sought with every passing neighbor. he took pains to ask Mr. and while in dent of the United States. and pos- he was the more surprised to discover that sessed a genuine. Often he sent for the leading actor after was over and discussed the arrangement of the play. if it Washington as Presinever missed a Shakespearean play he could help it. indeed that a person found so well versed in Shakespeare as Lincoln was. for Lincoln was unknown in the East. Mr. — he could and did recite as he followed the plow. He could quote pages from many of the plays and had a very clear difficult and intelli- gent opinion of the meaning of passages. When his career of Jack-of-all-trades which he boyhood was past and he had entered upon that was forced to pursue until old. xili long extracts. making them literally his he absorbed them. a well-known portrait painter of the day. life this period of he made a thorough and It is rare critical acquaintance with Shakeis speare and Burns. an ardent Republican of New Jersey sent A. in i860. Conant. he was nearly twenty-five years he continued to read In much in the intervals of railsplitting.INTRODUCTION He did not simply read the books . acting as village postmaster and deputy surveyor. fiatboating.
politician." said Mr. he said. Sometime after. I think. He asked me if I would buy an old barrel for which he had no room in his wagon. had been. trying to at make up. " It was Blackstone's Commentaries that did it. the love and he often read late into the night after a hard day at the bar. " I was keep' ' ing store in ing to the New Salem. such as Good boys who Will all to their books apply. I found at the bottom of the rubbish a complete edition of Blackstone's " Commentaries. Lincoln. I came upon the barrel and emptied its contents upon the floor. a of books remained. when one day a man who was migratWest drove up with a wagon which contained his family and household plunder. read until devoured them. and then he related how he first happened on the books. in overhauling things. for that chance an education which he did not have as a boy. I did not want half a dollar. many well-authenticated stories of attempts at Some of these boyish performances even . and paid him. but to oblige him I bought it Without further examination " this he said with unusual emphasis — " the in — interested I became. The more I read " it. Lincoln began to write almost as soon as to read. when he had become a lawyer. One day he asked Mr. I put it away in the store and forgot all about it. and I had plenty of time. bye.xiv if ABRAHAM LINCOLN what his education possible. my customers were few and far between. be great men by and There are also essays and poetry. for during the long summer days. a man of family. and which he said contained nothing of special value. so thoroughly absorbed. Never I my whole I life more intensely was my mind Later." I began to read those famous works." Blackstone whetted his appetite for more law. when the farmers were busy with their crops. Lincoln how he became interested in the law. Many doggerels have been preserved that he scrawled in his early exercise books.
is at once one of the most pathetic and most inspiring in the history of his tively. Of course they are crude. calls the " comely phrase. to realize that these blocks out of intuitively and imitathem and by the unconscious influence of his reading. he felt himself sufficiently master of his medium to put out his first public document. They had an idea of bilities in his They are never meaningThey show always that the writer own. learn how to put words together scientifically." are never his flat. but they show a sense of the value of words and an evident pleasure in what Schurz less. we have a steady series of addresses called out by the events in which he was most deeply interested.INTRODUCTION found their XV way into local papers. offiice offering himself as a candidate for the of repre- sentative to the General Assembly of the state. an address to the people of Illinois. and that though he might work it out blunderingly. He decided he must know these laws. He to nearly twenty years old when he began must have been feel the need of a knowledge of grammar. Sangamon County. which he had been building sentences governed only by his pleasure in intellectual life. and not a few were preall served by his family and have been published by his earliest biographers. From 1832 on. By the time Lincoln was twenty-three years of age. This docu- ment is remarkable for its directness. were really subject to certain laws. of his impassioned study of it before a fire of stumps by night after his long day's work. throughout the rest of his life. the hard years of his early Through all manhood he stuck to his effort to express himself by writing. he nevertheless had a real feeling of the possi- medium. Its author plunges at once into the subjects which he supposes most interesting to his constituents. and states his views in English which bears all the characteristics of his style twenty-five years later. In addition to elaborate arguments . The familiar story of Lincoln's hunt for a grammar.
. oloL and humor as for their must eventucounsel to friends in which he gave his constituents.s considerable. form a senes he did most of his wh. of his life on very good well as is ii this'list. and from fhtted trough h>s head ideas'for stories sometimes tnow'that nothing In Lincoln's literary output is better than h. . . no means all which are in . lectures. Lincoln's preeminent Shi addresses for specal occasions. w^k expression.om of%he Union and in favor of The most worth attenton.s letters For many years phrase^ distinguished for Aeu^ quamt rjolitical documents as and frankness and shrewdness. but they are by publicly severed his con^ he The 'speech made in X856. Tomplete works. a little of been Tost.858. is one of the Republican quent he ever delivered.addresses. Hs fully "rqueltionlbly is the'series of literary work most important of Lincoln's and '^^S. . ABRAHAM LINCOLN remarkable writings contain several among these several lectures such as these are. as an address on is the bulk of composmon At himself to this species of rTo means confined hand at essays. : rious imes in his life he wh. all Putting together his writings.he even wrote assoaates we the testimony of his Seen preserved. and fugitive of his life . whtch have tried his Lincoln's work m the form of addresses.ch has occasional verse.pat. It is powerful -P''^^ '° familiar of these are the ^""^^^ doubtful if any speech of his . through instance. which resulted in the course contamnrg by Nicolay and Hay. '^ sublets quite out of S:rS rS'courseA politics. when d and joined the newly found nection with the old Whig party el^ most -'go™"^ ^"^ organization. edited pubhc .the bulk o .ch f Z% allv letters become classic. and privfte iftters. -~ te-P-ance ec^^u^ Dy ^^^fJ.^^. his letters to elect>oneermg.wh ch speeches made between 1854 the he developed his the prese'rvation of slavery tor arguments against the extension emanc.
Lincoln's audience was a notable one even for York. Field. that his knowledge of the they rode the circuit. realizes the effect of these speeches. " Who is this Lincoln ? " "Do you realize. They really introduced him to the nation. with his simple ways and his modest could match the most brilliant and popular orator of the day. possible that Lincoln. whom jokes. It New included William Cullen Bryant. Mr. David Dudley who introduced him. or who has not made some special study of Lincoln's life. and many more well-known . with But as the debate went on.INTRODUCTION whole career produced such an extraordinary effect. They could not believe that this great. and played practical man. man. Horace Greeley. They began to receive letters from the East. if It is any one who did not live through the exciting decade before the war. told question is profound. and '' it preserved. Even when he began to debate with Douglas in 1858 he was so little known and appreciated that his friends in Illinois were afraid of a fiasco. could be a great stories. friendly air. his style inimitable ? " Before the campaign was over. him in the East. the greatest compliment that could be paid to in fact." doubtful only within a few years that a report of this speech has been found. that he was invited to speak at Cooper Union. xvii So moved were his audience that the very reporters forgot to take notes. There was so strong an interest a public speaker in that day. Before that he had been an un- known man. his friends all made a great man. ''that no greater speeches on public questions have been made in the history of our country. it became clear to them that LinThey began to ask each other if it was whom they had known all their lives." wrote one great man of the day to the chairman of the Republican committee. awakened by the debates with Douglas. coln was the stronger. in up their minds that Lincoln was. was supposed until recently that no notes of it had been It thus became known all over Illinois as Lincoln's It is Lost Speech. his logic unanswerable. gaunt.
sound framework. the effect of his antislavery speeches and letters would have been less immediate and less general. man was any great lived with saturated with his subject. Now Lincoln was always convincing in his antiletters. interlaid with shams or tricks. He had studied it until when he came to present flawless. The thing not " convincing. shifty. and the is intellect will complete assent. makes the appeal not give its it is that which Let the argument be incom- plete. is Now the flawless argument the very life of a piece of literature. no brutality of attack on Douglas's part could surprise him in the debates.xviii ABRAHAM LINCOLN of the day. for to the intellect. well- proportioned. question was a proper one. with the result that . Every timber is fits. His later work was equally strong in its logic. and it was for he struggled throughout his public life." we say to-day. Unless he could be easily understood he this knew he could not easily persuade. so much that they to catch the weight But this to their surprise there was universal enthu? siasm over the intellectual and literary quality of the address. literary it. he constructed an argument which was practically He was like a master builder putting up the framework of a great building. — To begin with." he said. and So sound was he that no trick no subtility of argument. Had not Lincoln worked as steadily and as hard on his expression as he did on his argument. the handled the very essential of it. every nail goes into the exact spot where is it needed. it. But he had constant thought of his form. performance. slavery addresses of oratory. and no useless nail driven. It is men doubtful if even Lincoln's best friends diction did not fear that his queer manner and quaint would fail might amuse people of his logic. It is a strong. He wanted to be " clear. for these antislavery speeches of Lincoln are one of the greatest intellectual feats as well as one of the most distinguished literary per- formances any American has achieved. Where has man The learned his logic and his English the audience asked.
I was it not satisfied until I had put sion with me. simplest words. talked to I me in a way could not understand. as I thought. it I it have bounded east. it This was a kind of a pas- has stuck by south. Even in his boyhood days his companions noticed that he constantly was searching for the reason of things and that he " explained so clearly. and always with the The result was that his statements of what . and of spending no small part of the night walking up and down. He exactness. into a he tried to put form so simple that nobody could stated his case with mathematical mistake his meaning. and bounded is and bounded in his public and bounded letters. He had a mind which was never quiet until it had solved to its own satisfaction the questions with which it struggled. and in a language plain enough. trying to their. when north. after hearing the neighbors talk of an evening with my father. though unquestionably he had an instinctive feeling for the simple expression. dark sayings. " I could not sleep until I had caught it . west. He was rather driven to it by what was in him an intellectual necessity.INTRODUCTION death XIX a style more lucid than that which he had achieved before his is scarcely conceivable. else in do not think that ever got angry at anything my but that always disturbed my temper. to make out what was the exact meaning of some me. me ." his To a friend who asked him once how he had '' : achieved pure style he said When a mere child. it I am handling a thought. I doubt if it was the supreme elegance of clear and simple forms of expression which caused Lincoln to cultivate this style." This exactly what he did it speeches and When he had found what seemed to him the truth of a subject. I can remember going to my little bedroom. in the fewest words possible. I used to get I irritated when anybody I life . when I got on such a hunt for an idea and when I thought I had got it. for I till am never easy it now. for any boy to comprehend. and has ever since.
the appeal to the emotions the heart to its hardly less." is But while the appeal literary to the intellect so strong in Lincoln's is work. so still it must be said.XX he considered the axioms. where he stated the position on which he intended itself to stand in the contest. for example. that the effect can only be compared to that of some noble sacred poem. let us strive on to finish the work we are in to bind up the nation's wounds to care for him who shall have borne the battle.' government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. as was said three thousand years ago." ness in the right. the clos- ing paragraphs of the Second Inaugural " Fondly do mighty scourge of war wills that it we hope may — fervently do we pray — that this if speedily pass away. I believe this " ' A house divided against cannot stand. .' " With malice toward none with charity for all with firm' . public career he poured forth his in Again and again in his emotions in words so elevated. The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. He could move depths. . and his orphan to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves. In this speech. Yet. imagery so lofty. and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword. The most notable example is probably the famous paragraph of his first speech in the campaign. universally . and for his widow. as . — The same lofty feeling and imagery characterize Lincoln's acknowledged Gettysburg speech. become all one thing or the other. Take for instance. ABRAHAM LINCOLN vital points in any great question are really vital In the debates with Douglas. God continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk. his arguments were condensed into a few phrases which appear again and again. I do not expect I do not expect the Union to be dissolved the house to It will fall — but — I do expect all it will cease to be divided. and with all nations. God gives us to see the right.
he wrote. '' meaning. Fearing that Hooker might cross to the south of the Rappahannock and give Lee a chance to get behind the Federals." all Lincoln's private letters are marked by this distinctive personal There have been published a series of letters to a stepbrother who must have been a shiftless fellow. was the fash- ion of his time to seek metaphors and other embellishments in He never went among the ancients for figures. : ." he used to ence. . and the tail of it on the plank road between Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. the animal must be very slim somewhere. say. like an ox jumped half over a fence and liable to be torn by dogs front and rear without a fair chance to gore one way or kick the other.INTRODUCTION to xxi be one of the most perfect bits of English prose ever written. which In no particular is in the quaint figures of It more conspicuous than illustrates his speech with which he the classics. it while the sympathetic charm which pervades to-day as deeply as it thrills the heart did forty years ago." Equally pertinent was his message "If the head of sent a few days later to the same general Lee's army is at Martinsburg. " I would not take any risk of being entangled up on the river. Such was his dispatch to Hooker in June. 1863. Instead he drew them from his own experi- That experience had been humble enough. which are as good examples of well-put common sense as anything Poor style. Could you not break him " and nothing could have been better than his advice to Grant " Hold on with a bulldog grip. and chew and choke in 1864. in it But Lincoln's English has something ness and tinctive its loftiness. untainted having once caught you always recognize. dis- and natural. besides its clear- It has a delightful original flavor. Some of the most typical of these occur in his dispatches to officers during the war. but it yielded in his hands a fruitful crop of powerful illustrations.? — — as much as possible. this originality by conventional culture. we have Lincoln's clearness of expression admirably illustrated.
The source of his inexhaustible supply of stories was always a mystery to his associates. It is not difficult to see now as we study Lincoln's life that his mastery of expression was of incalculable value the terrible problems of a Civil his aptness in illustrating his in dealing with solved many plained at right a problem for what they called his. At first men comPresident. free the slave. The President simply told them a story and they filed out without a word. as a postmaster and a surveyor. War meaning by stories triviality. and figures the country. yet firm. satisfy the South. clearing up doubt and torment as a shower clears the hot overburdened air. if adopted. What had the President of the United States to tell stories and laugh when the country was at war ? Yet gradually the discerning began to see that every one of his stories settled a question. when the Cabinet was perplexed and was one of Lincoln's stories which broke its tense. His letter to General Hooker of the in when the command is of the Army Potomac was given into his charge. it . a perfect example of the wise and kindly. were full of humor. They came straight from raw human life as Lincoln had observed it. they were sure would alone end the war. fearful.xxii ABRAHAM LINCOLN us. the theory shattered in their hands. They were not drawn from literature or history frequently they were coarse in grain. . and no argument he or any other could have advanced would have had their convincing force. These stories were not classic. Again and again. 1863. commissions of good but narrow men came to him to present a theory which. and of homely pioneer picturesqueness but they were profound in their philosophy and truthfulness. Frequently. Richard himself ever gave January. . did he get Did he invent them ? If not. and restore happiness. his buffonery. writing which Lincoln could employ when he thought best. where them ? The greater majority no doubt dated back to his early life in Illinois when. For instance. irritable mood. not unlike that of Rabelais.
If they pleased him. he original met constantly large numbers of quaint and people. everything must at this period. amusements. where Lincoln lived nobody was more eager than he to hear each Let one of his friends go away for a trip. and hearing it. everybody discusses it and passes judgment on it. because of ugly looks and its propensity for worrying inoffensive pedestrians. so as to make them more suitable to his immediate object. was One day a few desperate dog to swallow a piece of meat in which a charge of gunpowder with fuse attached was concealed. the story most of us. heartily despised by his friends. and when he was thrown much with a class of for lack of other men who. however. forthwith they were added to his repertoire. man's new stories. rarely told a story. It thus happens that there can hardly be said to be an dressing it new colors original version of a '' Lincoln story. The meat was no sooner down than the fuse was lighted and the dog was scattered over the road. entertained one another with stories." of Sykes's dog is well known to For example. wait until he heard them. When Sykes came up and saw the situation he made a feeble effort to collect the pieces. and his first greeting on the man's return would be. it simply for the sake of telling To him was an argument or explanation. A new story in a community like that in which Lincoln spent his earlier that of a new play or a manhood has an importance not unlike new book in a town of to-day. Sykes owned an its ill-favored cur to which he was devoted but which.INTRODUCTION and later as xxiii an itinerant lawyer and a member of the Illinois State Assembly. " Any new stories } " And if the answer was affirmative. He it. sometimes even an exhortation. Every- body wants to hear it. he rarely told it twice alike. and giving the characters new surroundings. In order it make serve his purpose he in was obliged work over. remarking sorrowfully that he guessed that dog's days of usefulness were ended. told to it And to because he simply to it illustrate. After the capture of . In Springfield. individuals induced Sykes's but soon gave it up.
thrashing of the leader of the Clary's Grove gang brought him great honor in the community. that he guessed ton's Pember- army was in about the same condition as the dog. show that while he would not fight for the sake of fighting. which may be regarded as typical of his attitude. Match a highly disciplined intellect with an equally disciplined moral sense and you have conduct of the highest order. . Mr. would soon have the men together again. He simply told them the story of Sykes's dog. He had a keen notion of right and wrong as a boy. but sympathy with the weak. Lincoln complaining because Grant had paroled Pemberton's army. Thus there were several authentic versions of the one story. if we believe his auditors. his He could do more than solve problems. Each time. tests of strength. he could conduct to the solution. So far as we know. said. He not only had a contempt for the bully. he did not hesitate to show his power where it was a case of injustice.xxiv ABRAHAM LINCOLN Pemberton. and was willing to fight for what he believed right although he was by no means a fighting boy. There boys is a story of his defeat of the leader of a gang of bad the neighborhood of his early in home in Sangamon His County. the story had its peculiar color. they Vicksburg a delegation waited on Mr. Lincoln's first active sympathy with the condition of the negro came from a visit to a slave market in New Orleans. All the stories left us of his early life. jokes. All that he saw in his youth of the . he games. debates. however. He told the same story on other occasions when delegations came to him to criticize the paroling of Confederate troops. and certainly made for the future order and peace of the neighborhood. On the contrary. the result of training And this moral discipline was as much from boyhood as his intellectual discipline. as he ended. and that is what we find in Abraham fit Lincoln. loving jokes so rough — that they might often be called horseplay. talk. was peaceable and companionable. remarking. Lincoln did not attempt to argue with them.
He had practically . but it only made him the more effecthat he . market. Nevertheless. He was in Congress when the Mexican War broke out and his condemnation of the course of the United States towards Mexico in this unjust and unnecessary war. and It was on one of these he his impressions were so strong that there reason to believe that he often referred to the experience so that in discussing the slave question in after years. shows what kind of material he was made of.INTRODUCTION outside world XXV came from an occasional trip on a flatboat down the Mississippi River to New Orleans. for his course. tive in his opposition. Lincoln's moral courage in public '50's life had a severe test in the when the slave question became acute. declaring that the right of property in slaves and that the general government could not fairly Columbia without the consent of the citizens of the District. Thus his sympathies had been when the time came that it he had an opportunity express himself. abolish slavery in the District of his convictions. but he had the backit must have taken a great deal of courage to sign a public protest against the institution as early as he did. There is no doubt that visited a slave is these trips were a real factor in the education of this widetrips that awake boy. He had to submit to very severe criticism. Lincoln and one of his fellow representatives were the only members of the body to protest against these resolutions. was wrong. Resolutions had been brought up in the assembly disapproving of the formation of abolition societies. did first in 1837. time his political courage and consistency showed itself in many different ways. It is not the first proof that we have was sacred. even from many of his best friends in Illinois. he was the quicker to do lectual conviction that slavery He not only had an intel- ing of his emotions. early stirred on the question to . but was already courageous enough to fit his conduct to From this it is certainly the most decisive. as it. He was only twenty-eight years of age and a member of the Illinois legislature.
. It . new organization that the advance of slavery could be stopped. Mr. He showed. he held it of more importance that the country should be clear in its views and the questions which helped determined to do his part in sound in its conclusions. The was that he was elected. formed itself into the Republican Party. than that he should be elected. or that his party be successful.xxvi given up politics ABRAHAM LINCOLN when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise very early in aroused him as nothing before ever had. or all the other. to allow his opponent to manipulate his argument in such a way that it would mean one thing in the North and another thing in the South. country that Douglas Lincoln realized Lincoln showed the was carrying water on both shoulders. the nucleus which. the break was a serious matter to Mr. because he was making the people of the country understand the question at issue. They were '' in contradiction with what Douglas had persuaded the South that he believed. but he persisted in asking his own defeat. and he found himself lined up with a few bolting Whigs and Democrats. Lincoln defeated. But these answers which satisfied Illinois dissatisfied the South. the Whig. in 1856. Lincoln insisted on asking questions of Douglas which made it possible for the latter to satisfy the people of result Illinois that he was sound on the slavery question. in his debate with Douglas. Ardent Whig that he had been. these discussions. in fact." what he was doing. fidelity to Perhaps no more impressive proof of Lincoln's principle is found in his whole career than his refusal. the highest is order of political morality. Lincoln and he did not make it until he was convinced it was only through a could not exist half slave and half free thing. he came to the conclusion v^hich later became the backbone of his great debate with Douglas that the country that it must be all one was a most unpopular doctrine in his own party. the fact of his nomination . That is. to discuss the question in public He immediately began And : and private. in the long And that such political morality run the best of policies.
had their foundation in his youth. to persuade Congress to buy and free the slaves of the Southern states. He saw that it might be necessary as a war measure. though that prop- men. There is no episode in Mr. called compensated emancipation that is. himself as his power of logical thought and of clear and elo- quent expression were the results of Ida M. and which were as an outcome of the moral training which he gave his intellectual training. is two years good enough evidence. doubt if there was any experience of his career as President of the United States which gave him greater regret than the failure of this measure. He saw very clearly that emancipation to save the would probably be the result of the war Union. to . — qualities. Lincoln's administration as Presiis dent of the United States which bring about what better evidence of his fundaefforts.INTRODUCTION and election to the presidency. early in mental sense of justice than his is the war. Tarbell . Therefore he worked out the plan of I buying the blacks. episode justice is an excellent example of the humanity and sense of all which underlay logical of his public policy. erty might be in He revolted against the idea of confiscating the property of the South. as I have said. xxvii later. The whole which.
AND STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN .SELECTIONS FROM THE LETTERS. SPEECHES.
and thereby be enabled to read the histories of his own and other countries. am of 10 opinion. EDUCATION. 1832. may be made without materially injuring any class other cases of people. by which he may duly appreciate the value of vital our free institutions. . this appears to be an object of importance. may enter upon it without claiming await its the honor. plan or system respecting I can only say that I view it as 20 most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in. It appears that the practice of loaning so I suppose I money at exorfield for bitant rates of interest has already been opened as a discussion . March i. or risking the danger which explorer. unless there be a law made I fixing the limits of usury. such that the labor and difficulty of evading it could only be intended I justified in cases of greatest necessity. acting almost as prejudicially to the general interests of the community as a direct tax of several thousand dollars annually laid on each county for the benefit of a few individuals only. In cases of extreme necessity.VIEWS ON MONEY-LOANING. Age. 23 years) . A law for this purpose. there could always be to cheat the law effect.. to say nothing of the advantages 25 and satisfaction to be derived from 3 all being able to read the . It may first 5 seems as though we are never to have an end to this baneful and corroding system. not presuming to dictate any it. even on account alone. That every man may receive at least a moderate education. Upon the the subject of education. means found have its while in all it would 15 would favor the passage of a law on Let it be this subject which might not be very easily evaded. AND LAWMAKING (Extract from first public address..
some alterations are thought to be necessary. For my part. have no wealthy or My case is thrown . 25 be right than at all times to be wrong. However. Considering the modesty which should always attend youth. upon the subjects of which I have treated.^ Scriptures. I desire to see the time when education 5 shall by its means. gratifying this ambition is yet to be developed. I should unless they were first attacked 15 prefer not meddling with them. Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. in the most humble walks of life. I shall be ready to renounce them. I shall conclude. and have ever remained. law. in the advancement of justice. ABRAHAM LINCOLN and other works both of a religious and moral nature. But. and some and require alterations. and should be become much more general than something to the gratified to have it in my power to contribute to of any measure which might have a tendency advancement — and — accelerate that happy period. the law respecting the issuing of others. I am young. With regard lo to existing laws. and industry at present. I was born. so soon as I discover my opinions to be erroneous. and a by others in which case I should feel it both a privilege . morality. for one. duty to take that stand which. the estray laws. considering the great probability that the framers of those laws were wiser than myself. Whether it be true or not. I may be wrong in regard to any or all of them sometimes to but. my view. holding it a sound maxim that it is better only . I can say. and unknown to many of you. enterprise. by rendering How far I shall succeed in 30 myself worthy of their esteem. I have spoken as I have thought. it is probable have already been more presuming than becomes me. are deficient in their present form. sobriety. for themselves. road Many respectable men have suggested that our executions. that I have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed of my fellow men. might tend most to 20 gree of I great deBut. I popular relations or friends to recommend me. fellow citizens.
White. White for President. While acting as their will their representative. I shall on all subjects is . if the good people in their wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the background. . Lincoln * Judge Hugh L. if have conferred a favor upon me for which I shall be unremitting in my labors to compensate. as well those that oppose as those that support me. go for sharing the privileges of the government who assist in bearing its burdens. But. elected. 1836 In your paper of last Saturday I see a communication. 1825 to 1839. I go for distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public lands to the several states." in which the candidates who are announced in the Journal are called upon to '' show their 10 hands.. they will I have been too familiar with disappointments to be very much s chagrined. was nominated by a combination of Whigs and anti-Jackson . ^^ I shall . I shall consider the whole people of Sangamon my 15 constituents.^ ^ Very respectfully A. 27 years) 1836 To THE Editor of the Jourtial : New Salem." I Agreed. vote for 25 Husfh L. railroads without If alive borrowing money and paying the interest on on the Monday in November. June 13. Democratic Senator from Tennessee. If elected. over the signature of " Many Voters. . to dig canals and construct it. ing what their will be governed by upon which I have the means of knowand upon all others I shall do what my own judgment Whether our teaches me will best advance their interests. 20 elected or not. POLITICAL VIEWS IN (Age. I go for admitting whites to the right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms (by no means excluding females).POLITICAL VIEWS IN exclusively 1836 5 upon the independent voters of the country and. all Consequently. all Here 's mine. to enable state. in common first with others.
FIRST PUBLIC PROTEST AGAINST SLAVERY
Age, 28 years)
1837, which was read and ordered to be spread on the journals,
Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed
both branches of the General Assembly at
the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same.
believe that the institution of slavery
both injustice and bad policy, but that the promulgation of
abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate
They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power under the Constitution to interfere with the institution of
slavery in the different states.
believe that the Congress of the United States has the
power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District
Columbia, but that the power ought not to be exercised,
unless at the request of the people of the District.
between these opinions and those contained
reason for entering
in the said resolutions is their
Represefitatives from the county
Democrats for President Tennessee and Georgia.
received the electoral votes of
resolutions protested against were as follows
by the General Assembly of the State of Illinois " That we highly disapprove of the formation of Abolition Societies, and of the doctrines promulgated by them. " That the right of property in slaves is sacred to the slaveholding States by the Federal Constitution, and that they cannot be deprived of
that right without their consent.
That the General Government cannot abolish slavery in the DisColumbia against the consent of the citizens of said District, without a manifest breach of good faith.
LETTER TO WILLIAMSON DURLEY
LETTER TO WILLIAMSON DURLEY
that I should write
you and your brother Madison.
Until I then
not aware of your being what
generally called an abolitionist,
as you call yourself, a Liberty man, though I well
such in your country.
you intended to attempt to bring about, at the next election in Putnam, a union of the Whigs proper and such of the Liberty men as are Whigs in principle on all questions save only that of slavery. So far as I can perceive, by such union neither party need yield anything on the point in difference between them. If the Whig abolitionists of New York had voted with us last fall, Mr. Clay would now be President. Whig principles in the ascendant, and Texas not annexed whereas, by the division, all that either had at stake in the contest was lost. And, indeed, it was extremely probable beforehand, that such would be the result. As I have always understood, the Liberty men deprecated the annexation of Texas extremely and this being so, why they should refuse to cast their votes [so] as to prevent it, even to me seemed wonderful. What was their process of reasoning, I can only judge- from what a single one of them told me. It was this " We are not to do evil that good may come." This general proposition is doubtless correct but did it apply ? If by your votes you could have prevented the extejision, etc., of slavery would it not have been good, and not evil, so to have used your votes, even though it involved the casting of them for a slaveholder ? By the fruit the tree is to be known. An evil tree cannot bring forth good fruit. If the fruit of electing Mr. Clay would have been
to hear that
That the Governor be requested to transmit to the States of VirAlabama, Mississippi, New York, and Connecticut a copy of the foregoing report and resolutions."
to prevent the extension of slavery, could the act of electing
not argue further.
perhaps ought to say that
individually I never
was much interested in the Texas question. could see much good to come of annexation, inasmuch I never as they were already a free republican people on our own
the other hand,
never could very clearly see
augment the evil of slavery. It always seerned to me that slaves would be taken there in about equal numbers, with or without annexation. And if more were taken because of annexation, still there would be just so many the fewer left where they were taken from. It is possibly true, to some extent that with annexation, some slaves may be sent to Texas and continued in slavery that otherwise might have been
the annexation would
true, I think
be a paramount duty of us
in the free
union of the
the slavery of the
other states alone
20 equally clear that
on the other hand,
should never knowingly lend ourselves,
directly or indirectly, to prevent that slavery
from dying a natural
to live in,
can no longer
exist in the old.
now considering what would be our duty in cases of insurrection among the slaves. To recur to the Texas question, I understand the Liberty men to have viewed annexation as a much greater evil than ever I did, and
I could, that
they could haye
they had chosen.
intend this letter for you and Madison together, and
he, or either, shall think
Yours with respect
LETTER TO WILLIAM
LETTER TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON, HIS LAW PARTNER, REPROVING HIM FOR SUSPICION OF OTHERS
Washington, July 10, 1848
Your letter covering the newspaper slips was received last The subject of that letter is exceedingly painful to me and I cannot but think there' is some mistake in your impression of the motives of the old men.
am now one
I think is 5
of the old
good with you,
that nothing could afford
than to learn that you and others of
are doing battle in the contest, and endearing themselves to the
people, and taking a stand far above any I have ever been able
to reach in their admiration.
cannot conceive that other old
cannot demonstrate what
was young once, and
was never ungen-
erously thrust back.
improve himself every way he can, never suspecting that anybody wishes to hinder him. Allow me
you that suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any situation. There may sometimes be ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down and they will succeed, too, if he allows his mind to be diverted from its true channel to
brood over the attempted
Cast about, and see
feeling has not injured every person
you have ever known
am sure you will suspect nothing would save you from a fatal error. You have been a laborious, studious young man. You are far better informed on almost all subjects than I have ever been. You cannot fail in any laudable object, unless you allow your mind to be improperly directed. I have somewhat the advantage
but sincere friendship.
of you in the world's experience, merely by being older;
friend, as ever
REFLECTIONS ON SEEING NIAGARA FALLS
Niagara Falls By what mysterious power is it that millions and millions are drawn from all parts of the world to gaze upon Niagara Falls ? There is no mystery about the thing itself. Every effect is just as any intelligent man, knowing the causes, would
anticipate without seeing
water moving onward
great river reaches a point where there
a perpendicular jog
of a hundred feet in descent in the bottom of the river,
10 plain the
have a violent and continuous plunge
It is also plain, the water, thus plunging, will foam and and send up a mist continuously, in which last, during sunshine, there will be perpetual rainbows. The mere physical
of Niagara Falls
of that world's wonder.
Yet this power to
a very small part
The geologist will demonstrate that the plunge, or fall, was once at Lake Ontario, and has worn its way back to its present position he will ascertain how fast it is wearing now, and so get a basis for determining how long it has been wearing back from Lake Ontario, and finally demonstrate
it that this world is at least fourteen thousand years old. philosopher of a slightly different turn will say, " Niagara Falls
of the basin out of which pours
water which rains
down on two
or three hundred thousand
square miles of the earth's surface."
estimate with ap-
proximate accuracy that
— thus exerting a
hundred thousand tons of water weight a distance of a hundred feet each
force equal to the lifting of the
space, in the
weight, through the
NOTES ON THE PRACTICE OF LAW
the further reflection comes that this vast
of water, con-
supplied by an equal amount constantly lifted up, by the sun and still he says, " If this much is
one space of two or three hundred thousand
square miles, an equal amount must be
equal space "
for every other 5
power the sun
constantly exerting in the quiet noise-
less operation of lifting
water up to be rained
— when Moses
— when Christ
suffered on 10
led Israel through the
Red Sea Maker
was roaring here. The eyes of that species of whose bones fill the mounds of America have gazed on Niagara, as ours do now. Contemporary with the first race of men, and older than the first man, Niagara is strong and fresh to-day as ten thousand years ago. The mammoth and mastodon, so long dead that fragments of their monstrous bones alone testify that they ever lived, have gazed on Niagara
as now, Niagara
in that long,
long time never
for a single
never froze, never
NOTES ON THE PRACTICE OF LAW
Discourage litigation. Persuade your neighbors to compromise whenever you can. Point out to them how the nominal winner is often a real loser in fees, expenses, and
waste of time.
a peacemaker the lawyer has a superior 25
opportunity of being a good man.
up litigation. A worse man can scarcely be found who does this. Who can be more nearly a fiend than he who habitually overhauls the register of deeds in search of defects in titles, whereon to stir up strife, and put money in
universal. fully paid When mortal if And when you lack skill lack interest in the case the job will very likely in the and diligence performance. and you are sure to do your work faithfully and well. you are more than a common you can feel the same interest in the case. Yet the impression common. almost to Let no young man choosing the law for a calling for a moment yield to the popular belief . Settle the amount 15 and take a note in advance. Then you will feel that you are working for something. As a general rule never take your whole fee in advance. An exorbitant fee of fees is important. I say vague. There is a vague popular belief that lawyers are necessarily of fee . because when we in consider to what ex- tent confidence and honors are reposed it and conferred upon is lawyers by the people. lo beforehand. dishonest. Choose some other occupation. as well as for your client. The matter tion of bread 5 justice is mere quesand butter involved. far beyond the should never be claimed. Properly attended to. resolve to be honest without being 25 a lawyer. . nor any more than a small retainer. 20 of dishonesty is appears improbable that their impression very distinct and vivid. rather than one choosing of which you do. as if something was still in prospect for you.12 his ABRAHAM LINCOLN pocket ? A moral tone ought to be infused into the profes- sion which should drive such men out of it. in advance. — resolve be honest at all events and if in your own judgment you in the cannot be an honest lawyer. . . fuller done to both lawyer and client. consent to be a knave.
prepare for a crop. duct." for I propose that you shall go work. and still more It is your children. if you hire yourself at ten dollars a month. since I saw you. and you go to make 20 discharge of work for the best money wages. You do not very much dislike to work. that for and the first of May. . get for your own labor. or I the gold mines in California. I think I know. and the crop. it. it. because they have longer to live. " tooth and for it. At the various times when I have helped you a little you have said to me. 5 and still you are an idler. more important to them. and still you do not work much. I doubt whether. easier than they 15 can get out after they are You is. you have done a good whole day's work in any one day. making twenty dollars^ a month for your work. and can keep out of an idle habit before they are in in. ^' We can get along very well now" again. In this I do every dollar you between 25 not mean you shall go off to St. either in money or as your own indebtedness. labor. . or in any debt you owe. I will then give you one other dollar. or the lead mines. somebody who will give you money Let father and your boys take charge of your things at home. this can only happen by some defect in your conWhat that defect is. that you can get and. JOHNSTON 13 LETTER TO JOHN Dear Johnston : D. By this. from me you will get ten more. you a fair reward for your will. merely because it does not seem to you that you could get 10 much for .LETTER TO JOHN D. but mean for you to go at it 30 . You are not lazy. 1851 Your request for eighty dollars I do not think it best to comply with now. are now in need of some money to and what nail. I this now promise you. This habit of uselessly wasting time is is the whole so to difficulty it vastly important to you. that you should break the habit. JOHNSTON January 2. but in a veiy short time I find you in the same difficulty Now. Louis. to secure .
You have ? you intend to go if than right where you are . Squirming and crawling about from place to place can do no good. and. 185 When that I came I into Charleston day before yesterday. 15 you don't pay the money back. if you will but follow my advice. you will have a habit that will keep you from getting in debt again.1 14 for the best ABRAHAM LINCOLN if 5 wages you can get close to home in Coles County. you cannot get along anywhere. 10 will furnish You say if I if you the money you will deed me the land. . you or eighty dollars for four or five months' work. there is no you do not intend to go to work. get the seventy Now. Affectionately your brother A. if I should now clear you out of debt. But. you will deliver possession. On the contrary. and. what is better. do in Missouri better than here Is the land any richer What can you Can ? you there. JOHNSTON November I 4. any more than here. you will find it worth more than eighty ! times eighty dollars to you. Then you value your place in heaven very cheap. do your work for you 25 better place to work. Shelbyville. learned you are anxious to sell the land where you this to Missouri. how will you then live without it ? You have always been kind to me. and canlive 20 not but think such a notion utterly foolish. for I am sure you can. If raise corn and wheat and oats without work? Will anybody there. Nonsense If you can't now live with the land. any more than here. with the offer I make. you will be soon out of debt. You say you would almost give your place in heaven for seventy or eighty dollars. Lincoln LETTER TO JOHN Dear Brother: D. have been thinking of is ? and move ever since. will do this. next year you would be just as deep in as ever. and I do not mean to be unkind to you.
you will never after own a spot big enough spend drink. Now. and no foot of land will be bought. Now. it will rent lives enough to support her at least. 1 . Half you will get for the land you will 5 in moving to Missouri. and wear it my duty to and the other half you will eat. Your thousand pretenses for not getting along better are all nonsense they deceive nobody — . but yourself. THE INSPIRATION OF LABOR i. (Fragment written about July 1854) Equality in society alike beats inequality. I feel to bury you out. HOPE. 20 We know Southern men is declare that their slaves are better off than hired laborers amongst us. in condition improvement of equals. you are destitute because you have idled away all your time. Twenty-five years ago was a hired The hired laborer of yesterday labors on his own account to-day. whether the latter be of the British aristocratic sort or of the domestic slavery they sort. and no thanks to me. which truth is. and particularly feel that it is so even on 10 mother's account. my life upon in. they speak ! How I little know whereof laborer. Go to work is the only cure for your case.5 HOPE. and spend Part with the land you have. it. There no permanent class of hired laborers amongst will hire us. so the ef- As labor is the common burden some to shift their share of the burden onto the shoulders . Her dower in the other two forties she can let you have. I on your own account. to get you to face the truth. it will rent for something. really want to sell the land. 15 is and what you it. fort of — Advancement — is the order of things in a society of our race. and. THE INSPIRATION OF LABOR raised no crop this year . have no hand in such a piece of foolery. do not misunderstand this letter I do not write it in any unkindness. and 25 others to labor for him to-morrow. eastern forty acres I intend to keep for mother while she for if you will not cultivate it. I write it in order. get the money. if possible. The .
. And yet perhaps it 10 does not occur to you that to the extent of your gain 15 in the case. REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT (Extracts from speech at Peoria.l6 of others is ABRAHAM LINCOLN the great durable curse of the race. that in its direct effect. I hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. Illinois. . allowing it to spread to every other part of the wide world where it. I hate it because it deprives our republican example of its just influence 25 in the world enables the enemies of free institutions with . . when. wrong 20 to take I think. as by slavery. you have given up the slave system and adopted the free system of labor. plausibility to taunt us as hypocrites . he will break you a hundred and fifty. and shall try to show. men can be found inclined This declared indifference.. letting slavery into it is wrong wrong Kansas and Nebraska. and promise him pay for all he does over. I cannot but hate. as I must think. for the spread of slavery. Originally a curse for transgression upon the whole race. October 16. The slave whom you cannot drive with the lash to break seventy-five pounds of hemp in a day. causes the real friends of freedom doubt our sincerity and especially because it forces so many good men among ourselves into an open war with to . covert real zeal. The slave master himself has a conception of it. • The power of hope upon human exertion and happiness is wonderful. it becomes the doublepure slavery has no refined curse of 5 God upon his creatures. if you will task him to break a hundred. 1854) . You have substituted hope for the rod. Free labor has the inspiration of hope hope. it is concentrated on a part only. and — in its prospective principle. but. and hence the system of tasks among slaves.
and make them denounce people upon. they would not introduce did now now exist exist among among we should not instantly give it up. What politically and socially our . and insisting that there right principle of action but self-interest.30 the next ten days lings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition ? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any rate. and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were out of existence. When it is said that the institution exists. and that I it is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way. They If it what we 5 would be us. in their situation. them. I acknowledge the fact. its reflection would convince me 25 If in I think there is) there may be they were all sudden execution is impossible. while some Northern ones go South and become most cruel slave masters. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves. and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough to carry them there in many times ten days. in this in the long run. If slavery did not it. to their own But a moment's that whatever of high hope (as native land. and send them to Liberia. What then ? Free them all. no Before proceeding dice against let me say that I think I have no prejuare just the Southern people. both sides Doubtless there are individuals on 10 who would not hold slaves under any circumstances. If all earthly power were given me. and keep them among us as under. landed there in a day. for not doing free all the slaves.REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE the very fundamental principles of civil 1/ liberty. This I believe of the masses North and South. can under20 I surely will not blame them what I should not know how to do myself. criticizing the is Declaration of Independence. I should not know what to do as to the existing institution. go North and become tiptop tell abolitionists. When Southern people us they are no more responsible 15 for the origin of slavery than we are. they would all perish . My first impulse would be to stand and appreciate the saying. yet the point is not clear enough for ? me to next Free them.
The law which forbids the bringing of slaves from Africa. . ABRAHAM LINCOLN My own we well feelings will not admit of this. . to : meet him fairly argument. At the hazard of being thought one of the fools of this quota- tion. can hardly be distinguished on any moral principle. But one great argument ^5 Missouri Compromise is still in support of the repeal of the to come. A universal feeling. even in the Senate. cannot be It safely disregarded. and the repeal of the former could find quite as plausible excuses as that of the latter. I meet that argument — I rush in — I take that bull by * Alexander Pope. I acknowlfully and fairly . it. It sacred right of self-government. We cannot then make them does seem to me that systems of gradual emancipation might in this I will not be adopted. Some poet * has said 30 Fools rush in where angels fear to tread.I8 equals. But all this. in " Essay on Criticism. whether well or founded. would. but remind us of their constitutional rights. Whether is this feeling and if mine mass of whites accords with justice and sound if judgment 5 not the sole question. and I would them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives in its stringency which should not be more likely to carry a free man 15 into slavery than our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one. When they edge them give — not grudgingly. indeed ill it is any part of equals. and that which has so long forbidden the taking of them into Nebraska. furnishes no more excuse for permitting slavery to go into our own free territory than it 20 would for reviving the African slave trade by law." That argument is '' the seems our distinguished on this senator has found great difficulty in getting his antagonists. but for their tardiness to lo undertake judge our brethren of the South." . to my judgment. . know that those of the great will not.
that whether it Or perhaps he is should rather say has such application depends upon whether a is negro is not or a man. shall But if the negro is a man. I 30 do not say the contrary." : REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE the horns. I trust I 19 understand and truly estimate the right of faith in self-government. in that case he who is a man may as a matter of self-government do just what 15 he pleases with him. with and sarcasm. in connection with one man's making a slave bitter irony '' : Judge Douglas frequently. — 20 teaches me that '' all men are created equal. is right. What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent. is it not to that extent a total destruction of self-government to say that he too not govern himself is . I would not trouble myself with the oyster laws of the cranberry laws of Indiana. that self-government . Here. I say this is the leading principle. — but I it has no just application as here attempted." and that there can be no moral right of another. but they are will not good enough to govern a few miserable negroes ! doubt not that the people of Nebraska are and continue to be as good as the average of people elsewhere. when he governs himself and also that man. why then my ancient faith is despotism. so extend : it because it is politically wise. Our Declaration of Independence says . the sheet anchor of American republicanism. of 25 paraphrases our argument by saying The white people ! Nebraska are good enough Well I to govern themselves. or at Washington. that is more than self-government governs another If the negro is a man. If not a man. or — The doctrine of self-government 10 absolutely and eternally right. as well as naturally just politically wise in saving us from broils about matters which do not concern us. My the proposition that each all man is should do precisely as he pleases with his which is exclusively in 5 own lies at the foundation of the sense of justice there me.? When the but white man governs himself. Virginia. I extend the principle to communities of I men as well as to individuals.
where 25 it we must of necessity manage as we best can. I am glad he has done shall love the sentiments of those old-time be most happy to abide by their opinions. 10 Now the relation of this principle. deriving their just powers from the consent OF THE GOVERNED. liberty. I have quoted so much at this time merely to show that. ac- cording to our ancient faith. which. provided each state should be allowed to regulate domestic concerns in its own way. In support of his application of the doctrine of self-govern- ment. Senator Douglas has sought to bring to his aid the opinions and examples of our Revolutionary this. 15 is self- government. and set up a new government for themselves." 20 ABRAHAM LINCOLN : We hold equal . between the whites and blacks. these truths to be self-evident That all men are created that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalien- able rights. be taken where they have never thing. and shows us break off 30 that when it was in contemplation for the colonies to from Great Britain. but I am combating what set up as moral argument for allowing them yet been — arguing against the extension of a bad already exists. Let it not be said I am contending for the establishment of poHtical and social equality have already said the contrary. Allow all the governed an equal voice in the government. I I am not combating the argufact that the blacks are is ment of necessity. but he governs him by a set of rules altogether different from those which he prescribes for himself. I do not quote . and that only. several of the states instructed their delegates to go for the its measure. governments are instituted among men. that happiness. master and slave is pro tafito a total violation of The master not only governs the slave without his consent. but this in . He men. and the pursuit of That to secure these rights. and that. arising from the to 20 already among us . I fathers. 5 among these are life. the just powers of governments are derived from the consent of the governed.
This was right it . their authority. I also 21 it. who declared who fought the War of the Revolution through. declaring that Territory.REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE substance. It is a question of discrimination between them and him. their example. what has become of the whole ? What is then left of us ? What use for the general government. It is part 20 it you say we is because is and when all the parts are gone. the same true of every other part . But any reference to the carrying of slavery into new counThat is the question. Again. are on his side in the controversy. But there is not an inch of ground left for his claiming that their 15 opinions. a part of us the country ? ? Do it. we not own And if we surrender the control of ? do we not surrender the of ourselves. If this be the you must leave it to each individual to say for himself whether he will have slaves. and we will let the fathers themselves it. 25 Nebraska. say that slavery shall not go into the thirty-second state at all ? But if it is a sacred right for the people of Nebraska to take there. What better moral right have thirty-one citizens of Nebraska to say that the thirty-second shall 30 not hold slaves than the people of the thirty-one states have to rule. I have no doubt Judge Douglas thinks they were very inconsistent in this. because they are more particularly interested. while a territory. I it see nothing objectionable in think probable that had some reference to the exist- ence of slavery had tries it ? among them. If right of shall self-government not control it. it is and hold slaves equally their sacred right to buy them . and mostly the same individ- who declared this principle. I will not deny that it had. — 10 these slavery same men passed the Ordinance should never go to the Northwest of '87. who afterward made the Constitution under which we still live uals of the generation independence. 5 answer This same generation of men. is not Nebraska. when there is nothing left for it to govern? But you say this question should be left -to the people of only part.
He does not catch free negroes and He their black captors. Another important objection to this application of the right of self-government is that it enables the first few to deprive the 15 succeeding many first of a free exercise of the right of self-govern- ment. The same thing was true of the whole nation at the time our Constitution was formed. We ." They are actually deprived of the privilege of governing themselves as they would. "If we were only clear of our slaves. provided you will consent not to hang them for going there to buy them. aware. will be on the coast of Africa. too. or other new terri- not a matter of exclusive concern to the people who 25 may go shall there. you say. territories. The whole nation is interested that the best use be made of these territories. The few may get slavery it in. is shall go into Nebraska. extent. but the African slave trader in the can say just as much. not New free states are the places for poor people to go remove to. by the action of a very few in the beginning. Still For this use the nation needs these further : there are constitutional relations between the states slave and free which are degrading to the latter. How common is and the subsequent the remark now in the slave states. This is very cheap. many cannot much 20 easily get out. lo finds them already slaves and he honestly buys them hands of it is at the rate of a red cotton handkerchief a head. You must remove this reI am striction. bring them here. places for poor white people to 30 remove from. We want them for homes Slave states are to of free white people. how would be for us. that taking slaves from the states to Nebraska does not make slaves of freemen . and better their condition. and a great abridgment of the sacred right of self-government to hang men for engaging in this profitable trade. undoubtedly. 5 where they can buy them cheapest and that. from the sacred right of self-government. to.22 ABRAHAM LINCOLN . to any considerable slavery shall be planted within them. if This they cannot be. better it Whether slavery tories.
each has a number of representatives in proportion to the number of its people. and so has Maine precise equality so far . The South Carolinian has precisely the same advantage over the white man in every other free state as well as in Maine. all it the citizens of the slave states over those of the free is an absolute truth.567 Maine has twice as many as South Caroand 32.REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE them 23 are under legal obligations to catch and return their runaway slaves to lieve. the slaveholders will not perform for again. without an exception. and the disadvantage is against us . Thus and of course they are equal in senain the control of the government But how are they in the 20 the two states are equals precisely. and each has a number of presidential electors equal to the whole number of its senators and representatives together. There is no instance of exact equality. to swell the influence of the white people's is The practical effect of this more aptly shown by a South South 15 comparison of the states of South Carolina and Maine. By the Constitution each state has two senators. Carolina has six representatives. each having two. is He crowd. is of their white people . that there is and 30 no voter in any slave state. Thus. tors. each white man in South Carolina more than the double of any man in Maine. This is all be- cause South Carolina. has 384. But in ascertaining the number of the people for this 10 purpose. besides her free people. but who has more legal power in the government than any voter in any free state. The slaves do not vote . but not to the same extent. disagreeable job. the Then management of the partnership affairs — they have government — 5 greatly the advantage of us. I be- as a general rule. five slaves are counted as being equal to three whites. which. ? Maine has 581. while South Carolina has 274. Carolina has eight presidential electors. This is .679 over. this is more than the double of any one of us in The same advantage. : a sort of dirty.984 25 slaves. they are only counted and so used as votes.813. in the control of the one another. number lina. held by . and so has Maine.
that the 30 extension of slavery endangers them more than any or if other causes. They will surely be too small for detection with the naked eye. he can. and I But when I am told must leave it altogether to other people to say whether new partners are to be bred up and brought into the firm. and peep about. after he shall have exercised that a still right. manifestly unfair it yet I do not mention It is in it to complain of Constitution. And if they shall think. is a question in which I am somewhat concerned. the and do not for that cause. and with were an the fate of their country. mere handful to of men bent only on If this question of slavery extension insignificant one — one having no power do harm — . in the aggregate. and thereby shall I have reduced me to smaller fraction of a man than already am. gives the slave states in the present Congress twenty additional representatives. If I am wrong in the in this — if it really be a sacred right of self-government man who shall go to Nebraska to decide whether he will be the equal of 20 me or the double of me. alter. the whole majority by which they passed the Nebraska 5 Now all this is it. to a self-interest.24 ABRAHAM LINCOLN This principle. what has become of there my sacred rights. on the same degrading terms against me. or any other cause. I respectfully demur. how it recreant to themselves they submit the question. I fairly. the whole chapter through. deeply if skilled in the mysteries of sacred rights. and 25 find out. if Finally. fully. or only the half of one. I should like for some gentleman. I insist that is anything which it is the duty of the whole people to never intrust to any hands but their own. as I do. to provide himself with a microscope. or disregard the Constitution. being seven more than Bill. and one which no other man can have a sacred right of deciding for me. I insist that whether I shall be a whole 15 man. then. . or stand to 10 it. in comparison with others. firmly. propose to destroy. that thing ties is the preservation and perpetuity of their own all liber- and institutions. in so far as I is already settled.
shall the strong grip of the nation be loosened upon him. We can We shall do it. let every such one have charity to 10 believe that every other one can say as .not to declare that all '' states as states are equal. as it the great behemoth of danger.5 "A HOUSE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF" it 25 is. Thus let . us reinaugurate the good central ideas " of the republic." nor yet that citizens as citizens are equal. 1856 (Close of address at a Republican banquet in Chicago. to intrust him to the liands of such feeble keepers I ? have done with ! this mighty argument of self-government. but being. God all is with us. President and Gentleme?! of the Convention : If we could know where we are. free society not and shall not be a scientiously declare that in what he thought best gones be bygones old '' — and is resolved. Illinois. The human 1 again be able. better declaration. . We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed first . might be shuffled aside in this way . 1856) Let every one who is really believes. that men are created equal. much. . and whither we are tending. we could better judge what to do. and how to do it. . by- let past differences as nothing be let and with steady eye on the real issue." but to renew the broader. 5 Go.. sacred thing Go in peace. including both these " all and much more. (Extracts from speech in Springfield. AFTER THE DEFEAT OF December . June 1858) 20 Mr. is heart " with us . that and who can conthe past contest he has done only failure." ''A HOUSE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF" made 16.. 10.
as well as might be. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved I do not expect the house to fall but I do expect it will cease to be divided. Congress only had acted 30 and an indorsement by the people. its Nebraska doctrine and the Dred only what work the and how well adapted but also let . later Four days commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that This opened all the national territory and was the first point gained. it '' In my opinion. only not ceased. so far. than half the states by state constitutions. to trace the evidences of design its concert of action among of chief architects. Either — — lo the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it. believe this will not cease until a crisis shall itself have been reached and passed. This necessity had not been overlooked. The new year 25 1854 found slavery excluded from more . so to of the Let him consider not machinery or rather adapted to do. but had' been provided for. if construction." I 5 A house divided against government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. is — now piece of machinery. and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that is it in the course of ultimate extinction it . . if he can. but has constantly augmented. to slavery. he can. 15 North as well as South. cannot stand. was indispensable to save the point already gained and give chance for more. and from most of the national territory by congressional prohibition. in the notable argument of congressional prohibition.26 ABRAHAM LINCOLN Under the operation of that policy. real or apparent. It will become all one thing. or all the other. and trace. or its advocates will push forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the states. . old as well as new. But. that Have we no tendency to the latter condition ? Let any one who doubts carefully contemplate almost complete legal combination speak Scott 20 — compounded decision. him study the history of fail. and from the beginning. that agitation has not object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation.
nor to exclude it therefrom . subject only to the Constitution of the United States. Supreme Court of the United States but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. territory or state. which name now designates the Before the then next presi- the case. on the floor of the Senate. "let us amend the so as to expressly declare 15 that the people of the territory may exclude slavery. in the language which follows intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any to object. was so perverted in this it as to amount to just this : That shall if any one 5 man choose to enslave another. The name was Dred made in Scott. and held him as a slave for a long time in each. 1854." which attempted use of latter phrase. a law case involving the question of a negro's freedom. and down they voted amendment. Still."A HOUSE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF" 2J " squatter sovereignty. Senator Trumbull. though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government. requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska Bill to state his opinion ' 30 whether the people of a territory can constitutionally exclude . dential election." said the friends of the measure the . the law case came to and was argued in the . before the election." " Not we." Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of " squatter sovereignty " and " sacred right of self-government. but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their 10 domestic institutions in their own way. was passing through the United States Circuit Court for the district of Missouri." bill " But. and both Nebraska Bill and lawsuit were of his 25 brought to a decision negro's decision finally in the same month of May. While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress. no third man : be allowed That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska '' It being the true Bill itself. by reason 20 owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free and then into a territory covered by the congressional state prohibition." said opposition members." otherwise called " sacred right of self- government.
Then. such as it was. fell short of a clear popu- majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes. lar The indorsement. upon the people the weight and authorThe Supreme Court met again did . perhaps. whether the Lecompton constitution was or was not. was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory. and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. : and the latter answered " That is a Supreme Court. in a few days. in any just sense. Mr. and so. presidential The fer- inauguration came. came the decision. made by the people of Kansas and in that quarrel the author of the Nebraska . on the mere question of fact. seizes the early occasion of the Silliman whatever 20 letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision. Buchanan was elected. not announce their decision. secured. The outgoing President. impress upon the public mind end. and to express his astonishment that any different view had ever been entertained 25 At length a squabble springs up between the President and Bill. but ordered a reargument. and ready to suffer to the If And well may he cling to that principle. and still no decision of the court . the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people. That was the second point slavery from their limits question for the 5 gained. and the indorsement. — the principle for is which he declares he has suffered so much. but the incoming President in his inaugural address vently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision. too. as impressively indorsement. The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott decision. however. and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted I do not understand his declaration that he cares not 30 whether slavery be voted down or voted up to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy he would up.! 28 ABRAHAM LINCOLN . he has any . The new President. 15 it might be." The election came. in his as possible echoed back lo ity of the last annual message.
points of that machinery are 1 (i) That no negro imported as such from Africa. — helped through one blast and to carry late joint an kicked to the winds. the United States courts will not decide. fill This point is made in order men may up the territories with slaves. negro in This point is made in order to deprive the every possible event of the benefit of that provision 20 States Constitution which declares that " the shall of the United citizens of each State '' be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. That principle the only shred left Dred Scott existence. well 29 is may he cling to it. licans against the His back and then was struggle with the Repubfell election. subject to the Constitution of the United States. Under tumbled down temporary scaffolding." neither Congress nor a territorial legislature can exclude slavery 25 from any United States that individual territory. and thus enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through (3) all the future." (2) That. and no descendant of such slave. can ever be a citizen of any state. but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave state the negro may be forced into by the master. in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. . with- out danger of losing them as property. constitute the piece of machinery in its present state of advancement. served into loose sand. This point is made not to be pressed immediately. the decision " squatter sovereignty " squatted out of like of his original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a right of a people to make their own constitution — 10 upon which he and the Republicans have never differed. the original point — the Lecompton constitution involves nothing of Nebraska doctrine. The working slave. This was the : third point gained. — like the 5 mold at the foundry. in connection with Senator Douglas's " care not " policy. 30 That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free state makes him free as against the holder. The several points of the Dred Scott decision.5 "A HOUSE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF" parental feeling.
20 was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott decision to afterward come in. and partially. Several things will 15 they did left " now appear less dark and mysterious than when they were transpiring. The people were to be perfectly free. also. and declare the perfect freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. This shows exactly lo where we now are." " subject only to the Constitution. Auxiliary to all this." What it the Constitution had to do with Plainly outsiders could not then see. 25 opinion withheld after the presidential election ? Plainly enough now. is to educate and mold public opinion. at least Northern publio opinion. or what is left of it. he may give the rider a And why the hasty after? indorsement of the decision by the President and others . Why was the amendment expressly declaring the right of the people voted down ? Plainly enough now. whither we are tending.? These things look that like the cautious patting spirited horse preparatory to and petting of a mounting him. the Nebraska doctrine. Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement ? Why the delay of a reargument ? Why the incom30 ing President's advance exhortation in favor of the decision. when it is dreaded fall. and apparently indorsed by the people at an election. if ABRAHAM LINCOLN acquiesced in for a while. to go back and run the mind over the string of historical facts already stated. It will throw additional light on the latter. Why was the court decision held up ? Why even a senator's individual it till enough now. the speaking out then would have damaged the " perfectly free " argument upon which the election was to be carried. and working hand in hand with it. the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision. then to sustain the logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott in the free state of Illinois.30 but. every other master 5 fully may law- do with any other one or one thousand slaves in Illinois or in any other free state. not to care whether slavery is voted down or voted up.
and James.EQUALITY OF WHITE AND BLACK RACES 31 We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations lot of are the result of preconcert. equality I have no purpose to introduce between the white and the black races. no lawful right to do so.. ing of perfect equality that there in and inasmuch as I. and I have no inclination political to do so. either directly or indirectly. . the frame of a house or a actly fitting. am 25 favor of the race to which I belong having the superior posi- tion. not omitting even scaffolding — or. . Franklin. Stephen. But when we see a framed gotten timbers. August 21. Ottawa. I as well as Judge Douglas. and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was struck. all this. fitted we see the place in the frame exactly and prepared yet it to bring such piece in — in such a case we find impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning. it becomes a necessity must be a difference. in will my probably forever forbid their living together upon the foot. I I have no purpose. Roger. notwithstanding have never said anything to the contrary. and not a piece too many or too few. 1858) .. for instance. if a 10 single piece be lacking. and see they exactly mill. and social There is a judgment. but I hold that. — — and we make 5 see these timbers joined together. EQUALITY OF WHITE AND BLACK RACES (Extract from first debate between Lincoln and Douglas. which. to inter- fere with the institution of slavery in the states believe I have where it exists. 15 . there is no reason in the world why the . 20 physical difference between the two. different portions of which we know have been out at different times and places and by different workmen. Illinois. all the tenons and mortises ex- and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places.
a disturbing element. agree with Judge Douglas he not my equal in in many respects — certainly not in color. to these as the white 5 — the right to is life.. But in the right anybody else. It is It is We have in this nation the element of domestic slavery.. think slavery a no other than the difference bewrong and those who do party think it it The Republican itself it wrong — we it a moral. and the equal of every living man. We think a wrong not confining it merely to the persons or the states a where exists. we propose a course of policy that shall deal . . and I hold that he I as much entitled is man. affects it the existence of the whole nation. We controversy in regard to it. liberty. haps not moral or intellectual . and if we can learn exactly can reduce to the lowest elements what that difference of opinion that it is a dangerous element.32 negro is ABRAHAM LINCOLN not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence the pursuit of happiness. Because we think wrong. to say the least. 1858) . — — is. a social. o Illinois. and a political wrong. it is a matter of absolute certainty that the opinion of it. he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas. . o I we would propose is in regard to that suggest that the difference of opinion. Quincy. October 13. but that is wrong which in its tendency. REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES COMPARED (Extract from sixth joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas. we perhaps shall be better prepared for discussing the differ- ent systems of policy that disturbing element. without the leave of endowment. reduced to its lowest terms. per- to eat the bread. tween the not think think is 5 it is men who wrong. all the great men who have expressed an opinion upon 5 keep up a That controversy necessarily springs from difference of opinion. which his own hand earns.
shall restrict to its present We also oppose as an evil We insist on the policy that limits. 20 doing this we violate anything due to the actual presence of the institution. or anything due to the constitutional guaranties thrown around it. we will in . or one thousand. upon ought perhaps to address you a few words.30 cided by that court to be slaves. when any other one. and the all in any satis. We go further than that we don't propose to disturb it where. in one instance. Where we suppose we have and the difficulties it the constitutional right.REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES with it 33 as a wrong. the constitutional obligations thrown about suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in the we have no right and we profess that we have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the right to do it. it at all to disturb in the states where it exists.5 factory way. We don't suppose that in it. 25 in a certain We which oppose the Dred Scott decision I way. and to our constitutional obligations. as a mob. Still we do I not propose to do that. we it restrain ourselves in reference to the actual existence of the institution thrown about so far as seeks to spread it itself. growing any and so deal of with it that in the run of time there to may be some promise it an end it We have a due regard to the actual presence of difficulties of getting rid of amongst I us. we. unless is should be in terms which nation very likely soon to agree to — the terms don't suppose the 15 of making the emancipation gradual and compensating the unwilling owners. We do not do not dis- propose that when Dred Scott has been decided to be a slave by the court. and it. 10 : permit us. which . in larger. shall be de. we think the Constitution would nation. turb it We think the Constitution would permit us to dis- in the District of it Columbia. We propose that. which it be binding shall on the voter to vote for nobody who thinks wrong. We deal with its it as with any other wrong. will decide him to be free. any violent way turb the rights of property thus settled but we nevertheless do shall oppose that decision as a political rule. so far as we can prevent it.
as I think. standing with us. in relation to this subject. He will find his place somewhere o.f for we have it. is That policy is the Democratic policy. that man misplaced and ought there be any While. of never having said slavery either . We propose so resisting as to have it reversed if we can. for is these things. and therefore 25 ing with goes for the policy that does not propose deal- as a wrong. as well as I can give a plain statement of our principles in I will all their enormity. wrong in the three aspects which have men- any one of them. and a new judicial rule established upon lo this subject. . say trary to me it — a sentiment which it now that there is a sentiment in the country conholds that slavery is not wrong. friend Judge Douglas the the present Democratic policy never himself says tion. or in to leave us. man in the Republican party 15 ing who is impatient over the necessity spring- from its actual presence. be a doubt is mind of any one of this vast audience that this really the central idea of the Democratic party. he too is misplaced. the I think I may do my it is honor of calling him such — advocating wrong. is impatient of the constituact in disregard of tional guaranties thrown around else and would these. is that if there be any man who is if does not believe I that slavery tioned. to prove that proposition. This. leading man — In the first place. and If there that sentiment in the the Democratic sentiment. so far as I He has the high distincis know. but it lays the foundation for spreading that evil into the states themselves. I will add this.34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN be binding on the members of Congress or the President to favor no measure that does not actually concur with the principles of that decision. 20 gentlemen. because 5 we think lays the foun- dation not merely of enlarging and spreading out what sider we it con- an evil. on the other hand. so far as all we are capable understanding them. I ask him to bear with me while I state a few things tend- 30 ing. We do not propose to be bound by it it as a political rule in that way. a due regard. and it.
15 . thinks Almost everybody If there it is else says one or the in the other. is haps that Democrat who says he as I am. and if his opinion will not be changed a little. when Judge Douglas says he don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted down." whether he means that as an . Mr. but the judge never does. or only as a sort of statement of his views on national policy. which you say yourself is coming. it is alike true to say that in it . that there is anything wrong in ments that are made on it. he can but he thus argue logically if he don't see anything wrong . and got beat and you. because that will make a fuss it must not be opposed in the pulpit. 20 25 . wrong. that in regard to the arguments that are made. sug- gest to him in the first place that his leader don't talk as he does. threw up your hat and hallooed. " Hurrah for Democracy " So I say again. and yet clings to that party. Then where is the place to oppose it ? There is no suitable place to oppose it. will tell as much opposed about this.10 will find that every one carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery. Frank Blair and Gratz Brown tried to get up a system of gradual emancipation in Missouri. Democrat.REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES right or 35 wrong. You say it wrong. because it is there it must not be opposed in politics. it is for he never says that I sug- 5 gest to him that if he will carried forward. because slavery is not there the slave states. . party be a man Democratic I who wrong. but don't you constantly object to anybody else saying so ? Do you not constantly argue that this is not the right place to oppose it ? You say it must not be opposed in the free it must not be opposed in states. you If you will examine the arguPer. to slavery me that I am wrong I wish him to examine then see is his own course in regard to this matter a moment. In the second place. There is no plan in the country to oppose this evil overspreading the continent. had an election in August. ! '' 30 individual expression of sentiment. he will examine the policy proposed to be find that he carefully excludes the idea it. because it is not religion.
. and not this then. he is perfectly logical if there is nothing wrong in the institution but if you admit that it is wrong. stand and act with us in treating till it as a wrong. trying 20 we are right and they are wrong. turn it in any way you can. I think.36 ABRAHAM LINCOLN if cannot say so logically he admits that slavery is wrong. to prove that . in all the arguments sustaining the Democratic policy. he cannot logically say that anybody has a right to do wrong. just here. there is a careful. slavery. I am not. will we in some way come to an end of slavery agitation. he is reasoning truly if there is no difference between them as property. and the other is wrong. studied exclusion of the idea that there is anything wrong in down. When he says that slave property and horse and hog property are alike to be allowed to go into the territories. to Let us understand this. but if the one is property. —. then there is no equality between the right and wrong so that. they have a right to have them.can get all these men who believe that slavery is in some of these respects wrong. . and in that policy itself. I have been stating where we and they stand. and trying to show what is the real difference between us and I now say that whenever we can get the question distinctly stated. . He cannot say that he would as soon see a wrong voted up as voted 5 lo 15 When Judge Douglas says that whoever or whatever community wants slaves. upon the principles of equality. held rightfully. — then.
Levi. such as Enoch. when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest. He removed from Kentucky to what is now Spencer County. Indiana. a little sketch. My father. 1809. emigrated from Rockingham County.. effort to identify them with the New England family of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity of Christian names in both families. Yours very A. Esq. Hanks. at the death of his father. perhaps should say. My mother. December 20. and others in Macon County. not in battle. Abraham. I wish it to be modest. My paternal grandfather. was but six years of age. as you requested. and the like. families. My much me. in An 20 25 . Pennsylvania. of undistinguished I families — second my Virginia. 10 died in tenth year. There is is not of for the reason. Of course must not appear truly to have been written by myself. and he grew up literally without education. but by stealth. Mordecai. who were Quakers. went to Virginia from Berks County. J. 5 LINCOLN'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY 37 LINCOLN'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY (Written for campaign purposes) Springfield. that there not much anything be made out of it. to tucky about 1781 or 1782. some of whom Illinois. Solomon. I suppose there would be no objection. Lincoln I My who was born February 12. Virginia. parents were both born in in Hardin County. Fell. Abraham Ken1 Lincoln. dear Sir is Herewith of If it. If it were thought necessary incorporate anything from any of my it speeches. 1859 W. Kentucky. His ancestors. and to 5 not to go beyond the material. I suppose. was of a family of the name of now reside in Adams. where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians.
The little advance I now have upon this store excite ambition for education. but that was all. so called. and removed to Springfield to practice it. of education. I have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. There were some schools. During this legislative period I had studied law. and was beaten the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. What I have done since then pretty known. I could read. The next — 25 legislature. a success which gave me more pleasure . with many bears and other wild animals up. I went the campaign. 20 Then I got to New Salem. . est in politics Always a Whig in politics and generally on the Whig making active canvasses. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower of Congress. at that time in Menard County. Sangamon. now in than any I have had since. At twenty-one came to Illinois. Then came the Black Hawk War and I was elected a captain of volunteers. he was looked upon lo as a wizard. House From 1849 ^^ 1854. and cipher to the rule of three. It was a wild region. Macon County. when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise is aroused well me again. Was not a candidate for reelection. writin'. my We reached our new home about in the the time the state came into the Union. There was absolutely nothing to Of course. where I remained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. and supposed to un- If a straggler derstand Latin happened to sojourn in the neighborhood. ran for the legislature the same year (1832). when I came of age I did not know much. and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the I was not a candidate afterward. electoral tickets. was ever required of a teacher beyond " cipherin' " to the rule of three. I have not been to school since. 15 I was raised to farm work. practiced law more assiduously than ever 30 before. Still. There I grew but no qualification readin'. write.38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN eighth year. which I I continued till I was twenty-two. both inclusive. I was losing inter. somehow. was elated. 5 still woods.
and it I adopt it as a text for this discourse. framed in 1787. IT New York. i860) Mr.: . the which were framed in 1789. It simply leaves the inquiry What was the understanding those fathers had of : th6 question mentioned . it may I am. will be in the make of mode 10 at of presenting the facts. weighing on an average one hundred and eighty pounds complexion. with coarse black hair and gray eyes. President and Felhnv with which I shall deal this Citizens of New York : The facts evening are mainly old and familiar in the general use I shall it nor is there anything If there shall new them. than we we 15 do now. Ohio. first 25 ten of . and under which the present government first went into operation. autumn Columbus. February 27. . when they framed the government under which understood this question just as well. I so adopt because furnishes a precise and an agreed start- ing-point for a discussion of the between Republicans and that wing 20 Democracy headed by Senator Douglas. Lincoln SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED (Address at Cooper Union. truly A. fathers. and the inferences and observations In his speech in the last following that presentation. dark other No marks or brands recollected. I fully indorse it this. six feet four inches." That Constitution consists of the original. be any novelty. . SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED If IT 39 be said any personal description of me is thought desirable. Yours . and twelve subsequently framed amendments. in height. nearly lean in flesh. Senator Our live. as reported Douglas said New York Tif?ies. '' The Constitution of the United States. and even better.^ What is the frame of government under which we live ? The answer must be.
and Reissue publicans the negative. according to the text. showing that. no line else. take these " thirty-nine.40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution ? I suppose the " thirty-nine " who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our fathers who framed that part of the present it. Thomas 30 prohibition. thus and Hugh Williamson voted for the understanding. as being '' need not now be repeated. forbid our federal 1 5 government to control as to slavery in our federal territories ? Upon issue . those fathers well. and no other." for the present." what the Let us now upon inquire whether the " thirty-nine. three years before the Constitution. and if they did. being familiar to nearly and sentiment of the whole nation at that time. and accessible to quite all. * and four of the " thirty-nine " who that Congress. prohibited slavery after 1800 above the parallel of 31° north It failed to pass by one vote. the United States then owning the Northwestern Territory. nor anything It properly The bill was reported by Thomas Jefferson." What It is understood " just as is the question which. Sherman. ever acted upon this question it — how . the 25 Congress of the Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that territory . latitude. government. in their dividing local * from federal authority. 1 our lo fathers who framed the government under which we live. In 1784. Their all." or any of them. than we do now " ? : this Does the proper division of local from federal authority. Roger Mifflin. and even better. Of these. and this — This affirmation and denial form an this question '' — is precisely text declares our fathers 20 understood better than we. Senator Douglas holds the affirmative. this. or anything in the Constitution. afterward framed the Constitution were in and voted on that question. 5 It is almost exactly true to say they framed and ion it is altogether true to say they fairly represented the opin- names. . how they acted they expressed that better understanding.
In 1789. being part of what well now The as the Ordinance of '87. 20 instrument. expressed any opinion on that precise question. still it. Johnson. It went through all its stages without a word of opposition. 5 tion was in still session framing Territory the and while the Northwestern was the only territory owned by the United States. and without ayes and nays.30 In this Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution. They were William Blount and William tion — thus showing known Few . James IT 41 in fed- forbade the federal government to control as to slavery eral territory. voted against the prohibition. of the in that '' thirty-nine " who afterward signed the Constitution were 10 Congress. 25 The bill for this act was reported by one of the '' thirty-nine " of the House of Rep- from Pennsylvania. in- an act was passed to enforce the Ordinance of — Thomas Fitzsimmons. Robert Morris. by the tution. They were John Langdon.SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED The other of the four. same question of prohibiting slavery in the territory again came before the Congress of the Confederation and two more . is finally passed both branches equivalent to a unanimous pas. but while the convenit. first Congress which sat under the Consti'87. Nicholas Oilman. Abraham . S. showing that for it some cause he thought improper to vote for In 1787. is government to control as to slavery in federal terri. then a member resentatives cluding the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. nor anything properly forbade the federal tory. Wm. McHenry. while engaged on that . Thos. William Few. for the prohibi- that in their understanding no line dividing local from federal authority. and voted on the question. Fitzsimmons. which sage.15 This time the prohibition became a law. and they both voted else. Roger Sherman. question of federal control of slavery in the territories seems not to have been directly before the convention which framed the original Constitution and hence it is not recorded that the " thirty-nine. before the Constitution." or any of them.
on taking charge of these countries. lo Again. Georgia ceded that which now constitutes the states of Missisit and Alabama. no line dividing local from federal authority. to support the Constitution. Daniel Carroll. and their oath would have constrained them to '' oppose the prohibition. and thus showing 15 federal that. ABRAHAM LINCOLN Rufus King. Richard Bassett. condition by ceding states that the federal government actually in the ceded country. George Clymer. and James Madison. In the act of organization they prohibited the bringing of slaves into the territory 30 fine. thus completing its validity as a law. nor anything in the Constitution. George Read.42 Baldwin. in his understanding. slavery was then Under these circumstances. No now 20 sippi great while after the adoption of the original Constitution. . prop- Congress to prohibit slavery in the federal terri- tory . by act passed both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. another of the thirty-nine. to the federal North Carolina ceded constituting the state of Tennessee government the country and a few years later . should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. from any place without the United and giving freedom to slaves so brought." was then President of the United States. 25 did not absolutely prohibit slavery within them. forbade the government to control as to slavery in federal territory. George Washington. to a certain In 1798 Congress organized the territory of Mississippi. and as such approved and signed the bill.* the In both deeds of cession was made a Besides this. William Paterson. nor anything erly forbade in the Constitution. Pierce Butler. In that the . no line dividing local from federal authority. interfere with extent. in 5 their understanding. This " thirty-nine " States. Congress. it — take control of it — even But they did there. else both their fidelity to correct principle. Congress were three of the * who framed The cession by North CaroHna was accepted by Congress in 1790 that by Georgia in 1798. This shows that.
and freedom the 'slave. In the ConThey it there were two of the " thirty-nine. but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign of Louisiana. in their understanding. That no slave should be carried into it who had been day of May. to pass without recording their it in their understanding. 3d. in the 15 — take I St." were Abraham Baldwin and Jonathan Dayton. provision therein The substance was of the made in relation to slaves That no slave should be imported into the territory from 20 foreign parts. violated either . country. and for his cases being a fine own use as a settler . George Read. As stated in This act 'also gress which passed 30 the case of Mississippi. first That no slave should be carried into it.: SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED IT 43 original Constitution. except by the 25 all imported into the United States since the 1798. They would not have allowed opposition to it if. any line dividing local from federal authority. properly forbade the 5 federal government to control as to slavery in federal territory. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to it upon record if. In 1804 Congress gave a it territorial 10 organization to that part of which now constitutes the state New Orleans. Territorial Act. was passed without ayes or nays. and Abraham Baldwin. or anything in the Constitution. it is probable they both voted for it it. of our In 1803 the federal government purchased the Louisiana Our former territorial acquisitions came from certain own states . the penalty in the to upon the violator of the law. They all probably voted for it. was an old and comparatively large city. nation. lying within that part. 2d. Congress did not. prohibit slavery . control of it — but they did interfere with it in a more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. They were John Langdon. owner. and slavery was extensively and thoroughly intermingled with the people. There were other considerable towns and settlements.
King steadily voted for slavery prohibition and against all compromises. then. to discover. or any provision of the Constitution. By this. upon their official responsibility and their corporal acted upon the very question which the text affirms they " understood just as well. King showed that. two in this But would be counting John Langdon. seventeen in 1789. Mr. by his votes." 30 who have. while Mr. Many votes were taken. a clear majority of the whole " thirtyas to acting upon it make them guilty of gross . twenty-three. Pinckney as steadily voted against slavery prohibition and against all compromises. no line dividing local from federal authority. showed that. is by the they understood better than we. and two in 1819-20. and George Read each twice. Roger Sherman. leav- ing sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any way. in his understanding. of the "thirty-nine" — — . The true number of those of the " thirty- 25 nine" whom text. in both branches of Con5 10 upon the various phases of the general question." or of any of them. there would be thirty of them. and even better. there was some sufgress. Rufus King. than and twenty-one of them nine " — so — we do now " . thirty-nine Here. 15 ficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. which have been able 20 1784. Pinckney. William Few. 1804. by yeas and nays. Mr. three in 1798. cases I The have mentioned are the only acts of the " thirtyI nine. I have shown to have acted upon the question which. and Abraham Baldwin three times. Two Rufus King and Charles Pinckney were members of that Congress. was violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in federal territory while Mr. upon the direct issue. nor anything in the Constitution. To enumerate two in the persons who thus acted as being four in 1787.44 ABRAHAM LINCOLN the line properly dividing local from federal authority. In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. oaths. fathers " we have twenty-three out of our who framed the government under which we live. in his understanding.
Two tion of of the twenty-three voted against congressional prohibi- slavery in the federal territories. without any such question. however distinguished. stood in the way or they may. the twenty-one and. so voted is But for what reasons they so because they 10 not known. however expedient he may think it but one may and ought to vote against a measure which he deems constitutional if. have voted . ." so far as I have discovered. other than the . any proper division between and federal anything in the Constitution they had made Thus themselves.SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED political IT 45 impropriety and willful perjury local if. so actions still under such responsibility speak louder. They may have done thought a proper division of local from federal authority. I have purposely omitted whatever understanding may have been maniing upon that question fested by any person. therefore. or some provision or principle of the Constitution. . in their understanding. as actions speak louder than words. at the same time. forbade the federal government as to slavery in the federal territories. on what appeared to them to be suffiNo one who has sworn to support the Constitution can conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional measure. would be unsafe to set down even the two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because. and to control 5 sworn acted to support. forbade the federal government The remaining to control as to slavery in federal territory. in their understandauthority. any proper division of local from against the prohibition cient 15 grounds of expediency. have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of federal control of slavery in the federal territories. 25 sixteen of the " thirty-nine. or ing. 20 federal authority. or anything in the Constitution. in the instances in which they acted upon the question. It. he deems it inexpedient. had it been manifested at all. For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text. But there is much reason to believe that their understand- would not have appeared different from 30 that of their twenty-three compeers.
so far. unquestionably. Alexander Hamilton. nor any part of the Constitution. to us that on the direct question of federal control of slavery in federal territories. forbade the federal government to control slavery in the federal 20 territories . and. of South Carolina. and Gouverneur Morris. as understand. as the foreign slave trade. If on any other phase of the general question of 5 we should look into their acts and declarations on those other phases. while all the rest had probably the same underand the text standing. I have also omitted whatever understandhave been manifested by any of the " thirty-nine " even slavery. mode was pro- vided for amending present have already stated. Franklin. twenty-one framed the local of the whole — — a clear majority division of certainly understood that no proper from federal authority. I have been considering the understanding of 25 the question manifested tution. while there unless 15 it — as was not one now known to have been otherwise. . was the understanding of our the original Constitution '' . may be John Rutledge. by the framers of the and. and.46 thirty-nine fathers ABRAHAM LINCOLN who framed the original Constitution . and twelve amendatory articles 30 framed and adopted since. and not in the original instrument. and the morality and policy of slavery generally. as I original Consti- In and by the original instrument. the sixteen. The sum of the whole is that of Qur thirty-nine fathers who original Constitution. eral of the most noted antislavery men of those — Dr. who framed affirms that they understood the question better than we. Among would probably have acted that sixteen were sevtimes. Those who now insist that fedconsists eral control of slavery in federal territories violates the stitution. point Conthus in us to the provisions which they suppose I it violates . 10 just if they had acted at as the twenty-three did." But. for the same ing may reason. it would appear all. the frame of " the government under which we live of that original. they all fix upon provisions these amendatory articles. a it. fathers Such.
the constitutional The seventy-six amendments were also pending. The constitutional amendments were introduced and passed after. are absolutely inconnot a little sistent with each other } And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with the other affirmation. Not only w^as it the same Congress. 25 presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that the two things which that Congress deliberately framed. or to the people. had under consideration. including sixteen 20 of the framers of the original Constitution. and at the same time within the session. liberty. the tical first it so happens that these sat amendments were framed by Congress which under the Constitution act. or property without due process of while Senator Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant ^'the powUnited States by the Constitution " 5 themselves upon the Tenth Amendment. at the same session. that those who did the two things alleged to be inconsistent. but they were the identical. during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the ordinance.5 SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED IT 47 The Supreme Court.10 ing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. were preeminently our fathers who framed. members of that Congress. enforc. and this act prohibiting slavery in all 1 the territory the nation then owned. . which provides that no person shall be deprived of " law " . as before stated. 3° from the same mouth. plant themselves upon the Fifth Amendment. same individual men who. life. — the iden- Congress which passed the already mentioned. and in progress toward maturity. understood whether they really were inconsistent better than we — better than he who affirms that they are inconsistent ? . that part of is '' the govern- ment under which we the federal government Is it live " which now claimed as forbidding to control slavery in the federal territories. the act enforcing the Ordinance of '87 so that. these constitutional amendments. providing that ers not delegated to the " are reserved to the States respectively. and carried to maturity at the same time. before." Now. in the Dred Scott case.
and argument so clear. and they shall not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them. I to show that any living man the whole world ( prior to the beginning of the present century and might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the pres- ent century). or of local from federal any part of the Constitution. if im- provement. whatever our fathers To do the lights of current experience — so would be to discard all to reject all progress. let me guard a little against being misunderimplicitly all do not mean to say we are bound to follow did. we would we supplant the should do so upon evidence so conclusive. Now. or any part of the Conthe stitution. declared that. What I do say is that opinions and policy of our fathers in any case. any proper 15 division of local Constitution. taken together. among whom to search. and stood. any man at this day sincerely believes that a proper division authority. " And so assuming. that even 30 their great authority. any proper division of local from federal authority.48 ABRAHAM LINCOLN It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed the amendments thereto. in his understanding. fairly considered and weighed. I defy any man to show that any one of them ever. or any part of the government to control as to To those who now so declare give not only " our fathers who framed the government under which we live. . I defy any one ever did. 25 in I here. certainly include those 5 who may be fairly called "" our fathers who framed government under which we live. in his understanding. cannot stand and most surely not If in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the question better than we. forbade the federal from federal authority. forbade the federal government to control as to slavery I lo in the federal territories. go a step in further. declare that. in his whole life. " but with them all other living men within the slavery in the federal territories. I 20 century in which it was framed. do original Constitution.
but to be tolerated and protected only be- cause of and so far as toleration actual presence among us makes that and protection a necessity. by all truthful evidence and fair and to enforce his posiargument which he can. right to mislead others. Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly. maintained. forbids the federal government to control as to slavery in the federal territories. he is 10 right to say so. if they would listen. as an not to be extended. and even better. and act as they acted upon it. If government under which we live " used and applied principles. I would address a few words to the Southern people. in other cases. which ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of local from federal authority. at the same time. " speak as they spoke.SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED forbids the federal IT 49 government is to control as to slavery in the federal territories. than we do now. as I suppose they will not. and with this. brave the responsibility of 15 declaring that. he understands their principles better than they did themselves shirk that responsibility . leisure to study it. and especially should he not '' by asserting that they understood the question just as well. but fully and fairly. they will be content. than we do now. This is all Republicans ask — all Republicans desire it." '' But enough ! Let all who believe that our fathers who 20 framed the government under which we live understood this question just as well. — in relation to slavery. he tion right to say so. I would say to them You consider yourselves a reasonable — — : . And now. or some part of the Constitution. But he has no history. and even better. evil 25 As those fathers marked its so let it be again marked. For this Republicans contend. who have less access to 5 and less " our fathers who framed the government under which into the false belief that " were of the same opinion deception for truthful — thus we live substituting falsehood fair and man at this any day sincerely believes " our fathers who framed the evidence and argument. But he should. so far 30 as I know or believe. in his opinion.
. or for any . the fault is ours yours. to pause and to consider whether ? or even to yourselves Bring forward your charges and specifica- 1 5 and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or justify. say we are sectional. . ABRAHAM LINCOLN and I consider that in the general qualities inferior to of reason Still. each of you deems an unconditional condemnation of " Black Republicanism " as the first thing to be attended to. for we shall get votes in your section this 25 year." In all one another. so to all. where you ought or to have started If — to a discussion of the right wrong of our principle. You produce your proof and what is it? Why. would wrong your section for the benefit of ours. speak — among you to be admitted or permitted to speak at Now can you or not be prevailed this is quite just to us. that fault primarily you by some 30 wrong principle or practice. We deny it. at the best. begin to get votes in your section. you will probably soon find that we have ceased very is. your section if is a fact of your making. without change of principle. You can- not escape this conclusion it ? and yet. The it fact is substan- true but does it prove the issue ? If does.50 and a just people . section tially — gets no votes in your section. are you willing to abide by If you are. to be sectional. and justice you are not any other people. put in practice. our principle. . as no better than outlaws. that our party has no existence in your You . your contentions with You like grant a hearing to pirates or murderers. such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable lo prerequisite — license. as the truth plainly that your proof does not touch the issue. or. upon tions. when you speak will it of us Republicans. You in will then begin to discover. then in case 20 we should. If we do repel you by any wrong but this brings you to principle or practice. The fact that we get no votes ours. That makes an issue and the burden of proof is upon you. and remains so until you show that we repel . but nothing to " Black Republicans. and not of is And there be fault in that fact. we should thereby cease to be sectional. Indeed. you do so only to de- nounce us as 5 reptiles.
Do you accept the chalThen you really believe that the principle which lenge ? No " our fathers who framed the government under which we live " . Less than eight years before Washington gave that warning. who sustain his policy. and immovable attachment to it accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of * The passage plicitly : . together with his example pointing to the right application it. then. approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the North- 1 western Territory. as President of the United States. habitual. Bearing arisen this in this mind. he had. expressing in the same connection his hope that we . ! 5 thought so clearly right as to adopt again. or in our hands against you warning a weapon in your Could Washing? ton himself speak. are sectional. would wrong your section and so meet us as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. that you should cherish a cordial. and seeing that sectionalism has since subject. and are justly opposed and denounced as such. . put in practice. then our principle. is in fact so clearly wrong demand your condemnation without a moment's consideration. would he cast the blame of that sectionalism 25 upon us. Meet on the question of whether our principle. us. it.5 SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED other object. he wrote Lafayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure. 20 should at some time have a confederacy of free states. which act embodied the policy of the gov- ernment upon that subject up to and at the very moment he penned that warning and about one year after he penned it. who repudiate it ? We of respect that warning of Washington. and we commend it to you. * in Washington's Farewell Address which most exwarns against sectionalism is as follows " It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your National Union to your collective and individual happiness. and IT 51 we with it. or upon you. Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. is upon same that hands against us. and indorse it again and as to 10 upon their official oaths.
" fantastically called " popular sovereignty " one man would is . or to. contend for. was the palladium of your political safety and prosperity watching for its and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of any attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest. you say us. " . tried. enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the preservation with jealous anxiety .52 ABRAHAM LINCOLN But you say you are conservative while — 5 — eminently conservative was sort. ? ? *' the identical old policy on the point in controversy which adopted by our fathers . then. for maintaining slavery in the territories through the judiciary if some for the *' gur-reat pur-rinciple " that " man enslave another. foreign slave trade territories 1 . we are revolutionary. are based we have made formerly was. no third should object. but you are unanimous in rejecting on new propositions and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. We it admit that so. more prominent. the slavery question more It prominent than it is it We deny it. Consider. or something of the What is conservatism Is it not adherence to the old and against the new and untried We stick to. and spit upon that old policy. upon substituting some- thing new. Again. . 5 hibit slavery within their limits some . but never a " our fathers man among you who framed in favor of federal prohibition 20 of slavery in federal territories. you disagree among yourselves as to what lo that substitute shall be. You are divided and plans. who framed and insist the government under which we live " while you with one accord reject. according to the practice of the government under which we live. and your charge of destructiveness against on the most clear and stable foundations." Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our government originated. various parts. destructive. but we deny that we made . and scout. True. Some of you are for reviving the some for a congressional slave code for the some for Congress forbidding the territories to pro. whether your claim of conservatism for your25 selves.
The and your expectations were not quite fulfilled. live. you would have the peace of the old times. you could get an advantage of us in those elections. but you. If any member of our party is guilty in that matter. and '' make no 25 which were not held to and made by the our fathers who framed dealt fairly government under which we in relation to this affair. state elections were near in evident glee with the belief that. We deny it and what is your proof ? Harpers Ferry John Brown John Brown was no Republican and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his Harpers Ferry enterprise. If you do not know it." You never it by us When occurred. We resisted. If you do know it. 30 Every Republican man knew that. and you were by charging the blame upon elections came. at hand. 20 encouraged the Harpers Ferry but still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results. your charge was a slander. 10 1 cious slander.5 SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED not we. ! ! ! . your innovation . its former proportions Go back to that old 5 What has been will be again. as to himself at least. and thence comes that the greater prominence of the question. readopt the precepts and policy of the old times. and he was not much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. We do not believe declaration. you are inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. IT 53 who discarded the old policy of the fathers. Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or affair. Would you have ? question reduced to policy. Republican doctrines and declarations are accompanied with a continual protest against any . and especially for persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the proof. and still resist. or you do not know it. it. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true. some important us. We know we hold no doctrine. is simply maliIf . you know it. under the same conditions. You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. you are inexcusable for asserting it.
in fact. in common with ''our fathers who framed the government under which we live. I believe they would not." In You can the present state of things in the United States.54 ABRAHAM LINCOLN Surely. The were charged with instigating the rising. * In August. and thunder among the Slave insurrections are no slaves. but their historians dtny the allegation. are everywhere in parcels . generally know it but slaves. A plot for an uprising could scarcely be devised and said . most of them abolitionists women and children. Va. twenty-eight years ago.. lo other with sympathy with Black Republicanism and then. in which at least three times as many lives were lost as at Harpers Ferry ? * scarcely stretch your very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was " got up by Black Republicanism. to give point to the charge. The slaves have no means of rapid communication it. I do not think 20 a general. For anything we say or do. the indispensable connecting Much for their is is true. each faction charges the . political contests In your among yourselves. led an more than sixty white people. blood. this does not encourage 5 you about your them to revolt. True. nor can 25 be supplied. and no proof has come to light of their connection with the crime. defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection. What induced the Southampton insurrection." declare our belief that slavery is wrong but the slaves do not hear us declare even this. . the slaves would scarcely know there is a Republican party. at Southampton. . supply rials The trains. slave insurrection is possible. interference whatever with your slaves. at least. nor can incenexplosive mate- diary freemen. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained. a negro. we do. . but there neither are. 15 more common now than they were before the Republican party was organized. 1 insurrection of his fellow slaves in the course of which 83 1. or with for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. Nat Turner. by Southern people about the affection of slaves masters and mistresses and a part of it. black or white. or even a very extensive. were massacred.
institution — the power has the power of restraining the extension of the to insure that a slave insurrection shall soil which is now free from slavery. In the language of Mr. enough it could not succeed. uttered " It is still many years ago. John Brown's effort was peculiar. on the contrary. and in such slow degrees. as we insist. for such an 15 event. but no general this can happen in country for a long time. in our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably.SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED communicated to save the it. and. Whoever much fears. It was not a slave insur. In never occur on any American fact. on. in its . betrayed the plot to that friend. only about twenty were admitted to the secret and yet one of them. in point. and local revolts extending to a score or . life of a favorite master or mistress. or much hopes. That affair. as I think. however.3° rection. will be alike disappointed. and the slave revolution plot of in Haiti would divulge was not though not an exception stances. ings from the kitchen. Jefferson did not mean of emancipation is to say. nor do I. it saw plainly was so absurd that the slaves. Occasional poison- in his anxiety to save a friend. Jefferson. but a case occurring under peculiar circumBritish history. . This is the rule to it. by consequence. that the power in the federal government. it is left to 20 force human nature must shudder at the prospect held up. in which the slaves refused to participate. The federal government. and open or stealthy assassinations in 10 the field. as to the power of emancipation. . IT 55 to twenty individuals before some one of them. filled up by itself free white laborers. The gunpowder 5 connected with slaves. so. was more In that case." Mr. averted the calamity. He I spoke of Virginia. If. and. . will con- tinue to occur as the natural results of slavery insurrection of slaves. as that the evil will wear off insensibly and their places be. speak of the 25 slaveholding states only. It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves. pari passu. with all their ignorance.
He ventures the attempt. for to retain their power they must continue to hoodwink their poorer neighbors. till An en- thusiast broods over the oppression of a people he fancies execution. It was this consideration that made Southern congressmen so furious. if you could.56 philosophy. Helper's book. were unanswerable. in their philosophy. and giving them a larger market for their products. sincerity flowed from his unpracticed pen. such an argument. were. of violent action in a certain The burden of Helper's argucontingency. The eagerness and on to cast blame on old England in the one case. for certainly seven voters out of ten in the slave states were nonslaveholding whites. there would be schools.* and John Brown's attempt at Harpers Ferry. . break up the * Felice Orsini was chief of a band of desperadoes that attempted the life of Napoleon III on January 14. in 1857. in his " History of the United States from 1850 " Although the writer's manner was highly emotional. by the use John Brown. . which ends in than his own Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon. And how much would of it avail you. the cities would grow ." a book intended to show that slavery was inimical to the interests of the nonslaveholding Southern whites. Helper. precisely the same. " The Imt Hinton R. wrote. for the education of their children. does not disprove the same- lo ness of the two things. . himself commissioned by 5 Heaven little to liberate else them. related in history. F. and weakened by threats. in spite of being disfigured by abuse of the slaveholders.' the arguments based on them. a North Carolinian. and their rise in the social scale would be marked. Rhodes says. pending Crisis of the South How to Meet It. The facts were irr the main correct . ment was that the abolition of slavery would improve the material interests of the South by fostering manufactures and commerce. .t and the like. as at the North. at the assassination of kings and emperors. thus greatly increasing the value of land. 1858. Had the poor whites been able to read and comprehend . Of this work. J. ABRAHAM LliNCOLN corresponds with the many attempts. The country and : : '' . New England in the other. slavery would have been doomed to destruction. . the only property of the poor whites. The in London and many Frenchmen bitterly plot had been hatched charged the British with complicity in the crime.
of the peaceful channel of the ballot box into channel the ? What would of John ? that other channel probably be some other ? Would the 10 number Browns be lessened or enlarged by operation But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a 1 denial of your constitutional rights. Pennington was promptly elected. and to hold them there as property. but human nature cannot be changed. That instrument is literally silent about any . There which is a cast at least a million and a half of votes. which Sherman ended by retiring in favor of William Pennington of New Jersey. That has a somewhat reckless sound but it would be palliated. You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling that sentiment by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it. who was thought to be more conservative. to deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. by the mere force of numbers. But we are proposing no such thing. 20 and in 1859. You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your heaviest fire but if you could. The book grew for propagandist purposes in a . which received the written approval of a number of Republican congressmen. he could not dissipate the distrust of moderate Republicans whose votes were necessary for his election. In 1861 Lincoln appointed Helper consul to Buenos Aires. in favor in the North. But no such right is specifically written in the Constitution. Mr. judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation. When you make these declarations you have a specific and well-understood allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into the federal territories.5 SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED Republican organization ? IT 57 Human action can be modified to some extent. A long contest ensued. including John Sherman. it was published cheap edition. how much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out — — 5 . were we proposing. if not fully justified. the candidate of his party for Speaker. Although Sherman explained that he had signed the indorsement by proxy in a moment of thoughtlessness.
" 25 opinion that such right but they pledge their veracity that pressly " affirmed there with anything else — — that is.58 such right. inspection of the Constitution will is property in a slave show that the right of " not " distinctly and expressly affirmed is Bear in mind. by a bare majority of the judges. This." the question for — An in it. is. and they not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it. plainly stated. the court has decided 15 20 you in a sort of way. I mean it was made in a divided court. and to hold them there as property. it is your constitutional right to take slaves into the federal territories. plainly stated. When I say the decision was made in a sort of way. on the contrary. that it is so made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning. But waiving the lawyer's 10 distinction between dictum and decision. without the aid words meaning of any inference. 5 then. your language. If they is had only pledged their judicial opinion that it such right to '' affirmed in the instrument by implication. nor the word property . Your purpose. not mingled " expressly. Perhaps you will say Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor. and susceptible of no that in 30 other meaning. unless you be allowed to construe and force the Constitution as you please. and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact the statement in the opinion that " the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. on all points in dispute between all you and the us. is that you will destroy the government. would be open '' others to is show that neither the word '' slave " nor slavery " " to be found in the Constitution. the judges do not pledge their judicial impliedly affirmed in the Constitution it is " distinctly and ex"distinctly. ABRAHAM LINCOLN We. The court has substantially said. Not quite so. even by implication. You will rule is or ruin in events." just that. deny that such a right has any existence in the Constitution.
it was . was employed on purpose clude from the Constitution the idea that there could be property in man. A highwayman holds 30 a pistol to my ear. and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? And made then it is to be remembered that " our fathers who framed the government under which we the Constitution — decided ago : live " — the men who among among this same it . 10 To show all this is When this obvious their notice. ! In that supposed event. the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us That is cool. he is person " is and wherever to. by contempo- raneous history. " Stand and ! deliver. and then you will be a murderer! but " — was my own To be sure. me — my money it . what the robber demanded of and I had a clear right to keep . that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery. and that wherever called a '' in that . may alluded be due " ^ is spoken of as in 5 — as a debt payable to Also it would be open show. without basing it was made. or I shall kill you. you say. and. in any connection with language alluding to the things . easy and certain. it legal right in relation to him " service or labor which service or labor. or slavery is IT 59 even. so upon any mistaken statement of Under as yours all these circumstances. you say.SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED slave. to ex- instead of speaking of them. constitutional ques- tion in our favor long decided without division without division it themselves when making the decision it 20 themselves about the meaning of far as after any evidence facts. instrument the slave his master's alluded to. and mutters through his teeth. do you really feel yourselves this justified to is break up shall government unless such a court decision final 25 be at once submitted to as a conclusive and ? rule of political action But you will not abide the election of a will Republican President destroy the Union . is it mistake of the judges shall be brought to will not reasonable to expect that they withdraw 15 the mistaken statement. is left. you and then.
Will it satisfy them 20 if. is no easy task. Even though the Southern people lo their will not so much as listen to us. to extort A 5 few words now all to Republicans. me. Judging by all Will they be satisfied 15 if the territories be unconditionally sur- rendered to them ? We know they will not. but with no success. we possibly can. What will satisfy them ? Simply this we must not only let them alone. let us calmly consider demands. if we can. but we must somehow convince them that we do let them alone. attempt to disturb them.6o no more to ABRAHAM LINCOLN . the territories are scarcely mentioned. we know by ex: 30 perience. can scarcely be distinguished in principle. and the threat of destruction to the Union. Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. in the future. to extort my vote. In all their present complaints against us. and by the subject and nature of their controversy with us. our duty. This. let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. We so know. and yield to them if. and this only cease to call slavery : . my own than my vote is my own and the threat of death my money. what convince them ? This. will These natural and apparently adequate means all failing. because we know we never had anything tions . ? insurrections We we have nothing to do with invasions and know it will not. We have been so trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization. let us determine. and in harmony one with another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us in any . in our deliberate view of they say and do. It is exceedingly desirable that parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone but this has had no tendency to convince them. what will satisfy them. 25 to do with invasions and insurrecand yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the denunciation. The question recurs. Even though much provoked.
It is nothing to the contrary that they do not demand the whole of this just now. 5 in politics. in pulpits. all and constitutions against it are themselves wrong. tutions will be and when all these other the overthrow of these constiit . justifiably is withhold this and a social blessing. if it is wrong. laws. I am . Silence will not be tolerated we must place ourselves avowedly with — — them. Senator Douglas's new all sedition law must be enacted is and enforced. aware they have not as yet in terms demanded the overthrow of our free-state constitutions. should be silenced and swept away. quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. until we cease saying.SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED IT 6l wrong. have never disturbed them. and nothing be left to resist the demand. ttiey it cannot cease to demand a national recognition of as a legal right Nor can we acts. we cannot and justly object to its nationality — its universality. demanded. on any ground save our 30 words. Holding. or in private. they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this 25 consummation. They — slavery. them would probably say to us. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected from all taint of opposiarrest We must pleasure. and return their fugitive slaves with greedy must pull down our free-state constitutions. and for the reason they do. as they do. and say what you please about " Let us But we do that. suppressing whether made declarations that slavery wrong. . after will I all. Most let of alone do nothing to us. Demanding what they do. before they will cease to believe that all their 10 troubles proceed from us. If it is right. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis also am 20 than do all other sayings against sayings shall have been silenced. conviction that slavery wrong. We tion to slavery. If slavery is right. that slavery is morally full right and socially elevating. it is them alone. in presses. so what we say which dissatisfies them." — 15 continue to accuse us of doing. and join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly done in acts as well as in words.
it they thought wrong. recognition as being right but thinking it wrong. nor of from it by menaces of destructo ourselves. reversing . as we do. the end dare to do our duty as we understand . can we yield to them ? ? Can we cast our votes with their view. nor frightened 30 tion to the government. and overrun us here If our sense of duty forbids effectively. then let us stand by our duty fearlessly and Let us be diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith plied 20 contrivances such as groping for some and belabored middle ground between the right and the wrong vain as the . imploring men did. Thinking it they do. calling. can we do this is. — we are so industriously search for a dead man . we thought if it we ask they could as readily grant. unsay what Washington said and undo what Washington Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusa- tions against us. dungeons Let us us to have faith that right makes might. and against our own we In view of our moral. and in that faith let it. while our will prevent to it. but the righteous to repentance to such as invocations to Washington. all seeching true Union men do care such as Union appeals men to yield to Disunionists. allow it to spread into the national territoin these free states this. be- the and . not the sinners. Their thinking 5 fact right and our thinking wrong is the precise right. social. yet afford to let it alone where it is. ? 5 ries. because that much is due from its actual presence in the nation votes 1 to the necessity arising but can we. man nor a such as a policy of " don't care " on a question man who true should be neither a living about which 25 divine rule. ? Wrong as think slavery we can . as upon which depends the whole controversy. they are not to blame for desiring its full . and political lo responsibilities. slavery right it we could readily grant.62 they cannot justly All they ask all ABRAHAM LINCOLN insist upon its extension if — its enlargement.
. Here I have lived a quarter of a century. March 4. fail. and have passed from a young to an old man. With let that assistance. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced. I now leave. 1861) 15 . this place. To 5 with a task before me I greater than that which rested upon Washington. to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed. can appreciate my and the kindness of these people. and remain us confidently hope with you. During that period . to go to Washington for his first inauguration) My Friends : No one. and be everywhere for good. ever attended him. both in official and private stations. and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. 20 It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a Pres- ident under our national Constitution.having them held to be unconstitutional.. cannot Without the assistance of that Divine Being who cannot succeed. that all will yet be well. 1861. Here my children have been born. and one is buried. feeling of sadness at this parting. I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations. I 10 Trusting in Him who can go with me. not in my situation. hope in your prayers you To His care commending you. I bid you an affectionate farewell.THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION 63 FAREWELL SPEECH TO HIS FRIENDS SPRINGFIELD (When he left IN them on February 1 1. trusting to find impunity in. as I will commend me. I owe everything. THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION (Extracts from first inaugural. not knowing when or whether ever I may return. than to violate any of them. I do suggest that it will be much safer for all.
if not expressed. no government its proper ever had a provision in mination. Again. Perpetuity all implied. principles. in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was '' to form a more perfect Union. now of of upon the same task for the brief constitutional term four years under great and peculiar difficulty. 5 through all many perils. government. It much . by the Articles of Association in 1774. it ? One . And. if the United States be not a government proper. be peaceably unmade by it less than all the parties it — break who made it. can as a contract. heretofore only menaced. is now formidably attempted. the is Union of these It is safe states is perpetual.64 fifteen different ABRAHAM LINCOLN and greatly distinguished it citizens have. and the faith of all the then thirteen states expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual. in suc- cession. 15 national organic law for own ter- Continue to execute all the express provisions of Constitution. party to a contract may all violate to law- so to speak but does not require fully rescind it ? Descending from these general 25 osition that. nature of contract merely. with this scope of precedent. in contemplation of universal law and of the 10 Constitution. we find the propis in legal contemplation the Union itself. but in the an association of states 20 it. It was further matured. finally. in the fundamental law of to assert that its na- tional governments. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. and generally with I Yet. A disruption enter the federal Union." older than the Constitution. in fact. and the it Union will endure forever — our it being impossible to destroy vided for in the instrument except by some action not pro- itself. by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. perpetual is confirmed by the history of the Union The Union 30 was formed. administered the executive branch of the They have conducted great success. I hold that.
the Union by one or by a part only Union is less perfect than vital before the Constitution. and to collect the duties and imposts . in any interior locality. and there authority. or in American people. as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me. unless it be forced upon the national The power confided to me will be used to hold. It follows element of per- from these views that no state . the site so far as practicable. unless my my 15 means. therefore consider that. faithfully executed in all the Doing this I deem to it be only a simple duty on part. upon its own mere and 5 motion can lawfully get out of the Union ordinances to that effect are legally void lence. In doing there needs to be no bloodshed or violence. shall withhold the requisome authoritative manner direct the connot be regarded as a menace. within . according 10 to circumstances. but beyond occupy. having lost the petuity. and I shall perform rightful masters.THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION But if 65 the destruction of the of the states be lawfully possible. and possess the property and places belonging to the 25 government. are insurrectionary or revolutionary. the Union is unbroken . no using of force against or among the people anywhere. there will be no attempt to force 30 obnoxious strangers While the strict legal right among the may exist in people for that object. shall be none. shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the federal offices. Where hostility to the United States. in view of the Constitution and the laws. that resolves and that acts of vio- any state or states. the government to en- force the exercise of these offices. that the laws of the Union be states. I trust this will as the declared purpose of the ally Union that it will constitution. and to the extent of my ability I shall take care. what may be necessary for these objects. the attempt to do so would .20 defend and maintain this itself. against the authority of the United I States. there will be no invasion. but only trary.
need address no word love the to them. I think Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party if 30 can reach to the audacity of doing this. unless repelled. shall 5 where So far as possible. it as the destruction of our national 20 hopes.? those. in a moral point of view. and so nearly impracticable withal. it might. Is it true. The all mails. however. I will neither affirm nor deny but if there be such. and its it ? would not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do Will you hazard so desperate a step while there bility that any portion of the ills you istence ? Will you. by the mere force of num- bers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right. while the certain than all the real ones you fly from ? — is any possifrom have no real exills you fly to are greater will you risk the commis- fly 25 sion of so fearful a mistake All profess to be content in the rights can be Union if all constitutional maintained. its memories. and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles tion of fraternal sympathies and the restora- to 15 to and affections. who really Union may I not speak Before entering upon so grave a matter fabric. The course here in- dicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper. That there are persons in one section or another who seek destroy the Union at all events. To . justify . that I deem better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.66 be so it ABRAHAM LINCOLN irritating. with all its benefits. and are glad of any pretext do it. that any ? right. will continue to be furnished in parts of the Union. been denied Think. has not. I . of a which a plainly written provision of the ConIf has ever been denied. plainly written in the Constitution. single instance in stitution you can. the people everyhave that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. and in every case and exigency lo to my best discretion will be exercised according circumstances actually existing. then.
the central idea of secession the essence of anarchy. questions of this class spring our constitutional con- 15 troversies. in the territories ? May Congress prohibit slavery does not expressly say. or the . All the vital rights of minorities of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and and negations. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce. stance. — certainly would if such a right were a But such is not our case. the majority must. territories ? The Constitution Must Congress all protect slavery in the The Constitution does not expressly say. and 30 is Plainly. For in- why may not any portion of a new confederacy from it ? a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again. government must cease. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limita- tions. But no organic law 5 can ever be framed with a provision every question which specifically applicable to may occur in practical administration. fugitives any document of reasonable length all express provisions for possible questions. THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION revolution 6/ vital one. now being educated to the exact temper Is there such perfect identity of interests among the states compose a new Union. guarantees and prohibitions. No Shall state 10 foresight can anticipate. as prevent renewed secession ? to to produce harmony only. and always changing easily with deliberate changes of . and we divide upon them into majorities and minor- If the minority will not acquiesce. From ities. nor contain. precisely as portions of 25 the present Union now claim to secede All who cherish disunion sentiments are of doing this. in the Constitution. There is no other alternative for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other.. 20 they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. that controversies never arise concerning them. from labor be surrendered by national or by ? authority The Constitution does not expressly say.
and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade. 20 people. a free people. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution.68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN is popular opinions and sentiments. the instant they are made. 5 wholly inadmissible so that. Nor is any assault upon the court or the judges. the people will their have ceased to be own rulers. the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government. as to the object of that suit. of necessity. any upon the all parties to a suit. do lo deny that such decisions must be binding. the same is time. the rule of a minority. It a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases propinto the erly brought before them. assumed by some. tional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court in nor case. are each as well enforced. while the other believes it is wrong. in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions. as any law can ever be in a community where . is an- archy or to despotism. and 30 ought to be extended. having to that extent practically resigned their government is 25 there in this view hands of that eminent tribunal. still may be it. with the chance that it may be At overruled and never become a precedent for other cases. This is the only substantial dispute. do not forget the I position. Unanimity impossible is . to upon vital questions affecting the whole be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court. can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. er- roneous any given the evil effect following being 15 limited to that particular case. and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. rejecting the majority principle. anarchy or despotism in some form I is all that is left. and ought not to be extended. while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in parallel cases by all other departments of the government. perhaps. as a permanent arrangement. is One section of our country believes slavery right. that constitu. And while in it is obviously possible that such decision case. the only true sovereign of fly to Whoever rejects it does.
and no gain on either. while fugitive now all only partially surrendered. shall grow weary of the existing government. and I should. fighting. 69 the people imperfectly supports the law The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases. either amicable Is it possible. The ulti- now imperfectly suppressed. in 5 cannot be perfectly cured and it would be worse both cases after the separation of the sections than before. A husband and wife may be divorced. belongs to the people who 25 Whenever they it. under existing . would not be surren- dered at by the other. would be restriction. and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other.30 stitution amended. they can exercise their constitutional right of amending throw it. the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. to this. to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself . you cannot fight always and when. While I I make no recommendation amendpeople ments. We cannot remove 10 our respective sections from each other. This country. or their revolutionary right to dismember or over- I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy of and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Con. you cease . in mately revived. nor build an impassable Physically speaking. in each. I think. foreign slave trade. and intercourse.THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION the moral sense of itself. wall between them. we cannot separate. then. fully recognize the rightful authority of the over the whole subject. and a few break over . but the different parts of our country cannot do or hostile. must continue between them. its institutions. They 15 cannot but remain face to face. with inhabit it. one section. without slaves. after much loss on both sides. This. satisfac- make that intercourse more advantageous or more ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws } Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends tory after separation than before ? 20 Suppose you go to war.
came to his hands. however. with equal wisdom. terms for the this and they have conferred none upon him separation of the states. that truth and that justice 30 by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. has nothing to is do with as it His duty government. and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief and have. including that of persons held to service. what have said. By the frame of the government under which we live. . but the executive. and to transmit it. 20 also if to fix The people themselves can do to administer the present they choose it. or on yours of the South. fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon that to I will venture to add it me the convention mode seems preferable. in- stead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose. Why world ? should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate ? 25 justice of the people Is there any better or equal hope is in the In our present differences . Constitution 10 has — which amendment. unimpaired by him. . struction of to 15 I To avoid miscon- depart from my purpose not that. I I understand a proposed amendment to the I have not seen — passed Congress. being made express and irrevocable. to the effect that the federal government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the states. be on your side of the North. ABRAHAM LINCOLN favor rather than oppose a it.'* either party without faith of being in the right his eternal truth If the Almighty Ruler of Nations. to hi? successor. in that allows 5 amendments to originate with the people themselves.70 circumstances. provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short . as such. with will surely prevail and justice. speak of particular amendments so far as to say to holding I such a provision to no objection its now be implied constitutional law. all have The chief magistrate derives his authority from the people.
Such of you as are now dissatisfied. The mystic chords of memory. stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land. We are not enemies. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately. competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty. the laws while the new administration of your own framing under it will have no immediate power. Christianity. in the momentous issue of civil The government 20 not assail you. no by any extreme of wickedness or folly. Intelligence. to change either. one and all. Though passion may have strained. You have no oath registered in heaven I to destroy the government. while I shall have the most solemn one to " preserve. 30 ." am loath to close. protect. and not war. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. that object will be but no good object can be frustrated frustrated by taking time by it. and a firm While the people retain administration. there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. patriotism. will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched. 1 reliance are still on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land. yourselves the You can have no conflict without being aggressors. by the better angels of our nature.5 THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION intervals. can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years. 71 their virtue and vigilance. 5 . 10 . will is my dissatisfied fellow countrymen. on the sensitive point. think calmly and well upon this whole subject. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute. but friends. as surely they will be. We 25 must not be enemies. it must not break our bonds of affection. My countrymen. and. and defend it. if it would. In your hands. still have the old Constitution unimpaired. mine.
^^• tamly brings a new item within the 20 but up to that time we have beenT r3e of o ^'V^°.7"""'r "'* °'-<^. The ^r:::^:^^^^^ .i. h anrl "'^P^' ^"'^ P^^^^^s .n or' '° " "^^-'f' -^ "e al. the while .- and d'r::ircS. and to at the time ^'^ • t. ""' " " ""J ~".°.r^^ ^"''"' ""^' •:."'"S° ""^ ^""'S" P^^ instrt^ctions to ministers witl^out and the Ike a even a suggestion that we n in^^'^f " '^^ td r^ y"'' pol.--.„„„ u.^ '--edi- 15 ot Fort Pitken.^ ^°-— ' . ^^ — °^ys business to pursue acti've '. whfc ihal on.'^^ ABRAHAM LINCOLN TO BECOME THE HEAD OF ADMINISTRATION LINCOLN'S REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S OFFER ^E i. the property and olare. >'°"'' ^'^''"ct '''^ approval ately g ve Generk st"t. My Dear Sir: April 1861 o ^'>^^i^Li^:i^T^^^::F'f^:.
it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or what we call slaves. December 3. Once adopted. labor Labor is the superior of capital. further. and independent Capital if is only the fruit of labor. nor life in is there any such thing as a free man the condition of a hired laborer. and drive them to it without their consent. the advice of all the cabinet. labor. somehow by the use of it induces him to labor. ment should be made one others. owning capital. not so hackneyed as most which I ask a brief attention. and de- much the higher consideration. and suppose I am entitled to have. or buy them. and all inferences from them are groundless. and could never have existed first existed. 30 . with its connections. And. and thus induce them to work by their own consent. Devolve it debates on it — ^ 5 .. Capital has its rights. is if It is the effort to place on an equal footing It not above. it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers. I must do it. . must end. upon points arising in its progress I wish. to capital in favor of popular institutions but there 10 point. 1 20 hired laborer is is fixed in that condition for life. This assumed. of.. When a general line of policy is adopted. Labor had not serves is prior to. Both these assumpcapital.5 ON THE RELATION OF LABOR AND CAPITAL '' 73 on some member of his cabinet. 1861) . Having proceeded thus far. with. I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed without good reason. for there no such relation between capital and labor as being fixed 25 assumed. or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate still. is It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argu. ON THE RELATION OF LABOR AND CAPITAL (Extract from annual message. it is assumed that whoever is once a structure of government. tions are false. Now. and all agree and abide " I remark that if this must be done. in the assumed that labor is availthat nobody labors unless able only in connection with capital somebody else.
sons. and in their shops. penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile. they labor with their . This is the just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all then labors on his hires another — 30 gives hope to all. their own labor with capital — number of persons mingle that is. to that conin these Many independent men eveiywhere were hired a few years back in their lives. of lo all colors. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty none less — '- inclined to take or touch ayght which they have not honestly political earned. and consequent energy and progress and im- provement of condition to all. and daughters — work Men with their for themselves. taking the whole product to themselves. and asking no favors of not forgotten that a considerable capital on It one hand. Let them beware [of surrendering a power . any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed life.74 ABRAHAM LINCOLN rights. which are as worthy of protection as any other it Nor is and probably always will be. at length new beginner to help him. said. there is not. Again. and that few avoid buy another few large majority belong to neither class — In neither work for others nor have others working for them. in their houses. most of the Southern states a majority of the whole people. and with their capital hire or to labor for them. as has already been dition for states. and. a relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. No principle stated is 20 disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. are neither slaves nor masters . The 25 prudent. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of the community exists denied that there is. on 15 the is their farms. own account another while. 5 within that relation. while in the Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. A A few men own capital. laborers. own hands and also buy or hire others to labor for them but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. labor themselves. saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself. families — wives. of necessity.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION (March 6. state state pecuniary aid. may begin to consider whether to accept or reject The federal govern- ment would of the most find its highest interest in such a measure.: . giving to such be used by such state. produced by such change of system. and that all the slave states north of such part will then say. MESSAGE TO CONGRESS which they already possess. to 10 If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet is the approval of Congress and the country. so that they it. will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as they. The leaders of 20 the existing insurrection entertain the hope that this govern- ment will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected region. as one efficient means of self-preservation. to compensate for the inconveniences. . That the United States ought to cooperate with any which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery. public and private. and to fix new be disabilities lost. deprive them of this hope subinitiation of all ends the rebellion and the it emancipation it. and burdens upon them. if 75 surrendered. 1862) 5 I recommend Fellow Citizens of the Senate afid House of Representatives : the adoption of a joint resolution by your honor- able bodies. completely deprives them of as to the states initiating . " The Union for which we have stantially struggled being already gone. we now choose to go 25 with the Southern section. in its discretion. which shall be substantially as follows Resolved. there the end but if it does command such approval. . I deem it of importance 15 at that the states and people immediately interested should be once distinctly notified of the fact." To . and which. till all of liberty shall .
A practical reacknowledgment of the would render the war unnecessary. can 10 how very soon the current expenditures of all chase. I say " initiation " because. Such the general government sets up no named claim of a right by federal authority to interfere with slavery within state limits. the war must also continue and it is impossible to foresee all the inci25 dents which may attend and all the ruin which may follow it. toward ending the struggle. with the census tables and treasury reports before him. resistance continues. The proposition now made. emancipation but that while the offer is equally made to all. soon. proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them. any is better for In the mere financial or readily see for himself this member of Congress." 20 ately. referring. sudden emancipation pecuniary view. The Union must be preserved. last In the annual message. '' December. must and will come. the absolute control of the subits each case to the state and people immediately interested. at fair valuation. make 5 it certain to more Northern shall. though an offer only. gradual and not all. I thought all fit to say. or may obviously promise great efficiency. the slaves in any a proposition on the part of war would purstate. by such initiation. If. an indispento this end. would be merely and not within itself a practical . however. and it would at once cease. and hence I said this indispensable means must be employed.76 ABRAHAM LINCOLN point if The is not that initiate all the states tolerating slavery would very . but deliber- War means has been made. I hope it may be esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary con30 sideration tendered would not be of more value to the states and private persons concerned than are the institution and sable national authority . and continues to be. in my judgment. the more Southern that in no event will the the latter in their former ever join the proposed confederacy. not hastily. at all. Such as may seem indispensable. property in it. as 15 ject in It is it does. in the present aspect of affairs ? While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution initiatory.
Abraham Lincoln LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY (August 22. and I shall . 5 LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY measure. . My is paramount object in this struggle to save the 10 If I it Union. 1862) . I shall do will less what I I am doing hurts the cause.. and not either to save or to destroy slavery. shall try to 20 to be errors. and whenever I shall believe I shall do more whenever I shall believe correct errors doing more when shown help the cause. I could save the Union without freeing any slave. What I do about slavery and the colored and race. . it is "JJ recommended and to in the hope that full I it would soon lead great respon- to important practical results. the nearer the Union was. sibility In view of my to my God my country." If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery. The sooner be restored. . I do because I believe it helps to save the Union what I forbear. new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. adopt . I the national authority can will be " the Union as it do not agree with is them. I would save it the shortest way 5 under the Constitution. would do and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves. I forbear because I do not believe it would help . earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the subject. 1 to save the Union.. I would do it and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone.. . I would save the Union. . I would also do that.
" The first general order issued by the Father of his Country after the Declaration of Independence indicates the spirit in which our institutions were founded and should ever be defended." — — adopting the words At this time of in of Washington '' men may find Abraham Lincoln * Official : E. 1862) commander in chief of the army and navy. nor the cause they defend be imperiled. and a due regard for the Divine Will. The importance for man and beast of the prescribed weekly rest. Assistant Adjutant General . desires 5 The sacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors.78 ABRAHAM LINCOLN SABBATH OBSERVANCE (November 15. " The general hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christian soldier. demand to the army and navy be reduced that Sunday labor in the measure of strict necessity. and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military and naval service. public distress" 15 20 1776 enough to do in the service of God and their country without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality. D. The discipline and character of the national forces should not " 10 suffer. a becoming defer- ence to the best sentiment of a Christian people. the President. Townsend. by the profana- tion of the day or name of the Most High. defending the dearest rights and liberties of his country.
Some would perpetuate slavery. evils of The sudden derangement . and without compensation some would abolish it gradually. and not with the enemies. This would be compromise but it would be compromise among the friends. the emanciconsummating it : — 1 thirty-seven years and. but will deprecate 25 the length of time.30 terity shall be free forever.. 5 . and some would retain them with us and there are yet other minor diversities. the compensation. the length of time for . from the necessity of any derangement while most of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before its consummation. 5 EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE 79 EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE (December . of the Union. main points are first. and with compensation some would remove the freed people from us. and act together. . lo These articles are intended to embody a plan of such it is mutual concessions. the . secondly. Be. As pation to the first article. some would abolish it suddenly. and it gives the inspiring assurance that their pos. If the plan shall be adopted. — time spares both races from the 20 in fact. They will never see it. The plan leaves to each state . assumed that emancipation will follow at least in several of the states. Another to the class will hail the prospect of emancipation. thirdly. cause of these diversities we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. it really gives very great . It saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in localities where their numbers are living slaves. be unsatisfactory to the advocates of but the length of time should greatly miti- gate their dissatisfaction. 1862) Among the friends of the Union there is great diver- sity of sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst us. By mutual concession we should harmonize . . i. will The emancipation perpetual slavery . They But will feel that it gives too little now them much.
In a certain sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property property acquired by descent or by purchase. 30 easier to it pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. or money more easily paid. it then. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing but it is . consider 25 in the it. If so. and consider whether. and in that view would be a prudent and economical measure. or at any intermediate time. It is no less true for having been often said. or by degrees ex- tending over the whole or any part of the period . and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share the it profits of dealing in them. the same as any other property. may not be quite safe to say that for is the South has been more responsible than the North its continuance. Doubtless some of those who are to pay. for a common it object this property at a to ? be sacrificed. states to proceed alike. is not just that be done common charge And if. It also provides for compensa- 10 and generally the mode of making it. is it not also economical to do then. Yet the measure is both just and economical. and especially of those who are to receive the compensation.8o ABRAHAM LINCOLN it choosing to act under to abolish slavery now. that the people of the South are not more responsible for the original introduction of this property 1 — 5 than are the people of the North . must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual slavery. or at the end of the century. able. and it obliges no two 5 tion. it would seem. and . and not to receive. preserve the benefits of the Union by this means than it ? we can we can Let us by the war alone. This. with less money. the measure would save money. will object. than it to pay before we The war requires large sums. compensated emancipation was proposed last if that measure had been promptly accepted by even some of the slave states. the same sum would not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended war since March. And is is easier to it pay any sum when we are are able. 20 If.
Why may Is it our country. nor the bonds even.000 square miles. are already above the average of mile. close before the But it would require no ready cash. Europe in any natural 25 we are at some time to be as populous as Europe. And not only so. The states already above the . 133. we should be compelled to send part of the native-born away. Our abundant room our broad national Were our territory as Instead of receiving the foreign- — 15 limited as are the British Isles. We have 20 not less 2. Massachusetts has 157.800. having 63 and the 59. as rapidly as before. Connecticut. Europe — 73-^ to the square 30 99 . then. But such is not our condition. on an average. emancipation progresses.415.000 of people to share the burden. are not far below. not. because 5 our territory considerately. lakes. I do not state this in. At that time we shall probably have 100. depends much on whether we maintain the Union. tion averaging 73-J- Europe has 3. each 80. Several of our states advantage If. the former latter states. we should And why may we ? in 1900 have a population not continue that ratio far beyond that period homestead — is our ample resource. from our national census in 1790 until that of i860.000 as now.963. average as fertile ? many } Has ? it more waste ? surface. The aggregate sum necessary for com- pensated emancipation of course would be large. Also two other great Pennsylvania and Ohio. or other causes Is inferior to by mountains. how soon ? As to when this may be. Rhode Island. . instead of 31. .10 of increase which first we have maintained. New York and New Jersey.000.208. it deserts. but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a long time after that period.000.1 EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE requires 8 them at once. any faster than the This might not. we can judge by the past and the present as to when it will be. will not have become At the same ratio full. and probably would end of the thirty-seven years. rivers. at the same time. of 103. with a popula- persons to the square mile. if ever. born as now. very certainly our population could not expand as stated.000.
gives 1870 1880 56.020 17.335 1930 15 251.677.186.914 These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930 say about 1925 our territory.02 per cent ratio of increase 36.790 35-58 in population 10 last This shows an average decennial increase of 34. have increased in as parts of our country in rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever before. the law of increase in our case the following results 42.323.216 76.872 103.638. how it reliable.415 ^ 1890 1900 1910 1920 138.305.918. — — being of capacity to contain 217. It is seen that the ratio of increase at no is one of these seven periods consequently either per cent above the average.814 9.929.191.67 35-87 23. . 5 Taking the nation in the aggregate.239.866. at 73-^ persons to the square mile.069.443.341 Assuming that will continue. except one of them is New York.208. thus showing two per cent below or two how inflexible.000.827 5.984.876 31.937 35.45 7.967. we find its population and ratio of increase for the several decennial periods to be as follows : 1790 1800 1810 1820 3. while no equal to some other natural capacity for sustaining a dense population. and is.131 33-13 1830 1840 1850 i860 12.453 3349 32.680.526 186.60 per cent through the seventy years from our first to our census yet taken.ABRAHAM LINCOLN European average.
has been greater than faster than the interest six per cent upon the its debt. Thus. ate peace. easier If we should pay our other debt without six we had allowed our old national debt to run at interest. until we number a hundred millions. insure this increase of population. it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for is due connection — the great advantage . no one can doubt that the extent of injurious. if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils of disunion. together with our other debt. and proportionately should pay all 10 With these. to As second article. time 20 alone relieves a debtor nation. it and prosperity. would be very great and shorten the war. Some of them doubtless. we it. the emancipation would than cost. .15 from the end of our Revolutionary struggle day. or by long and exhausting war springing from the only great element of national among us. what by a different policy we would have to pay now. so long as faster than population increases its unpaid interest accumulates on but debt. simple until to. breeding lesser ones indiscord definitely. in the property sense. I think would be impracticable return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. civilization. each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it then and this because our increase of men. cost And then the latter will 30 no blood. belong to . per cent per annum. perpetu- The proposed emancipation would the wealth of the country. no precious to the life. without paying anything on either principle or interest. This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what shows the great importance of time in this of a policy by which we shall not have to pay. In a word. — has run justly through the whole period. 5 would retard population. when we number but thirty-one millions. it 25 emancipation on the proposed plan. It will it be a saving of both. While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession.EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE And we will 83 reach this. too.
they leave them open to white laborers. then. more than and very probably for a time would do leaving an increased part to white laborers. and hence provision is made in this article for compensating such. known than it And yet I wish if already is. but merely authorizes. still Thus. be a proper not now. It does not oblige. they jostle no white laborers if leave their old places. the customary amount of labor would tion of have to be performed their old proporless. and the American voters through their as objectionable. time for mere catch arguments. 10 I cannot make it better strongly favor colonization. the freed people would surely not do it. bringing their labor into 30 greater demand. Reduce the supply of black labor by — enhanced wages to Labor is like any other . It is insisted that their 1 presence would injure and displace If there ever could is 5 white labor and white laborers. and you increase the price of it. there is neither more nor less of it. may representatives in Congress. The 5 third article relates to the future of the freed people. This ought not to be regarded on the one hand or on the other. that time surely times like the present. stay in their old places. commodity in the market increase the demand for it. would probably enhance the wages of 25 white labor. With deportation. mathematically certain. and consequently enhancing the wages of it. and very surely would not reduce them. that I is to say there an objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary. that colored people can displace any ? more they 2o white labor by being free than by remaining slaves If they . would not Is it willingly be responsible through time and true. not sometimes malicious. In men should utter nothing for which they in eternity. Congress to aid onizing such as in col- consent. even without deportation. insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual consent of the people to be deported. even white labor is to a limited extent.84 loyal ABRAHAM LINCOLN owners . Logically. Emancipation.
This proposition can 25 be trusted on the mutual interests involved. from both bondage and destituBut if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted. some extent. they will have neither to flee from. in turn. forth dreaded that the freed people ? swarm and Are they not already in the land ? Will liberation make them any more numerous ? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole country. But why should People of any ? Herefled 15 color seldom run unless there be something to run from. And. will gladly give their labor for the wages with people of their new homes can be found for them in congenial climes and own blood and race. give them wages till at least until new laborers can be procured and the freedmen. are all in this condition. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven ? There are many communities now having more than one free colored person to seven whites. in any event. and this without any apparent consciousness of evil from it. emancipation south send the free people North tofore colored people. and by precisely so increase the demand for. has there been any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of slavery in this District last spring ? 30 have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites in the District is from the census of i860. perhaps. having no reference to persons called contrabands. white labor. The District of Columbia. nor to those made What I free by the act of Congress abolishing slavery here. tion. The District has more than one free colored to six whites and yet in its frequent petitions to Concover the whole land . and there would be but one colored to seven whites. to . and the states of Maryland and Delaware. cannot the North decide for itself whether to receive them ? Again. and wages will of. 5 10 gress I believe it has never presented the presence of free its colored persons as one of grievances.EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE much you But it is 85 colonizing the black laborer out of the country. as practice proves more than theory. . in any case. Their old masters will . have North from 20 bondage and now.
secure peace more speedily. be stayed because of the Its timely adoption. the recommendation that Congress provide by law for compensating any state which may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon. is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be only an ad- vance part of the plan. and maintain . will give assurance of their severally adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the new constitutional terms. It cannot become such without the concurrence of. I recommendation would bring res- of this plan. two thirds of Congress and. its sented exclusively in economical aspect. but additional others for restoring and preserving the 15 national authority throughout the Union. notwithstanding this plan. and save the Union forever. considering while all it would amounts. 10 and thereby stay both. first. and times will 20 of payment. Their concurrence. Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors. more permanently. The subject is preThe plan would. 22. not but would be accepted adoption. all as a means.86 ABRAHAM LINCOLN plan consisting of these articles is The without that a restoration of the national authority its recommended. afterward. This assur- 30 ance would end the struggle now. doubt not. and the -same arguments apply to both. obtained. and manner of payment. I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation by the chief magistrate of the nation. not in exclusion of. nor that many of you have more experience than I in . nor proceedings under the proclamation of September toration. much — very requisite three fourths of the states will necessarily include if seven of the slave states. The that it — war if we rely solely upon force. I it am confident. three fourths of the states. than can be done by force alone cost. would be easier paid than be the additional It is cost of the much The 25 would cost no blood at all. 1862. And. This plan is recommended to. plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. Nor 5 will the war.
Other means may — — giving freedom — honorable peaceful. We hold the power and bear the responsibility. Fellow citizens. in alike we assure freedom to the free what we give and what we preserve. It is not these vital objects respond to a united and earnest appeal from us they. We of this Congress and this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves.? "Can any of us imagine better is ? " but. best hope of earth. Abraham Lincoln . and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood ? Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national prosperity. knows we do know how to save it. if The way is plain. to the genera- We we say we are for the Union. we cannot escape history. so we must think anew and act anew. The fiery trial through which latest will we pass in honor or dishonor. just —a this could not fail. that the plan I propose. and perpetuate both indefinitely utive — can ? Is it doubted that we here its — Congress and exec- secure adoption ? Will not the good people 10 ? Can we. . 20 No personal significance or insignificance can spare us. Can we all do better ? " the question occurs. can by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure We can succeed only by concert. then. and we must rise with the occasion. you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display. tion. " Can 15 we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. 8/ Yet I trust that in view of the great upon me. " still Object whatsoever possible. if adopted. We shall nobly save 30 or meanly lose the last.EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE the conduct of public responsibility resting affairs. Is it doubted. gener- The world even we here succeed . The occasion is piled high with difficulty. and God must forever bless. one or another of will light us down. We must disenthrall ourselves. As our case is new. We know how to save the Union. and then we shall save our country. ous. 5 would shorten the war. way which. The world not forget 25 that say this. the world will forever applaud. In to the slave. followed.
including the military and naval authority thereof. or any of them. therefore. on the twenty-second day of September. all persons held as slaves within any state. and forever free and the Executive Government of 10 the United States. That the executive will. in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixtythree. order and designate as the states and parts of . a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States. President of the United 30 by virtue of the power in me vested as commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States. containing. the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States. will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons. on this first day of January. in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three. and in accordance with full my purpose so to do. or designated part of a state. shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein 20 a majority of the qualified voters of such state shall have participated. proclamation. or the people against the United States thereof. 1863) in the Whereas. designate the states and parts of states. if any. shall be then. do. in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion and the fact that any state. publicly first proclaimed for the period of 100 days from the day above mentioned. on the first day of January aforesaid. and will do no act or acts to repress such persons. in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. by . in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States. 1 5 .88 ABRAHAM LINCOLN EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION (January i. and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion. I. shall in the absence of strong countervailing testimony be deemed conclusive evidence that such state and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States. year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two. the following. Now. to wit That on the first day of January. 5 among other things. 25 States. Abraham Lincoln. thenceforward.
and henceforward shall be. and Norfolk. Texas.: EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION states wherein the people thereof. York. all United States places. to garrison and other justice. Accomac. St. and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties desig- nated as West Virginia. will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. Elizabeth City. and Orleans. stations. and also the counties of Berkeley. positions. the considerate judgment of invoke of 30 mankind and the gracious favor Almighty God. Northampton. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence. Louisiana (except the parishes of Ascension. St. And upon this act. Charles. I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated states and parts of states are. 5 New Orleans). Abraham Lincoln William H. including the city of sissippi. to wit St. Lafourche. the following. sincerely believed to be an act of I warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity. . free and that the executive government of the United States. are this 89 day in rebellion against the United States. they . St. John. Ber- nard. Assumption. And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid. Jefferson. St. Georgia. 10 and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. Seward. North Carolina. 15 20 labor faithfully for reasonable wages. St. Mis- Alabama. Plaquemines. South Carolina. Secretary of State By the President : . Terre Bonne. in all cases when allowed. Martin. Princess Ann. unless in necessary self-defense and I recommend to them that. Florida. including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth). etc. And I further declare and w^ill make known that such persons of suitable condition be received into the armed service of the 25 forts. and to man vessels of sorts in said service. In witness. Arkansas. James. including the military and naval authorities thereof. respectively. Mary.
if he were alive again. . Beware of rashness. which is neither more nor less than it has done Burnside's of the command and will do for all commanders. and yet upon what appear think it best for you me to be to know that some things in regard to which I I believe I like. within reasonable bounds. to Of course there are have done this sufficient reasons. which of course I also believe you do not mix if politics with your profession.90 ABRAHAM LINCOLN LETTER TO GENERAL JOSEPH HOOKER (January 26. Neither you nor Napoleon. am not quite satis- 5 fied with you. that I have given you the command. but in spite of it. The government will support you to the utmost of its ability. I shall assist you as far as I can to put it down. 10 does good rather than harm but I think that during General 15 20 army you have taken counsel of your ambition and thwarted him as much as you could. Only those generals who gain successes can set up dictators. in which you are right. Of course it was not for this. Yours very truly A. you to be a brave and skillful soldier. will now turn 25 upon you. and I will risk the dictatorship. in which you did a great wrong to the country and to a most meritorious and honorable brother officer. could get any good out of an army while such a spirit prevails in it and now beware of rashness. is You have con- a valuable not an indispensable You are ambitious. . What I now ask of you is military success. but with energy and sleepless vigilance go forward and give us victories. of your recently saying that both the army and the government needed a dictator. fidence in yourself. in such a way as to believe it. I have heard. 1863) General I : have placed you I at the head of the I Army of the Potomac. which. Lincoln . I much fear that the spirit which you have aided to infuse into the army. which quality. of criticizing their commander and withholding confidence from him.
devoutly recognizing the supreme authority and just government of Almighty God in all the affairs of men and : of nations. like individuals. has by a resolution requested the President to designate and set apart a day for national prayer and humiliation 5 And whereas. some superior wisdom and Intoxicated with unbroken success. are subjected to punishments and chastisements awful calamity of 15 but a punishment needful end in this world. have grown gotten in in peace and prosperity. too proud to pray to the God made us 30 behooves Power. to humble ourselves before the offended confess our national sins. 25 these blessings were produced by virtue of our own. and multiplied and enriched and strengthened us and we have that all vainly imagined. civil may we not justly fear that the war which now desolates the land may be upon us for our inflicted presumptuous sins. and to recognize the sublime truth. to to confess their sins and transgressions in humble sorrow. yet with assured hope that genuine repentance will lead to mercy and in the 10 pardon . has ever grown but we have forgotten God. and power as no other nation . that those nations only are blessed whose God is the Lord And insomuch as we know that by his divine law nations. these many years. in the deceitfulness of our hearts. and to pray for clemency us. to and forgiveness . We have been preserved.: : : PROCLAMATION FOR A NATIONAL FAST DAY 91 PROCLAMATION FOR A NATIONAL FAST DAY (March 30. We . wealth. then. 1863) Whereas. have the gracious hand which preserved us in peace. the Senate of the United States. we have become too It self-suflicient to feel the necessity of redeeming and that preserving grace. We for- 20 numbers. to the ? of our national reformation as a whole people We have been the recipients of the choicest bounties of Heaven. it is the duty of nations as well as of men own their dependence upon the overruling power of God . announced Holy Scriptures and proven by all history.
as a day of national humiliation. fasting. In witness. and to unite at their several places of public in worship and their respective homes keeping the day holy to the Lord. July 13. run the batteries with the transports. and thus go below and I never had any faith. and devoted to the humble being done in in discharge of the religious duties proper to that solemn occasion. When you first reached the vicinity of Vicksburg. 10 All this sincerity and truth. Seward. and this fully concurring in the views. U.92 Now. GRANT My I Executive Mansion Wasmngton. When you got below and took Port Gibson. acknowledgment for the almost inestimable service you have done the country. that the Yazoo Pass expedition and the like could succeed. that day And from I do hereby request all the people to abstain on their ordinary secular pursuits. and vicinity. S. ABRAHAM LINCOLN therefore. I do by my proclamation designate and set apart Thursday. and 5 prayer. . of the Senate. the 30th day of April. and an- swered with blessings no sins. let us then rest humbly the hope authorized by the divine teachings. I wish to say a word further. in compliance with the request. that the united cry of the nation will be heard on high.. 1863. 1863 „t 1 • dear General write this 20 25 I I ever met personally. Abraham Lincoln By the President : William H. I thought you should go down do not remember that you and now as a grateful — . Secretary of State LETTER TO GENERAL ^ Major ^ General Grant . etc. Grand Gulf. except a general hope that you knew better than I. 15 try less than the pardon of our national and the restoration of our now divided and suffering counto its former happy condition of unity and peace. I thought you should do what you finally did march the troops across the neck.
10 will thank me for tendering. the nation's gratitude to those and other noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's life. Are you for it ? If you are. to be held at the capital of Illinois on the 3d day It would of September. as I do. there only you are not for force.: THE WAR AND EMANCIPATION the river and join General Banks. east of the Big Black. This I am trying to do. it. All I learn leads to a directly opposite 25 . wish to right make I the was a mistake. am Are you it ? you up you dis- 20 should say so plainly. I If you are not for against If this. There are those who are dissatisfied with me. Yours very truly A. I now personal acknowledgment that you were I feared and was wrong. to thus be very agreeable I to me meet my old friends at my own home. a second for way If is to give are. do not believe any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. would say : To such I 15 and you blame me that we do not have it. August 26. But how can we attain it ? There are but three First. Esq. The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to the Union and I am sure my old political friends . nor yet for I remains some imaginable compromise. solution. My tional dear Sir 5 Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of uncondiUnion men. 1863 Hon. and 93 north- when you turned it ward. : we are agreed. Lincoln LETTER STATING HIS POSITION IN REGARD TO THE WAR AND TO EMANCIPATION Executive Mansion Washington. Conkling. so far You desire peace. James C. but cannot just now be absent from here so long as a visit there would require. has been received. to suppress the rebellion by force of conceivable ways arms. the Union.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN The strength of the rebellion all is its all military. A must be made either with those first who 2o control the rebel army. I freely acknowledge myself the servant of the United States the people.94 belief. it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing a restoration of the Union. according to the bond of service edge or belief. as such. is Yet. or from any of the men controlling relation to it. free. But to be plain. provided you are for the Union. and that would be all. and. I am responsible to them. while I wish that I all men could be suppose you do not. 5 simply nothing for the present. suggested compensated . enemy would improve to our disadvantage compromise. has ever come All charges to my knowl- 25 and insinuations to the contrary are I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come. ence. in opposition to that army. In an 5 effort at such compromise we should waste time which the . have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which not consistent with even your I view. 30 Quite likely there a difference of opinion between you and I certainly myself upon that subject. I think. lo In what way can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania. deceptive and groundless. or with the people liberated from the domination of that army by the success of our own army. its army. To illustrate Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in convention. Any offer of terms made by any or man or men within that range. That army dominates its the country and is the people within range. because such man enforce their side of a compromise : men have no power whatever to if one were made with them. in any peace compromise. You is are dissatisfied with me about the negro. to be effective. allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from that rebel army. Now. can ultimately drive to all it out of exist- But no paper compromise which the controllers of affect that Lee's 1 army are not agreed can at army. And Constitution — and — that.
retracted. it not valid. the world over. who have given us our most important successes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes. believe the emancipation policy and their allegiance. or hurts the enemy Armies. and even destroy do their all own enemy.5 THE WAR AND EMANCIPATION to 95 emancipation.'* Why better after the retraction than before There was more than a year and a suppress the rebellion before the proclamation issued the last 25 one hundred days of which passed under an it explicit notice that was coming. that — has 10 by the law of war. 30 the use of the colored troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion. as law. that some of the commanders of our armies in the field. You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation. is it may be it And ? not needed whenever taking helps us. as fully as one can know the opinions of others. cannot 20 life. property. Civilized belligerents in their to keep it from the power to help them- 1 selves or hurt the enemy. destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it . to which you replied you wished not to be taxed buy negroes. taken when needed ? both of enemies and friends. commander in The most that can be Is there that slaves arc property. it needs no retraction. Among . except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel.the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and noncombatants. and that at least one of these important . unless averted by those in revolt returning to The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue of the proclamation as before. the issue . You say it is unconstitutional. except in such to save the way as to save you from greater taxation Union it exclusively by other means. If valid. I know. and perhaps 5 would have differently. male and female. I think I think the Constitution invests its chief with the law of said — if so much there ever been — — any question is war in time of war. ably for the Union. be retracted any more than the dead can be brought to Some of you profess to think its retraction would operate favorhalf of trial to . But the proclamation. either If it is is valid or it is is not valid.
Do you think differently I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as 20 soldiers. The sunny South.96 ABRAHAM LINCOLN when it was but for commanders holding these some who have never had any affinity with what is successes could not have been achieved the aid of black soldiers. . Why should they do anything 25 30 will do nothing for them ? If they stake their lives must be prompted by the strongest motive. it shall urge you to continue fighting. like other people. leaves just so much less for white soliders to do in saving ? the Union. I in good of faith. but who hold them purely as military opinions. being made. act for us if upon motives. Thanks to the great Northwest for it. Empire. and let none be banned who bore an honorable part in it. their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. On the spot. exclusively. too. hewing their way right and left. and Jersey. also lent a hand. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Does it appear otherwise to you But negroes. will be an apt time then for you to you will not fight to free negroes. Whenever you if I shall resistance to the Union. as being entitled to submit these opinions some weight against the objections often urged that emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures. The job was a great national one. then. Three hundred miles up they met New England. to whatever ex- tent the negroes should cease helping the it enemy. The signs look better. You lo say you will not fight to free negroes. Some them seem willing to fight for Fight you. to save the Union. And the promise. issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you have conquered 15 declare I all in saving the Union. in more colors than one. to that extent weakened the enemy ? in his resistance to you. even the promise of freedom. Among the views are called abolitionism. Nor yet wholly to them. Keystone. And while those who have cleared the great river may well be we for us they . thought that in your struggle for the Union. must be kept. and were not adopted as such you but no matter. or with 5 Republican party I politics.
and that they sure to lose their case and pay the who take such appeal are cost. it Thanks to all : for the principle for man's vast future — thanks lives by and keeps — ^° to all. for the alive they have been and great republic — made their tracks. muddy bayou. and come to stay. they have helped mankind on to this fear there will be and well-poised bayonet. others have been added. It is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than at Antietam. while to forget that with it. and on many fields of lesser note. MurfreesNor boro. us the rightful result. great consummation. I hope it will soon. And then there will be that with silent tongue. Not only on the deep sea. and the rapid river. and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. Peace does not appear so distant as it did. some black men who can remember and clinched I teeth. Let us diligently apply the means. must Uncle Sam's webfeet be forgotten. Lincoln PROCLAMATION FOR THANKSGIVING (October 3. bounties. which are so constantly enjoyed that To these we are prone to forget the source from which they come. 5 the broad bay. will give 25 Yours very truly A. and wherever the ground was a little damp. some white ones unable ^° malignant heart and deceitful speech they strove to hinder Still.PROCLAMATION FOR THANKSGIVING proud. At all the watery margins they have been present. . Gettysburg. Let us be quite sober. 1863) its The year that is drawing toward close has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. but also up the narrow. own good time. It will then have been proved come that among free men there can be no successful appeal from ^5 the ballot to the bullet. let us not be oversanguine of a speedy final triumph. and steady eye. even that is 97 not all. in his never doubting that a just God.
In the midst of a 5 ity. is permitted to expect standing the waste that has been and the battlefield. And I recommend to them that. have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. therefore. nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. 25 30 No human counsel hath devised. except in the while that theater has been greatly . reverently. Population has steadily increased. and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands. they do also. and the mines. with humble penitence . fields Needful diversions of wealth and of strength from the the plow. by the advancing armies and navies of the Union. peace has been preserved with nations. or the ship of peaceful industry to the national defense have not arrested . and harmony has prevailed everywhere. the shuttle. the ax has enlarged the bor- ders of our settlements. invite my fellow citizens in every part of the United States. hath nevertheless remembered mercy. order has been maintained. It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly. rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength and vigor. civil war of unequaled magnitude and sever- which has sometimes seemed to foreign states to invite and all provoke their aggressions. notwith- made in the camp. and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one voice by the whole American people. as well of iron and coal 15 as of the precious metals. 20 continuance of years with large increase of freedom. to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of Thanksgiving and praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the heavens. the laws have been respected theater of military conflict lo contracted and obeyed.98 ABRAHAM LINCOLN which are of so extraordinary a nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful providence of Almighty God. and the country. who. I do. while dealing with us in anger for our sins. while offering up the ascriptions justly due to him for such singular deliverances and blessings. the siege. They are the gracious gifts of the most high God.
20 and dead. all and dedicated 10 to the proposition that men are created equal. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here. Seward. 1863) Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation. etc.5 as soon as may be consistent with the divine purposes. can long endure. testing whether that nation. commend to his orphans. . But. to tranquility. It is rather for us to be that 25 here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — . come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might 1 It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. the full enjoyment of peace. Lincoln By the Preside Jit: William H. to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought above our poor power here have thus far so nobly advanced. lamentable civil and disobedience. A. and fervently implore the interposition of the almighty hand to heal the store it. and union. We have live. and to re. mournstrife in ers. or sufferers in the which we are unavoidably engaged. conceived in liberty.5 THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS for our national perverseness 99 tender care all those who have become widows. November 19. in a larger sense. Secretary of State THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS (Delivered at the dedication of the National Cemetery. but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us. ^ In testimony. the living. have consecrated it far to add or detract. civil Now we are engaged in a great war. who struggled here. secrate living — we we cannot cannot hallow — dedicate — we cannot con- this ground. wounds of the nation. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. rather. harmony. or any nation so conceived and so dedicated. The brave men.
With other uneasiness signs. the general effect 30 government had no lawful power to emancipation in any . the kindest words coming from Europe were uttered in accents of pity that we were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. would be received into the war service. foreign shores. IN REBELLION December 8. was not satisfactory. at home and abroad. 10 Congress assembled a year ago the war had already and there had been many conflicts on both land and sea with varying results. and furnished from. under God. shall not perish government of the people. 20 The year. . uncertain conflict. then just past. . shall have a new birth of . We had failed to elicit from European governments anything hopeful upon this subject. while. about civil system. When feeling and opinion. by the people. Our commerce was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels built upon. was running the beginning of the assigned period to 25 month later the final proclathe announcement that colored men of mation came. 5 freedom . 1863) lasted nearly twenty months. indicated 15 among ourselves. which hope. from the earth. including suitable condition. According to our aspect. the popular elections.lOO ABRAHAM LINCOLN from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain that this nation. to the future a new in and doubt contended political and of employing black soldiers. The rebellion had been pressed back into reduced limits yet the tone of public . AMNESTY FOR THOSE (Extract from annual message. . preliminary emancipation proclaits mation. amid much that was cold and menacing. and we were threatened with such additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea and raise our blockade. issued in September. . new A The gave policy of emancipation. as a matter of administration. and fear. and that for the people.
No servile insurrection. by the complete re- opening of the Mississippi. the crisis of the contest would 5 then be presented. Tennessee and Arkansas have been and influential citizens owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the begin- substantially cleared of insurgent control. in each. ning of the rebellion. IN REBELLION lOI and for a long time all it had been hoped that the rebellion it could be suppressed without resorting to It as a military measure. Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion. their respective states. So difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any. and that should. or tendency to violence or cruelty. only dispute now mode of removing it within their own limits. we are permitted to take another review. Maryland and Missouri. full one hundred thousand are now in the United States military extension of slavery into as to the best 20 service. the country dominated by the bellion is divided into distinct parts. criticized.AMNESTY FOR THOSE state. It came. still The rebel borders are pressed further back. At home the same measures 30 have been fully discussed. Eleven months having now passed. and. it was the while deemed if it possible that the necessity for might come. with no practical commu- 10 nication between them. and. and supplying the places which otherwise must be tested. has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks. and denounced. it is filled with so many white men. it was followed by dark and doubtful days. neither of which three years ago would tolerate any restraint upon the new territories. ment there and contemporary with such discussion the tone of public sentiis much improved. about one half of which number actually bear arms . These measures have been much discussed in foreign countries. as was anticipated. supported. and the annual elections following are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the country through this great . now declare Of those openly for emancipation in states not included in the 15 Emancipation Proclamation. in the ranks thus giving the double advantage of taking so much far as 25 labor from the insurgent cause.
own abso- and this includes the power to grant on terms. from the very element against whose protected. a have thought fit copy of which it is herewith transmitted. so as to build only from the simply absurd. The is crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union past. to issue a proclamation. and with reference I a resumption of the national authority within the states wherein that authority has been suspended. or in preponderating part. in the mode prescribed. 10 is True. ABRAHAM LINCOLN Thus we have the new reckoning. is explicit and full. . attempted beyond what amply is justified by the Constitution. and other authorities. but case he voluntarily takes the oath. state as 15 is fully established by judicial if. appear. It is also proffered that in any cf the states named. too feeble for an opposite and hostile element external or even within. the form of an oath it. But why tender the benefits of this provision only to a state government set up in this particular way ? This section of the 25 Constitution contemplates a case wherein the element within a state favorable to republican government in the Union may be to. 30 An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived state govern- ment. a 20 government shall be. The constitutional obligation of the United States to guarantee to every state in the Union a republican form of government. Looking now to 5 .I02 trial. and that under it the state shall. constructed in whole. coerced to take The man is no man only promised a pardon in given. be protected against invasion and domestic violence. to the present and future. and such are precisely the cases with which we are now dealing. is hostility and violence it is to be There must be a test by which to separate the opposing elements. such government shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States. and to protect the state in the cases stated. as is On examination of this that nothing is proclamation will is believed. the state . set up. on the constitutional conditions. The Constitution authorises the executive to grant or withhold the pardon at his lute discretion .
In my 10 judgment they have aided. 15 shall be included in the oath it . also. or grant upon the terms which he shall wisest for the public interest. as a test of admission to the 5 political body. For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of these measures . this vital matter be themselves . 30 more ready to give up the cause left to of their affliction. To them their fullest there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. to this ex- tent. which he has clear constitutional power It hold altogether. this part of the deem should be observed. while no power of . that oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating 25 judicial decision.AMNESTY FOR THOSE sound . the cause for which they were intended. but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of faith. power of legislation and supreme The proposed acquiescence of the national executive in any reasonable temporary state arrangement for the freed people is made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must at best attend all classes It is lution of labor throughout whole states. But if be proper to require. I may add. IN REBELLION 103 and that test is a sufficiently liberal will one which accepts as sound whoever it make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness. and will further aid. and it is believed the executive 20 may lawfully claim in return for pardon and restoration of to with- forfeited rights. and Union under ? it. or by any of the acts of Congress. effect. already deeply afflicted people in those states by a total revohoped that the may be somewhat if. at this point. an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the to the in United States. that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to nor shall I retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation. why also to the laws and proclamations regard to slavery Those laws and procgive lamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power.
but remain active apparently for want of a rallying point — a plan B in- of action. This may bring them to act sooner than they The objection to a premature presentation of a plan by the 20 national executive consists in the danger of committals on points further developments. 30 are matters of profound gratulation. The movements. it is not said it will never be accepted any other way. and avoid great confusion. Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in a specified in way. . otherwise would. left to Care cer- has been taken to so shape the document as to avoid embar- Saying that. lo In some states the elements for resumption seem ready for action. abridged by the The suggestion political 5 in the proclamation as to maintaining the framework of the states on what is called reconstruction is made in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm. for emancipation in several of the states not included in the Emancipation Proclamation. It will save labor. in detail And while I do not repeat this what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon . rather than that of A ? A and B is should agree. by state action. it is be pardoned. with rights restored. on certain terms. or other terms. my general views and feelings remain unchanged fair and I trust that Congress will omit no opportunity of aiding these important steps to a great consummation. subject. Why And 15 shall if A adopt the plan of B. and which they are assured in advance not be rejected here. But why any proclamation now upon this subject ? This question is beset with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or be taken too soon.I04 ABRAHAM LINCOLN is the national executive to prevent an abuse proposition. will never be included. not said 25 that other classes. how can they general government here will reject their know but that the plan ? By the proclaaccepted by them as will mation a plan presented which may be a rallying point. which could be more safely rassments from tain classes will this source.
arms. however important. Michael Hahn you on having Washington. yet for a time. Lincoln . to the public.: NEGROES AND THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE In the midst of other cares. you alone. Abraham Lincoln SUGGESTING THAT INTELLIGENT NEGROES BE ADMITTED TO THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE (Private) Executive Mansion Hon. And it may be esteemed fortu- nate that in giving the greatest efficiency to these indispensable 10 we do also honorably recognize the gallant men. the very intelligent. lose sight of the fact that the 105 not reli- we must war power is still our main ance. to keep the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom. little can be done anywhere for what called reconstruction. which. to give in5 confidence to the people in the contested regions that the surgent power will not again overrun them. enlarged. Yours truly A. and especially those 20 who have help. who have thus far borne their harder part so nobly and well. I probably not be define the elective franchise. the world must stand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled. and to whom. Now you are about will have a convention. but to ^ ^ But this is only a suggestion. among other things. Until that confi- dence is shall be established. regenerated. consideration. who compose them. whether let in barely suggest for your private — some of the colored people may as. To that power alone can we look. 1864 My the to dear Sir fixed I congratulate first free-state your name in history as 15 governor of Louisiana. for instance. and perpetuated. in fought gallantly in our ranks. directed to the Hence our chiefest care must still be army and navy. They would probably not some trying time to come. more than to others. from commander to sentinel. March 13.
to this day. cannot remember when I did not so think and and yet have never understood that the presidency conferred right to act officially upon me an unrestricted ment and feeling. oath even forbade me 15 to practically indulge my I primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. protect. to the my ability. April 4. And aver that. and break the oath in using the power. that my oath imposed to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability upon me the duty that government the organic law. Right or wrong. to done no official act in mere deference I my abstract judgment and feeling on 20 slavery. G. to Governor Bramlette as follows If slavery is and Senator Dixon. Nor was it my view that might take an oath to get I power. Esq. that nation. assumed this . Kentucky Washington. too. 1864 My dear Sir ask You me to put in writing the substance of what I ver- bally said the other day It in your presence. times. was and yet prelife Was possible to lose the nation serve the Constitution By general law. It was best of 10 of the upon this judg- in the oath I took that I would. had publicly declared I this I many have and in many ways. is wrong. — of preserving. nothing feel. could not take the office without taking the oath. Frankfort. I not wrong.I06 ABRAHAM LINCOLN REVIEW OF SLAVERY POLICY Executive Mansion A. "I 5 was about am I naturally antislavery. I and defend the Constitution I United States. however. meas- ures otherwise unconstitutional might become lawful by becomI ing indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. did understand. of which that Constitution it ? by every indispensable means. yet often a limb 25 but a life is must be amputated never wisely given to save a limb. and limb must be to save a life I felt that protected. preserve. Hodges. that in ordinary civil administration this understood.
" . in my best judgment. because I did not then think it an indispensable 5 When. early ability. ure he condemns. General Fre'mont attempted military emancipation. I could not feel that. When. I my in the war. When March and May and I July. . there of this. none in our white military force loss by it anyhow or anywhere. then SecreWar. 20 was not entirely confident. that he is for the rebellion by force of arms taking these hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side. "And now let any Union "man who complains of the measure test himself by writing down in one line that he is for subduing 30 and in the next. I should permit the wreck of government. unless averted by that measure. If he cannot face his case so stated. I — 25 can be no caviling. I chose the hoped for greater gain than loss but . necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come sition. They declined the propo- and I was. if. When. General Hunter attempted military emancipation.5 REVIEW OF SLAVERY POLICY ground. General Cameron. We have the men and we could not have had them without the measure. to the best of had even tried to preserve the Constitution. and laborers. These are palpable facts. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations. I forbade it. In choosing it. tary of lo again forbade necessity I it. still later. about which. and Constitution all together. 1862. I and with it the Constitution. driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union. a little later. On the contrary it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers. it is only because he cannot face the truth. none in our no home popular sentiment. to save slavery or any minor matter. and placing them where they would be but for the meas. country. because I did not yet think the indispensable in had come. suggested the arming of the blacks. as facts. seamen. made earnest and successive appeals to the border states to believed the indispensable 1 favor compensated emancipation. I objected because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. I necessity. and lo/ now avow it. or of laying strong hand latter. upon the colored element.
While am very anxious that any great disaster or capture of our men If in great numbers shall be avoided. 1864 Lieutenant General Grant opens. Yours very truly A. may God sustain do And now. I are vigilant and self-reliant . devised or expected. is there is anything wanting which to let not fail just cause. 5 struggle. my power you. S. I know these points are less 20 likely to escape your attention than they would be mine. or any o man. Whither it is tending seems plain. but confess plainly that telling this tale I I claim events have controlled me. and wills also that we of the North. as well as you of the South. Lincoln . and. GRANT Executive Mansion Washington.I08 I ABRAHAM LINCOLN add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. with a brave army and a within to give. so far as I understand it. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong. Now. shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong. not to have controlled events. In attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. : Not expecting to see you again before the spring campaign I wish to express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have done up 1 to this time. 5 The You particulars of your plans I neither know nor seek to know. God alone can claim it. this. is at the end of three years' the nation's condition not what either party. Lincoln LETTER TO GENERAL U. impartial history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God. me know it. April 30. Yours truly A. pleased with wish I not to obtrude any constraints or restraints upon you.
It is an unanswerable argument to this the same purpose. high or low. tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the of battle. 1864) Dear Madam I : have been shown in the files of the War Department a statement of the Adjutant General of Massachusetts that you are the mother of five sons field fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to beguile you from the But I cannot refrain from grief of a loss so overwhelming. 1864) The most is reliable indication of public purpose in this country derived through our popular elections. the within the loyal states to maintain the integrity of the purpose of the people Union. that no candidate for any office whatever. was never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls give strong assurance of this. I feel who have how weak and died gloriously on the 5 thanks of the republic they died to save. . ticket. effect. Yours very sincerely and respectfully Abraham Lincoln EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE (December . BIXBY (November 21. and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost.EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE 109 LETTER TO MRS. I pray that our 10 Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement. 6. may be fairly claimed to entertain. its Judging by 15 the recent canvass and result. 20 has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving 25 . Not only all those who supported the Union but a great majority of the opposing party also. and to be actuated by. and the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. . so called.
and fought. Michigan. which states did not vote in i860.762 Nevada. and regiments have formed. The same is true of the naval service. against 3. pose. brigades. Maine. Oregon. New Hampshire. and dwin- — — 20 and gone out of existence. Delaware.982.no ABRAHAM LINCOLN 5 up the Union. the election has been of vast value to the national cause: The lo election has exhibited another fact. and fallen have been so few. cast 3. Iowa. Kentucky. showing an aggregate cast now in the To this is to be added 33. Massachusetts. thus swelling the 30 aggregate to 4. the field . Vermont.870.015. There has been much impugning of motives. The states regularly holding elecCalifornia.222 cast of 3. Ohio. and California. and divisions.011 votes then. now new states of Kansas and showing ber of Island. not less valuable to be known the 15 the fact that we do not approach exhaustion in that of most important branch of national resources living men.773. it is some relief to know that compared with the surviving.551. and much heated controversy as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause but on the distinct issue of Union or no Union the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people.982. While it is melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many graves. Illinois. Minnesota. New Jersey. all To in this again should be added the num- soldiers New from Massachusetts. A table is appended. In affording the people the fair opportunity of showing one to another and to the world this firmness and unanimity of pur. Illinois. the While corps. both now and four years ago dled. and now. New York. Rhode Jersey. to wit tions. particulars. to 145. So many voters could not else be found. The election returns prove this. Indiana. Indiana. West Virginia. Maryland. Missouri. Wisconsin — Rhode Island.011. — : Connecticut. 25 Pennsylvania. a great majority of the men who composed them are still living. and the net increase during the three years and a half of war. and carried mourning to so many hearts. Delaware.
000. The number in organized territories was four years ago. The manner of continuing the effort remains to choose. join us as the national arms press back the insurgent lines. of him who heads the insurgent cause. simple. as we believe. and which number cannot be is this all. he is would be the victory and defeat following 30 war. and may. while thousands. already beaten. it way desire peace and reunion. Material resources are now more complete and abundant than ever. and inflexible. He would accept nothing short to 20 of severance of the Union — precisely what we us. we Either are beaten . white and black. and decided by victory. as we believe. does not attempt to deceive He affords us 25 no excuse to deceive ourselves. This as to men. So much is shown. and. repeated. if need be. What is true. probably true. affirmatively and negatively. or to show that war. The number of such may increase. it than 90. which is how the increase has been prowould have been greater but for the 10 strated that began that . It is away from their Nor yet is triple now what 5 not material to inquire it duced. nor in process of exhaustion . if the Southern people fail him. Some of them. The important fact remains demonwe have more men now than we had when the war that we are not exhausted. Although he cannot reaccept the Union. we know. and. If we yield. Between him and us the issue is distinct. The public purpose to reestablish and maintain the national authority is unchanged. The national resources. unchangeable. we are gaining strength. then. His declarations to this effect are explicit and oft He . maintain the contest indefinitely.EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL MESSAGE who by the laws of those states could not vote less m homes. however. will not and cannot give. are unexhausted. by the election. He cannot voluntarily reaccept the Union we cannot voluntarily yield it. is not necessarily true of those who follow. me that no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent could result in any good. it 15 seems leader On careful consideration of all the evidence accessible. inexhaustible. they can. . It is an issue which can only be tried by war.
and whatever might require the appropriation of money. After so much the government could not. full year open to free choice It is except such as were not in condition to is. many availed themselves of the general provision. If questions should remain. and no voluntary application has been denied. The executive power itself would be greaj. and votes.ly diminished by the cessation of actual war. Some certain. During the same time. were offered to all except certain designated classes. 5 The loyal people would not adjust sustain or allow it. questions are. for instance. and it was at the same time made known that the excepted classes were During the year still within contemplation of special clemency. conference. courts. the admission of members into Congress. maintain war against them. In what spirit and temper this control would be exercised. practically. and other possible. to all . precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less easy and certain.112 ABRAHAM LINCOLN at any moment have peace simply by laying down arms and submitting to the national authority under the Constitution. operating only in constitutional and lawful channels. so 30 open but the time when lieu public duty shall probably will may come demand that it be closed and . In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the . the door has been for a all. would still be within executive control. however. can be fairly judged of by the past. special pardons have been granted to individuals of the excepted 25 classes. A year ago general pardon and amnesty. — — come — still that in more rigorous measures than heretofore shall be adopted. Thus. and would be. also. only that the signs of bad faith in some led to such . and many more would. make that such as were in custody or under constraint. we would 10 15 20 them by the peaceful means of legislation. beyond the executive power to adjust as. if it They can their would. Pardons and remissions of forfeitures. upon specified terms.
. to reenslave such persons. and divide . devoted altogether to saving the city seeking to destroy Union without war. knew that this interest was. even by war while the government claimed no right to do territorial more 3° than to restrict the enlargement of it. by whatever mode or means. another. and extend this interest . All of the war. or by any of the acts of Congress. shall have ceased on the part of those who began Abraham Lincoln PART OF SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS (March . 15 all sought to avert it. effects. insurgent agents were in seeking to dissolve it without war — by negotiation. 20 . and not must be their instrument to In stating a single condition of peace. all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending it All dreaded — civil war. Both parties deprecated war but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive and the other would accept war rather than let Union. that the it I mean simply to say. While the inaugural the the' address was being delivered from this place. nor shall return to slavery 5 any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation. 4. One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves. the cause To strengthen. . 10 war will cease on the part of the government whenever it. that '' while I remain my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify I the Emancipation Proclamation. not distributed generally over the Union. 1865) On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago. somehow. but localized in the south- em part of it. it perish. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful 25 interest. repeat the declaration made a year ago. it an executive duty I. make perform it. perpetuate. .PART OF SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS goverment." If the people should. was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union. And the war came. in I 113 I retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery.
having continued through his appointed time. as God gives us to see the right. as the woe due to those by whom the offense came. Each looked for an easier triumph. or even before. shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes wnich the believers in a living God always ascribe to him ? Fondly do we hope that this mighty scourge of war may fervently do we pray — — if speedily pass away. strange that any in men should dare to ask a just God's assistance lo wringing their bread from the sweat of other us judge not. " The judgments 30 — 35 . God wills that it continue until all the by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk. and with all nations. may seem . that men's faces but let we be prayers of both could not be answered — " not judged. and his orphan to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves. he now wills to remove. as was said three thousand years ago. of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. and for his widow. Woe unto the world for must needs be is that offenses If come shall in but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh. Both read the to the same It and pray same God . and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war." With malice toward none with charity for all with firmness in the right. fundamental and astounding. but which. . the conflict itself 5 should cease. . let us strive on to finish the work we are in to bind up the nation's wounds to care for him who shall have borne the battle. one of those offenses which.114 ABRAHAM LINCOLN it Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which has already attained. and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword. his and a result less Bible. so still it must be said. The Almighty has because of offenses 15 ! his own it purposes. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with. The that of neither has been answered fully. 20 must needs come. and each invokes aid against the other. 25 wealth piled Yet. ." we suppose that American slavery the providence of God.
that it is as it it stands. but in fact easier. or even 20. civil and military. and on not given to the colored man. than with selves safely at Finding them- would be utterly immaterial whether they had ever been abroad.000. and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether in doing the acts he brought the states from without into the Union. organized a state government.3° .RECONSTRUCTION 1 1 5 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES (Extract from last speech.000. April 11. assumed to be the rightful political power of the state. is to again get it is them into that proper practical rela5 I believe that not only possible. it. Still. 1865) . We all agree that the seceded states. instead of only about 12. to do this without deciding or even considering whether these states it.000 voters in the heretofore slave state of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union. it does. adopted a free. Will and help to improve it. be wiser to take as state constitution. and that the sole object of the government. are out of their proper practical relation with the Union.000. the question is not whether the Louisiana government. quite it all is desirable. so called. or to reject and disperse it ? Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new state government? Some 12. have ever been out of the Union. The question is. necessary to restoring the proper practical relations between 10 these states and the Union. or only gave them 15 proper assistance. is it It is also unsatisfactory to some I that the elective franchise fer that would myself prewere now conferred on the very intelligent. so to speak. . Let us all join in doing the acts it home. giving the benefit of public schools equally to 25 held elections. or 30. . they never having been out of of constituency. in regard to those states tion. on which the new Louisiana govwould be more satisfactory to all if it contained 50.000. The amount ernment as rests. is 20 those who serve our cause as soldiers.
and proselyte for it. and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when. : . to the same end. discouraging and paralyzing both white and black. and how. 5 10 15 20 25 30 These 12. and fight for it. nor be helped by you. and grow it. I have so far been unable to perceive it. Their legislature has black and white. The colored man. and nearly all the things. If this course.Il6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN upon the colored man. To the blacks we say This cup of liberty which these. is inspired with vigilance. abolishing slavery throughout the nation. say to the white man You are worthless or worse we will neither help you. and empowering the legislature to confer the elective franchise already voted to ratify the constitutional amendment recently passed by Congress. and daring. your old masters. Now. and energy. — — : . the nation wants and they ask the nation's recognition and its assistance to make good their committal. the converse of all this is made true. in effect. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the 12. we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it. we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana. Grant that he desires the elective franchise.000 to adhere to their work. has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union. and feed it. hold to your lips we will dash from you. If. too. where. will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it than by running backward over them ? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl. We. if we reject and spurn them. we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. on the contray. and argue for it. in seeing all united for him.000 persons are thus fully committed to the Union and to perpetual freedom in the state committed to the very things. and ripen it to a complete success.
Lincoln's circialar was a document of about two thousand words. Lincoln lived. he says in his brief autobiography. AND LAWMAKING Lincoln's first (Page 3) public address was to the people of Sangamon County. had already announced himself as a candidate for the General Assembly of the state (the convention system was not in vogue at that time). Illinois. killed Elijah At Lovejoy. He given to a subject of absorbing interest at that period. ran for reelection in 1836 and was successful. Springfield. where Mr. POLITICAL VIEWS IN Lincoln was first 1836 (Page 5) He elected to the General Assembly of Illinois in 1834. The only expression on is woman suffrage to be found in Lincoln's collected works in this document. In the interval between the appearance of this circular in March and the election in August came the Black Hawk War. the editor of an antislavery newspaper published in the town. a mob made up of citizens of Alton. that he was ever the bulk of it — the public utility of internal — defeated on the direct vote of the people." 117 . EDUCATION. It was at this time that this letter to the Joiirnal was written. The only preliminary expected of a candidate was to state his views in a printed circular. in which Lincoln served as captain of a volunteer company. Lincoln was defeated in the August election the only time. which was distributed through his district. FIRST PUBLIC PROTEST AGAINST SLAVERY (Page The year proslavery that this public protest against slavery 6) was published. improvements.NOTES VIEWS ON MONEY-LOANING. Illinois. the citizens held a mass meet- ing and resolved that " the efforts of the abolitionists in this community are neither necessary nor useful.
Johnston had three children. Accompanying these I wrote him a letter equally melancholy in tone. . Kentucky. Douglas. and one of the Springfield papers gave my sentiments liberal quotation in its columns. JOHNSTON (Page 13) Nancy Hanks Lincoln. In 1853 Nebraska. Mrs. passed in 1820. Sarah Bush Johnston. introduced a bill giving both Nebraska and Kansas the government they asked. provided that Missouri might come in as a slave state. Thomas Lincoln married in Elizabethtown. 1819. Not the least singular of all is his allusion to himself as an old man. although he had scarcely passed his thirty-ninth year. These children grew up with Abraham. Herndon. July 10. and he always spoke of John Johnston as his brother. 1848. the oldest of whom was John D. a member from Illinois of the Senate of the United States. LETTER TO WILLIAM H. a widow whom he had known as a young girl. D. who were constantly holding the young men back. 1818. In October of 1854 Douglas came to Springfield to explain his bill to his Illinois constituents whom it had disturbed. I felt gloomy over the prospect.Il8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN LETTER TO WILLIAMSON DURLEY (Page 7) Williamson Durley and his brother Madison were prominent leaders of the " Liberal party. and cut out these newspaper slips and sent them to Lincoln. and Stephen A. REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE (Page 16) The Missouri Compromise. died on October 5. Mrs. This bill was passed. This brought from him a letter. Birney as its candidate for the presidency. somewhat in advance of its occurrence. which is clearly Lincolnian and full of plain philosophy. In December. Later he added to this bill an amendment repealing the Missouri Compromise and permitting settlers in the new territory to reject or establish slavery as they should see fit. HERNDON (Page 9) Mr. the death throes of the Whig party. in his " Life of Lincoln. desired to be organized as a territory. I did not conceal my suspicions." explains the circumstance which called out this letter: "I felt at this time (1848)." LETTER TO JOHN Abraham Lincoln's mother. which was north of the free line established by the Missouri Compromise. if slavery was never allowed north of 36° 30' north latitude. among other things. in which." which in 1845 nominated James G. I reflected severely on the stubbornness and bad judgment of the fossils in the party.
. It included a clause permitting slavery this clause. In January. and that the Missouri Compromise act and . 1858. : p. concerning the Dred Scott decision. Fremont was defeated. and he had replied in a public letter in which he said that slavery existed in Kansas under the Constitution of the United States that this had been decided by the highest tribunal known to our laws and he added. the constitution as a whole was submitted and rejected. on October 16. which had been organized that year in Illi- speeches during the campaign for Fremont. Franklin. AFTER THE DEFEAT OF 1856 (Page 25) In 1856 Lincoln publicly broke his connection with the Whig party and joined the Republican Party. and must be directed to dismiss the suit. fifty He made some who was the Republican candidate for the presidency. submitted apart from the rest of the constitution. 1857. Nicolay and Hay in their "Abraham Lincoln A History" summarize its leading conclusions as follows (Vol. . nois. was adopted in December. like prohibitory laws are unconstitutional that the circuit court of the United States had no jurisdiction in the case and could give no judgment in it. was elected. . . author . . Lincoln's chief argument was made in 1854 at Peoria. of Independence and the Constitution of the United States do not include or refer to negroes otherwise than as property that they cannot become citizens of the United States or sue in the federal courts . which Missouri law had decided against him protect it. 26 18 The Dred Scott decision was pronounced by Chief Justice Taney on March 6. and other citizens of New England. Roger." 28 19 The President to whom Lincoln here refers was James Buchanan he had been questioned in a memorial signed by Professor Benjamin Silliman of Yale College. Kansas. Douglas. and pledges the federal government to . " How it could have ever been seriously doubted is a mystery. that of his residence in Illinois Dred Scott's claim to freedom by reason was a Missouri question. Bissell.^ NOTES 119 Lincoln's answer to this speech made a profound impression and forced Douglas at once into a defense of his measure. and James. 1857." 28 25 In 1857 a convention was held at Lecompton. 20 10 Pro tanto : by so much to that extent. that the Constitution of the United States recognizes slaves as property. 31 5 The four workmen to whom Lincoln refers as " Stephen. II. though he had nearly one hundred thousand votes in Illinois. to frame a constitution for the new territories. 73) : "That the Declaration ." are Senator Stephen A. and the Republican candidate for governor of the state.
I20 ABRAHAM LINCOLN Compromise . was a Missouri and a prominent leader of Union sentiment in his state. He was surprised to find the people generally interested in Lincoln's arguments. This was due largely to the impression his debates with Douglas had made. Gratz Brown was also a Missouri Unionist. 1859. It was not until December of 1859. who defended politician known as Frank Blair. talked to satisfy the curiosity On his return Fell him about the advisability of putting out a sketch that would which had been awakened by the speeches. Illinois. on October 16. who came to New England in 1637. He had one of the most notable audiences which have ever gathered in New York. He fre- quently was questioned about Lincoln's personality. official documents extending over fifty years has established beyond doubt that Abraham Lincoln was a direct descendant of Samuel Lincoln. Lincoln refused to believe that Fell was right. Both men were active 35 24 Francis Preston Blair. that decision. John Brown and a small group of followers had seized . who agreed . fourteenth to make the repeal of the Missouri Compromise a party measure Roger B. of the repeal of the Missouri . Fell was traveling in the East. 37 19 Since Lincoln's death the effort to identify his family with the New England family of the more definite than the similarity of Christian A series of researches in same name has resulted in something names of which he speaks. Many of his friends feared that he would not be able to hold the audience. LINCOLN'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY (Page One of the first Illinois 37) politicians to conceive the idea that Lincoln might be an available candidate for the presidency in i860 was Jesse W. The fullest and most authoritative account of his pedigree is to be found in the " Ancestry of Abraham Lincoln " by Lea and Hutchinson. 53 9 A little over four months before the Cooper Union meeting. supporters of the emancipation of the negro. James Buchanan. fifteenth president of the United States. chief justice of the United States. Fell of Bloomington. that he consented to little write the sketch of his life here printed. Franklin Pierce. a year after the suggestion was made. Taney. but his success was pronounced. While the Lincoln and Douglas debates were going on. SLAVERY AS THE FATHERS VIEWED IT (Page 39) Cooper Union had been open but a few months when Lincoln spoke there. The speech was one of the most important and convincing Lincoln ever made. who pronounced the Dred Scott decision and president of the United States.
Lincoln gave William H. and that one of his secretaries would be obliged to assume the leadership." Mr. On* reaching Washington in February before his inauguration." etc. they must not. pass through all the hearts and all hearths in this broad continent of ours. I am sure they will not. Although passion has strained our bonds of affection too hardly. It is only fair to say that when Mr. Seward finally realized Lincoln's ability. making of now famous paragraph here printed. Seward. a copy of the address. Brown was captured on October i8. The changes made. tried by the commonwealth of Virginia. Mr. 121 They hoped to arm a band of negroes and incite insurrection. we must not be. 1859. The raid was unsuccessful. will yet again harmonize in their ancient music when breathed upon by the guardian angel of the nation. 71 25-31 As originally written this address closed with the words. Mr. 1861. When he accepted the appointment of Secretary of State. it the LINCOLN'S REPLY TO SECRETARY SEWARD'S OFFER TO BECOME THE HEAD OF THE ADMINISTRATION (Page 72) was Mr. he sent Lincoln " Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration. Virginia. 1 The reader interested in the First Inaugural of Lincoln should not fail to read the admirable chapter on the subject in Vol. furnish an admirable study of the way in which Lincoln handled English. Ill of Nicolay and Hay's "Abraham Lincoln: a History. 55 19 Pari passu : proportionately. and all his early work was done under this conviction. I close. proceeding from so many battlefields and so many patriotic graves. be broken. Lincoln's reply shows the astonishing suggestions in these " thoughts. but Mr. " You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government. Seward.1 NOTES the arsenal at Harpers Ferry. ." though it is so courteously worded that it does not fully reveal their nature. and was executed on December 2. Lincoln rewrote the above suggestion of Mr. Secretary of State. Seward's criticisms are given in full. it was with the idea that he would be obliged to assume the responsibilities of the administration. Seward objected to his closing words and suggested the following paragraph : fellow countrymen and brethren. We are not. aliens or enemies. Seward undoubtedly believed sincerely that Abraham Lincoln unfit for the presidency. On April i. he was quick to acknowledge it. The mystic chords which." where Mr. Lincoln never showed to any one but his private secretaries Seward's communication and his reply.
" The extract. 1863. VII. Lincoln could not leave Washington." to which the letter here reprinted is a reply. 1863.000. Conkhng of Illinois. and as he folded it up say. 1862. Lincoln's calculations of the population which this country ought to have by 1900 have proved to be far wide of the mark. The next day the President wrote Hooker the letter here printed. wrote Mr. and as a matter of fact we had but 76. On December 13." and which Nicolay and Hay. 374. Lincoln ordered General Hooker to relieve Burnside. on the following page.122 ABRAHAM LINCOLN MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION (Page 75) reader's attention tion in the In connection with this message on compensated emancipation the is called to the chapter on Lincoln and Emancipa- second volume of Tarbell's " Life of Abraham Lincoln. 90 11 General Burnside had been given the command of the Army The radicals brought heavy not seem to sympathize with their — 1862. 81 6 Mr. pressure to bear when Mr." of the Potomac on November 10.303.387. On August 20 Horace Greeley printed in the New York Tribune a signed editorial entitled. call his " last stump speech.000. ." Mr. but he wrote a letter which he himself said was " rather a good letter.000. LETTER STATING HIS POSITION IN REGARD TO THE WAR AND TO EMANCIPATION (Page 93) In August. On January 25.^ : 1 Vol." LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY The demand strong in the North by the (Page 77) for the immediate emancipation of the negroes was summer of 1862. The population of 1910 he fixed at 138. The recent census shows that we have about 92.485 less than he estimated we would have in 1890. 385. Lincoln. Lincoln did program. As a matter of fact the President had in his desk at that time the first draft of the Emancipation Proclamation.526.208. He calculated that in 1900 we ought to have a population of 103.000. a leading Republican. Noah Brooks heard General Hooker read the letter soon after its receipt. " The Prayer of 20. requesting him to come to the state to speak at a mass meeting to be held in Springfield in favor of " law and order and constitutional government. p.918. " That is just such a letter as a father might write to his son.415. He succeeded General McBurnside fought the battle of Fredericksburg and was defeated. from their " Abraham Lincoln A History " shows what reception was given it. James C. in their account of it. Clellan.
Sumner immediately wrote to him: "Thanks for your true and noble letter. the author of " Mary had a Little first suggested that the day be made national. the editor of Godey's Ladys Book and In 1846 Sarah Josepha Hale. Lincoln at the request of the (Page 99) is version of the Gettysburg speech here given that made by- Honorable George Bancroft for the benefit of the Soldiers and Sailors' Fair held in Baltimore in 1864." written by Major William H. shamefully assailed as it has been. Regularly after every fall. was due to truth and to your own character. their territories hostility. happy. interlocked with a tendency of never-ceasing less of more cruel inheritance." Henry Wilson wrote to him: " God Almighty bless you for your noble. in 1S63. It cannot be answered. who wrote: "Old age has its privileges.: NOTES 123 Nothing he ever uttered had a more instantaneous success. or one more hopehappiness and prosperity ? " Mr. Lambert and printed by J. The custom thus inaugurated has been followed Lamb." that. Lincoln proclaimed a national Thanksgiving Day. for the first time." Among the letters which the President most appreciated was one from the venerable Josiah Quincy. GETTYSBURG ADDRESS The Mr. What you say concerning emancipation. The development is an imperishable monument of . both military. timely. It will be on the lips and in the hearts of hundreds of . The case is admirably stated. — wisdom and " is I virtue. he continued write under the impression that the victory of the United States in this war inevitable — compromise is impossible. patriotic. . is 1863 (Page 97) the it first making of Thanksgiving Day a national Up to this date had been observed according to the discre- tion of the governors of different states.thousands this day." After discussing the question of emancipation. Lincoln answered this letter in a tone expressive of his reverence for the age and illustrious character of the. This proclamation holiday. which this letter will not exceed but I cannot refrain from expressing to you my gratitude for your letter to the Illinois Convention. she sent out to the governors of all the states an appeal that they choose the last Thursday of November for the celebration. Peace on any other basis would be the establishment of two nations. conclusive. each hating the other. It is a historical document. both necessarily warlike. writer. and your course of proceeding in relation to it. then ninety-one years of age. Any one interested in studying the history of the Gettysburg speech will find full material with copies of the four different versions in a pamphlet called " The Gettysburg Address. 105 16 The election of Governor Plahn was of great importance. and effective. ever since. and Christian letter. Lippincott Company of Philadelphia. it being the first attempt at reconstruction in a Southern state from which . Mr. Mr. Finally. so that all but the wicked must confess its force. leave to posterity a Can we PROCLAMATION FOR THANKSGIVING. B.
Confederate forces had been driven.
was conducted by
the miUtary commander, General Banks
three tickets were in the
said, in his official report
had been 40,000, was nearly equal to the proportion covered by the federal army. Governor Hahn was inaugurated on March 4, without any interference from the military authorities. The convention of which Mr. Lincoln speaks in the letter here printed began early in April and continued until July 25. In the constitution adopted slavery was abolished, means for educating colored children were provided, the negro was placed on equal footing before the law with the white man, and the power to grant him suffrage was conferred upon the legislature. 107 5 The difficulty with the question of emancipation, which Mr. Lincoln had at the beginning of his first administration, is well illustrated by General Fremont's attempt in August, 1861, to free the slaves in his department. An excellent account of this attempt will be found in Vol. IV of Nicolay and Hay's "Abraham Lincoln A History." 109 5 Mr. Lincoln first met General Grant in March, 1864; this was after Grant had captured Vicksburg and carried on successfully the campaign in East Tennessee. Congress had revived for Grant's benefit the rank of lieutenant general, and on February 29 Lincoln appointed him. to that rank. The President now asked Grant to take charge of the campaign against Lee. The general immediately reorganized the Army of the Potomac. By the end of April he was ready to open an active campaign.
to Mr. Lincoln, that the ordinary vote of the state
that the proportion of the vote cast at this election
THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES
of Lee's surrender to General Grant on Sunday, April
1865, caused great rejoicing through the country.
crowd gathered about the White House in Washington to conand to ask for a speech. Pie told them that if they would come back the next evening he would be ready to say something to them, but that he wanted to be particular what he said was right, for everything got into print and he wanted to be careful not to make mistakes. The next evening, Tuesday, April 11, an immense crowd gathered, and it was then that the remarks here quoted were made.
gratulate Mr. Lincoln
which not true of most low-priced books. Most important of all English texts are the works required for entrance to college. Classics Series provides all The Standard English demanded by the the books College Entrance Requirements in Enghsh. CONVENIENCE. ATTRACTIVENESS. 29J4 GINN AND COMPANY Publishers . new books being added each year as the requirements change. and they are.STANDARD ENGLISH CLASSICS THE STANDARD IN SCHOLARLY EDITING. attractive in appearance. more- over. REASONABLENESS OF PRICE IN EVERY WAY ADAPTED TO MEET THE in College Entrance Requirements English of IN point theexcellence and appropriateness of editorial matter Standard English Classics Series unis equalled. for the series a These combined advantages have won multitude of friends. The introduction and notes which accompany each volume have been prepared by the best scholars with the purpose as illuminating and of making them helpful as possible to the pupil. The books is are well made and therefore durable. HELPFUL INTERPRETATION. We 191 5 shall be glad to send to any address a pamphlet containing the college entrance requirements for 1909- together with a list of the books in this series.
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