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democratic politics and care for the world

Worldly Ethics

Ella myErs

W orldly Eth ics


Democratic Politics and Care for the World

E l l a MyE r s

DukeuniversityPress DurhamanDLonDon2013

2013DukeUniversityPress Allrightsreserved PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmericaonacid- reepaper f DesignedbyHeatherHensley TypesetinWhitmanbyTsengInformationSystems,Inc. LibraryofCongressCataloging- n- ublicationDataappear i P onthelastprintedpageofthisbook.

Formark

Contents

aCknowLeDgments ix introDuCtion TracingtheEthicalTurn1 ChaPterone CraftingaDemocraticSubject? TheFoucauldianEthicsofSelf- are21 C ChaPtertwo LevinasianEthics,Charity,andDemocracy53 ChaPterthree TheDemocraticEthicsofCareforWorldlyThings85 ChaPterFour PartisanshipfortheWorld:TendingtotheWorld asHomeandIn- etween111 B ePiLogue Self/Other/World:ForgingConnectionsand FosteringDemocraticCare139 notes 153 BiBLiograPhy 195 inDex 207

aCknowLeDgments

Thoughwritingcanoftenfeellikeasolitarypursuit,Iamquite awarethatIdidnotcreatethisbookonmyown.Iamdeeply gratefulfortheinstitutionalsupport,intellectualstimulation, andplainoldencouragementIhavereceivedalongtheway. I most likely would never have found my way to political theory or discovered its many pleasures and challenges wereitnotforthetremendousgoodfortuneofcrossingpaths withPeterEubenandWendyBrownearlyinmyundergraduatestudiesattheUniversityofCalifornia,SantaCruz.Ican stillrecalltheexcitementIfelteverytimeIattendedEubens legendary,manicPoliticalFreedomclassandtheinquisitiveness and ambition that Browns demanding seminars awakenedinme.Iamgratefultobothofthemforshowingmewhat engagedscholarshipandteachinglooklikeandforencouragingmetoseegraduateschoolandanacademiccareerasreal possibilitiesinmylife. IbeganthisprojectatNorthwesternUniversity,asamemberofalivelyandgrowingpoliticaltheorycommunitythere. Linda Zerilli was an invaluable interlocutor and critic, tirelesslyreadinganddiscussingmanydraftsofthisprojectinits early stages. Her rigorous intellectual engagement with my ideas was invigorating, flattering, and exhausting. My work todayisbetterforit.BonnieHonigalsoprovidedsharpcommentaryandexpertguidance.Heroriginal,incisivereadings oftextsandeventsalwayspushmetoconsiderthingsanew.I amespeciallyappreciativeofBonniesongoinginterestinmy workandherwillingnesstoofferpracticaladviceinaddition tosharpconceptualinsights. IamluckytobeafacultymemberofthePoliticalScience

DepartmentandGenderStudiesprogramattheUniversityofUtah,where Iamsurroundedbytalentedandinterestingcolleaguesandstudents.Iam especiallyindebtedtoMarkButton,whoreadthecompletemanuscript andofferedcharacteristicallyprobingandcarefulcomments.Iamgratefulforourmanyconversationsoverthepastseveralyearsandforthereassuringwordshehasofferedatcrucialmoments.SteveJohnston,amore recentarrivaltoourdepartment,hasbroughtgreatenergywithhim,and Ilookforwardtoourexchangesinthefuture.Manyothercolleaguesfrom acrosscampushavealsobecomegoodfriends.MattBasso,BethClement, BenCohen,KellieCusten,GretchenDietrich,NadjaDurbach,Edmund Fong,LelaGraybill,MontyParet,RichardPreiss,PaisleyRekdal,Angela Smith,KathrynStockton,andJessicaStraleyhaveallhelpedmakeSalt Lakefeellikehome,providingnotonlyintellectualcompanionshipbut warm meals, laughter, and commiseration. Finally, my students have helped me think differently and better about the questions pursued in thisbook,andtheyhavereliablykeptmeonmytoes. Manyotherpeoplehaveplayedanimportantroleinhelpingthisbook seethelightofday.InadditiontothoseIvealreadymentioned,Iwantto acknowledgePaulApostolidis,CrinaArcher,JasonFrank,MichaelHanchard,andPatchenMarkellallofwhomhavereadandcommentedon partsoftheprojectatvariouspoints,posingtoughquestionsandoffering fruitfulsuggestions.Thanksalsototwoanonymousreaderswhoprovided astute,provocative,andveryhelpfulcommentsonthemanuscript.My workhasbeenshapedinwaysbigandsmallbydiscussionsovertheyears with Cristina Beltrn, Michaele Ferguson, Kristy King, Jill Locke, Lida Maxwell,SaraMonoson,JeanneMorefield,ChrisSkeaff,MattVoorhees, andLenaZuckerwise.DemetraKasimisdeservesspecialmentionforthe manyhoursshehasspentdiscussingthisprojectandforprovidinggood cheerwhenmostneeded. Earlierversionsofsomeofthisbooksargumentswerepresentedatthe AmericanPoliticalScienceAssociationmeetingsin2007and2009andat theWesternPoliticalScienceAssociationmeetingsin2009and2011.Part ofchapter1waspublishedasResistingFoucauldianEthics:Associative PoliticsandtheLimitsoftheCareoftheSelfinContemporary Political Theory7,no.2(2008),andIamgratefulforpermissiontousethismaterialhere.IamthankfulforcriticalfinancialsupportIreceivedfromthe UniversityofUtah.Asemestersleaveallowedmetocompletethefirstfull draftofthemanuscript,andaFacultyFellowAwardfromtheUniversity
Acknowledgments

ResearchCommitteeatpreciselytherightmomentallowedmetorevise andpolishthefinalversion.ThanksalsotoDukeUniversityPress,especiallytomyeditor,CourtneyBerger,whohasbeensupportive,responsive, andwise. AsIhaveworkedonthisprojectIhavebeensustainedbyextraordinaryfriendswhoseintelligence,humor,andcarehaveseenmethrough. IespeciallythankPaulAdelstein,TonyBianchi,MikeBosia,PhilDracht andHeatherHuffman- racht,JasonGiven,RoshenHendrickson,MarD tine Hyland, Demetra Kasimis, Nick Markos, Jon McCoy, Paul North, ChristinePirrone,LauraScott,MikeandHeatherSimons,DavidSinger, FrieseUndine,LizaWeil,andEvaYusa.Thanksalsotomysister,Brooke Myers- walt,forlistening,understanding,andbeinghilarious.Iwantto A thankmyparents,RobynWagnerandTomMyers,fortheirloveandsupportandforfosteringinmeasenseofcuriosity,aloveofbooks,anda desiretokeeplearning.AndtoSolomon,whoarrivedasthisprojectwas comingtocompletion:mygratitudeforyoursmile,yoursweetcuriosity, andallthesurprisestocome. Finally,IowethemosttoMarkSchwarz.Idedicatethisbooktohim in appreciation of the wit, patience, and warmth he brings to our life together.Hehasalwaysbelievedunwaveringlyinthisprojectand,even moreimportant,inme,withorwithoutabook.Hisdistinctivevoiceand visionmaketheworldmoreintriguingandmyplaceinitmoresure.

Acknowledgments

xi

introDuCtion

traci ng th E Eth ical tu rn

The category of ethics is ascendant in recent democratic thoughtthatmuchisclear.Evenabriefreviewofcontemporarypoliticaltheoryrevealsadevelopmentnotableenough tohavegarneredaname:theturntoethics.1Thisphrase, thoughhelpful,isalsomisleadingsinceitsuggestsaunified phenomenon,animplicationbeliedbythemultiple,competingunderstandingsofethicsandethosthatshapethecurrent conversation.Theprevalenceofanethicalvocabularyisundeniable,butthissignalslessthepursuitofacommonpurpose thanastruggleoversignification. Still, one feature of contemporary democratic theorys multivalentobsessionwithethicsisstriking.Againandagain, acrossworktakinginspirationfromhighlydisparatesources, ethicsemergesasanindispensabletreatmentforacrippled democraticpolitics.2Thatis,despitedivergent conceptions, ethicsiscastasaresponseto(sometimesill- pecified)probs lemsplaguingdemocracytoday.Ethicsisfiguredrepeatedly asananimatingsupplementtopolitics,supplyingdemocracy withsomethingitcannotgiveitselfbuturgentlyrequires.Indeed,perhapstheonlybeliefunitingthediverseworkidentifiedwiththeturntoethicsistheconvictionthatethicsconstitutesthatmissingsomethingthatcanhelpcurewhatails democraticlife.Thisconvictionincreasinglycirculatesinnon-

academiccirclesaswellethosfiguresprominentlyinmainstreamdiagnosesoftheillsafflictingliberaldemocracies.3 This book provides a sympathetic critique of the quest for a democratic ethos, cautioning against the directions this search often takes, while seeking to forge a different path. I affirm the significance of the democratic ethos question, yet I argue that prominent efforts to specifyanethicssuitedtodemocracyare,intheend,notespeciallydemocratic. Formulations of ethics inspired by the work of Michel Foucault andEmmanuelLevinas,Ishow,areinclinedtoundermine,ratherthan enhance,citizensdemocraticactivity.Thesetherapeuticandcharitable modesofethics,whichcenteroncarefortheselfandcarefortheOther, respectively,maybeadmirableintheirownright,but,despiteclaimsto thecontrary,theyareill- quippedtonourishassociativedemocraticpolie tics.Thedyadicrelationsthatarelabeledethicalinbothofthesecases narrowattentiontothefiguresofselfandOtherandobscuretheworldly contextsthataretheactualsitesandobjectsofdemocraticaction. Ielaborateanddefendhereanalternativeethos,onewhichfocusesnot onanindividualspracticeofcarefortheselforcarefortheOther,buton contentiousandcollaborativecarefortheworld,anideaIdevelopwith and against Hannah Arendts political theory. The worldly ethics advocatedhererests,first,onanaccountofdemocraticrelationsthathighlightsthesenseinwhichcitizensjointactionconcernssomethinginthe world,asimultaneouslycommonandcontestedobjectthatisthefocusof mutualattention,advocacy,anddebate.Aviabledemocraticethicshonorsthisdynamic,recognizingthatdemocraticrelationsareneversimply intersubjectivebutinvolverelationsbetweenmultipleactorsandspecific featuresoftheworldtheystruggletoshape.Aworld- entereddemocratic c ethosaimstoinciteandsustaincollectivecareforconditions,carethatis expressedinassociativeeffortstoaffectparticularworldlythings.Moreover,thisethosistiedtoanexplicitlynormativeconceptionofworldas bothasharedhumanhomeandmediatingpoliticalspace.Thuscarefor theworld,whichliesattheheartofdemocraticethos,isexpressednot onlybyassociativeactionthattendstoconditionsbutalsobyactionthat pursuesparticularsubstantiveends. Wemustfirstask,however,whatgivesrisetotheturntoethicsinrecentdemocraticthought?If,asIargue,thismoveoftenfalters,itisnonethelesspromptedbygenuineconcernsofthepresent.Twobroadconditionsareespeciallysignificant,inmyview,providingthecontextinwhich
Introduction

thequestionofdemocraticethoshasbeenposed:widespreadcitizendisengagementwithintheU.S.polityandtheso- alledfactofpluralism.The c first,well- ocumentedsituationischaracterizedbyAmericanslowlevels d of participation across multiple sites and forms of citizen activity. The growingdisaffectionofmanyandtheseemingwithdrawaloflargesegmentsofthepopulationfrompubliclifethrowintoquestionthebasic premiseofself- overnment.Italsocreatesavacuumthattendstobefilled g bythemostextremeanddogmaticvoices,whichthreatentomonopolize oratleastgreatlydistortpublicdiscourse.Inlightofthesecircumstances, theconceptofdemocraticethosemergesasawayofthinkingaboutwhat caninspireormotivateordinarycitizensparticipationindemocraticpolitics.Effortstodefineanethicsfordemocracyareusuallyconcernedwith elaboratingsensibilitiesororientationsthat,iffostered,mightdrawmore peopleintodemocraticactivity.Thechallengeis,furthermore,todevelop orientations that can encourage impassioned participation in the difficult,frustratinglaborofdemocraticpoliticswhileavoidingthevitrioland demonizationthatcharacterizesomuchpoliticaldebatetoday. Thebeliefthatethicsofonekindoranothercaninspireandnourish democraticpoliticsreliesuponanimplicitunderstandingofpoliticsasirreducibletotheformalfeaturesofgovernmentaregimesinstitutions, laws, andprocedures. Indeed, theinquiry into ethos asks onetothink aboutthespiritofdemocracy,thatis,theconstellationofdispositions, habitsoffeeling,andqualitiesofcharacterthatservetoanimateandsustainpracticesofself- overnment.Ifthisspiritisinsomesenseweakened g orevenmissingtoday,howmightitbecultivated?4Whataffectsorsensibilitiesdoesitcallfor?Andcansuchqualitiesbefosteredamongavaried citizenryinwaysthatrespectdiversityandliberty?Thesearchforethics isatleastpartlyaresponsetoanominallydemocraticordercharacterized byonlyminimaldemocraticactivity. Thesecondimportantcontextforunderstandingtheproliferationof ethicstalkiswhatMaxWeberreferredtoatthebeginningofthetwentiethcenturyasourinescapablecondition,orwhattodayoftengoesby thenamethefactofpluralism.Growingrecognitionofthecompeting andirreconcilablegoods,faiths,andwaysoflifethatcharacterizehuman existencehasthrownintoquestiontheideaofasinglemoralitythatwould groundpoliticallife.Inlightofthisdevelopment,thetopicofethicshas assumednewimportance.Ifpoliticscannolongerbeimaginedasthe instantiationofauniversalGoodinaworldmarkedbymultiple,incomTracing the Ethical Turn

patiblecomprehensiveviews,theideasofethicsandethosseemtoopen upwaysofthinkingaboutthenormativedimensionsofpoliticsinnonabsolutistways.Theforayintoethicssignalsanattempttowrestlewith questionsofvalue,character,andcommitmentinapluralistage. Butiftheinquiryintoethicsispartlyinresponsetothefactofpluralism,nowwidelyacceptedasthestartingpointforpoliticaltheorizing,this investigationshouldbedistinguishedfromtheinfluentialworkofJrgen HabermasandJohnRawlsandtheirintellectualheirs,whichalsopresents pluralismasthestartingpoint.AlthoughbothHabermasandRawlstreat theexistenceofmultiple,irreconcilablecomprehensivedoctrinesorconceptionsofthegoodlifeasagiven,eachrespondstothisconditionin waysthattheturntoethicschallenges. Ontheonehand,Habermasacknowledgesthatnosingleanswertothe questionofthegoodlifeispossible;answerstothatquestionarerooted inparticulartraditionsandculturesthatdivergeandconflictwithoutthe promiseofreconciliation.Yethealsoclaimsthatamoralpointofview can be attained through fidelity to a special procedure of justification. Thismoralpointofviewisrationalanduniversal,irreducibletoconcrete formsofSittlichkeit,orethicallife.5Habermasacknowledgesamultiplicity ofethicalvaluesandcorrespondingwaysoflifeasthelotofmodernity,yet thisethicalpluralityisqualifiedandlimitedbyaproceduralistmorality thatretainsforliberal- emocraticpoliticsaformofuniversalnormativity. d Rawls,ontheotherhand,famouslyendeavorsinhislaterworktoprovide apolitical,ratherthanmoral,justificationforhisconceptionofjustice, onewhichremainsneutralbetweencompetingmoraloutlooks.Thefact ofpluralismitselfleadsRawlstoalterhistheoryofjusticeinsuchaway thatitsjustificationisheldtobeindependentofanycomprehensivemoral ideal.Justiceasfairnessdoesnotaspiretouniversalitybutisinstead,accordingtoRawls,self- onsciouslyrootedinaparticularhistoricalconc text,thatofmodernconstitutionaldemocracy.ButwhileRawlsseeksto avoidthemoraluniversalismthatHabermasretains,hisnonmetaphysicalaccountofjusticeincludesadefenseofpublicreasonthatstrictly limitstheexpressionofpluralisminpoliticallife.Althoughthenuances ofRawlsianpublicreasoncontinuetobeheavilydebated,itsfunctionis clear:itspecifiesthekindofreasongivingandargumentationthatRawls holdsshouldandshouldnotcharacterizepublicdebateinadiverse,liberalsociety.6Underconditionsofpluralism,Rawlswrites,therearemany nonpublicreasonsbutonlyonepublicreason.7
Introduction

Theturntoethicsinpostfoundationaldemocratictheorytakespluralismasapointofdeparture,then,butitsorientationtowardthisfactis distinctivefrombothHabermasianandRawlsianapproachesintwoprimary ways.8 First, when ethics of one kind or another is offered up as nourishmentfordemocraticlife,thegestureusuallydisavowsmoreconventionalformsofmorality.WorkthatdrawsonFoucaultandLevinas, forexample,presentsethicsasanexplicitchallengetomorality,however formalorprocedural.Indeed,ethicsinthisveinissometimescalledpost- moralinrecognitionofitsdeparturefromfamiliarmoraltraditionsthat arethoughttodenyordoviolencetothepluralityofvalues,goods,and faiths.Speakingveryschematically,ethicsisunderstoodtobemoreparticularandaffectivethanuniversal,reason- overnedmodelsofmorality. g Whileconventionalmoralitiestendtoaspiretothestatusoflaw,ethics privilegesthecultivationofdispositionsoverrule- ollowing,suggestinga f wayofbeingintheworldthatcannotbeformulatedincodified,universalterms.9Second,thepursuitofpost- oralethicsisusuallyunderstood m asanefforttoexpand,ratherthancontain,theexpressionofpluralismin publiclife.ForthinkerslikeWilliamConnolly,JudithButler,andSimon Critchley,forexample,whodrawonFoucauldianandLevinasianethics insupportofradicalizeddemocracy(andwhoseworkIaddressinthefollowingchapters),thetaskisnotprimarilyunderstoodtobeoneoflimitingthepresenceofpluralisminpoliticaldebateanddecisionmaking.10 Instead,theaimistoconceptualizeanddevelopthequalitiesofcharacterandhabitsoffeelingthatmightenablelivelyandrespectfulexchange acrossdeepdifference,fosteringevenfurtherpluralizationofcollective life.Whatvirtues,theyask,mightguideandanimatecitizenactionina liberal- emocraticpolitymarkedbycompetingandirreconcilablecomd prehensiveviews,whicharenotandcannotbeleftatthedoor?11 Ifthesearchforademocraticethosismotivatedlargelybythesedistinctiveproblemsofthepresent,wecanseethatitalsorevivessomevery old concerns within political theory. Although the history of political thoughtdoesnotofferanysimpleconsensusonthematter,itrevealsa persistentpreoccupationwiththequestionofhowethicsmightbeconnectedtopolitics,apreoccupationthatspanstimeandcompetingintellectualtraditions.Severalimportantstrandsofthatlineage,includingancient,civicrepublican,andliberal,constitutethebackdropagainstwhich thelatestinquiryintoethosistakingplace. Most notably, the recent reappearance of the term ethos inpolitical
Tracing the Ethical Turn

theorypointstoitsoriginalancientGreekcontext,inwhichethos,the characteristicspirit,prevalenttoneofsentiment,ofapeopleoracommunity,wasunderstoodtobeacrucialcomplementtonomos.12Together, theywerethoughttoconstituteauniversalizingpairinwhichtheprinciples of order, written and unwritten, were joined with a particular, sharedsensibility.13TheGreeksdefiningbeliefinamutuallyinfluential relationship between city and soul, elegantly captured in Platos referencestothepoliteiaofthesoul,wasinformedbytheconvictionthatthe soul,thoughbelongingtoanindividual,wasshapedanddirectedbythe surroundingpoliticalorder,consistingofbothofficialinstitutionsanda communalspiritorcharacter,nomosandethos,whichtogetherserved asasourceofmoraleducationforitsmembers.Soulcraftwasclosely bound up with the organization of collective life, in both its legal and extralegal dimensions. Ethos in this context referred neither to a code ofrulesnortoanattributeoftheindividual,buttoadistinctive,shared wayofbeingthatcomplementedbutwasirreducibletothegovernments formalstructure.IntheworkofPlato,Aristotle,andotherthinkersofthe period,ethosconnotesdisposition,character,andbearing,understoodin collectiveratherthanstrictlypersonaltermsandheldtobesusceptibleto purposefulshapingandcultivation.14Theethosofacityorconstitution wasitsmoralambience,coloringawholewayoflifeandexertinganimportantinfluenceonthechildrenrearedthere.15 The belief that political life is inevitably inhabited by an ethos also characterizesthecivicrepublicantradition,whichapproachesthetopic largely through the conceptual vocabulary of civic virtue. Republican thinkersregardsuchvirtueasfundamentaltosoundcitizenship,insistingthatahealthyrepublicdependsnotonlyonwell- esignedinstitutions d capableofupholdingtheruleoflaw,butalsooncitizensqualitiesofcharacter,whichorientthemtowardpursuitofthepublicgood.WhilethetraditionrangingfromCicerotoMachiavellitoTocquevilleisfarfromunified,theattentiondevotedtothequestionofcitizenshabitsoftheheart isoneofitsdefiningfeatures.16Inspiredbyclassicalthoughtandpractice, republicansunderstandtheformationofsubjectstobeacentralproblem forpolitics.AccordingtoTocqueville,forexample,Americaninstitutions ofself- overnmentbothcultivatedandrequiredcitizenswhosharedcerg taindispositionsandorientations,suchasafeltsenseofcollectiveresponsibilityandaspiritofcontinualimprovement.Fromthecivicrepublican vantagepointpoliticsandethicsaredistinguishable,withpoliticsreferIntroduction

ringtoacommunitysinstitutional arrangements andethicstoitscitizenscharacterandsensibilities,buttheyarenecessarilyboundupwith oneanotherinarelationofreciprocalinfluenceandtogetherconstitutea societyspoliticalculture. Finally, although not always as readily recognized, liberal thought throughtheageshasfocusedattentiononthosequalitiesofcharacteror ethicalpreconditionsthoughttomakeasuccessfulliberalorderpossible andinvestigatedhowthesemightbeencouraged.Ananemicaccountof liberalism,accordingtowhichliberalsareentirelyunconcernedwiththe goodlifeandseekonlyanimpartialumpireingovernment,stillcirculates,despitethedifficultyoffindinganyliberalthinker,pastorpresent, whoactuallyarticulatessuchaposition.Yetmanycontemporaryliberals affirmthesignificanceofcitizenvirtuetopresent- ayliberalordersand d havebroughttolighttheextenttowhichcanonicalliberalpoliticaltheory hasbeenconcernedwithitsownversionofcivicvirtuefromthestart.17 PeterBerkowitz,forexample,hasshownthattheachievementofaliberalwayoflifeforHobbes,Locke,Kant,andMill,amongothers,depends uponcertainvirtueswhicharenotautomaticallygeneratedbyliberalisms centralinstitutionsandwhicharesometimesevendiscouragedbythem.18 Similarly,MarkButtonhasconvincinglyarguedthatthesocialcontract, socentraltoliberalthoughtfromitsinceptiontotoday,ismorethanadeviceforconceptualizinglegitimacy(asisusuallyassumed).Italsoserves totheorizeatransformativeethosthatcanfosterincitizensthecivic characterandethicalsensibilitythataliberalorderrequires.19What Berkowitz,Button,andothershelpidentifyislessaunifiedaccountof liberalvirtuesacrossthinkersthanasharedconvictionthattherearesuch virtues,quitevariouslydefined,andthattheircultivationisadifficultbut pressingquestionforliberals.Theabidinginterestinanethicsthatanimatesliberalpoliticsiscomplicated,however,byliberalismscorecommitmenttoindividuallibertyandskepticismtowardgovernmentintrusion.Liberalthoughtischaracterizedbysimultaneousenthusiasmforand aversiontovirtue.20Withoutdiscountingthisambivalence,itisimportant toacknowledgethatenthusiasmforvirtue,sometimesoverlooked,isa prominentfeatureofliberalpoliticaltheory.Theinquiryintoethosand itsroleinpoliticallifeisintegral,then,notonlytoclassicalandcivicrepublicanthoughtbutalsotoliberalphilosophy. Whenthinkerstodayturntoethicsorethos(usuallyusedinterchangeably)toaddresscontemporarydemocracy,theytapintothesetraditions.
Tracing the Ethical Turn

TheydrawonancientGreekinsights,forexample,evenastheyputthem intheserviceofvisionsofpoliticallifethatbearlittleresemblancetothe classicalpolis.Mostsignificant,theytaketheirbearingsfromtheancient convictionthatcharacteranddispositionmatterpolitically,thatis,bythe beliefthatapolityisirreducibletoitsformalfeatures.Fromthisperspective,everypoliticalcommunityisshaped,forgoodorill,byitscollective spiritnolessthanbyitslaws.Manycontemporarydemocratictheorists, explicitlyornot,arereturningtoanancientconcernandaffirmingthe Greeknotionthatjustastheetheandthenomoiofacityarecloselyconnected,sotoothestudyofethicsisitselfapartofpolitics.21 Likewise,thequestforademocraticethosrevivesacentralfeatureof republicanthoughtbyaskingafterthehabitsoftheheartthatcouldenablemorerobust,respectfulformsofparticipationbyabroaderrangeof citizensinadiversifyingAmericanpolity.Contemporarythinkersseekinganethicsfordemocracyarereimaginingcivicvirtueforthepresent, exploringwhichsensibilitiesandorientationscanpreparecitizensforcoactionwithoneanotherandhowthesevirtues,whichseemtobeinrather shortsupply,mightbepromotedundercurrentconditions.Atthesame time,proponentsoftheturntoethics,thoughfocusedonthequestionof cultivation,evincesomeofliberalismsambivalence,remainingalertto thedangerofpaternalismthatattendsanyefforttoshapecitizenscharacter.Theoristsofdemocraticethosstrivetoconceptualizeakindofmoral education that avoids normalization and, further, actually aids pluralization. Giventheextenttowhichcontemporarydemocratictheorybuildson thesepriorstrandsofpoliticalthought,itistemptingtolabeltheturn toethicsareturntoethics.Yetwhileancientandmoderninfluencesare undeniable,recentinquiriesintoethicsarenotsimplycontinuouswith earliermodesofthought.Mostimportant,ancientandcivicrepublican sourcesconnectedethosandcivicvirtue,respectively,tofairlyhomogeneousandself- ontainedpoliticalcommunities,characterizedlargelyby c face- o- acerelationswithinrelativelysmallterritories.22Thequestionof t f ethostodaytakesitsbearingsfromaverydifferentsetofconditions,as thepreviousdiscussionofpluralismnoted,andaskswhethertheideaof citizenvirtuecanbeadaptedandreimaginedforadiverse,mobile,and expansivesociety.Aretherecertainhabitsoftheheartuniquelysuitedto thepracticeofdemocraticpoliticsamongavast,heterogeneous,increas-

Introduction

inglyglobalizedcitizenry?23Andcandesirabledispositionsbenurturedin waysthatprotectandextendpluralityratherthanseekmonisticunity? Whileproponentsoftheethicalturnanswerthesequestionsaffirmatively,todayssearchforademocraticethosisnotwithoutitscritics.I wanttoclarifythenatureoftheseobjectionsandexplainwhymyproject criticallyparticipatesin,ratherthanrejectsoutright,theethicalturn. Amajorchargeleveledbyskepticsatthoseseekinganethicsfordemocracyisthatsucheffortsarepoorlydisguisedexercisesinmoralabsolutism.Thatis,whileethicsisusuallypresentedasalessrigidalternative toconventionalformsofmorality,somecriticsoftheethicalturnallege thattheattempttolocateanethicsfordemocracyexpressesthedesireto grounddemocracyinanextrapoliticalfoundation.24Forexample,Ernesto Laclauarguesthatethicizationrevertstoadiscourseoffirstphilosophy.Toseekanethicsfordemocracyistoseekanultimateauthoritybeyondpoliticalpractice;itisanattempttoevadepoliticsradicalcontingency.25ChantalMouffevoicesasimilarconcernwhensheclaimsthat thetendencyamongcontemporarydemocratictheoriststoadoptanethicalvocabularyisdrivenbythefantasyofafinalguaranteethatauthorizespoliticalarrangements.Thehuntforethics,sheavers,isthehuntfor amoreprofoundormoresolidgroundthanthepractices,thelanguage gamesthatareconstitutiveof[a]particularformoflife.26 Theworryisnotjustthatproponentsoftheethicalturnpositaground where there is none, but that the preoccupation with the category of ethics,howeversoothing,signalsaveryrealcontractionofpoliticalambitions.27WendyBrown,forexample,warnsagainstthetemptationto embraceamoralizingimperativethatsubstitutesforengagementinthe messy,frustratingworkofstrugglingforpower,withandagainstothers, inthefieldofpolitics.28LikeMouffe,wholabelstheturntoethicsaretreatfromthepolitical,GeorgeShulmanarguesthatpartoftheallure ofethicsisitsapparentpromiseofatruththatprecedesorisexternalto politicalcontestationatruththatwouldseemtorelievecitizensofthe difficultworkoforganizingtogethertomakepublicdemandsandmobilizingothersonbehalfofthedemandstheyadvocate.29Henotesfurther thattheobsessionwithethicsisasymptomofdespairovertheprospects forsuchcollectiveactiontoday.Perhapsthereiscomfortinthethought thatonestaskconsistsinaffirmingtherightethicaloutlook,fromwhich desirablepoliticalconsequenceswillhopefullyfollow.Whenactionin

Tracing the Ethical Turn

concertappearstoberareorunlikely,30wemaybeattractedtothenotion thatdemocracycanberescuedbysomethingotherthanitself,namely,the discoveryoftheproperethics.31 Althoughtheseclaimsarecompelling,itisamistaketodismissthe turntoethicsasadeadend.Ratherthaneschewthecategoryofethics inthenameoftheautonomyofthepoliticalorinsistupontheprimacy ofpolitics,thisprojectinterrogates,butalsocontributesto,democratic theorysinvestigationofethos.Thecriticscitedearlierarepartlycorrect: theturntoethicscanassumeabsolutistformsandattimesdoessignalan attempttoevadetherealitiesofdemocraticstruggle,pointsIhaveinsisted uponelsewhere.32Butthisisnotnecessarilyso;ethicsisnotamonolith. Therearemanycompetingconceptionsofethics,justasthereareofpolitics.Someversionsofethicsarelikelytodiscourageratherthaninspire collectiveactionbydemocraticcitizens.Twoofmychapters,infact,focus ontheproblemsposedbyethicalmodelsthatcenterondyadicrelations ofcareaseriouslimitationlargelyoverlooked,evenbythosewhoare otherwiseskepticaloftheethicalturnindemocraticthought.Yetitisalso possibletoconceptualizeanddefendanethosthatisuniquelysuitedto thechallengesofassociativedemocracy,asthisbooksaccountofworldly ethicswillshow. Ethics, I believe, remains a valuable idiom for thinking and talking aboutthenormativeandaffectiveorientationsandsensibilitiesthatare inevitablypartofpoliticallife.Itisnotamatterofwhetherwewantto bringethicsintopolitics;thephenomenathattendtotravelunderthese namesarealreadycombined,forbetterorworse.Indeed,thelanguageof ethicsandpoliticsrendersasseparatedimensionsofculturalexistence thatareactuallyquitedifficulttopullapart.Nonetheless,ethicscontinues toprovideauseful,albeitimperfect,conceptualvocabularyforinvestigatingthoseelementsofdemocraticlifethatareleftoutofstrictlyinstitutionalandrationalistaccounts.Morespecifically,mybookdeploysan ethicalvocabularyinordertoconsiderthespiritthatalreadyinhabitsassociativedemocraticactionwhichInamecarefortheworldandtoargueforitsimportanceandpurposefulcultivation.Indoingso,Iresistthe tendencytocastethicsperseasunworldlyinoppositiontotheworldly characterofpolitics.BonnieHonig,forexample,rightlyinsists,following Arendt,thatpoliticsisbothinandabouttheworldandthattheromance withethicsmayserveasanescapefromtheexposureworldlyengagemententails.33Butifpoliticsisnotconfinedtoformalproceduresand
Introduction

10

institutions,whatdispositionsandsensibilitiesareatworkwhencitizens undertakethedemanding,uncertain,butalsooftenpleasurableworkof world- entereddemocraticaction?Certainly,asIwillshow,someforms c ofethicswhichIconceptualizeastherapeuticandcharitableincharactercanaptlybecharacterizedasunworldlyandthereforeasgenerally unsupportive of democratic activity. But it is a mistake to declare that ethicsassuchisalwaysandonlyalienatedfromtheworld,understoodas themessy,power- aden,variedspaceofdemocraticassociation.Thisbook l argues,onthecontrary,foradistinctivelyworldlyethics,notonlyasapossibilitybutasareality,onethatisalreadyexpressedandenactedtodayby admirableformsofjointaction. Thisisacriticalandconstructiveproject.Theargumentofferedhere aimstorevealunacknowledgedcostsoftheturntoethics.Idemonstrate thatFoucauldianandLevinasianapproaches,eachfocusedonadifferent dyadicrelationofcare,areinclinedtoenervateratherthanenrichassociativeactionbydemocraticcitizens.Mycritiquedoesnotconcludewith acalltoabandonthequestforademocraticethos,however.Instead,I conceptualizeanddefendanalternativeethicalorientation,onefocused onincitingcitizenscollectivecareforworldlythings.AndIarguethat worldlyethics,implicitincertaincollectivecitizenefforts,isapromising resourcefordemocraticactiontoday. Thebookscaseforworldlyethicscentersonanassociativeconceptionofdemocraticpoliticsthatemphasizesjointactionbycitizensaimed atshapingsharedconditions.34Thisviewofdemocracygrantsprimacyto publicpracticesinwhichdifferentiatedcollectivitiesstruggle,bothwith andagainstoneanother,toaffectfeaturesoftheworldinwhichtheylive. Thetermassociativereferstothreeinterlockingfeaturesofsuchapolitics: (1)itinvolvescollaborativeandcontentiousaction,bornoutofassociationamongmultiplecitizens;(2)suchactionisnotconfinedtotheofficialchannelsofgovernmentbutfrequentlyappearsatthelevelofcivil society,withinso- alledsecondaryassociations;andfinally,mostsignific cant:(3)democraticactorsarebothbroughttogetherandseparatedfrom oneanotherbycommonobjects.Inotherwords,theyalwaysassociate aroundsomething. First,associativesignalsanonholisticunderstandingofdemocraticcollectivity.Relationsofassociationareonesinwhichdistinctindividuals coordinatetheiractionswithothersinordertopursuegoalsnotachievablebyasingleactor.35DemocraticpoliticsthusunderstooddoesnotdeTracing the Ethical Turn

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pendontheexistenceofaunifieddemosorasinglepeople.Rather,associativedemocraticpoliticsinvolvescollectivitiesthatareconstitutedby multipleco- ctors.36Inaddition,theserelationsofsolidaristicassociaa tionaresituatedwithinbroader,morecontentiousformsofassociationin whichcompetingcollectivesviepubliclywithoneanotheroverspecific practices,laws,policies,andnorms. Second,althoughcertainpoliticalinstitutionsandspacesserveasenabling conditions for the enactment of associative democratic politics, this politics is not confined to the official channels of government. As manyofthemostpowerfulexamplesofassociativedemocraticpoliticsin recentAmericanhistoryindicate,theseprojectsfrequentlyinvolvecreativeformsofadvocacythattakeplaceonthemarginsoforinopposition tothestateapparatus.WhetherinpursuitofAfricanAmericancivilrights, environmentalprotections,ahumaneaiDspolicy,oreconomicpolicies thatbenefittheso- alled99percent,directcollectiveactionhastypically c involvedthecreationofnewinstitutionsandthereconfigurationofpublicspace,notsimplytheoccupationofpreexistingpoliticalvenues.We cannotfullyanticipatewhereorhowassociativedemocraticpoliticswill appear.37 Finally,associativeindicatesthatdemocraticrelationsarenotsimply intersubjective, if by that we mean they involve two or more subjects. Rather, democratic politics involves relations among plural individuals which are mediated by shared, yet also disputed, objects of attention. These third terms around which democratic actors associate serve as sitesofmutualenergyandadvocacy.Citizensaresimultaneouslybrought togetherandseparatedfromoneanotherbyspecific,worldlymattersof concern, whichinter-estorliebetweenthem.38Relations ofbothcooperation and antagonism among democratic constituencies are mediatedbysomethingintheworldthatisthefocalpointoftheiractivity. Thisportraitdoesnotclaimtodepictdemocracyassuch;certainfeatures of democratic politics are emphasized at the expense of others. Nonetheless,itisimportanttorecognizethatassociativeactivitybyordinary citizens is central to almost every conception of democratic politics,includingphilosophicalformulationsandpracticalunderstandings alike.Citizenassociationiscertainlynotalwaysinterpretedintheway sketchedaboveindeed,asIwillshow,thecentralroleplayedbymediatingworldlythingsisespeciallyneglectedyetthereisapervasive, sharedunderstandingthattheartofassociationisabsolutelycentralto
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anysatisfactoryaccountofdemocraticpolitics.39DavidHeldsinfluential Models of Democracy,forexample,revealstheextenttowhichassociative activitybycitizensisregardedasadistinctive,indispensablecharacteristicofdemocracy,evenaccordingtocompetingphilosophieswhichotherwisedivergeconsiderably.40Itisnotonlydirectdemocrats,butalsoDahlianpluralistdemocratsandmoreconventionalliberaldemocrats,among others,whoassignanimportantroletocitizenassociationwhendefining democracy.41 Moreover,everydaylanguagesuggeststhatpeopleregularlyidentify associationalpracticesbywhichpluralcitizensaimtoaffecttheirenvironmentasspecificallydemocratic,eveninthecontextofregimesthat would not themselves be so categorized. For example, media coverage intheUnitedStatesinearly2011oftendescribedthecollectiveprotests inEgyptleadinguptotherevolutionaspartofademocraticuprising orastheexpressionofdemocraticfreedom.42Thesecharacterizations, alsoprevalentininformalconversationsamongnonexperts,indicatethat peopletendtounderstandpublicactioninconcertpreciselyasanenactmentofdemocracy,whereveritoccurs.Theidentificationoftheprotests inTahrirSquareinthespringof2011asdemocratichadlesstodowith the fact that some participants were calling fordemocratizing reforms thanwiththesharedinsightthattheprotesterswerealreadypracticing democracybyjoiningtogethertogeneratepowerandproduceeffectscollectivelythattheycouldnotalone. Ifassociativeactionisintegraltonearlyeveryphilosophicalandpractical definition of democracy, then this books investigation of ethos is perhapsofsomegeneralinterest.ThebookscentralquestionsDoesthe practiceofassociativedemocracyhaveanethos?Howshoulditbecharacterized?Canitbepurposelyfostered?How?will,Ihope,resonatewith democratsofvaryingstripeswhosharetheconvictionthatordinarycitizensjointaction,andnotmerelyindividualsrighttovote,isessentialto democraticlife. Thebooksinitial,ground- learingprojectcentersonworkthattakes c inspirationfromFoucaultandLevinas.Theoristswhoturntothesethinkersinordertodevelopanaccountofdemocraticethosaretypicallyinterestedinnourishingactivistformsofdemocracythatinvolvesignificant associationalactivityamongcitizens.Yet,asIshow,theethicalorientationstheyconceptualizeareill- uitedtoenrichingtheassociativedynams icsoutlinedabove,inwhichcollaborativeandcontentiousformsofaction
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takeplaceinpluralsitesandaremediatedbydisputedcommonobjects.In particular,carefortheselfandcarefortheOtherdescribeethicalorientationsthatcelebratedyadicrelationsinwhichtheprimaryactor,asingle self,tendstoherselfortoanother.Thesemodelsofcarecannotsimplybe extendedtoassociativedemocraticpolitics.Neithertheface- o- aceimt f mediacyoftheLevinasianencounternorthereflexiveintimacyofFoucauldianartsoftheselfleavesroomforthecrucialthirdterm,acommon anddisputedobject,thatinspiresdemocraticprojectsanddrawscitizens intorelationsofsupportandcontestationwithoneanother.Inresponse tothisneglect,thebookelaboratesanalternativeethics,alsocenteredon practicesofcare.Yetthecarethatiscentraltoassociativedemocracy,I show,isenactedbymanypersons,notone.Andtherecipientofthatcare isneitheraselfnorevenselvesbutaparticularfeatureofsharedconditionsaworldlythingthatisbothacommonandcontentiousobjectof concern. Onefinalnote,beforeofferingamapofthebookscontents:thethree central thinkers in this project, Foucault, Levinas, and Arendt, whose workanditsappropriationbyothersIexamineinrelationtothequestion ofdemocraticethics,areheirstoaspecific,sharedintellectualheritage.43 Thislineage,existentialphenomenologyingeneralandMartinHeideggersthoughtinparticular,isnotthefocusofmyinquiry,yetthefactthat allthreetheoristswritingsareshapedbyandresponsivetothissingular theoreticaltraditionisimportant.44Mostnotably,itmayhelptoexplain whytheirworkisespeciallyfertilegroundfortodaysinvestigationsinto ethos,investigationswhich,asdiscussedearlier,areundertakenfroma nonessentialist,postmoralvantagepoint.45Despitethedistinctivenessof theirrespectiveapproachesandtheuniquerelationsofcareeachconceptualizes, Foucault, Levinas, and Arendt can be regarded as participantsinacommontheoreticalendeavor,onewhichismarked,firstof all,byacriticalorientationtorationalism,abstractsystem- uilding,and b other objectifying modes of thought such as positivism.46 In addition, thefocusofexistentialphenomenologyonworldlyrelationsandconcretelivedexperienceratherthanonmentalcontentsisevidentinall threethinkersworkandconnectswiththeirreadersinterestinethos asanembodied,enactedwayofbeing.47Finally,becausetheexistential- phenomenological perspective is especially alert to non- ational dir mensionsofhumanexistence:habits,non- onsciouspractices,moods, c andpassions,itisunsurprisingthatwritingsemergingfromthistradiIntroduction

14

tionhavecaptivatedcontemporaryaudiencesinterestedinethics,where ethics is understood as dispositional and affective, an important extrarationalaspectofpoliticallife.48Thefollowinganalysisfocusesprimarily onexploringthedifferencesbetweentherapeutic,charitable,andworldly ethics,whichtaketheirbearingsfromFoucault,Levinas,andArendt,respectively.Thesecompetingapproachestoethicsarenotsimplyoronlyat oddswithoneanother,however;asharedexistential- henomenological p orientationinformstheworkofallthreeandseemstoresonatewiththose seekingademocraticethostoday. Thebooksargumentproceedsasfollows.Chapter1focusesonhowFoucaultslateworkhasbeentakenupbytheoristsseekingacontemporary democraticethos.Foucaultsinterestinancientaesthetic/asceticmodes ofself- laboration,whichhedescribesasanethicsofcareoftheself, e hasintriguedthoseinterestedincultivatingnewformsofdemocraticsubjectivitythatmightspurdeeper,morerespectfulformsofcitizenengagement.BuildingonFoucaultsrecommendationthattheethicsofself- are c mightbereinventedforthepresentandhelptofosterselveswhoplay gamesofpowerwithaslittledominationaspossible,WilliamConnolly, forexample,hasadvocatedethicaltacticsperformedbytheselfonherself asindispensableforcontemporarypluralistdemocracy.49 InthischapterIexaminebothFoucaultsandConnollyswork,focusingonConnollyscontentionthatartsoftheself,ormicropolitics,have avitalroletoplayininspiringandshapingcollectivedemocraticaction, thatis,macropolitics.Iarguethatalthoughthisideaisappealing,an ethicscapableofanimatingassociativedemocraticactivitycannottake theselfsrelationshiptoitselfasastartingpoint.EventhoughFoucault andConnollyconceptualizeaselfthatiscontinuallyrecraftedratherthan discoveredinitsultimatetruth,theirworknonethelessadvancesatherapeuticethics,whichtreatstheselfsrelationshipwithitselfasprimary andenvisionsdemocraticactivityasaconsequenceorextensionofthat reflexiverelation.Thechapterilluminatesthistherapeuticethicalorientationandtriestodispelthebeliefthatitisbycaringforoneselfthatone comestocarefortheworld.Iarguethatunlesstheselfsrelationshipto itselfisdrivenfromthestartbysharedconcernforaworldlyproblem, thereisnoreasontobelievethatitwillleadinanactivist,democraticdirection.Indeed,focusedcarefortheselftooreadilysubstitutesfortendingtotheworldthatissharedwithdiverseothers.
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InlightofthecriticalperspectivecastonFoucauldianethics,Iturn inchapter2toLevinassethicaltheory,whichcondemnsegoisminthe nameoftheselfsinfiniteresponsibilitytotheOther.Thisunderstanding ofethics,centeringontheOtheranditssummonstotheself,privileges anintersubjectiveratherthananintrasubjectiverelation. FortheoristssuchasSimonCritchleyandJudithButler,thisfocuson theselfsobligationtotendtoaneedyOtherappearsespeciallyusefulto ademocraticethosbecauseitconfrontsself- nterest,callingonustoconi cernourselveswiththefatesofothers.MyreadingsofLevinas,Critchley, andButler,however,showthatitisamistaketoassumethatacharitable ethics,centeredontheselfsprovisionofaidtoasingular,sufferingother, cansupportcollectivedemocraticendeavors.Thetendencytopresenta Levinasian- nspiredethicaltruthasthekeytopoliticaltransformationis i falselyreassuring;itevadesthedifficultiesofdemocraticmobilizationby implyingthatassociativeactionsimplyawaitsacceptanceofanindisputableethicalreality:theselfstotalobligationtotheOther.Yetanethics focusedontheselfscarefortheOther,evenifunderstoodinlessfoundationaltermsthanthis,isunabletonourishassociativedemocraticaction. Levinasian ethics may be compelling, but it revolves around a dyadic, hierarchicalrelationthatisfocusedonaddressingimmediateneeds.Such charitablerelationshavevalue,but,asIshow,theyaredistinctfrom,even at odds with, democratic ones, which involve collaboration among co- actorswhostruggletotendnottoasingularOther,buttotheworldlyconditionsunderwhichselvesandotherslive. Iarguethatthetherapeuticandcharitablemodelsofethicspromoted byFoucault,Levinas,andkeyinterpreters suchasConnolly,Critchley, andButlerareunlikelytoinspireandsustaincollectivedemocraticactivity,inwhichparticipantscooperateandcontendwithoneanotherinan efforttoaffectworldlyconditions.CareforoneselforcarefortheOther, though perhaps valuable, does little to encourage associative relations amongcitizens.Moreover,itisamistaketoassumethatformsofdemocraticengagementsomehowfollowfrompropercarefortheselforfor anOther.Indeed,Ishowthatthetherapeuticandcharitableorientations othershaveadvocatedinthenameofademocraticethosneedtoberesistedifweseektofosteractivistformsofdemocraticcitizenship. Chapters3and4arededicatedtotheorizingaworld- enteredethos.50 c Iarguethatthespiritofcarefortheworld,whichalreadyanimatessome associativedemocraticprojects,deservestobeexplicitlythematizedand
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purposefullycultivated.Thefirststeptowardelaboratingthisethicalorientation,whichIargueisespeciallyimportanttodemocraticlife,isto articulatethecentralconceptofworld.Chapter3developsthisnotion, first,bydefiningworldasthearrayofmaterialandimmaterialconditions underwhichhumanbeingslivebothwithoneanotherandwitharich varietyofnonhumans,organicandtechnological.Thisportraitdrawson Arendtsunderstandingofworldasanin- etween,thatis,boththesite b andobjectofpolitics,yet,astheabovestatementindicates,Ichallenge herrestrictionofworldtowhatisman- ade.Inaddition,Iclaimthat m coactionamongcitizensisbestunderstoodnotasbeingdirectedatthe worldperse,asArendtwouldhaveit,butatparticularworldlythings, whicharemoreplural,dynamic,anddisputedthanhertheoryrecognizes. Inreferencetothingsoriginalmeaning,worldlything,acentralconcept inthisbook,indicatesnotagenericobjectbutamatteroffactthathas beenreconstitutedasapublicmatterofconcern.51Thisthing,Ishow, is crucial to every democratic undertaking; it is the contentious third termaroundwhichpeoplegather,bothinsolidarityanddivision.Aviable democraticethoshonorsthisdynamic,seekingtoinspiremutualcarefor worldlyconditions. Chapter3engageswiththeworkofArendt,JohnDewey,BrunoLatour, andothersinordertorevealthestructureofcitizenassociationinwhich worldlythingsbothconnectanddivideconstituencies,astructurethatis eclipsedbydyadicmodelsofethics.Chapter4buildsonthisaccountof thecrucialroleplayedbyworldlythingsindemocraticpoliticsinorderto specifythenormativeendsthatcarefortheworldpursues.Thischapter clarifiesthatnotallformsofcollectiveorganizinginrelationtoaworldly thingormatterofconcerncountasinstancesofcarefortheworld.The democraticethosIdefendisrefinedtomeancarefortheworldasworld. HereIadvanceanexplicitlynormativeconceptionofworldasbotha sharedhumanhomeandmediatingpoliticalspacethatallowsforcriticaldistinctionstobemadebetweencompetingprojectsundertakenby democraticactors.Thechapterelaboratestheseconceptsbyexamining contemporaryorganizationsandmovements,includingNoMoreDeaths/ NoMsMuertes,theBeaconsprogramsinNewYorkCityPublicSchools, andtheRighttotheCityMovement,whichembodythedemocraticethos Iadvance. Abriefepiloguerevisitsthedistinctionsbetweencarefortheself,care fortheOther, andcare fortheworldthatinform thebooks argument
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insupportofanethosthatcananddoesanimateassociativedemocratic politics.HereIconsiderwhetherandhowthedyadic,intimatemodalities ofcareemphasizedbyFoucauldianandLevinasianethicscanbetransformedintocollaborativepracticesofcarefocusedonshapingcollective conditions. What strategies of politicization, for example, can activate feelings ofcare andconcern anddirect them toward worldly things? I considerthetechniquesthatcanhelpfostercarefortheworldevenunder circumstancesseeminglyinhospitabletoit. Oneimageinparticular,fromthemarginsofArendtswork,canhelp illuminatethedistinctiveorientationthatdefinesworldlyethics.Inthe summerof1963,GershomScholem,therenownedJewishscholar,wrote alettertoArendtconcerningherrecentlypublishedbookEichmann in Jerusalem,whichreportedonthetrialoftheformerssofficerAdolfEichmann.52AtthetimeofitsappearanceEichmann in Jerusalemwasthesubjectofintensedispute,debatesthatcontinuetoshapeitsreceptiontoday. OneofthemostcontroversialpointsinthebookwasArendtschargethat theJudenrte,orlocalJewishgoverningstructures,had,intheirmaintenanceofJewishpublicorderintheghettoes,enabledtheNazistoslaughtergreaternumbersofJewswithgreaterefficiencythantheymightotherwisehavedone.Manypeople,Jewsandnon- ews,wereshockedbythis J seemingly harsh and unempathic claim. Scholems letter to Arendt accusesherofadoptingaheartlesstoneinherdiscussionsofJewsand theirbearinginthedaysofcatastrophe.Bywayofelaboration,Scholem explainstoArendt,IntheJewishtradition,thereisaconcept,hardto defineandyetconcreteenough,whichweknowasAhabath Israel:Love oftheJewishpeople.Andhedeclaresthathefindslittletraceofthisin herbook.53 InherresponsetoScholem,Arendtdirectlyaddressesthischarge.She writesoftheloveoftheJewishpeople,YouarequiterightIamnot movedbyanyloveofthissort.Shestates,ThisloveoftheJewswould appeartome,sinceIammyselfJewish,assomethingrathersuspect.I cannotlovemyselforanythingwhichIknowispartandparcelofmyown person.Andshewrites,asapointofcontrast,thatthegreatnessofthis peoplewasoncethatitbelievedinGod,andbelievedinHiminsucha waythatitstrustandlovetowardshimwasgreaterthanitsfear.Andnow thispeoplebelievesonlyinitself?Whatgoodcancomeofthat?Well,in thissenseIdonotlovetheJews,nordoIbelieveinthem.54ArendtsresponsetoScholemcallsintoquestiontheself- rientednatureofAhabath o
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Israel,theloveoftheJewishpeoplebytheJewishpeople.Shereminds himoftherealgreatnessoftheJews,whichconcernedtheirtrustinand loveforanentityoutsidethemselvesinrelationtowhichtheycametobe: God,whoactedasacommonobjectofdevotionandthusconstituteda sharedworldforthem,anin- etween.ItisnottheJewsloveforthemb selvesorevenforoneanotherthatArendtwantstorecallandhonor,but theirregardforathirdterm,theirGod,aroundwhichtheyconstituteda com unity. m ThisbookinvitesreaderstoseeinArendtsexchangewithScholema nascentdemocraticanalogy.Scholemsinvocationofaself- rientedreo lationofloveandfaith(ofJewstothemselves)evokesadyadicethical relationofthesortIcallintoquestion.Arendtsradicalshiftinperspective,whichbringsintoviewarelationinvolvingmultipleindividualsand asharedobjectofloveandfaith,offersareligiousanalogtothedemocraticrelationswithwhichthisbookisconcerned.Thethirdterm,God, isakintothosesecular,worldlyobjectsthat,asIargue,inspirethelabors ofdemocraticactorsandmediaterelationsamongthem.Thebooktracks howthesedemocraticmodesofrelationinwhichindividualsareconnected to and separated from one another by a common object which theyattempttoaffectareoccludedbypopularethicalapproaches.And iturgesustoseethatasensibilityfocusedoncollectiveandcontentious careforworldlythingsisanethosuniquelyfitfordemocracy.

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notes

introduction

1.SeeThe Turn to Ethics,ed.Garber,Hanssen,andWalkowitz.Leadingexamples ofthisdevelopmentincludeAnderson,The Way We Argue Now;Bennett,The Enchantment of Modern LifeandVibrant Matter;Butler,Giving an Account of Oneself andPrecarious Life;Coles,Rethinking Generosity;Connolly,Why I Am Not a Secularist,Pluralism,andA World of Becoming;Critchley,The Ethics of Deconstructionand Infinitely Demanding;Orlie,Living Ethically, Acting Politically;White,The Ethos of a Late Modern Citizen;andZiarek,An Ethics of Dissensus. 2.WilliamConnollyfrequentlyreferstoethicsasbeingindispensabletodemocracy. See,forexample,Why I Am Not a Secularist,13,170,187. 3.Forexample,manymediarepresentationsoftheOccupyWallStreet(ows)movementinlate2011emphasizeditsenactmentofanethos,alternatelyidentifiedas nonviolent(nPr),leaderless(HuffingtonPost),do- t- ourself(JewishWeek),and i y no- emands(Salon.com)incharacter.Supportersoftendepictedthisethosasa d valuableresourceforreinvigoratingAmericandemocracy.Formoretheoretical reflectionsonowssethos,seeWendyBrownonitspopulistethosinOccupy WallStreet:ReturnofaRepressedRes-PublicaandRichardGrusinonthemovements fostering of a revolutionary counter- ood in Premediation and the m VirtualOccupationofWallStreet.ButseealsoGeorgeShulman,Interpreting Occupy,whicharguesthatacademicshavemostlyinterpretedowsinwaysthat validateourownpreferredframeworksofanalysis.Shulmansquestion,Must anyefforttounderstandowsmakeitevidencetoconfirmwhatwealready(want to)believe?couldeasilyberaisedinrelationtotheethosmanyhaveattributed tothemovement. 4.OnemightobjectthatwhatislackingintheU.S.polityisnottherequisitespirit buttheinstitutionalarrangementsthatensuretheexerciseofgenuinelydemocraticpower.TheinfluenceofcorporationsonU.S.elections,expandedbyCitizens United v. Federal Election Committee(2010),might,forexample,supporttheclaim thatcitizensactrationallywhentheydeclinetoparticipateindemocraticpolitics.Lackingeffectivesitesofdemocraticdecisionmaking,citizensmaysimply optout.Yetitisinsufficienttoinsistthatstructuralreform,ratherthanethos,is therealissue.ThisissonotonlybecauseoftheoldbutaptRousseauvianinsight regardingthecircularrelationshipbetweenasocietysspiritanditsinstitutions. More pointedly still, the institutional problems that might explain citizen dis-

engagementgrowingcorporatepower,anexpandedexecutivebranch,anentrenchedtwo- artysystem,andsoondonotputtorestthequestionofethos. p Indeed,theymayraiseitanew:mighttheabsenceofeffectivecollectiveaction inresponsetotheseconditionsleadonebacktotheproblemofaspiritthatis missingbutthatcouldhelpmobilizecitizens,renderingthesemerefactssitesof democraticcontestationandresistance? 5.AsNikolasKompridissays,Habermasemploysaverysharpform/contentdistinctiontodistinguishauniversalisticconceptofjusticefromparticularconceptionsofthegoodlife(FromReasontoSelf- ealisation?,333).Themoralpoint R ofview,accordingtoHabermas,properlyguidesquestionsaboutwhatisright, whilequestionsaboutwhatisgoodcanbeansweredonlywithinthecontextofa specificformoflife. 6.SomeofthemostpowerfulobjectionstobothHabermassandRawlssaccounts ofpublicreasoncontendthattheirapproachestodemocraticdeliberationunwittinglyreinforceexistingpowerrelationsandspecificallydisadvantagemarginalizedgroups,whoseformsofexpressionmaynotconformtothenormativemodels ofcommunicationtheyadvance.SeeYoung,CommunicationandtheOther,and Deveaux,Cultural Pluralism and the Dilemmas of Justice. 7.Rawls,Political Liberalism,220. 8.AndersonsThe Way We Argue Nowisanexception.Shestatesthatethoshasbecomeavalorized termincontemporary politicaltheory butsaysithasbeen wronglyjuxtaposedwithreasonandalignedwithaffect(1112).Andersonchallengesthisframing(andFoucauldianethicsinparticular,whichshecastsasincoherent)insupportofHabermasiandiscourseethics,whichsheclaimsunites ethicsandrationality. 9.ThecontrastbetweenmoralityandethicscorrespondsroughlytotheHegelian distinctionbetweenformal,universalMoralittandthemoreparticular,customarySittlichkeit. 10.Thisisnottosaythatthoseinvolvedintheturntoethicsadvocateananything goesapproachtopoliticallife.Connolly,forexample,questionstheexclusions generatedbyRawlsianpublicreason,whichrestrictnewdrivesofpluralization (Connolly,Ethos of Pluralization,xiv).Yethealsonotesthatexclusions,restrictions, and boundaries are necessary, particularly to restrain fundamentalism. Similarly,ChantalMouffearguesthattotalpluralismisnotpossibleordesirable andthatsomelimitsneedtobeputtothekindofconfrontationthatisgoingto beseenaslegitimateinthepublicsphere.Butthepoliticalnatureoftheselimits shouldbeacknowledgedinsteadofbeingpresentedasrequirementsofmorality orrationality,astheyareforHabermasandRawls(Mouffe,The Democratic Paradox,93). 11.Connolly maintains that secularist positions that eschew comprehensive conceptionsinpoliticsmakeitdifficultforpartisanstoengageinissuesoftheday becausemostparticipantsactuallydodrawontheirmetaphysicalandreligious perspectives.Thusthedesiretoridpoliticallifeofsuchperspectivesmaybestrategicallyineffective.SeeConnolly,Why I Am Not a Secularist,chapter1.Inthisregard,thediscoveryanapparentsurprisetomanyDemocratsthatamajority
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ofcitizenswhovotedforGeorgeW.Bushin2004citedmoralvaluesasthesingle most important issue of the election, is instructive. See Katharine Q. Seelye, MoralValuesCitedasaDefiningIssueoftheElection,New York Times,November4,2004.SeveralyearslaterBarackObamasoftenmoving,morallyinfused rhetoricleadinguptotheelectionof2008seemedtoexpresshiscriticismofthe tendencytocedevaluestalktotheright:Inreactiontoreligiousoverreach,we equatetolerancewithsecularism,andforfeitthemorallanguagethatwouldhelp infuseourpolicieswithalargermeaning(Obama,The Audacity of Hope,48). 12.Oxford English Dictionary(2ded.,1989).Chamberlain,FromHauntstoCharacter,102.BoththeoedandChamberlainidentifyAristotlesRhetoricasaprimary text in establishing this meaning of ethos. Chamberlain explains that in most writersofthefifthcenturyBCandlater,ethoscanusuallybeunderstoodandtranslatedascharacter,withthecaveatthatsuchcharacterisunderstoodincollective andnotstrictlyindividualistterms(1012). 13.Chamberlain,FromHauntstoCharacter,102. 14.ThomasCortsnotesthattherehasbeenconfusionoftwoGreektermswhich aresimilarinEnglish:,meaningsimplycustomorhabit,and,meaningcustom,disposition,character.ThelattertermistheoneusedbyAristotle, anditispresentedasacomplementtonomosintheancientGreektradition.The latterterm,Cortsnotes,alsocarriesapositiveconnotation,indicatingagood disposition,whiletheformerismorallyneutralandreferstobehavioraltraits. Cortsrecommendsthatscholarstransliterate asethosand asthosin ordertoreflectthisdistinction.Inaddition,Theymightalsoemphasizethepositivemoralqualityof,ratherthanthebehavioralneutralityofitssisterterm (TheDerivationofEthos,2012).Thisbook,however,followsthecontemporary conventionamongdemocratictheorists(andtheoed)ofusingethostoreferto thecharacteristicspirit,prevalenttoneofsentiment,ofapeopleoracommunity.SeealsoChamberlain,FromHauntstoCharacter,wherehenotesthat theNicomachean Ethicsexplainstheconnectionbetweenethosandthosinsofar ashumanvirtueishabituable,thatis,susceptibletotrainingandhabit(1023). 15.Chamberlain, From Haunts to Character, 102. He notes that orators can speaktotheiraudienceofyourorourth,indicatingasharedmoralsensibility. 16.Tocqueville,Democracy in America,volume1,part2,chapter9. 17.Work that highlights the significance of virtue in contemporary liberalism includesMacedo,Liberal Virtues,andGalston,Liberal Purposes. 18.Berkowitz,Virtue and the Making of Modern Liberalism. 19.Button,Contract, Culture, and Citizenship. 20.Berkowitz,Virtue and the Making of Modern Liberalism,xxii.Buttondescribesthis astheparadoxofcivicvirtueforliberalism:Liberalsocietiespresupposeand relyonarangeofimportantmoralqualitiesandvirtuesfortheirveryidentityand stability,yetitishardforliberalstoconceivehowthosequalitiescouldlegitimatelybetheobjectsofcultivation,giventheircommitmenttoindividualfreedomandanoverridingconcerntolimitcoercivegovernment(Contract, Culture, and Citizenship,16).
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21.Chamberlain,FromHauntstoCharacter,103.Oratleasttheyarecloselyconnectedwhenasocietyisstable.BothPlatoandAristotlearealerttothedifficultiesthatarisewhenetheandnomoiarenolongermutuallyreinforcing. 22.ApartialexceptiontothischaracterizationisMachiavellisportraitofrepublicanism, which, as Maurizio Viroli argues, follows prior republican thought by emphasizingtheruleoflaw,theprincipleofcivicequality,andtheimportance ofcivicvirtuebutpartscompanywiththehumanistandCiceroniantraditionsby challengingthevalueofconcord.Viroli,MachiavelliandtheRepublicanIdeaof Politics. 23.ThisquestionsuggestsaprojectdifferentfromRobertBellahswell- nowncok authored book, which borrows Tocquevilles phrase in support of a communitarian,arguablynostalgicvisionofAmericanlife.Bellahetal.,The Habits of the Heart. 24.RaymondGeusshasarguedstronglyagainstethics- rstformsofpoliticaltheory. fi ButhecharacterizesethicsquitenarrowlyasaformofKantianmoralabsolutism thatregardspoliticsasderivativeofanideal(aviewheidentifieswithRawlss work).Geussscriticismsareworthconsideration,buthedefinesethicsinavery limitedandsometimesevencaricaturedwaythatdoesnotbegintocapturethediverseconceptualizationsofthetermbypoliticaltheorists,manyofwhomcannot reasonablybechargedwiththesimple- indedidealismGeussportraysinorder m todramatizethemeritsofhisownrealism.SeeGeuss,Philosophy and Real Politics. 25.Laclau,Deconstruction,Pragmatism,Hegemony,58,60,54. 26.Mouffe,WhichEthicsforDemocracy?,91.Elsewhere,however,Mouffeisfar from dismissive of ethics: To secure allegiance and adhesion to [democratic] principleswhatisneededisthecreationofademocraticethos...themobilizationofpassionsandsentiments,themultiplicationofpractices,institutionsand languagegamesthatprovideconditionsofpossibilityfordemocraticsubjectsand democraticformsofwilling(Deconstruction,Pragmatism,andthePoliticsof Democracy,6). 27.Apostolidis,PoliticsandConnollysEthics.Althoughhismainargumenthere isthatthecomplementaritiesofethicalandpoliticalactionarerevealedwhen Connollysethicalworkisreadinconnectionwiththeexperiencesandnarratives ofimmigrantworkers,thearticlenonethelessendsonacautionarynote,warning thattheoristsshouldrenewtheirenthusiasmforinterrogatingthestructuraldynamicsofpowerthathelpordertheterrainwhereethicalpracticesaredeployed. 28.Brown,MoralismasAnti- olitics.SeealsoDean,ThePoliticsofAvoidance, P whichdepictstheturntoethicsasaformofnaveidealismthatdetractsattention fromthecriticalandoppositionalpoliticsinwhichdemocraticcitizensoughtto beengaged.Inarelatedmove,JacquesRanciresTheEthicalTurnofAestheticsandPoliticscaststheethicalturnasanevasionofjudgmentanddistinction making,thoughthisclaimissuggestedmorethanfullyargued. 29.Shulman,AcknowledgmentandDisavowalasanIdiomforTheorizingPolitics. 30.ActioninconcertisArendtsphrase,whichappearsthroughoutherwritingsand isespeciallyprominentinThe Human Condition. 31.Ibid.Honig,ThePoliticsofEthos,alsoadvancesthishypothesis.InamorehisNotes to Introduction

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toricalreadingoftheturntoethicsintheFrenchcontext,JulianBourgsFrom Revolution to EthicsdocumentsaparadigmshiftfollowingMay1968,inwhicha newemphasisonethics(onewhichpersiststothisday)appearedinresponseto theapparentimpossibilityofpoliticalrevolution.Althoughhedoesnotlabelthis developmentasignalofdespair,hedoespresenttheshifttotheethicalregisteras aconsequenceofthefailureofinstitutionaloverthrowin1968. 32.On the question of absolutism, Myers, From Pluralism to Liberalism, demonstratesthattheindeterminateethicaloutlookarticulatedbyBerlinthatof value pluralismis misinterpreted and appropriated bycontemporary liberals whoseektoturnitintoamoralfoundationsanctioningliberalism.Myers,ResistingFoucauldianEthics,showsthattheturntoethicsalsohasthepotentialto distractfrommorepressingquestionsofhowtogeneratecollectivepower.Some ofFoucaultsinfluentialreadershavewronglyemphasizedhislaterworkonthe ethicsofcarefortheselfasastrategyforresistingdisciplinarypowerandbiopower.Thisapproach,Iargue,minimizesFoucaultsastuteanalysesofhowdisciplineandbiopowerfunctionbyindividualizingandmassifying,respectively, andhisrelatedbutunderappreciatedaccountofthecounter- owerbornoutof p associativeactivitythatcanpotentiallycontendwiththeseforces.Thisneglected butcentralFoucauldianinsightshouldalertustothelimitsofcareoftheselfas ameansofreworkingexistingpowerrelationsandredirectourattentiontoassociativestrategiesinstead. 33.Honigobserves,Still,itseemstome,althoughethosmaybeanimportantpart ofpreparationandreceptivityforwould- epoliticalactors(themselvesalready b politicizedasconstitutedsubjects),itisnomatchfortheworldlinessofpolitical engagement(ThePoliticsofEthos,428).ThisclaimechoesmyearlierargumentinTheTurntoEthicsandItsDemocraticCosts,whichconceptualizesthe questforethosprimarilyasanevasionofandthreattodemocraticpolitics. 34.Thisunderstandingofpoliticsservesasacounterpointtowhathasbeentermed thedemocraticdeficitincontemporarytheory,thatis,thetendencyinrecent politicalthoughttoemphasizetheliberalsideofliberaldemocracybyfocusing primarilyonquestionsofindividualrightsandsafeguardsagainstthestateatthe expenseofpursuingquestionsthatconcernthedistributionofpoliticalpower andtheexistenceofmeaningfulopportunitiesforcitizenparticipationinself- government. I borrow the term democratic deficit from Mouffe, Democratic Paradox(34),thoughitwasinwidecirculationduringthedebatesoverthedesignoftheEuropeanUnion. 35.AlexisdeTocquevillefamouslycreditsassociationalactivitywithsavingtheindependentandweakcitizensofdemocracyfromhelplessness.Theartofassociation in which men combine for great ends enables individual citizens to produceeffectstheycouldnototherwise.Tocqueville,Democracy in America,volume2,part2,chapters57. 36.HannahArendtreferstoco- ctingwhenshestatesthatactionisneverpossible a inisolation(The Human Condition,189). 37.Althoughtheexistenceofcertainlegalprotectionssuchastherighttoassemble canhelptosupporttheemergenceofcollectivemovements,examplesofassociaNotes to Introduction

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tivedemocraticpoliticsamongdissidents,asintheSolidaritymovementofthe 1980sinPoland,indicatethatitwouldbeamistaketoruleouttheappearanceof associativeactioneveninregimeswithverylimitedrightsprotections.Equally mistakenistheideathattheexistenceofconstitutionalrightstospeechandassembly,forexample,isproofthatAmericanpoliticalcultureishospitabletothe creationandpreservationofassociationalrelations.AsMichaelRoginhasdemonstrated, aggressive governmental efforts throughout American history have effectivelysuppressedassociativeactivitiesandcollectiveformsoflifethought tothreatenstatepower.WhatRogincallsthecountersubversivetraditioninthe UnitedStatesinvolvesthestatesvalorizationofprivatefreedomandaroutine denialofpublicfreedom,orthefreedomofcommunitymemberstospeakand acttogether(PoliticalRepressionintheUnitedStates,65). 38.Arendt,The Human Condition,182. 39.ArtofassociationisTocquevilleswell- nownphrase,whichappearsinDemock racy in America,volume2,part2,chapter5. 40.Held, Models of Democracy. Of the eight variants of democracy Held analyzes, sevengrantaprominentplacetocitizensassociativeactivity.Althoughtheinstitutionallocationsandmeaningsassignedtoassociationsvary,rangingfromthe citizencouncilsofclassicrepublicanismtothepressuregroupsofmidcentury pluralism,onlythemodelofdemocraticelitismgrantslittletonoimportanceto associationalactivity. 41.Thepurposeandmeaningascribedtoassociationalactivityvaryaccordingtothe particularframeworkwithinwhichitisinterpreted.ArchonFungsAssociations andDemocracycontainsaveryusefulmappingofthedifferentargumentsadvancedinsupportofassociationalactivity.Fungshowsthatdemocraticassociationiscreditedwithmakingsixkindsofcontributions,notallofthemcompatible. (Forexample,accordingtosome,associationisanintrinsicgood,butliberalstend toseeitasanexpressionofpersonalfreedomwhileparticipatorydemocratsregarditasamodeofcollectiveself- etermination.Stillothertheoriesseethepracd ticeofassociationinmoreinstrumentalterms,whetherasameansofdeveloping certainskillsandcapacitiesorasamechanismforimprovingtherepresentation ofinterests.)Thisdiversityshouldnotbesurprising,giventhatthecontributions ascribedtoassociationalactivityaregeneratedbycompetingbackgroundideals, whichFunglabelsclassicalliberalism,representativedemocracy,andparticipatorydemocracy. 42.See,forexample,RobertF.Worth,YemenontheBrinkofHell,New York Times, July20,2011,andSimonSebagMontefiore,EveryRevolutionIsRevolutionary inItsOwnWay,New York Times,March23,2011. 43.In A Brief Introduction to Phenomenology and Existentialism Wrathall and Dreyfus include Arendt, Levinas, and Foucault in their short list of thinkers stronglyinfluencedbyphenomenologyandexistentialism. 44.Althoughphenomenologyandexistentialismoriginallyappearedastwodistinct strandsoftwentieth- enturyEuropeanthought,theyhavelargelymergedintoa c commoncanonofworksandwaysofdoingphilosophy(ibid.,5).Seethissame

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text for an account of the primary features of merged existential phenomenology. 45.FoucaultsandLevinassworksfeaturemuchmoreprominentlythanArendtsin therecentturntoethics,perhapsbecauseArendtdoesnotembraceanexplicitly ethicalvocabulary.Sheisalsosometimesmisreadasathoroughlyamoralthinker, though,asIwillshow,thebeginningsofapowerfulethicalsensibilitycarefor theworldrunthroughoutherwritings. 46.Kruks,Retrieving Experience,6. 47.ThisisWrathallsandDreyfussdescriptionofHeideggersshiftawayfromHusserl (ABriefIntroductiontoPhenomenologyandExistentialism,3). 48.Ibid.,5. 49.Foucault,TheEthicsoftheConcernforSelfasaPracticeofFreedom,298. 50.Myprojectexploreshowtheunderstandingofethicsmightproductivelyshiftby adoptingwhatLindaZerillihascalledaworld- enteredframe.Shetooidentic fiesthisframewithArendt,thoughherinterventionfocusesontheimportance ofreconceivingfreedomasaworldquestionratherthanasubjectquestionfor feministtheoryandpolitics.SeeZerilli,Feminism and the Abyss of Freedom,introduction. 51.Iborrowthedistinctionbetweenamatteroffactandamatterofconcernfrom Latour,FromRealpolitiktoDingpolitik,16. 52.ScholemandArendt,EichmanninJerusalem. 53.Ibid.,51. 54.Ibid.,54.
1. crafting a dEMocratic subjEct?

1.Forexample,theantiwargroupCodePinkwascriticizedbysomefortheiractivities,whichincludedinterruptingandhecklingduringspeechesbyofficials,includingPresidentGeorgeW.Bush.EwenMacAskill,DebateoverUSHealthcare TakesanUglyTurn,The Guardian,August12,2009;IanUrbina,BeyondBeltway, HealthDebateTurnsHostile,New York Times,August7,2009.Popularattention toquestionsofcivilityinpoliticspeakedinJanuary2011aftertheassassination attemptonRep.GabrielleGiffordsandthemurderofsixothersatapublicCongressonYourCornereventatashoppingcenterinTucson.HeleneCooperand JeffZeleny,ObamaCallsforCivilityinNewEraofAmericanPolitics,New York Times,January12,2011. 2.Myers, Resisting Foucauldian Ethics. I argue that contemporary theory that championsFoucauldianself- areasaprivilegedmodeofresistanceoftenneglects c Foucaultsanalysisofdisciplinarypowerandbiopower,which,ifreadcarefully, shouldalertonetothelimitsofthecareoftheselfasastrategyforreshaping powerrelations. 3.WilliamConnollyisthemostinfluentialproponentofthisview.SeeConnolly,The Ethos of Pluralization,Why I Am Not a Secularist,andPluralism.SeealsoDumm, Michel Foucault and the Politics of Freedom;Orlie,Living Ethically, Acting Politically; Simons,Foucault and the Political.

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EllaMyersisAssistantProfessorofPoliticalScienceand GenderStudiesattheUniversityofUtah.

LibraryofCongressCataloging- n- ublicationData i P Myers,Ella,1976 Worldlyethics:democraticpoliticsand carefortheworld/EllaMyers. p.cm. Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex. isBn978- - 223- 385- (cloth:alk.paper) 08 5 0 isBn978- - 223- 399- (pbk.:alk.paper) 08 5 7 1.DemocracyMoralandethicalaspects.2.International relationsMoralandethicalaspects.3.Citizenship Moralandethicalaspects.4.Politicalparticipation Moralandethicalaspects.I.Title. jC423.m962013 172dc232012033712