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The Avars Author(s): H. H.

Howorth Source: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, New Series, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Oct., 1889), pp. 721-810 Published by: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: Accessed: 13/04/2010 13:22
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Art. X.?The Avars. Uv II. II. Ho worth, Esq., M.P.,


the following paper I propose to myself to write a mono the Avars, from the time they are first mentioned graph upon historians to their final disappearance from by Western In The detail, history. which I have ventured I hope the completeness, with to treat the subject, which are alone are especially of value in ethnographic studies now-a-days, valuable in the case of the Avars, whose place in history was so marked aud yet so enigmatic, and who caused such potent and

in the ethnographic map of Europe. changes to myself to treat of the origin of the I do not propose and of its earlier history in Asia. That I must race, to another occasion. I would merely here that say postpone so called, I consider De in regard to the Avars, properly to be unanswerable, and that they are conclusion Guignes's or Yuan Yuan of the to be identified with the Jeoujen a race which Chinese dominated nomadic Asia histories, before the Thu kiu or Turks asserted their preponderance in The coincidences the sixth century. and the convergency of make this identification evidence very nearly a certainty. I also hold the Jeoujen or Yuan Yuan, and consequently the so called, to havo been Mongols Avars properly by race, as I the true Huns to havo been?Huns believe and Avars in fact, to the two great sections of the Mongol answering, The native race, the Mongols proper and the Kalmuks.
VOL. XXI.?[new series.] 47

name of llobrams.

THE AVARS. the Kalmuks written Avirathei is Uirat, by Bar The t in these names is merely tho Mongol plural; we discard it, we in fact get a mere form of the
or Avar.

and when

I do not propose in the present paper to carry this analysis further, and will at once turn to the first notice of tho Avars contained in aWestern is moro than a hundred writer, which invaded Europe. years before the Avars The first time the Avars are mentioned
Priscos, whose words are :

is in the pages


the Saraguri, the Urogi "About that timo {i.e. 461-465) a corruption sent of Ugori), and the Onoguri, (probably These tribes had been thrust envoys to the Eastern Romans. out of their country after a struggle with the Sabiri, whom The Avars had been themselves the Avars had driven out. near the ocean, who had driven out by the peoples dwelling been forced to migrate by the great clouds and mists which rose from the sea, and by a great hostile multitude of were not in the creatures who, it was griffons, reported, of withdrawing until they had eaten human beings. had fallen Excited they (i.e. the Avars) by these calamities, and all who could not resist their upon their neighbours, It was thus that the Saraguri, compelled attack succumbed. habit to seek new quarters, approached whom they fought several battles and then repaired to the Romans, The Emperor received their envoys the llunni Akatiri, with and whom they defeated, eager for their alliance.

and sent them courteously " back again, after giving them presents (Priscus, Excerpta, Bonn ed., p. 158; Suidas, s.v. Abaris, who follows Priscus). if it be trustworthy, and I see no reason This passage, one of tho most to doubt it, is certainly importai!t for the to bo found in ancient for it is literature, ethnographer which the sole record of one of those great race movements the ethno have been such important factors in rearranging caused the move of man. distribution Whatever graphic some great natural phenomena, ment of the Avars, whether the growing or, as is more probable, power of the race, we the and drove forward read here how they first attacked



Sabiri, whom I hope to treat of in another paper, and how this led to other displacements The main fact to of nomads. remember is that the Avars masters apparently thus became a of the Asatic as far west as the Volga, while Steppes number that river To until of tribes, such as the Sabiri, Saraguri, into Europe, where we next meet with etc., crossed them.

revert to the Avars. We do not read of them again the year 557, when the power of the Jeoujen, whom I have identified with them, came to an end in Asia. Hitherto, as had been deemed among says, the Avars Theophylactus as supreme. the Scythians Their power was shattered by an outbreak of their former the Turks. The same subjects author tells us that the Turks in their progress conquered the a powerful race living on the river Ogor, i.e. the Uighurs, The old chiefs of the Ogor had been (i.e. the Volga). Var and Khunni, whence several of their tribes were styled named Var and Khunni That is to Avar and Hun). (i.e. the Ogors were under the domination of the Avars. On say, the approach of the Turks, a portion of these tribes fled into the name of Avares, and styled themselves gave Europe, were not true Avares, their leader Khagan. however, They or he says, but pseud-Avares (op. cit. vii. 8), i.e. Ogors On their approach, the Sarselt, led by Avar chiefs. Uighurs dis tribes, were greatly Sabiri, and other Ilunnic Unuguri, were the real Avars, and offered them turbed, fancying they ample presents (id.). of this is that when the power of the The full meaning was broken in Eastern Avars that is, the Uirats, proper, a the Ogors, whose of their subjects, namely Asia, portion and Ilunnic chiefs were of Avar the name blood, adopted Those fugitives who went westwards Avars and migrated. were doubtless led by chiefs of Mongol descent, merely of the Byzantine and in this sense the statement is writers their name from their leaders. that they derived correct, were doubtless of Turkish The great bulk of the fugitives whence and not Mongols, race, Theophylactus styles them and refers to their appropriating to pseud-Abares, i.e. the Uirats. selves the renown of the Avars proper, them In Til

asnuich as


were horsemen, thejr, in all probability, they to the Altaic branch of the great race of Turan, belonged race. to the Uighur section of the Altaic and, as I believe, the precise statement I cannot see any reason for doubting that tho conclude of Theophylactus, and we may tentatively were a race of Uighur Turks com Avars who invaded Europo Tho blood. manded and led by chiefs and leaders of Kalmuk time has ves called them obri, which Jiresek says in lapse of ?Sla a ginnt, Bohemian obr, Lusatian hobr, Polish Gesch. der Bulg. p. 86). To continue, we read oibrzym (Jiresek, i.e. in 557, tho fugitives at that in the 31st year of Justinian, i.e. tho country north reached the country of tho Alani, length as far as tho Don, which was at of the Caucasus, probably over by the Alans, the modern Ossctes. this time dominated name also read Saroas, or Sarodius (a They asked Sarosius, to Lobeau, vol. ix. p. 376, note 2), tho chief of tho Alans, Ho with the Romans. communication put them in friendly who com the son of Germanus, informed Justin, accordingly and he in turn informed of Lazica, manded the garrison who ordered their envoys to be sent on to him at Justinian, come- to mean Byzantium eh. i. ed. Bonn, p. 282). They (Menander, as their ambassador, and ho selected Kandikh accordingly of tho a considerable The went with aspect cort?ge. a good deal of curiosity, and wo aro told strangers aroused .They wore that the city was filled with people to see them. and hanging tied with their hair in long plaits ribbons, their appearance was like that down their backs; otherwise, ed. Bonn, of the Huns p. 359, note), whose (Theophanes,
hair was cut short and completely shaved oft' in front. Theso

are referred to by more than one plaited locks of the Avars author. (preface, line 4), speaks Corrippus, Laud. Just. Min. Flori of the A var?an race, with its hair twisted like snakes. Avarian talks of the long-haired the epigrammatist, legios, tresses of tho Avars army, and Calliades speaks of the dirty also speaks John of Ephesus vol. i. p. 645, note). (Stritter, " " cit. ed. Sch?n those with long hair called Aba roi of (op. lie also says they were called felder, lib. iii. ch. xxv.). Avares from their hair (id. lib. vi. ch. xxiv.).



Kandikh and addressed face upon matters, put a bold tones : ho said, "The most valiant Justinian in swaggering un van and numerous race, that is, the race of the Avars, was come to submit to him. and unconquerable, quished It could repel and destroy all his enemies. It was his to ally himself with them, and to enter interest therefore into a pact with asked no They he them, other and thus to secure their reward for the best of help. than that annual pensions, and a was now old, Justinian and the the pestilence services

should give tliem precious gifts, fertile district in which to settle." and besides, was overwhelmed with that were then desolating earthquakes concurrence chains of the with senate, he encrusted

gold, used for manacling prisoners, couches, and silken robes. John saddles of Ephesus (lib. vi. eh. xxiv.) also speaks of golden Ho then dismissed and bridles. them, and also sent Valen an to make suitable tinas as his envoy, with presents, aid against and secure their with them their alliance indifferent whether enemies, they were defeated or victorious, be relieved. the pressure on the eastern frontier would Avars fell upon the Utiguri accordingly and overthrew the Sabiri and the Kali (a Hunnic tribe), cit. 282-281), all living in the step?)es north (Menander, op. of the Caucasus. of The Avars by this conquest no doubt became masters next tribes in the Russian We the many Hunnic steppes. as in either case Tho read whose of tribe of the Antee, upon the Slavic falling sent them an The latter thereupon land they wasted. ; this was headed by Mezamir (perhaps, according their

the East, and with the the envoys with presented in shape like those which were

embassy the brother of the son of Idarisias, to Schafarik, Nezamir), of the name Idarisias or Cyeligost (the termination Celagast, form ic or Schafarik patronymic compares with the Russian some prisoners to redeem ic), who was to ask to be allowed
the Avars had captured. Mezamir, who was a vain man,


he was


to an audience,
of menace.

broke out in the proud

(a variant has



by which


a Kotrigur

is doubtless




who suggests ho was the chief of the Kotrigurs), Hunfahy was a vassal of the Avars, advised them that Mozamir, being a very man among the Anta), he could important persuado them to attack their enemies vigorously; it would therefore be well to kill him and then to make an attack boldly on the state. The Avars took this counsel, and, in spite unfriendly of Mezamir's of ambassador, put him to death, and character afterwards the land of the An too, carry began to lay waste ing off plunder and prisoners (Menander, op. cit. pp. 284-5). Nestor has preserved a vague tradition of these conquests, lie tells us how, about the reign of lleraklius, the Obres at lacked the Slaves, and won a victory over the Dnliebians (who lived between women. He adds the Bug and the Styr), and violated their that when an Obro wished to drive out, he did not harness either horses or oxen to his carriage, but to to it, who were obliged yoked three, four, or five women draw it (Nestor, cd. Louis, Paris, vol. i. p. 10 ; Schafarik, vol. ii. pp. 58-59). now find the Avars to envoys to Justinian sending them ask him to point out the district where he intended We to

offered settle. The Emperor, persuaded by Justin, inhabited by the Heruli, known them the country formerly as the Second Pannonia, a very safe offer, since it was then warlike tribes who did not acknowdedgo any occupied by one's political supremacy over them; but they were not dis no doubt the country of the posed to quit Scythia, by which west of the Volga and north of the Danube is meant, Nogais or the as several writers and not Little Dobruja, Scythia, were carried on through have supposed, for the n?gociations at the governor of Lazica. vexed Justin, Justin, although their decision, sent the envoys on to Constantinople. Ho had won over one of the envoys named Oeconimos, previously a Greek from one of the who, as Thierry sa}rs, was probably Ponlic that the Avars had ono cities, who told him secret^ on their in their hearts ; that lips and another would until they were allowed to cross tho they speak fairly Isi or, but had a sinister policy in view afterwards, and once over the river, they would not fail to employ all their forces sentiment



and advised Justin vigorously. duly informed his master, him to detain the envoys as long as possible, for the Avars would not cross the Istor until their envoys returned. Steps a com were now taken to guard the river, and Bonus, to command of the domestic guards, was appointed its garrisons. The envoys, finding they could not obtain what received gifts from the Emperor, they wished, having as was such things as they needed, and customary, bought some also The and returned arms, Emperor again. or other he that by some means ordered Justin secretly must take these arms from them. did so ; He accordingly tho Romans hence arose an ill-feeling between and the Avars. at The chief of the latter, Bayan, had been further annoyed mander the detention of his envoys, and sent to hasten their return, more them which to detain anxious only made Justinian an explanation For of the un pp. 285-6). (Menander, we have to turn to usually brave conduct of the Emperor another chronicler, the chronographer Theophanes, namely, who tells us how Askel, the ruler of the Hemikhiones, at this time sent identified with the Turks by Theophanes, an embassy to Justinian. This no doubt informed him of the state of things in the further east and of the real status in the These events took place probably of the pseud-Avars. vol. ix. p. 381, and note 1 by Saint year 558 (see Lebeau, to this point I have small doubt that the Avars Martin). Up were living in the country comprised between and the Volga and were limited on the south by the Caucasus. the Danube, were probably and Utigurs The Kutrigurs tributary to them, as were tho other Ilunnic and tribes as far as the Danube, also the different Slavic tribes of Southern Russia. no doubt became complete The Avars by these conquests masters of Little Russia and the Ukraine, and of the nomads Tartars the Nogai where who lived in the grassy steppes
afterwards nomadized. Their stay here was, however, appa

The Turks, who had broken their power rently short-lived. too powerful in Asia, still threatened them, and they were a foe to be parleyed with. We and aggressive consequently with them further west, find them migrating dragging



races whom of tho Ilunnic they had conquered. portions and them in largo numbers, The Sabiri apparently joined tribe apparently from this time tho power of that famous in the country waned very much they had once dominated The rest doubtless remained tributary north of the Caucasus. of West to the Avars, as did the Kutrigurs and Utigurs. and and Bessarabia, the latter, on the plains of Moldavia as far and Eastern Hungary, probably also in Transylvania or at this time dominated the Hunnugars there the Theiss, of the Slavini. the masters who were They Bulgarians, were apparently of tho Avar Khan, who now independent with his own people into tho country north of the moved Carpathians. we them in their migration Before westwards, following a few words about a portion of the race which must say remained behind; for, like other nomadic hordes which havo invaded Eastern Europe from Asia, thoy apparently dropped a in the cul-de-sac formed by the portion of their people and the Caucasus. the Euxine, Caspian, of Lcsghistan At all events, we find in the mountains to Klaproth, tribes named Avar and Khunsag, and, according of tho names which are borne by them are tho same as man}* The list of these names, as given chiefs. those of Ilunnic is as follows : by him,
ilrsxic Attila Names. Names Adilla, in use a very among the Lesguian man's Avaus. name. common

Uhl, Uldin Budak Ellak Dingitsik

Eskam, wife of Attila

an Avar Uldan, Budakh Sultan. Ellak. Dingat8?k,



a family


a woman's


Aim us

Ar maus.

Leel Tsolta Geysa


Leel. Solta. Gaissa.


The Lesghian Beled


still use this titlo.



a river is called or, In the dialect of the Lesghian Avars " or wor. tells us : Pars hunno hor, lii., Jornandes, chapter rum in fugam versa, eas partes Scythiro petiit, quas Dan ubi i rar sua Ilunni amnis fluenta qu praetermeant, lingua has Danabii instead of Danuhii, (one MS. Tableaux This shows that p. 246). Klaproth, historiques, the Lesghian Avars the name for water is the same among ' ' as that used by the ancient Huns. til meant black Again, in Avarian. the Antsukh, dir = Char, and Andi Amongst vokolabras amongst the ancient Avars meant 'black'; 'grand the Lesghs roko, and among among the Tngushes parent'; of Antsukh, vokhula means the recorded Among 'great.' appellant"
Avar names, those of Bagan, Samur, Solakh, and Kokh occur

are and Mitsdjcgi. These resemblances among the Lesghs so remarkable as Klaproth that they point very strongly, to these tribes of the Caucasus been either urges, having or mixed with the debris of that nation Avars (Klaproth, Recherches, etc., p. 268). In regard to these Avars about souls. the Caucasus, they comprise would make up about 80,000 14,700 households, from the other Their dialect is considerably different which of

dialects. The chief of the nation styles himself Lesghian Avar Khan, and he was the most powerful of the rulers of the Eastern Caucasus. intervening They occupy the valleys on the west, and the territory of the the Chetsenses between them Shamkal of Tarku on the east, while the Terek bounds on the north. that the name given to St.-Martin suggests was really the title of their chief. the tribe by the Russians The The Armenians and Georgians call them Khunchagh. the Avar Khan, Khundsagh batoni, Georgians always stylo call while the natives themselves i.e. the Lord of Khundsagh, nuzahl. The name Avar Khan is in use him Khundsakh and the Mussulmans. St.-Martin the other Lesghs out that the Armenian and writers of the twelfth points as thirteenth centuries refer to these Avars of the Caucasus among the Syrian, in his universal while Michel, Huns, history, them both Huns and Turks. It is curious that the part calls of Hungary where the Turkish Comans settled was called

Kunsag by Uina Khan,


In 1727 their chief was called the Magyars. lie then submitted to the Russians, and the travellers who then visited his country called him Usmei Avar. His family was said to be very ancient, and one of his ancestors and was submitted invested with to tho Mongols in the thirteenth centuryy his territory by Batu Khun. The could put 2000 troops of his own in the

chief of the Avars

to 10,000 by means of field, and this force he could augment the mercenaries in his service, and he was powerful enough to exact black mail from tho Georgians in consideration of attacks upon them. This tribute was continued foregoing after they had conquered by (ho Russians (St. Georgia Martin, very vol. ix. pp. 404-406, It is notes). or Ilunnic amount of Avar blood probable these mountaineers is not very large, and that the among main the of the race is related to tho other Lesghs, body a veneer, and of this it Avar or Ilunnic element being only that the greater part may well be, as St.-Martin suggests, from the Sabiri than from the Avars is rather descended that the proper. in tho Lesghs says we must beware of identifying Klaproth wero race. Thoso of Khundzakh with tho Ilunnic general on probably conquered by some Khan of the ancient Avars, the destruction ably withdrew they founded with mingled adopted,
and their own


to Lebeau,

power a portion of his people prob where the mountains of tho Caucasus, of Avar, and whore the community they the Lesghian inhabitants, whoso language they some words of their own preserving only language, of whose into
proper names (op. cit. p. 246 note).

to the history of the main body of the or frightened Avars. When driven by the Turks, they abandoned the Russian westwards, steppes, and migrated of various Hunnic and prob taking with them a following into tribes. ublj' also Slavic They did not pass immediately into the but withdrew through Gallicia apparently Hungaiy, and there they the Baltic and Carpathians, flat lands between formed a considerable power and caused a con apparently in some papers As I have argued siderable race movement.


us now




Institute, so called

on the spread of the Slaves, read before the Anthropological I believe the Sorabians or Serbians of Lusatia were from a Hunnic caste which ruled them, namely, the

Sabiri, and these Sabiri doubtless entered Lusatia at this time. The Obodriti, whom I have also argued were also a Hunnic caste ruling over Slaves, invaded the valley of the Elbe at this time, and, as I believe, the lands which occupying the Vandals, also explain ment of the Chckhs Marcomanni, Schafarik confesses Chekh occupation, which the auspices of the Avars, the migration of the Lombards, and the Angles, I would etc., had left vacant. as due to this influence of the Avars the move into Bohemia, also apparently the former home of the took place at this time. of fixing the date of this under

the difficulty and puts it somewhere after 450 A.n., went westward when the Marcomanni at the heels of Attila. I hope to revert to this important race movement in a later on the Sabiri. paper The importance of the Avarian domination under such an active chief as then ruled them has hardly been sufficiently It led no doubt to raids in various directions, appreciated. and to the settlement called Huns

of many of Slaves colonies (so in the old writings, doubtless because frequently leaders) in the country west of the Elbe. they had Hunnic This I have pointed out in detail in the paper already cited on the Northern Serbs and the Obodriti. The next time the Avars are mentioned in history, they arc found in active conflict with the Franks. of Gregory Tours calls them Huns, while Paul the Deacon describes " them as Hunni In qui et Avares" (op. cit. vol. ii. p. 10). " another vero cum Avaribus Alboin place he says, qui primum Hunui, postia do r?gis propri? nomine Avares ap " sunt i. 27). read that after We (Paul. Diae. pellati the death of Clothaire, i.e. in 502 A.D., Sigebert, who was his fourth son, and who succeeded to the throne of Austrasia, marched against and defeated the 11uns who had invaded his borders. Paul the Deacon tells us the struggle took place near the river Elbe a proof of the western in Thuringia, of tho Avarian extension domination at this time (see



of Tours, Hist. Franc, vol. iv. p. 234 ; Paul. Diac. Gregory i. ii. c. 10 ; Hist. d'Attila, etc., vol. i. p. 390). Thierry The Avars were at this time led if by a chief whom, we knew more of, we should compare with Attila probably and Chinghiz Khan. His name was Bayan, which, it will be remembered, wras the name of a famous Mongol chief. We now find him intercourse with Justin, having diplomatic the nephew of Justinian, who succeeded his uncle as Emperor in the year 565. Justin was a very conceited person, and a fleeted a demeanour towards his neighbours, haughty was which because ridiculous, unsupported by any real As like power. says, he posed before the Avars Thierry Marius did before the Teutons, and addressed the Persians in the language of Trajan this Trajan ; but unfortunately had no genius, and this Marius no soldiers (op. cit. p. 391). On his accession Bayan sent envoys to Byzantium to receive tho gifts which Justinian had bceu accustomed to give, the panegyrist of Justin, has preserved an account Corippus, of the reception of these envoys, of which he was a spectator. "As soon as the Emperor, in his purplo robes," he dressed "had mounted the steps of the throne, the master of says, the ceremonies, taken his orders, ushered the am having bassadors the threshold to the Imperial at every step and halted quarters. They admired the stature of the guards ranged in a doublo rank with their golden shields, their gold inlaid lances, and their golden helmets, from which hung down purple plumes. They started at the serried lances and tho battle involuntarily axes, and the}' asked if the Imperial palace was not another heaven ; but, on the other bund, they were proud that they
were themselves admired, and that the public gaze was upon

the vestibules

iuto the palace. They and long galleries

traversed which




them ; and the poet compares their dignified walk to that of the Hyrcauian let out of their cages in the tigers when ei re us amidst the seats of tho mob crowding the plaudits A veil being drawn aside disclosed ceilings around. thickly the throne and the sparkling diadem on tho Imperial gilt, or the chief envoy, head. Thereupon Targites, Targitius,



the Emperor the knoo three times, and saluted by a tho ground three times with his head (surely touching others of doing homage). method The very Mongolian followed his example, and the floor was inundated by the waves to The envoys, of their flowing hair." according
Corippu8, vaunted the renown of their race, whose sovereign,

tho Imaus, the terror of the Persians, could, if conqueror to the last drop united, drink up the waters of the Ilebrus iii. 233, etc. ; de Laudibus ed. Bonn, Justiui, (Corippus vol. i. pp. 393-395). Thierry, Menander tells us the envoys adopted a bold front, either or in the hope of obtaining to overawe the Emperor larger reminded him that it was his duty to continue They gifts. the policy of his predecessor, towards his allies, Justinian, even to enlarge in order and that Emperor's beneficence, secure their good will in an equal measure to that he might what If he had been good to them, they had in ho did. turn been good to him. In the first place, they had refrained it was well within his frontiers when their from pillaging to have done so, and had prevented others from doing power so. Those in the habit of ravaging who formerly were no did so, being afraid of the Avars, whom Thraco longer They urged that he they knew to be friends of the Romans. than his father, in order that their should be more generous services might be similarly increased, and that if their chief was to bo his friend, it depended on himself. They pressed this home partially by arguments, by threats and partially was their tributary. and spoke as if the Emperor Justin, we their words mere boasting, deeming replied He affected to despise their threats as much as accordingly. to do more He promised for he did their blandishments. them than his father had done, and would teach them a are told,


than his, for it would be more beneficial lesson more valuable to them to show them how to restrain their arrogance. It was greater kindness to stop an impetuous temper which was to its own ruin than to allow it to become the hastening this victim of its own caprice. he said, "with "Depart," counsel ; we have no need of your aid, nor have we paid

yon anything paymont made


not as tribute but as a except willingly, The to slaves" p. 286-289). (Menandcr, the same as that is virtually Menander language reported by " the latter makes of Corippus. You tell me, young man," to the chief envoy, "things which we do not Justin say believe, and in which you have been yourself misled by false at all. You them yourself rumours, if in fact you believe are mere dreams and illusions. Cease to boast of relating me the recital of the the exploits of mere fugitives. Spare of an exiled crowd looking vainly for a home. What glories it could not defend realm has it subdued when powerful i. 95). cit. iii. 310, etc., Thierry, itself?" op. (Corippus, their language, John of Ephesus says that, exasperated by cut their hair he called them dogs, and said ho would Justin's them (op. cit. lib. vi. ch. xxiv.). off and decapitate bold front seems to havo imposed on tho envoys, who wore for them to be possible that it would neither convinced attack the Empire, obtain a larger tribute, nor to successfully John of Ephesus returned home. and they accordingly says to Justin had them seized, put into boats, and conveyed to the number of 300 men, and that they were Chaleedon, then allowed there for six months detained ; they were to depart, with a threat that if any one of them was again be put to death (id.). At found on Roman soil, he would was engaged in a second campaign agaiust this time Bayan of as Menander the Franks, Gregory says (op. cit. 290). marched in the year 566. Tours dates this campaign Sigebert them with a large army; but at the moment when against were the Avars to engage, by (called Huns going they caused various phan skilled in the art of magic, Gregory), who were completely toms to arise in front of the Franks, but was made himself prisoner, Sigebert vanquished. an agreeable manner and address, "ho vanquished having in battle," and those by presents whom he could not defeat " " to agreo of the Huns the King induced his liberality of their lives they the remainder him that during with " of the Tho King not should together. fight again of Tours to Sigebert. Hums" also made presents Gregory



" a title which tells us he was called (i.e. Khakan), Gagan " was borne of that nation (op. cit. by all the rulers iv. 29). is a named The use of the necromancy just to that the Mongol chief Batu parallel by employed Khan the while the title of Khakan was precisely The peace with the the Mongol chiefs. Franks is also mentioned Menander. He tells us that by after it was made, Bayan, the leader of the Avars, informed that his army was suffering from a want of provi Sigebert sions, and promised that if ho would supply them, his people would move their camp on the third day, nor would they any sent some flour, longer remain there. Sigebert Thereupon beans or pulse, and oxen, to the Avars sheep (Menander, op. cit. 303). At this time a large part of was divided between Hungary the two rival races of the Lombards and the Gepid , the title in Hungary, used by Danube their common frontier. The Lombards forming were to the west, and the to the east of that planted Gepida3 the river, and as far as the Theiss, east of which I believe or Bulgarians. country was then dominated by the Hunugars the king of the Lombards, who was Sigebert's Alboin, had determined brother-in-law, upon the conquest of Italy, but feared to leave his dominions at the mercy of his eastern the Gepidee. He therefore sent envoys to Bayan, neighbours, him to form an alliance with him. inviting urged They him that they had been ill-used, not upon only by tho Gepiduj, but by the Romans, who were also enemies of the Avars. wished accordingly not so much to attack the They Gepidao as to fight against Justin, who had proved himself most un to the Avars, had set at tho treaty they had friendly naught made with his uncle Justinian, and deprived of the Avars their wonted presents. urged further that in alliance They with the Lombards they would be invincible, and when they had exterminated the Gepid , they would divide their wealth and their lands between them. then be in a They would position to occupy Scythia (i.e. Little Scythia or the Dobruja) and Thrace, and carry their arms as far as Byzantium, to proceed, adding, that if they meant they had better do so



at once, to prevent the Romans from forestalling them, and on the that they might hatred of tho depend iniplaeablo latter in any event (Menander, pp. 303 and 304). He did not reciprocate these advances very warmly. Bayan did not see what advantage it would be to his people. At one time he 6aid he could not engage in such an enter at another that he could, but was not willing to do so. prize, He kept them in suspense for some time, and at length con-, over that the Lombards condition should make once a tithe of their cattle, and that, if were to him at they in the war, one-half of tho booty should belong to successful sented should be ceded his people, while all the land of the Gepid tells us that Alboin made to them. Paul the Deacon merely a perpetual pact with the Avars Kunimund, (i. 27). When the ruler of the Gepidoo, heard of this league, he sent envoys to and offered to surrender to ask assistance from Justin, and the district within the city of Sinniiim (i.e. south for some the Drave), which had been lost to the Romans to Justin did not see how it would be of advantage time. to enter into such a treaty, and eventually would the Empire more than that he would be neutral (Mc promise nothing vit. pp. 304-305). formed an alliance nander, op. Having to attack the Gepidac. with the Lombards, Bayan proceeded route he of knowing what have no means We exactly that but it is not improbable followed in invading Hungary, the same route as that followed he marched by tho by at a later leader Batu Khan main army of the Mongol since it would Schafarik date. urges that this is probable was conquered the Avars from that Transylvania by appear invade the latter country he makes the Avars and Hungary, in the Carpathians the Dukla Pass (op. cit. vol. ii. through p. 59). and we are does not describe what Menander follows, limited to the account of Paul the Deacon, whose statements as those of a panegyrist of the are to be accepted largely of tho tho king tells us that Kunimund, He Lombards. ou one side by the Avars and on threatened Gepi(he, being first to attack the determined the other by the Lombards, him of on



latter. He was desperately and slain. Alboin, beaten, we arc told, had a This made of his skull. cup drinking was a custom the allies doubtless from his borrowed race it has been an ordinary since with the Mongol Avars, took battle of war This i. 27). (Paul. Diac. note to his edition of in the year 567 Waitz' place (see Paul tells us the the Deacon). chronicle The Lombard were so crushed that they ceased to exist as a nation, Gepidao and no longer had any king ; but those who remained either or to the Avars, who seized became subject to the Lombards their country, and who still held them in severe bondage when now settled Paul wroto The Avars (op. cit. lib. i. eh. 27). incident down and apparently Thciss and tho Danube, the having western neighbours, and separated from the Roman Empire In my view there is no evidence that the by the Danube. ever had any settlements Avars east of the Theiss. Tho Romans, to cross in attacking them at a later day under Prisons, had the Theiss in order to reach their camps. Bayan was not long in finding a subject of discord with the empire. defeated to be the Gepidao, he claimed Having their heir. In addition to their possessions north and east of a grant the Danube, the Gepid had also obtained from of the country of the Gepid occupied that part of Pannonia included , which was the between as their Lombards

the district of Sirmium, that city and including the peninsula included between the Save and the Danube. When the power of the Gepidoo was crushed in the war above described, the people of this district, most of whom
were under sent Roman probably the Roman to protect them peasants, empire, (Lebeau, and more once themselves placed a was garrison apparently x. op. cit. vol. p. 29). Bayan,


after securing the main of the Gepidan portion territory, claimed this also. One of his officers, Yobulidas, received 800 pieces of money from the Governor of Illyrium, but this did not appeaso him, and Justin, sent Vitalian having and Coin itas to treat with him, he threw them into prison. He then proceeded to try and surprise Sirmium, but presently withdrew,

XXI.?[new semes

] 48

the place

too strong

for him,

and sent sonic


to treat for terms. Somo of the people citizens, who were on the look out as usual, seeing a party of men in the distance, fancied it was Bayan's advancing army, but Bonus, how matters stood, sent out some people seeing to hold a Bonus had been wounded in the recent colloquy. and his doctor deemed it imprudent ho should go fighting, out, nor was it thought wise to let tho enemy know that ho was in this condition ; but, inasmuch as ho did not appear, concluded he was dead, and it was eventually decided ho they should go out to treat with them after his wounds had been dressed. Their envoy urged that tho Avars had beeu badly treated by the Romans, wrho had withheld from them what was had conquered with theirs, and what rightly they infinite of the Gepidao, (i.e. the country pains including Usdibad (a Gepidan Sirmium). fugitive whom the Romans had sheltered) was similarly one of their subjects, and they had otherwise been badly Bonus that the used. replied Romans were far from desiring war, and that tho Avars had was not unwilling the aggressors, been that the Emperor to treat had their them well, and had arrogantly demands, present to grant and them without his master's power approval, seems to had better send envoys on to him. they Bayan been reasonable have in his reply ; he urged that he would bo ashamed in the face of returning home again of the various tribes whom he led, if he obtained nothing so much effort, and asked at least for a small present. ;Lebeau, vol. x. p. 308 and notes.) (Menander, pp. 306-307 Bonus and his companions, including the chief ecclesiastical in Sirmium, deemed Bayan's dignitary plea reasonable, and he only asked for a silver dish, some money, and a Scythian after cloak. It was concede behaved and to them, but they to In regard aggressively. in his it was not Bonus said sent envoys

to deemed however, dangerous, apparently which might be treated as a tribute, and anything to be unable to do anything tho without Bonus professed further that being in camp, leave, and urged Emperor's he had to give; the Romans and had nothing little money, and the things their household furniture t?tere had merely



they wore, nor had they anything worthy of his acceptance; were all their valuables elsewhere and at a considerable was irritated at this distance. Bayan reply, and threatened He to march his forces to lay waste the Roman territory. to cross the Save and lay waste ordered 10,000 Kutrigurs the Danube, while he himself, Dalmatia, recrossing planted in the territory of the Gepidu3. the hint given him by Meanwhile, following apparently is name, as Hopf remarks, Bonus, he sent Targitius (whose most singularly like that of Targitaos mentioned Herodotus by as a primitive hero of the Scythians) with the interpreter to demand the surrender whom he had imprisoned, Vitaban, to him of the sums fomcrly paid tho payment of Sirmium, himself bo to to the Kutrigurs and Utigurs, whose heir he claimed to demand since ho had conquered and lastly them, on the ground of Usdibad, the extradition that, having were now his subjects. them, all tho Gepidaj conquered


the Emperor, said he had come from addressing the Emperor's whom he styled son, and that he Ba}*an, trusted he would grant him what was due to a son, and he his demands, of the surrender then went on to enumerate
Sirmium, etc., as above. The Emperor professed to treat

as ridiculous. to the The money demands paid and Utigurs, he urged, was due to the liberality Kutrigurs and was not a discharge and policy of Justinian, of any claim. to be fools if he As to Usdibad, he must deem the Romans to those who to grant benefits thought they were prepared these It was true that during the them. had previously wronged Justinian the Gepidee, who were reign of his predecessor to settle in and occupy the about, were permitted wandering and when a war broke out between region about Sirmium, as was tho Romans, them and the Lombards, right, had the Gcpidic helped their friends, and through their assistance their foes; nevertheless the latter had proved and treated their benefactors Ff ungrateful treacherously. must be done, it was the Romans who might demand justice who that the Gcpidai, had formerly their acknowledged should be made over to them and not that they, supremacy, had defeated



tho Avars, should be suing for the return of Usdibad. " " You say, O Targitius," that the continued the Emperor, Khakan will cross the Ister and even the Ilebrus, and will occupy the towns of Thrace, but the Romans would speedily nor would such an attempt, punish they desist until the arrogance of the barbarians was subdued. War was a much more useful to the Romans Of what than peace. occupation service were bows and horses and an infinite number of armed men if not for fighting?" brave words like these the With the Avarian dismissed Emperor envoys, at tho same time ho sent a message to Bonus, tho Governor of Sirmium, scolding to go him for having permitted with such demands envoys to Byzantium, and ordered him to prepare everything in case of war. events apparently in the year These took place 568-569 (Menander, 385-389). It was about tin's time that a famous race movement took ambition, place, which opened a still wider field to Avarian

This the migration of the Lombards into Italy. namely, took place probably note 5 to in the year 568 (see Waitz, Paul the Deacon, lib. ii. ch. 7 and note 4 to ch. 10), and we arc told that is to say, abandoned their own country, they to their friends the Huns, with this proviso, that if it Panuonia, to some time for them, i.e. the Lombards, be necessary were to have it Wo return, they again (Paul. Diac. lib. ii. ch. 7). that may perhaps read between the lines of Paul the Deacon that it was the pressure or dread of their friends the Avars induced them to move. It is such pressure, and not mere sen should timent, which has induced the great race changes of tho world. On the departure of the Lombards, the Avars duly occupied was Tho occupation of the Lombard their country. territory an episode with the Avars, whose with the eastern only dealings
empire meanwhile continued as before. Menander tells us

to that after several embassies had gone to try ineffectually these disputes, settle that he the Emperor told Targitius would send Tiberius, in the who held the highest position A with full power to treat and arrange matters. army, on the Imperial it seems ensued between Tiberius colloquy side and Apsikh tho Avars, and it was agreed representing

THE AVARS. that which the Romans would make if their over to the Avars chiefs

the district

would give they occupied, principal their eons as hostages. The Emperor consented to this, but insisted naturally, for he deemed he was treating with Bayan an equal, that if hostages were to be given on one side, they should be given on the other also. To this condition Tiberius would not consent. His scheme contemplated that if Bayan should desire to invade the Roman border, the parents of the seems to have would restrain him. The Emperor hostages well in this view, and to have urged that it would bo concurred see a specimen of Roman valour to let the barbarians and warlike prowess. Tiberius instructed Bonus accordingly to see to the river being (Menander, op. cit. properly guarded The issue was now

pp. 311, 312).

one of arms. The details of what are largely wanting. are told that it We followed, however, was the custom of the Avars to advance against their enemies of cymbals amidst the clashing and loud cries. Tiberius his men of this, and ordered them to countercheck warned it by beating their shields together, and raising their war But at the first charge of the bar cry louder than usual. levies fled, and, says Evagrius, tho raw Roman barians, " himself would have been captured if providence Tiberius had not preserved him to give this unfortunate century the of a wise and virtuous Emperor." After their victory example to Byzantium, sent fresh envoys with whom the Avars Tiberius should sent Dami?n, to urge that the demands of tho enemy be granted. Peace was thereupon made, we are not told its terms ; but Sirmiun, at all events, remained in Roman As the Avar envoys were returning home, they were hands. attacked by the Skaraars, who were predatory robber-bands,
up of various nationalities, who infested the mountains


of Noricum

and probably also of Thrace. They stripped the The and other valuables. of their horses, money envoys who sent after the of this to the Emperor, latter complained the booty they had made, and restored robbers, recaptured of it to the Avars (Menander, 312-13). died in the year 578, and was tho Emperor sue

a portion Justin



cceded by Tiberius. In his second year the latter sent as an envoy to the Turks. Yalentinus He had an interview with one of their chiefs, named Turxanth, and urged the object of his journey, namely, that the Turks should make common cause with the Romans Tho Turkish the Persians. against chief angrily replied that the Romans had ten tongues with " which to proclaim their falsehoods. A lie is unknown among us, but is habitual with him who reigns over you; for while he addresses us friendly words, he makes a treaty with our slaves, the Varkhonitoo (i.e. tho Avars), who have fled from their lord, these Varkhonitm, who at tho sight of our whips would flee and try and hide themselves If wo in the earth. them, it would not be with swords. We them under the hoofs of our horses like ants. trample mean you Romans What by telling mo my envoys must go and by saying there is no other by way of the Caucasus, route P You sa}' this in order that the difficulties of the route the Roman frontier ; but I may frighten me from invading the Dnieper, know where the Ister and the Hebrus flow, by our slaves, went when the Varkhonitoo, which entering your as the land. I know your forces, ours also spread as widely course of the sun. Miserable creatures, look at tho Alans, should at the Utigurs. and famous They were powerful were confident in the and courage. They to attack the invincible numbers of their troops. They dared were misled nation of the Turks. in their hopes. They our and are numbered among They have been conquered, look also for their valour are very in These (Menander, 400-1). phrases to us most since that the prove teresting, they clearly at this time had lost entire control of the eastern Avars slaves" of the Nogais. Nor had they retained much authority, west of the Dnieper, in the country apparently, occupied or the Slavini and the Bulgarians in Moldavia, by Hunugars and Transylvania; told Wallachia for we are expressly steppes to sent envoys that tho ruler of the Avars by Menander or Daurentios, Daurita i.e. Dobreta, and the other chiefs of to demand tribute the Slavini, from the Slavini. They man is there upon to his summons: thus replied "What wished to chastise



to exert

the sun's
us? We

rays shine who can claim

are wont to acquiro





others These

swords." equally Avarian

haughty, envoys being put to death (Menander, op. cit. p. 400; irritated Bayan, This no doubt greatly Jiresek, pp. 87-8). and when, about the year 578, the Slavini made an invasion on a great scale and overran Thrace and Greece itself, as John of Ephesus and more especially relate, he for to listen to the overtures of the Romans sent, John The Emperor in his distress the alliance. who had authority in the

us ; rather to our let us appeal by phrases haughty words were answered it ended in the and a strife having arisen, over

Menander, was ready an prefect,

and cities of islands a private wrong not only had to to him. Illyricum, Bayan to Menander, to find great he hoped but, according avenge, stores of gold in the land of the Slavini, the product of their as more raids upon the Empire, they frequent especially and robbed by others. themselves had not been molested

and reached Paeonia, had Bayan prefect John, having in long boats. his people ferried across the Danube Sixty thousand armed cavalry were thus transported across. They as far bank of the Danube tho southern marched along The the as Scythia where they again crossed (i.e. the Dobruja), a poop at either end. on ships having thus river They and crossed iuto the very heart of tho land of the Slavini, Their to ravage their villages and settlements. proceeded the wretched army being away on the borders of Greece, and people who stayed at home had to seek shelter in the woods and the invaders captured what booty they pleased caverns, in Men From another passage (Menander, pp. 404-407). on this occasion liberated that the Avars ander we gather who had been kept in servitude several thousand Romans, is not The date of these events the Slavini (id. p. 334). by who was a contemporary of Ephesus, John clear. quite "in the in 584, has the phrase: and who wrote his work cit. Justin third year after the death of the Emperor (op. of the valiant Tiberius." lib. vi. ch. 25) and the accession But also places the event in the reign of Tiberius. Menander

tho editor read


of that work, a8 well as Hopf and Jiresek, seem to these phrases as if tho events in the really happened of Justin, but three years after Tiberius had been reign Cresar and Regent I confess I appointed (i.e. after 674). by Strittcr, in the third

followed prefer the older interpretation virtually and to consider that the events took place really i.e. about 580 a.d. year of Tiberius, Shortly after the accustomed this we

for read how Bayan sent Targitius which amounted to 80,000 pieces of tribute, money, and which was paid to him (Menander, p. 332). This tributo was doubtless the main condition of tho peace we described above. ruler of the Avars his had not forgotten as to upon Sirmium, which, having belonged as by right his own. the Gepidce, he deemed John of tells us that he applied to the Emperor for a Ephesus of workmen to build number him a palace and some sent them, whereupon Tiberius baths. his he disclosed real intentions, and tried to make them build a bridgo across the Danube, he might invade the cm piro by which cit. lib. vi. eh. xxiv.). John of Ephesus the hero mistook (op. Danube for tho Save. us that Bayan moved Menander tells his army to the Save, and encamped near its outfall into tho and opposite Danube, Singidunum (i.e. tho modern Bel As tho grade), and began to build a bridgo across the Savo. Romans had a powerful fleet on tho Danube, ho saw tho the same, and accordingly laid his hands necessity of having upon as many barges and other boats for carrying merchan dize as he could on the Danube in Upper Pannonia, and a number of others useful for his purpose, rudely constructed ambitiou8 claims further which was merely to transport his armed troops across, and he also trained some of his men as rowers. This fleet he sent along the Danube, and meanwhile marched with his to the island of Sirmium (so called by Menander, infantry i.e. the peninsula movements between the Save sent at alarmed and Drave). These tho Romans. the Scth, The

naturally of Singidunum, governor was, when they were

to inquire what his purpose to bring his armament peace,



If it was his intention to build a bridge over the there? river, it would not be permitted. Bayan replied that he had no ill a the Romans, but that in building designs against across the river, it was to enable him to attack the bridge Slavini. the Save into the Roman That having crossed to furnish him a then beg the Romans territory, he would sufficient number of boats in which to cross the Danube. to him for he said, were under obligations Romans, and he had a released so many of their prisoners, having of his own against the Slavini, who had refused to grievance him tribute. He swore that ho meant no harm to the pay nor yet to the town of Sirmium, which he called Romans, " so named that cauldron," perhaps from its being partially on an island, which had somewhat the round resemblance built to a cauldron. to remember it is interesting In this behalf on the middle that the Tartar town, which replaced Bolghari Seth Volga, was given tho name of Kazan or the cauldron. The the garrison of Singidunum had small faith in these but he had only few men with him, nor had he promises,
many swift boats, i.e. war-galleys, to oppose the powerful


now began to threaten that he would march barbarian, on Rome, and said that if a single weapon was fired at the on the workmen engaged bridge, the peace must be deemed at an end, and the Romans must bear the consequences. there was no help for it, Seth and his people asked Seeing that the pacific utterances of the Khakan should be ratified by a solemn oath on his part. He drew his sword, and, who swore that if any harm came to the Romans raising it aloft, in consequence of the bridge being built across the Save, he be exterminated hoped his people might by the sword, that heaven would fall upon them, that God, who dwelt
there, would cast fire down upon them, that the woods

and mountains around might fall upon and crush them, and that the waters of tho Save might overflow and over sworn thus in his national fashion, he whelm them. Having said ho was prepared to do so in the Roman fashion also, and asked how they sworo when thc}r meant tho wrath of God to come down upon those who failed in their promise. The senior

ecclesiastic the Bible,


was thereupon ordered to in Singidunum produce and it was conveyed to the Khakan, who roso from his throne tremblingly, and respectfully took tho book, and on his knees swore God who had written the holy by the words it contained, that he would not break the promises he had made. The governor thereupon received his envoys, and sent them on to the their return, the Emperor. Pending on tho woik was all the Avarian continued, bridge duly it, so that they should be inde army being occupied upon of tho Imperial should it be withheld pendent consent, The admitted, (Menander, pp. 332-336). envoys, being asked the Emperor that boats might bo furnished to the Avars cross the Danube their army might and attack upon which and declared that the Khakan had already begun across the Save so that ho might assail bridge saw clearly what was their common enemies. The Emperor to intercept com meant, and that the bridge was intended munications and the empire, so that when between Sirmium thus blockaded be reduced the place might no means of opposing the enemy, having were all in Armenia and Mesopotamia, Persian by famine ; but, since his troops in the engaged the Slavini, to build a

to said he also wished He war, he dissimulated. several the Slavini, who had assailed and ravaged punish Roman provinces; but it was not then on opportuno time for inasmuch the Avars to be contemplating such an expedition, as the Turks were at that moment the Chersonese attacking and if they, the Avars, crossed (i.e. the Tauric Chersonese), once hear of it. It would there the Danube, they would at Turks fore be better if they postponed were about and whither learn, Avar their expedition. What the he the they proposed advancing take care to inform and would saw that Tiberius meant envoy

shortly to Khakan. The intimidate them by the mention of the Turks, but he pro to urgo them upon fessed to share his views, and promised it was he who had been chiefly Menander the Khakan. says to attack the Romans. the Khakan inslrum-. >i tl in urging whieh he seems to havo received very largo gifts, Having As he passed through asked for, he left the Imperial city.


THE AVARS. a small escort,


ho was


who were







few days after his departure a fresh envoy, named who spoke openly and without Solakh, arrived at Byzantium, to report that both banks deem it superfluous disguise:?"I You know it as well as I, of the Save are united by a bridge. killed. A and it is superfluous cannot The Romans to tell people what they already know. save Sirmium by any means, and the river of supplying it with food, there is no means being closed, unless they can send an immense force to drive out the Avars and break the bridge." He therefore, he said, came to ask if it was worth his while to engage in war with the Emperor the Avars for the sake of an insignificant town or rather, "a The Roman and the citizens might cauldron." garrison leave the place with all their effects, and leave a vacant city for them. To bo quite frank, he said, were the Romans, inclined peaceably with the Persian at present, because their hands were full war. When this was over, they would this place as a base, and the Avars, having

speedily attack no wide river between there being them to protect them. to have to them, It was very inconvenient the Avars, the gifts the this fortress eloso by. The Khakan enjoyed sent him. silver and silks were good things Gold, Emperor but life was dearer and more precious than all. in themselves, had in these very districts distributed The Romans their gifts and largess to many peoples, whom they had afterwards and destroyed. nor anything else promises his purpose, which was to of Sirmium, and he had a attacked neither gifts, nor Consequently would induce him to desist from possess himself to do

of the peninsula this, and to perfect right himself of it rather than the Romans, since, having possess the Gepidrc, their towns and property conquered belonged
to him. The Emperor was much distressed at these words,

the Khakan had deluded not comply with his that he would to him one of his rather surrender

and declared

to him, give up Sirmium willingly the Romans if the Khakan broke avenge

by his oath, but He would demand. two daughters than nor would God fail to his oath and pro


eroded to attack tho

THE AVARS. tho dismissed thereupon to bo mado for defence. preparations sent Narscs with an says tho Emperor town, lie

envoys, John of Ephesus armament tho place, but on tho way one by sea to relieve of his ships with the chief part of the treasure sank in the and on reaching the mouths of the Danube Narses Pontus, died (op. cit. lib. vi. ch. xxxi.). He had few troops to depend upon, but sent orders to the various prefects and officers in to collect what forces they could and and Dalmatia Illyrium to march with them to the relief of tho threatened town. one of them named When of Ephesus says Theognis?John the pnofeet of the Praetorians, had previously been Kallistros, sent to try and again treat with the Avars (op. cit. lib. vi. ch. xxxii.) ? arrived at Casia and Carbonaria, two small on the Save, a was arranged. we islands colloquy Bayan, are told, on a golden seat from his horse, sat descending stones surmounted with precious by a canopy ornamented and like a tent. A shield was held in front of him so that he might not be struck by some Roman weapon. Theognis and his companions were some distance away. The Avarian or heralds in a loud voice announced that there intrepreters said be a truco during the interview. Then Bayan that the Romans should surrender Sirmium with out fighting, since there was no chance of their saving it, for access to it not only was the town deficient in provisions, cut off, but the Avars would never cease their being entirely would it behoved exertions it. He urged until they had captured that he so that deserters to have wished of the place, control there. should not find shelter that ho Theognis replied not withdraw the Avars did so, nor would would until to surrender the Romans ho what easily compel Bayan demanded. These irritating words on either side ended by on the for battle the Khakan prepare bidding Theognis
morrow bravado cMenandcr, on his part, 332-342). for, as a matter This of was fact, only he a had picco not* of tho

and ordered

to support much boasting. For three days tho Avars in battle array, and as their opponents themselves ranged did not appear, they lest such respect for them that the Avar force

THE AVARS. division


was in charge of a second which under Apsikh, did not deem off the place from Dalmatia, bridge, cutting to remain it worth their their while there, but rejoined a dearth of at the other bridge. Meanwhile countrymen Solomon, who com provisions began to be felt in Sirmium. in the town, was neither a vigorous manded administrator, nor had ho any skill as a soldier, and the citizens, losing heart, laid all the blame of their calamities upon the Romans. When Tiberius learnt how matters stood, he sent that tho town was to be surrendered on condition that to leave it safe and inhabitant s should bo permitted but should take nothing with them except each man These terms were accepted and one suit of clothes. Tho orders all the sound, his life

by the also demanded the payment Khakan of the of money, which annual stipend of 80,000 had been pieces three years, and which the intermitted during the previous In addition to this he insisted Romans were obliged to pay. on a fugitive who had committed adultery with his wife handed over to him. in regard to this last Theognis, being demand, replied that the Roman Empire was so vast that it to track out such a would be virtually impossible runaway, who might in fact bo dead. himself there Bayan contented a from the Romans that they upon with exacting promise and find him, and if they found him, that would try they would give him up or inform him if they heard of his death John of Ephesus ?ays a year after its capture by (id. 424-5). was burnt to ashes tho Avars Sirmium by fire from heaven Avars
(op. cit. lib. vi. ch. xxxiii.).

Tho Emperor Tiberius died in the year 582, and with his of Menander death we lose the guidance and have to follow up the story in the pages of Theophylactus Simocatta, who
wrote the history of his successor Maurice. Theophylactus

tells us the Avars were Huns by nation, and that the}' were tho most faithless of all races and led a nomadic life. Two sent an embassy to years after they had taken Sirmium, they who had not then mounted the throne. We are Maurice, told that they had heard of great and wonderful beasts the Imperial court, and the Khakan asked to be allowed at to



see a specimen. sent him one of The Emperor thereupon his largest elephants, but directly he had seen it, ho ordered to have a it to be sent back, lie also asked the Emperor bed made for him, and the most famous artizans in golden the Empire were employed it was taken upon it ; but when to him, he refused it with disdain, as unworthy of his accept an additional ance. He also demanded 20,000 gold pieces to his stipend, and when the Emperor refused, he annually In all this insolent behaviour at once prepared for war. we may recognize a not distant of the Mongolian relative Ho in the thirteenth chiefs who invaded Hungary centuiy. which was short of provi Singidunuin, captured speedily the citizens being then engaged sions and weakly garrisoned, cost the The capturo notwithstanding in their harvesting. calls the victory a and Theophylactus lives of many Avars, now to capture some The Khakan Cadmean one. proceeded inter alia, Augusta and other towns south of the Danube, situated on the right two towns of Illyrium, Yiminaciuni, then marched He bank of the Danube. upon Ankhialus its environs. devastated and says, Thermae, Theophylactus
was spared on account of the entreaties of Bayan's con

had gone thither cubines, who to be medicinal. After there were reported The waters sent the Romans had lasted three months, the campaign a senator were Elpidius, These to the Khakan. envoys who was of Sicily, and Comentiolus, and formerly governor found These Guards. an ollieer of the Scriboniau envoys in a very He met their advances at Ankhialus. tho Khakan that ho would destroy tho manner and threatened haughty the capital. famous long walls which protected Elpidius remained silent under this infliction, but his colleague, who
was of a warmer temperament and had a moro glib tongue,






According befitting rashly spuke the Romans believe he said: "O Khakan, to Theophylactus that you have some respect for your gods and for the gods of other nations who superintend oaths, and that you will not break promises which you have so solemnly sworn. That and the of the Emperors you will not forget the benevolence


and more

a Roman.



in which good of the people towards you, and the kindly manner ancestors were welcomed, and that you will not permit your your subjects to do me tho least injury since princes arc more moderate than their subjects, and have greater wisdom and Our desire for peace has made us overlook your dignity. and restrained us from attacking you. outrages and hostilities, Instead of meeting you with force, we have been rather con tent to call your attention to the treaty you as you seem untouched by the motives and that the eye of justice is closed, probity, instead of punishing you, has been still while a god of your passion; we shall fall back made with us ; of honour and and Providence, you have made on our ancient


courage, and we will make a terrible slaughter of your people; for much as we love peace, we shall take up arms if they are to repress the insolence of our enemies. What necessary other nation has more bravely fought for country, liberty and glory P If the feeble birds struggle with each other, what race such as ours P Do not will be the ardour of a warlike boast of your treachery. as you are, remember Brave that the Romans command a formidable power, that the vigilance of their princes is great, and that they will draw innumerable . . reinforcements from the nations subject to them. Having
broken your your truthfulness oath, what and assurance ? can . . . Leave probity you us ever in give peace, of and

do not abuse your present prosperit}' to oppress people whoso the Remember only crime is that of being your neighbours. way in which you were received when exiles and fugitives, and when you were separated from the main trunk of your of the East. Do not violate the law of hospitality, monarchy so that the world may admire your If you want gentleness. money,
place more treasures.

the Romans
value For on the

glory rest,

and you

to give

it you,
than of on a vast



liberality are masters


where which

Return then to the territory people live comfortably. hold by the favour of the Romans, and do not you allow your troops to cross our frontiers. The most violent a tree whose winds cannot overthrow trunk is solid, whose branches are spread out and charged with leaves, whose roots

i u4i

THE AVARS. and docpty set, and which is watered by a neigh or by the rain from heaven. Those who step too late, and aro their due bounds become wise stream

are alive bouring beyond

punished by the shame which follows such temerity." as an im This oration was interpreted by the Khakan was accordingly furious and ordered Comen He pertinence. and tiolus to be thrust into prison with his feet manacled, a command which was generally his tent to be destroyed, as a sentence The following of death. day, interpreted his grandees still unappeased, Bavan's urged anger being him not to violate the sanctity of an ambassador by putting that the young man's him to death, and urging imprudent had already been sufficiently by his im expiated language to to this, and agreed assented The Khakan prisonment. send the envoys back again to the Emperor. to once more returned to Bayan, The next year Elpidius Targitius, previously mentioned, negoc?ate peace, whereupon who was held in high esteem among the Avars, was sent on tho onerous back with him, and a peace was arranged an annual were to pay the Avars the Romans to the 80,000 in addition of 20,000 subsicty gold pieces, than havo agreed to pay this rather already paid. Maurice the Avars on his hands two wars at once, namely, against and Persians op. cit. book 1, ch. v. and vi.). (Theophylactus, he was outwardly Khakan The loyal enough to the peace terms that had made, but this did not prevent his proteges and tributaries, the Slavini, with his secret connivance, making another inva as far as the Long Walls. and advancing sion of the Empire sent his guards, headed by Comen The Emperor thereupon (a river falling into tiolus, who advanced as far as the Erginas near the Chersonese), where he fell upon them the Propontis, and inflicted a defeat on them. He then advanced to suddenly where he came upon a chief of tho Slavini named Adrianople, who had with him a rich booty,and many prisoners, Andragast,
and a large division of troops, who was attacked at a fort named

and he and his followers were driven out of Astica, Ensinus, and between the mountains i.e. that narrow strip of Thrace to where Mount from Constantinople the sea, stretching



ITaomus abuts upon the Euxine ii. 51, 53; (i.d. ch. 7; Stritter, Le Beau, op. cit. ix. 246, note 5). a There was at this time, according to Theophylactus, certain Scythian a native of Little or (probably Scythia, tho Dobruja, see Klaproth, etc. 268) called Boko Tableaux, are told meant in Greek a Magian had an intrigue with one of tho Khakan's priest. Having seven he persuaded to who were wives, Gepidao, subject to accompany and determined to escape to the him, him, land of his ancestors, who, says, were Theophylactus labra8, which who were living in the East near tho Persians called Turks. crossed the Danube, he frequently Having went to a place named Libidinum, whose site is unknown. he was captured by the Roman guards, to whom he However, told his story, and who sent him on to the Emperor. He seems to have the Roman that the informed authorities attack The whither master. of latter's the Slavini had been instigated by the Khakan. was then at Constantinople, the annual stipend due to his those Huns word we

envoy, Targitius, ho had gone to receive at Bayan's Annoyed treachery, the Emperor ordered the envoy to be arrested, and threatened to put him to death, but contented him to tho island of himself with sending a little south one of tho isles of the Princes, Khalkitis, for six months i. 689). (Theophylactus, This was furiously revenged by Bayan, who marched his men i.e. the Dobruja, into Moosia and tho Lesser Scythia, and many towns were captured by him. thus Theophylactus book 1, ch. 8 ; Stritter, names

of Constantinople,


he was



: Ratiaria,



(op. cit. viii.).





the invaders, again sent against the services of the raw militia command only to Ankhialus, He went and Illyria. Thrace 4000 of his

tiolus was

but he could levies from sent having

the camp with the poorest troops to garrison He had 6000 men left, whom he divided into three baggage. one to Martinus, he entrusted to another bodies, of which lie did this no and reserved the third for himself. Castas, tactics of the Avars who used to doubt to meet the peculiar
YOL. XXI. ?[NBVT 8ERIE8.] 49



Castus set out in various detachments. tho country or Saldapa, a town (whose sito is not known), for Zaldafa and Mount Hoomus. Ho surprised and defeated a body of it to the invaders. He captured a large booty, but entrusted a second one of his officers, who speedily lost it again in encounter. learnt through his spies that Martinus, having on was at Nea or Noves, the Khakan i.e. New Town, the Danube,

him. to try and surprise marched thither an ambush, he did surprise him, and the Having planted a small island Khakan only escaped by flying for refuge to a lake. There he secreted himself, failed and Martinus in men were to find him, although for five days he and his from the main body of the Avars, and were con separated com A surrender. strict soldier, the Roman templating mander returned to the rendezvous which had been fixed for There he met Castus. the meeting-place of tho three armies. to plant himself where who had undertaken But Comentiolus, he might cut off the retreat of the Avars and then join them, but allowed of his lieutenants, did not move to the assistance called one of his centurions, to be persuaded himself by There he was at Marciauopolis. and remained Rustibius, to and tho three returned his two subordinates, joined by to tho camp whence inarched, they had originally gether in a beautiful and posted themselves valley in Mount Hoo mus. The Avar Khakan, having again brought his people to enter Thrace. to cross the Panysus prepared together, to the wooden bridge by which sent Martinus Comentiolus the enemy's to watch be crossed, merely the river might to follow. Martinus and Castus was ordered movements, and having learnt of the enemy's instructions, to to join Comentiolus. Castus, determined advance, crossed the bridge, and hiding himself, himself, distinguish it had to movo on, and when their advance guard allowed Over fell on tho enem}r and killed many of them. passed, taken by night bcforo he could recross, ho found in tho the had seized the bridge, whilo that the Avars morning river was too deep and rapid to be forded, and seeing himself in tho in a trap, he fled, aud his men dispersed thus caught carried out his retired

THE AVARS. forests and were sharply pursued of their disclose the hiding-places who we are told, hid away like leaves, was at length captured men were captured. nearly all his


to and forced by torments Castus himself, comrades. a vine branch among the and put in chains, while now overran The Avars

Thrace, a body of 500 brave men who tried to stop them in a defile were all cut off. Ansimuth, of the the commander Thracian the Long Walls, it to garrison infantry, marched but as he and thus to protect that suburb of Constantinople; took his post behind his men, ho was captured by the enemy's scouts. had remained buried in the Meanwhile Comentiolus the forests of tho Haomus, while the enemy was overrunning At length he called together his various commanders country.

them face their dangers firmly. and harangued them, bidding a speech, a Tribune in which and made rose, Thereupon course for them was to retire. he urged that the prudent men with had but 4000 them and were They fighting burdened by the charge of 4000 unfit to fight. Their recent misfortunes had dispirited failed to them, while the Emperor succour. the An old man now rose and demanded to reply to the Tribune the soldiers assented. He ; right a stirring is reported delivered address, which by Theo them act like Romans and not be He bade phylactu8. had discouraged by one small defeat, and that the Khakan a few days before been himself a fugitive. It was not only such pusillanimous counsel as that given by the by following that the Romans had conquered Tribune the world, and he send them pressed himself to attack the foe, offering them, in stirring language, to show them an example. This speech greatly ex It was cited the soldiery, who were collected in the theatre. to leave their retreat and to advance upon Cal determined

At this time the army of the and Libidurgus. bomunt?8 was and Bayan Avars scattered in Thrace, thoroughout was living in his tent but four miles away fancied security
from tho place whither the Roman army was now ap

the plan by which Comentiolus proaching. arranged they were to surprise at length at arrived the Khakan. They a spot where in single file, when an had to march they

accident fallen


disconcerted their plans. A mule having entirely to return and down, some one shouted to tho muleteer " torna fratre," the words has it, or, as Theophylactus torna,
retoma," were passed on from man to man, and were mis

understood and began

The ii. ch. x.-xv.). (Theophylactus, in Romans and succeeded recovered somewhat, eventually a number of the enemy. Tho words used by the killing or Rouman was at soldiers on this occasion show that Vlakh this timo the ?availing of Thrace and Illyria, language withdrew whence were derived. the troops of Comentiolus to The Khakan returned to the Danube proceeded having a and retrieve his position by laying siege to Apiaria, try A citizen of the place named fortress on that river. strong

Bayan, also hastily

for a signal to retire. The column turned round to retire hastily and confusedly. Meanwhile heard of the imminent danger ho had been in, having

Busas, who had served well in the Imperial armies, and had retired to his native town, ventured to go out hunting while the enemy was at hand and was captured by them. When were about to kill him, he offered them a rich ransom if they took him to the foot of the spare him. they would They that if they would not walls, and sent word to the citizens redeem him for a considerable sum, he should be put to death before their eyes. Busas uplifted his hands and implored them not to allow a warrior who had done such honour to count ly to perish thus, lie cited the battles he had in and exposed the scars which he bore, and bogged fought them to take his goods, and if this did not suffice, to supple ment them in order to save him. The people would have consented, but a young man, who was carrying on an intrigue with Busas' wife, dissuaded them. Busas was now possessed with but one feeling, namely, that of revenge on his fellow citizens. to get the town into the hands of the He promised if they would spare his life, and taught them how to Avars construct one of the and battering engines called Helepolis, was and sacked. Several other Apiaria presently captured places followed the same fate. Beroen offered a stout resistance, and Bayan, having failed to capture it after repeated efforts. his

THE AVARS. was constrained also tried to retire


on receiving a sum of money. He to capture Diocletianopolis, Philippopolis, and Adrianople, whose citizens bravely defended their walls. The Emperor Maurice now began to suffer vicariousljr for the the object of lampoons of his troops, and became disasters lie and satires, the dangerous weapons of a discontented mob. redeemed Castus, whose capture wo have described. thereupon the He summoned John Mystacones (ie. the moustachioed), in vain war, to the rescue, and gave him or Suevian called Drocto, or Droc from invaders to withdraw the tulf. Tho latter compelled a severe defeat upon inflicted and afterwards Adrianople, retreat tactics of a feigned tho Eastern them by adopting i. ii. xvi.-xvii. and then a rally (Theophylactus, ; Strittcr, ix. 246-254). Lebeau, 689-703; for This defeat was a serious one, and the Avar Khakan to keep himself north of the several years was constrained in the Persian commander as a lieutenant a Lombard Danube. Danubian and the other Singidunura he had captured, and which were This did not (Lebeau, ix. 254). reoccupied by the Romans the Slavini, his clients, who are given the alternative prevent from devastating Thrace the name of Getao by Theophylactus, Ho also abandoned fortresses which

iii. 4). following year, i.e. in 587 (op. cit. and the Romans were engaged At this time the Lombards The Avars naturally looked in Italy. in a severe struggle the former as common friends against a common foe, upon " and we read how, about the year 591, Cacanus, the king of to make peace with sent envoys to Milan i.e. Bayan, Huns," who sent him some men skilled the Lombard king, Agilulf, he captured in building ships, and with the ships thus made an island off Thrace and even caused alarm at Constantinople Fresh iv. ch. 12 and 20). envoys passed (Paulus Diaconus, and a perpetual peace the Avar and Lombard between rulers, also sent to order the Franks was agreed upon. The Khakan that they had made make asimilar peace with the Lombards to At this time wo also read of the Lombards with themselves. invad an alliance with a body of Avars and Slaves, making Istria (id. ch. 24). ing and ravaging

In and

THE AVARS. the same year Maurice made had his hands free to attack his seasoned soldiers peace with the Persians, and he trans tho Avars, and to Thrace, accordingly as became his at their head,


to march himself as a soldier ; and did so, in spite of many omens, reputation an eclipse of the which his people deemed most unpropitious, determined
sun, an abnormal tide, etc., etc, He left some money to restore

the church of Glycerin, which had been desolated by tho Avars he encoun (/(/. vi. 1). Four days after reaching Herakleia, neither swords tered three strangers of gigantic size, wearing nor any other weapons, and carrying only harps (citharas). On troops in Thraco. They were arrested b}r tho Imperial about their and questioned taken before the Emperor, being origin, and why they had visited the Roman world, they replied that they were Slavi who dwelt on the Western Ocean, and to their princes with had sent envoys that the Avar Khakan the Tho princes for succour. accepted many gifts asking but refused the aid asked for, on account of the long gifts, said them. distance and bad roads which They separated had been sent by them to the Khakan with this answer. they on the way. The Khakan, They had been fifteen months to the law of nations which protects envoys, had contrary heard of the power and their return. forbidden Having of tho Romans, they had seized tho opportunity humanity over into Thrace. and crossed They carried harps, since they tho use of arms, for their country produced save tumults and seditions, they lived peace no iron, whence, of war, they were devoted to music. Ignorant ably together. their strength with the visitors, The Emperor was delighted This of limb, etc , and sent them to lleracleia (id. vi. 2). is doubtless of Thcopl^lactus anecdote Arcadian largely did not know be interesting facile pen, but it would these three scalds or bards, for such they If really Slaves, doubtless were, came from. they probably that but Lebeau came from the Eastern Baltic, suggests The cit. ix, 353-354). were really Scandinavians (op. the}' concentration tho partial having superintended Emperor at Ankhialus received of the troops, and while envoys at coloured to know by his whence

THE AVARS. this time from the of tho Franks, offering on condition of an annual him



stipend. against that the but replied the envoys gave presents, Franks would find it glorious to ally themselves and useful with the Empire for honour only, and without other mercenary motives vi. 3). Theophylactus calls the envoys (Theophylactus, was called (Boson) and Bettus, and tells us their master as it was really Childebert, which is a mistake, Theodoric, of Austrasia, This is not the who was then reigning. King there was at only proof he gives of the little knowledge at this titno about the West, for he calls the Byzantium " " now called Franks The Celtiberians, (id.). Phraggoi now returned to Constantinople. The Khakan Emperor had ordered the Slavini to prepare some boats on which to Bosus was cross the river, whereupon which the people of Singidunum, to attack situated near the modern Belgrade, proceeded for the them and burnt the materials they had accumulated The barbarians, anno}*ed at this, laid siege to the purpose. town, which, after days' the Khakan seven


king tho Avars

attack, was on the point of them to join him. summoned surrendering, when This they did after obtaining 2000 gold pieces (darics is the a table plated with gold, and a word used by Theophylactus), robe. They proceeded to Sirmium (wrongly called Mirsium where by Theophylactus), boats with which to cross a bridge of boats, and the (a days reached Bononia the Khakan the Save. ordered These were them to build into formed

Avars speedily crossed, and iu five town of Dacia Ripensis), and con tinued their journey towards the Euxine. the Roman Priscus, sent Salvian wTith a thousand horse to defend the commander, defiles of Mount Hocmus, where he entrenched himself at a place called Prokliana,
ing the approach of

and then went

the Avars, he

on to explore.

On see




tried to force them, a terrible struggle having A fresh body of Avars now ensued, which cost them dear. cuino up to the rescue 8000 strong under a chief named Samur, who again tried to force the pass, but were again came up in person, and, tho Khakan defeated. Thereupon his men at withdrew Salvian overwhelmed numbers, by invaders



and rejoined Prisais. The Avars did not discover nightfall retreat of the Romans the for three days, and having done so, they advanced through the pass, and in three days reached near Ankhialus. At the latter town they Sabulentus-Canal?8, burnt the church of St. Alexander and presently the Martyr, some Roman to whom caught spies, they applied torture, but obtained only misleading from them. intelligence They advanced towards the Long Walls, and having reached Drizi to attack south-east of Adrianople, pera, 68 miles proceeded it. The inhabitants showed a bold front and kept their gates for a sortie, and tho Khakan, open, as if preparing having had some vision in which ho saw great bodies of apparently and rang troops coming out of the town in broad daylight in order outside, to retired and withdrew ing themselves Perinthus deemed it a good Prisais (i.e. Ileraclcia). to attack him, but was beaten in tho struggle opportunity with his infantry to Didymotica and withdrew (still called on the Hebrus, situated south of Adrianople). Demotica, he went to Zurulla, the modern Thence Here he Churlu. was followed by the enemy, who speedily the beleaguered at Meanwhile there was naturally great trepidation place. was tho last fortress before the capital, for this the reaching The Emperor Long Walls. thereupon devised a stratagem. He wrote a letter addressed to Prisais, telling him to hold out a few days when a fleet would set sail for Pannonia, longer, who should ravage the home land of the Avars and carry off their families, and the Khakan would bo accordingly to withdraw. This letter was confided to a soldier obliged orders that he was to allow himself with to be captured. ruse had its expected effect. The Khakan, The having had the letter read to him, agreed with Priscus for a peaco in consideration of a small sum of money, and returned. distributed his troops in various winter Priscus, having to returned in Thrace, quarters (id. vi. 5 ; Constantinople ix. 351-350). Tho Slavini, tributaries of Lebcau, although the Avars, did not deem themselves bound by tho treaty of and in the spring of tho year following, i.e. 593, Zurulla, Priscus was ordered to tho Danube to guard that river.

THE AVARS. no assembled his men


whence he in four days at Heracleia, arrived there fifteen, after halting Drizipcra, on the Danube, tho modern at Dorostola in twenty days he was there an envoy arrived from Bayan Silistria. While His name as given by to complain of these preparations. was Kokh. He spoke in a truculent fashion : Theophylactus " Gods P Those who claim have we here Immortal What to religion ; it is they who act thus to be specially devoted violate peace, the pact is broken, The Romans impiously. sees a fine spectacle. He who so etc. tho Danube Truly a peace between and tho Avars tho Romans ably arranged Thou art wicked, O C?esar, in is now seen sword in hand. war thus nefariously. thou art What the ills of spreading an Imperator, but of a brigand, and of doing is not worthy crown or do acts worthy Either is execrable. lay aside the these crooked of it. Thou it is who teachest the barbarians should not havo known how to break treaties if Wo ways. thou hadst not taught us, who never entirely refrain from war nor esteem peace. In waging war thou art unjust : inmaking reached and thus And and unstable." it uncertain peace thou makest and menacing ho continued with a long string of aggressive It is no wonder the patience of the Roman soldiery phrases. was taxed to its limits, and they would have done the envoy some harm kind

natural to the barbarians. He merely in the recent that tho Slavini were not included replied wore made them treaty, and that his preparations against some boats he crossed the river, alone. Having prepared named that the chief of the Slavini, and having learnt a portion of his men out and was on had marched Ardagast, a foray, he advanced by night and overtook him. Surprised mounted while naked on a horse, by this attack, Ardagast and fled with no other saddle nor bridle, having neither a Pursued than his sword. weapon by body of men, he had over a tree trunk, he and face them. to dismount Falling of insolence would have been he plunged were and undone but for a friendly river, into which swam over; number of his but a great or captured, and the district he ruled killed

if Priscus was

had not



and said this




over was laid waste The Ardagast hero named (id. vi. 6). was doubtless tho same chief named as attacking Adrianople in 583 (vide supra), and then called St. Martin Andragast. the name with Radegast, the name of the Slave compares God (Lebeau, x. p. 360, note). to send Priscus determined a to the Emperor, captured as a present was resented the soldiers, who were in generosity by clined to be mutinous, until Priscus appeased them by bidding them value the call of honour rather than that of greed. which Ho an officer named Tatimer, is whose name despatched with 300 men to escort the Six days after Turkish, booty. set ting out Tatimer was attacked by a body of Slaves suddenly, while his people were unprepared, lie rushed to meet them the booty he had

almost single-handed, and laid several of them low, but would have been overwhelmed if a number of his men had not como to the rescue, when he speedily defeated tho enemy and made When ho reached Constantinoplo, fifty of them prisoners. he was received with acclamations the by the crowd, while returned thanks at St. Sophia. now learnt Priscus Emperor from and his Alexander Danube. spies that the enemy had retired, and ho sent across a river called Ilelibacius by Theophylactus, He merely encountered we

that it was north of the know a body of Slaves, who fled to the marshes and wroods, where neighbouring they were pursued the Romans, who in vain tried to burn the woods, as the by from damp put out the fires, and they were only extricated a their perilous accident. Alexander position by lucky the enterprize, would have abandoned when a G pes (i.e. one of the a who had tribe Gepidce), been formerly and who, we are told, had taken refuge among Christian, to show him a way the Romans, offered the through now surrounded wood. and captured. The Slaves were He tortured them in vain to force from them some intelli Ifo was therefore gence, but they despised pain and death. to trust to the Gepid who had already befriended obliged, that these Slaves were the subjects him. He of replied one Musoc, to whom the style of king ; that they gave that he had sent these he lived thirty parasaugs distant;

of which



and of the defeat of Ardagast, people to explore ori hearing that if Priscus inarched against him rapidly he would surprise now rejoined the latter, who put the Slave him. Alexander to he had with him to the sword, and promised prisoners reward tho Gepid if he would secure Musoc'e person. To reach him it was necessary to cross another river, which the natives called Paspirion, and which Jiresek identifies with the Buzco. followers He went to Musoc and told him how the defeated were hastening to find refuge on his territory, of Ardagast and asking him to supply some vessels in which they might cross the river. 150 boats with ordered Ho accordingly to bo taken over to receive their rowers these fugitives. to tell Priscus The Gepid then returned of his ruse, and was sent on with 200 men to seize the boats, while Alexander on arriving Priscus The Romans, followed with 3000 more. at tho river, found the rowers already mentioned asleep or and while lulled to sleep by Avarian drunk, songs, they were attacked and the boats seized. and killed Priscus was crossed the river with his speedily on and the king while surprised under tho influence of the drink he had taken at his brother's was funeral feast, and thus Musoc captured, and the rest of the night was spent in slaughtering the barbarians. Jiresek, of the suffix ulc or oc in Musoc, that it prevails says speaking and Gallicia, as in the names largely in names in the Bukovina informed He and 3000 men. marched now

etc. (op. cit. 89, note 25). The next day Toma8hck, Droujuk, tho Romans recrossed the river, and in turn gave themselves and in fancied and festivity, up to drinking security dis with the usual guards, when the Slaves, having rallied pensed and pursued them, killed a great number of them, and would have annihilated them if they had not been dispersed by to his having been of Vandal whose name points Genzon, Priscus the officers who ought to have origin. duly hanged been on guard, while many of the soldiers were flogged vi. c. 6-9 ; Lebcau, x. 360-365). (Theophylactus, The Emperor men in winter another to order Priscus to put his the Danube. This led to quarters beyond outbreak of discontent the troops, who com among now sent Tatimer



to pass tho winter in such a rigorous of having plained enemies climate, where by barbarous they were surrounded Their who would those spared by the weather. destroy murmurs were again the influence of Priscus, by pacified whose many victories had given him great authority among of the winter them (Theophylactus, This planting vi. 10). to seems of the Romans north of the Danube quarters show that at this date there were as yet no permanent of the Slaves south of the river. settlements Presently to learnt that the enemy were preparing Priscus, having Threo attack him, recrossed the river into safer quarters. of the Avars, resenting days later he heard that the Khakan his tributaries, was determined the slaughter of the Slaves, to attack him, and had already issued orders for the Slaves in had good friends to cross the river. But the Romans who had several the Avarian camp, including Targitius, times visited them as an envoy, as we have seen, and they Priscus from his intention. the Khakan tried to dissuade called Theo of tongue, an eloquent also sent doctor, glib dorus, whom we have previously met with in connection with the pride and ambition of to mitigate the attack on Sirmium, to Theophylactus, This orator, according spoke to Bayan. and used tho his host of the pride and power of Sesostris, occasion further to paint the moral of the vanity of conquests is well a theme which and the false glory of conquerors, of rhodomontade of tho rhetorical suited for the display in his makes him say, having ho Sesostris, Theophylactus. to his chariot with bits in some captive kings pride yoked that one of their mouths and saddles on their backs, noticed one as if observing turned his head round, them frequently said Sesostris. are you looking at?" "What of the wheels. " " was how the top of the said the captive king, I noticing," wheel sinks to the bottom while the bottom rises to the top." Sesostris became more modest, and recognized Thenceforward The Khakan was of fortune. the inconstancy and fickleness to be well dis this and professed impressed by apparently to agree to peace if and was willing towards Priscus, posed the latter would cede to him half the booty he had captured,



to because which he seems to have deemed himself entitled the Slaves were his tributaries, or perhaps rather his peculiar the Romans had been and special victims, and therefore vi. 11 ;Thierry, within his preserves ii. 33-37). (id. poaching This proposal was resented by the soldiery, but Priscus them by offering to return the captives to Bayan and pacified To this the Avar chief the booty for themselves. retaining : 5000 prisoners were accordingly sent back, and consented were allowed to traverse the Avar dominions. the Romans for the Peace being thus restored, they returned to Drizipera himself went to Constantinople. When winter, and Priscus the Emperor reproved him for having returned the lie also deprived him of his command, which he prisoners. made over to his own brother Peter, to whom he gave instruc and mode of payment tions about a new equipment of the ho arrived Peter fixed his quarters troops and about their disposition. at Odessus, near the modern Varna vii. 1). (Theophylactus, About the year 595 we read how the Bavarians, having the Slavi with an army of 2000 men, the Khakan attacked of the Avars) went to the rescue and the (i.e. the Khakan invaders were all destroyed (Paul Diac. lib. iv. ch. 10). The next year the Avars made an invasion of Thuringia from the Franks very hard. and pressed Pannonia, Thereupon and Thcuderie, Theudebert and her nephews, Brunhilda a sum of money and they withdrew again (id. 11). paid them read the Emperor's Edicts to the soldiers, the new Having their suspicions and in 596 he Peter, commander, pacified to Marcianopolis also called Macrianopolis, advanced twenty on the site of Odessus, and doubtless four miles north-west town of Pereislavl. He sent an of the modern Bulgarian advance guard of a thousand men ahead under Alexander. a troop of six hundred encountered This Slavini body some booty, the spoils of towns which escorting they had The Slavini, in Zaldapa, Acys and Scupis. namely, pillaged, some of their prisoners to death. of resisting, put despair a rampart of their waggons, Then making they put the to defend women and children them inside, and prepared were afraid to attack Tho Romans selves. them, when



Alexander addressed them an harangue in their own tongue (i.e. in the debased Latin then spoken in the Balkan Penin l?n cou raged by this sula), they broke into the rampart, the Slavini thereupon put their remaining prisoners to death and were themselves killed vii. ch. 2, 3). Peter (Theophylactus, had had his foot lamed, and would have been quiet, but his the Emperor, him to further brother, exacting pressed upon attack the enemy; and we are told that in four marches he reached the place where the Slavini were encamped, which was south of tho river, perhaps in tho Ten probably Dobruja. wrote him not to leave days later Maurice again, bidding as he understood the Slavini meant to ad vaneo on Thrace, with all their forces. Peter Constantinople thereupon seems to have made a of the towns of Pistes, perambulation Securisca Noves, Zaldapa, Intrus, Latarcius, Theodoropolis, and Asima, which were no (probably the modern Rustchuk), doubt still occupied b}r Imperial At the last of garrisons. these towns he was so much pleased with the martial character To that he wished to join them to his own party. as they would the citizens then strongly objected, to the enemy. have been exposed The soldiers themselves did not wish to go, and when he pressed them, they sought this to Peter ordered the Bishop church. refuge in the principal have them evicted, and on his refusal had him arrested. The now rose and drove him out. citizens It was three days alter entering the town, which was doubtless situated on tho that a body of a thousand of his men, Danube near Sistova, were sent out to explore, encountered who 1000 Bulgarians. on the peace which subsisted between the Khakan Counting were marching and the Romans, when the thej' harmlessly, a shower Romans of weapons into them. They poured to the themselves and sent to complain halted, entrenched He replied haughtily commander, who sent them on to Peter. that he knew nothing of this treaty, and sent back an other wise uncivil message. The Bulgarians thereupon charged his and put them to flight, and Peter wreaked the Romans,
vengeance on the Roman commander, who was beheaded.

of the soldiers

The Bulgarians



had happened

to Bayan,


THE AVARS. sent to complain. on his subordinate we have mention the previous notice makes Peter pacified him


by laying the blame vii. 4). This is the first (Theophylactus, for fifty-seven of the Bulgarians years, notice of them having been in 539, and the to the Avars. them subordinate It is an open

all this time they were still in the dis question whether trict north of the Danube, or had meanwhile withdrawn the Dnieper and were again returning. It would beyond seem, from the Slavic names borne by the leaders certainly of tho Slavini at this time, that the latter, who occupied were governed Wallachia, by their own chiefs, who were to the Avar Khakan. only subordinate Peter did not desist from his policy against the Slavini. He sent twenty soldiers across the Danube to explore, who were surprised by the enemy. It was the custom for such to travel by night and rest by day. As they were and hiding in a covert, they were surprised by the sleeping and put to torture, when Slavini in despair they disclosed the plans of tho Romans. the leader of the Slavini, Piragast, vedettes in apparently by this information, profiting put his men ambush at tho point where the Romans intended crossing, a thousand and succeeded in killing of them who crossed over first. On hearing of this, Peter ordered the Romans to go over in a largo body, and the flotilla carried over such a number of men that the Slaves could not resist and inter alios was killed. their leader, Piragast, They could not pursue the enemy that night for want of horses, but returned to their intrenchments. The following day they advanced again, but were led astray by their guides, and for three days suffered terribly from want of water, having been led into a district that was very dry. had They would have perished not one of their captives found out that the river Helibacius distant. To this the (ride ante) was only four parasangs soldiers rushed heedlessly, and while quenching their thirst into they were decimated by a shower of weapons poured them by the Slavini, who were hidden in a wood on the other were thus in a trap. side. The Romans They constructed some rafts on which they crossed the river in disorder. They




Peter his



to retire.
was once



(id. lib. vii. ch. 4 and 5). At this time we read that the Emperor Maurice received au embassy from the Khakan to inform him of the Turks of his having put down a rebellion among his people, and we are told that about the same time two tribes named stated to the same stock belonged out by the Turks, being driven to the Avar Khakan. It is said, adds and submitted migrated that the Zabcnder, who were also reported Theophylactus, to belong to the Var tho and Khunni, who also joined and Kotzagiri, Tarniakh as the Var and Kliunni, who Khakan, him a reinforcement In of 10,000 men. brought is probably another to these tribes, Kotzagiri regard a is apparently Tarniakh form of the name Kutrigur. and that of a chief rather than of a tribe. name, personal It does of Sabiri. Zabcnder may be a variant or corruption not occur elsewhere (id. vii. 8).

in the spring of the year 598, traversed Astica, Priscus, and having recruited some mai, made his way to the Danube, which he crossed and arrived at a town called tho Upper into his country by This was deemed an intrusion Nova. as his frontier, and he who claimed the Danube the Khakan, of the invasion. Priscus sent to inquire the meaning replied and riding and that the district was a good one for hunting to tho Romans in water. The Khakan objected abounding and accused Priscus of another's territory, Priscus the peace. said the land was thereby breaking had come there as fugitives and Roman soil, that the Avars and it was, not for such to fix the limits of the refugees, answered that the Romans The Khakan had lost Empire. and was naturally and the land in fair fighting, enraged, sent a body of troops, which captured Singidunum, destroyed of this reached News its walls and carried off its people. ic\\ days later ; he marched towards Priscus it, and when to an island miles his men of it, transported within thirty on the Danube called Sur gas, opposite a place called Con went in person from Singidunum stant iolus. The Khakan thus invading

THE AVARS. opposite to the was on a boat. what he held island


and held a colloquy with Priscus, who The Khakan boasted that he had conquered

with by the sword ; ho reproached Priscus war while the peace and furtively making still breaking bound by a treaty, and he invoked Heaven to decide between him and Maurice. On the other hand, Priscus reproached the Khakan with the destruction and taunted of Singidunum, him with

and recklessness. his avarice, ambition, Bayan towns and that he would destroy many threatened finally withdrew. Priscus ordered Gundius with a large force to advance upon Singidunum. the town, which He approached was watered in a flotilla of boats. tho Savo and Drave, by the enemy sawr the Romans When approach, the walls of the been dismantled, having they made a rampart with their waggons, and afraid the but, attacked by the Romans, assail them from behind, they peasants of the district might to re withdrew. Priscus proceeded eventually thereupon was much disturbed at this, build the walls. The Khakan town marched and the Romans, pact he had made with his men towards the Ionian Gulf, that is, the a town in Dalraatia He captured called Banges Adriatic. Bal bes by Theophanes, of which we and by Theophylactus, waste know nothing He also laid further. forty other sent Gundius fortresses. with 2000 men to watch Priscus renounced the with the enemy ; the latter road and advanced to avoid

danger kept away from the side paths and bye ways. Having by them, he looked down upon them from a look approached men to get a nearer view. out on a height and sent thirty a some of of them when asleep, killed They surprised party and carried three off as prisoners. informed them, They Gundius that theirs was a detachment of 2000 in charge of the booty. He accordingly in ambush, his men planted rushed upon them from behind, put them all to death, and secured the plunder they were carrying, with which he re turned to Priscus. This loss was greatly felt by the Khakan, who now returned home again (id. vii. 11 and 12). the Avars were thus laying waste Dalmatia, While the was subject to the Empire, Slavini which Istria, pillaged main

and also tho Lombard the Khakan

THE AVARS. frontier.

As they were tributaries of Cacanus Hunnorutn (who by Paul the the latter, who was at war with the Empire and Deacon), of entangling himself with fresh enemies, sent envoys afraid at Milan, to make amends to Agilulf, the Lombard King some and to secure peace with him. From him he obtained is called men skilled in ship building, with which he secured a fleet, an island of Thrace. thus conquered After receiving in turn sent envoys to the Khakan, the Avar envoys, Agilulf to arrange a perpetual him. envoys, pact with Bayan's tho land of tho who went back with them, passed through and



to be at peace with tho the Frank Kings and urged as they were with themselves. The Imperial the city of in the year 601, captured general, Callinicus, with and in it secured Godcskalk Parma from the Lombards to avengo this wo Determined his wife, Agilulf's daughter. the Avars and in alliance with find that tho Lombards, Slaves,

vol. x.




it waste


fire and sword


invaded Dalmatia We have seen how the Khakan having He only waited till the lost all his booty to the Romans. to take his revenge, and in February, 599, carl}* spring in the Lesser before Tomi and appeared traversed Moesia a place famous as that to which the poet Ovid was Scythia, to the rescue. Priscus marched exiled. says Theophanes and the two armies faced one he went from Singidunum, On the approach another for some time without attacking. to fail in the Roman of Easter, camp, began provisions been devastated the country round having by the Avars. a singular now displayed freak of generosity. The Khakan that he was ready to furnish them sent to tell Priscus He was taken aback by this unwonted Priscus food. with it ; but the two chiefs and suspected having generosity sworn mutual faith, a truce of five days was agreed good of waggons, says Theophanes upon, when a large number were duly sent to the Roman camp. 400, with provisions but four in return; for nothing had asked The Khakan days later he sent to ask for some Indian spices. Priscus



sent him some pepper, cassia, and thereupon spikenard, castum. the truce the soldiers of the two armies During and even lived in the same tents ; when intermingled, it was concluded, later Six days they again separated. news reached was marching that Comentiolus towards Bayan a sent by the Emperor been with having at once set out to meet The Khakan army. relieving him. did not pursue, as he had not heard of his Priscus and thought the retreat a ruse of the march, colleague's Avars. Comentiolus of tho Khakan's march halted hearing at Zicidiba, thonco ho wont to Yatrus, which was situated on tho Danube west of Nikopolis. The Avars being only he sent a secret letter to the parasangs distant, twenty He then ordered his men under arms some time Khakan. before daybreak ; but the order was given so carelessly, that Nikopolis, it was merely a review, did not many of tho soldiers, fancying oven put on their cuirasses. When the sun rose, to their found themselves in front of a well-appointed surprise they seized such arms as they army but two miles off. They could, and confusedly formed up their ranks ; but Comentiolus increased their confusion troops from one by transferring to another, and he even secretly counselled the men wing in the right wing to escape with their baggage. They still held their ranks, and at nightfall their camp. Comen sought tiolus thereupon chose out some picked soldiers, and, under them out to explore, counselled them to pretence of sending make their escape. He himself also fled under pretence of At noon, conscious of his treachery, the rest of the hunting. across the Yatrus, and fled precipitately. army withdrew near Nikopolis, As they neared the gorges in the mountains they found them occupied by a body of Avars, but joining their ranks they forced their way through with great loss. on reaching Drizipera, found the gates closed, Comentiolus, and the citizens reproached and cast stones at him, where to the capital, where his flight he upon ho continued entered into tho wretched intrigues that had full course there. the Avars Meanwhile approached Drizipera, town and burnt the church of St. Alexander, captured destroyed the his



silver-decorated A pestilence tomb, and dispersed his bones. broke out in the Avar army, which was attributed to this and through which, we are told, no fewer than sacrilege, seven of sons is described This pestilence Bayan's perished. as a kind of fever with bubos (i.e. boils?). The flight of Comentiolus filled the capital with alarm, and it was to to abandon it and escape seriously debated The Emperor Chaleedon. sent the garrison, his own guards, and the greater to man the Long part of the citizens The Senate urged him to send envoys to the Khakan. Walls. To this he acceded, and with many Ilarmaton despatched to Drizipera, whero he found tho Khakan in the presents distress at the loss of his sons and the death of his greatest men. For twelve days the envoys waited for an audience, and it was some time before he would accept the Imperial He called upon God to judge between him and presents. between the Avars and the Romans, and accused Maurice, the latter of breaking the treaty, in which he was assuredly and of having caused the recent disasters. traces the war and its consequences candidly Theophylactus to the treachery of the Romans. A fresh treaty was entered as the boundary was accepted the Danube into, by which the two nations, power being reserved to the Romans, between to cross it in order to attack the Slavini. In addition however, to bo added to the annual to this 20,000 gold pieces were to be paid tho Avars. This is tho account given by the writer Theophylactus. Anastasius, contemporary Theophanes, the Pascal and Constantine Zonaras, Cedrenus, Chronicle, in a further that tho Manasses statement, agree namely, demanded the ransom of a gold piece per head for Khakan de ho had made. each of the 12,000 captives Maurice, tribute
murring to pay this, he reduced the amount to one-half, and

not very far wrong,

The avaricious Emperor siliquas per head. and put his the Khakan was greatly disgusted, still refusing, to death. These authors also say the tribute was prisoners It is almost incredible hy 50,000 gold pieces. augmented so mean and wicked, but the should have been the Emperor concurrence is certainly of testimony curious, if it is not to to four


THE AVARS. bo discounted Maurice as an after invention to excuso


the murder of vii. 13-15; Phocas (Theophylactus, Stritter, vol. i. by Lebeau Lebeau, vol. x. pp. 380-386). pp. 724-732, suggests that the mutinous than one conduct of the soldiers on more occasion may have incited in which Comentiolus his dastardly conduct the Emperor's was received certainly and the revenge, at Constantinople to some ignoble points

way after

policy at headquarters. events caused These The

army commanded of the troops under Comentiolus, the discontent extended to tho populace of Constantinople, and Phocas, who after wards succeeded him, insulted Maurice to his face before the from this to relieve himself It was apparently Senate. that the Emperor was anxious to break humiliating position tho peace ho had made. In the summer of 601 Comentiolus was ordered to march with a fresh army towards the Danube and to join his troops to those of Priscus, who had passed at Singidunum. Thence the winter they passed to Vimina cium, an island on tho Danube, where Comentiolus appeared on hearing of this, sent four of his to be ill. Tho Khakan, sons with some troops to prevent from crossing, tho Romans them, but they made some rafts, crossed over, and defeated the had remained behind at Viminacium, Priscus awaiting more who was apparently of his colleague, convalescence in the to risk a battle afraid than really ill, not wishing of the Court; who had the confidence absence of Priscus, the river and entrenched but the troops who had crossed sent him word that the enemy, emboldened themselves, by their camp ; he accordingly his absence, were assailing joined them, and then sent back the rafts and rude boats, by which so that a communication with Viminacium, they kept up were eager for the The enemy they could not withdraw. in front of the drew out his men fight, and he accordingly the tactics of the Avars, who were camp, and to circumvent to rush in sections from various sides, he ranged accustomed a After in tho form of squares. in three bodies them were victorious, the Romans lasting till nightfall, struggle

in all directions. great discontent with the fate by Priscus sympathized

( /4 with a


lost 4000 the enemy loss of only 300 men, while tho next two viii. chh. i. and ii.). During (Theophylactus, on tho days the enemy was quiet, but having appeared again third day, he this time ranged his men in the shape of three so as to enclose them. On this occasion half moons, they onco moro returned Tho victorious Romans lost 9000 men.

to their camp. On the tenth day the Avars again recovered when Priscus, themselves, encouraged by his previous As before he to assail them. himself advanced victories, in ono but the enemy remained inarched in three divisions, out his a height, on he spread himself Planting body. them before two wings and rushed upon them, driving or lake which there. him into a marsh 15,000 Avars lay in this struggle, among whom were four of the perished it prudent deemed himself sons. The Khakan Khakan's On the thirtieth to the Theiss. to escape day Priscus He on the Theiss. another followed up this victory by fell upon men across that river. This body then sent 4000 three towns, where some Gepidaa, unaware of the struggle of The and drinking. in festivities engaged of them in this state, killed 30,000 surprised later and carried off an immense booty. days Twenty them, a large body of their troops on the the Avars collected inflicted and Priscus them, and Theiss, engaged again 8000 Slavini, in which 3000 Avars, serious defeat, another and 6200 other barbarians were captured and sent to Tomi. is a wonderful This succession of victories proof of the skill in his person the ancient revived of Priscus, who assuredly now gave a The Khakan renown of the Romans. military once despatched for he at similar proof of his astuteness, before some messengers with orders to reach Constantinople arrived the tidings of the victory there, and to threaten ho that if he did not return the prisoners, the Emperor and Moesia with fire and sword. waste Thrace would lay of his by the discontent Maurice, who was much depressed of the real stato and unaware and other causes, subjects and ordered to be intimidated, of things, allowed himself of to the chagrin to be liberated, much the prisoners the previous Romans day, were



and his men book viii. chapters Prisons (Theophylactus, 3 and 4). Those victories of Priscus aroused the jealousy of Comen He went heroic. tiolus, who was also fired to do something to Noves, where he assembled the principal and inhabitants, to furnish for the land beyond the asked them guides the famous road which Trajan made across Danube, along as St.-Martin to says, the road leading Dacia, by which, the ancient Zarungithusa, is doubtless meant. Ulpia Trajana, to lay in ashes all this that he wished boasted Comentiolus to the Khakan of the Avars. wide territory, which belonged As they could find him no guides, he in a rage put two of troubled at this, and pro them to death. They were much tested that no one at Noves knew this road, but that four leagues away there was an old man 112 years old who was well would in the archaDology of the district, and sent for him, instruct him. Comentiolus duly He declined, their guide. and pressed him to become clared the route to bo impracticable ; that broken down informed who and de in a

of places, this road traversed rugged moun great number that it had been and wide marshes ; tains, deep valleys,
abandoned for more than ninety years, and that the }-ear

so far advanced that the country would be found covered was obstinate, snow and ice. Comentiolus and the with was that a large number of his men, result together with and all his sumptcr cattle, died from the exposure nearly were exposed to return to. He was obliged they privations the winter to Philippopolis, the army passed where (id. 4; vol. x. pp. 393, 394). Lebeau, drew upon him the The successes of Priscus apparently his own of his master, who once more appointed jealousy He in his place. This was in the year 602. brother Peter on the Danube, where he his army at Palastolus encamped season for operations In in inactivity. passed the favourable to Dardania, the mountain district he withdrew September and Upper Mocsia, between Macedonia probably to pass the that an There he learnt in more genial quarters. winter had assembled a large force at a Avar general, named Apsikh, was



near some (by which, perhaps, place place called Kataractes is meant). A of the Danube the Iron Gates colloquy to secure the surrender wished in which Apsikh followed, As this could not be, each of Kataractes by the Romans. the Khakan went to Constantiola, Thereupon party withdrew. retired an unknown on tho Danube, while the Romans place
to Thrace.

The Khakan




and imprudent to forestall him, and suddenly upon the capital, determined and cross tho to inarch from Adrianople ordered the Romans some to preparo told Bonosus Danube. Peter thereupon tho to cross the river, and entrusted with which pinnaces expedition committed latter tho river, crossed to Gundius. Tho a great and secured much booty, there, slaughter the soldiers wero anxious which but delayed recrossing, to destroy sent Apsikh to do. the Khakan Thereupon the Arti, who wrere allies of the Romans. Theophanes tho latter, but the boatmen who assisted says to destroy a corruption vavTWP is perhaps of Avr v, as has been the Arti with the Anta), and this would identify suggested, a very probable conclusion. this be, it seems that However was followed by a considerable desertion on their punishment the Khakan, the part of the Avars, which greatly distressed Mean to bring them back. and he used strong measures the to winter while the Emperor ordered Peter beyond to the soldiery, an order which was very ungrateful Danube, there being little further hope of plunder, while their horses A revolt were few in number, and the enemy was powerful. broke out, which Peter could not quell, and he indignantly left them and went some ten miles away. They accordingly a fortified place called moved their camp, and traversed had set out to attack to go to Carisca, whence Asema they Hero the Slavini. to recross. which The their soldiers families. they stayed awhile, preparing boats with

learnt that the the Emperor, having of the scattered character to take advantage of tho Roman armies to march arrangements

in vain urged Peter was The Emperor

to let them winter among that they equally urgent

Tf?E AVARS. should


north of tho Danube, and by living on the winter there save the treasury from being invaded. Peter people summoned Gundius to a conference, before him and put in lachrymose the his embarrassments between language of the soldiery, and bk. viii. of Maurice (Theophylactus, ch. 6). Tho difficulty was speedily solved for him, however, for the soldiers put Phocas at their head, and marched upon where he was speedily crowned, and Maurice Constantinople, with his five sons were executed. This was on the 27th of 602. Tho usurpation of Phocas was followed by November, an attack on tho empire, both on the east and west, by the on the one hand and the Avars on the other. Persians But two years later the Khakan was induced to make peace by an increased annual p. 451). stipend (Theophanes, we lose the With the death of Maurice of his guidance and interesting There graphic biographer, Theophylactus. is a work extant, the "Tactics of the Emperor Maurice," which as an has only once been printed to a appendix seventeenth edition of Aelian, which was published century at Stockholm. In this work there are several references to Emperor's denounced orders and the determination tho avarice tho Avars, but they are so general and wanting in detail, that I have not found it possible to utilize them. Let us
now revert to our narrative.

do not read again of Bayan, and it would appear that he died about this time, perhaps from the pestilence already named. It is not impossible that it was that pestilence, and the loss of their great it possible for leader, which made so to win his victories Priscus It was the same fact easily. which doubtless led to the desertion of so many of the Avars, as mentioned never again The Avars by Theophylactus. recovered the vast power which exercised under Bayan, they who must be classed among the most of generals successful and the most powerful of rulers. We have seen how peace was made between Phocas and the Avars in the year 604. This peace was no doubt a great to the Avars, who would gain probably have been driven out of Europe if the campaigns of Priscus had been followed up.




sent some year before, wo are told, tho Avar Khakan to help Slavini the Lombard with whose aid Agilulf, king, he conquered Cremona (Paul Diac. 1. i v. ch. 28). Lebeau an attack made mentions upon by the Avars Thrace and Illyria in the year 608, which is not mentioned by Theophanes,


I do not know

on what



In the year 610 we are told that the Khakan of the Avars went with an innumerable multitude, and invaded the borders of Venetia, i.e. of Friauli. tried to Gisulf, Duke of Friauli, oppose them, but being overwhelmed numbers, was killed by with nearly all his Those who escaped, including people. Gisulf s widow Romulda, took shelter in the seven fortresses of Friauli. The Avars proceeded to lay waste the country with fire and sword, and laid siege to the capital of Friauli, Here Romulda had taken refuge, and about it inarched his cavalry, to seo where it was most weak. He was seen by the Lombard princess, who was any that the Khakan was a young thing but chaste, and noticing man, she sent him word that if he would marry her she would surrender the place with all that was in it. lie agreed. She the Avars openrd one of the gates, through which rushed, and proceeded to devastate tho city, which tiny set lire to, to settle all whom making captive they found, promising lhem in Pannonia. had taken them When, however, they out into the open space called Sacrum, they, after the fashion Forum-Julii. tho Khakan of Chinghiz Khan Lombards to death, among them by lot. days, put all the grown-up the women and children and divided sons of Gisulf But Caceo and Raduald, a third and Romulda, took to horse and escaped. They took One of brother, Grimoald, who was a mere boy, with them. that he could not cling to his horse, and that them, fancying it was better he should die than be carried off into slavery, was about to pierce him with his lance, when the boy bado h i in not to touch him, as he was sure he could cling on. Ho took him in his arms, and placed him on the accordingly bare and the horse. The boy seized tho horse's off together. Tho Avars they galloped pursued of back mane, them, in later




who wfas captured. Grimoald, only overtook They not kill him, but reserved him for slavery. The him as a beautiful boy, with flaxen hair chronicler describes and sparkling The boy drew his sword, struck the eyes. on the head with it and dismounted him, The wretched joined his brothers. cause of all the misfortune, had Romulda, a dreadful and presently who was the


fate. The satisfied his desires, passed her on to twelve Khakan, having and after having been debauched by each of his companions, to avoid a similar in turn, she was impaled. Her daughters, to the chronicler Paul, put some chicken's fate, according flesh upon their breasts, which became offensive with the
heat, and the Avars, who fancied the odour was natural,

refused afterwards

to have

of the Alemanni, and the other the Prince of Bavaria (op. cit. iv. 37). were so Tho war above described, in which the Avars them to keep the peace for effectually defeated, constrained many years, and it is not till about the year 619 (Thierry, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 69, dates it in the autumn of 1616) read of fresh intercourse between them and the to some authors this intercourse was According a fresh war who was contemplating by Heraclius, to secure his flank from the Persians, and wished and that we empire. initiated against attack,

anything married the King

to do with





a sent envoys with presents, accordingly suggesting was the Khakan says that it treaty of peace. Nicephorus who sent to propose this, and that it was in reply to this sent the patrician Athanasius advance the Emperor and the from St.-Martin, que8tor Cosmas with presents. judging the general narrative when of Nicephorus and Theophanes, those of Cedrenus and Zonaras, compared with suggests
that the Avars had at this time made an invasion of Thrace.



this view
which the place is

by the fact, which

situated of meeting very near (Lebeau,

is remarkable,
Constantinople, xi. p. vol. 22).


Heracleia, selected

Tho Khakan lasted so long Romans,

the envoys that his amicable proved a meeting and he suggested


the peace feelings between

which towards himself

had tho and



the Emperor. The to give his guest a latter, wishing went to llcraclcia lordly welcome, accompanied by a large concourse of and also clerics, and workmen, people, grandees, sent there the furniture of a theatre and of a chariot course, with many rich robes for the Khakan and his grandees. Maurice three days at Selymbria, a crowd where delayed of people had gone out of tho Khakan When curiosity. reached Heracleia, he planted his best men in ambush in the woods and near the Great Wall, with orders to valleys They were noticed by somo peasants, of what had happened. Hcraclius aside his diadem, which he slung over his thereupon put arm, and his royal robes, adopted the costume of a peasant, and fled in all haste with his escort to The Constantinople. Avars pursued him and trod under tho feet of their sharply, horses the men, women, and children; and we read that a number of Romans. they slaughtered large They covered the country from the Hebdomus to the bridge of Barcinissus, with their men. (i.e. of the stream now called the Sweet Waters) the houses, pillag They ravaged the whole district, burning the statues and altars. Inter alia ing the churches, breaking was the chapel of St. Cosmas and St. Dami?n, at Blakhernes, at Promotus was entered, sacked, while that of the Archangel the holy table broken, and the ciboria carried off*. The tho theatre, and the chariots tho presents, imperial baggage, were captured, and to Niccphorus according they carried off towns Thracian 290,000 says many prisoners. Theophanes were also sacked of Heraclius, ch. iv. ; (Nicephorus, History
Theophanes, Cedrenus).

the Emperor. waylay who gave information

Heraclius, determined

accordingly to apologize to restore for what had occurred, and promised what he had captured. the treaty which was made, By Heraclius to pay the barbarians 200,000 agreed pieces of and also 6eut his natural son John, also called Atalaric, gold, son of his sister Maria Eutropius, his nephew Stephen, and son of the Patrician Bonus as hostages. John, natural

to make headway having against the Persians, at all hazards to make peace with the Avars. He sent fresh envoys to the Khakan, who professed



A few years later, namely, in the year 626, the Avars and is de the Romans had another and a final struggle, which scribed for us in the anonymous narrative known as the Paschal Chronicle, which at this point, as St.-Martin says, is clearly and founded on an official report (Lebeau, vol. contemporary sent envoys ii. p. 129). the Persian commander, Shaharbaz, to the Khakan to assist in an attack on Con of the Avars a poem on the who wrote Pisides, stantinople. George struggle, tells us how the Slave united himself with the Hun, the Scythian the Scyth, with tho Medc with the Bulgar, somo boats (scaphi) hewn out of etc. Tho Avars supplied trunks The Persian army p. 487). single (Theophanes, advanced as far as and was encamped about Chalcedonia. the At length, on the 29th of June, there arrived before 30,000 army, comprising great walls the head of the Avar was to men. The various Roman troops, whoso duty it now withdrew The the walls. tho capital, within protect next day the Avars four leagues of the within advanced place,

and encamped

near M?lantias,
as they seemed

and burnt
to advance

the villages
no further,

out a and citizens marched soldiers largo distance of three leagues on a foraging They expedition. were set upon by a body of the enemy, which killed a jiortion The Roman of them and captured others. soldiers we are told fought bravely on this occasion, and enabled many of The same day a body of 1000 Avars the citizens to escape. turned the Gulf of Ceras, and advanced the suburb beyond of Syques, and as far as the Church of the Saint Maccabees on the Bosphorus, in order to communicate with the Persians on the other side of the water at who were encamped Chry is now situated. Scutari They sopolis, where exchanged heard that an alliance was being the Romans signals. When a number of and the Avars, the Persians between they 6ent negociated as their envoy to the latter to try and prevent it. Athanasiu8 their army reached Adrianople He was detained, and when was summoned by the Khakan, and bidden to go and tell his that they might buy his retreat if they liked to compatriots on his return by Bonus was reproached Athanasiu8 pay.



and others for having tho himself degraded by becoming bearer of such a message. He that he had merely replied fulfilled the mission he had been appointed to, and that he was ready to go back and take a more aggressive message, even at the risk of his life. He set out, and accordingly before doing so saw a review of the Roman troops, which a much horsemen and probably 12,000 comprised larger number this he could give a report to to tell the Khakan, He told in conciliatory to defend them of the Romans the determination language, to tho last rather selves to any humiliating than submit was angry at his message, terms. The Khakan drovo him out, and bade him go back and say that unless there was an of foot-soldiers. was Of the enemy. the 29th destroy the city. before the walls, portion of them, following day a


submission, he would entirely arrived of July tho Khakan and his troops seemed innumerable. Ono we are told, wore Tho loricated armour. unconditional

party of his men advanced to the Church of Our Lady of tho situated only twenty-five Fountain, paces from the Golden some troops Gate. They were attacked and cut in pieces by a sortie. On the 31st the bombardment which made began, and assailed till six in the evening the walls were daybreak to the length from the Gate of Polyandrius along that known as "the Fifth." The attack continued during from

two days. From twrelve towers on wheels as high as covered with hides, was poured in a shower of stones, and javelins. This was replied to by the machines arrows, on the wall and the garrison, which fought desperately, while the next the walls, frequent
their them war

sorties killed many

of the assailants
sailors also fought a of

and also destroyed

well, tower and on one wheels, of

The engines. a machine invented


This armed men. from whose summit hung a boat containing men was pushed inside threw the along the walls, while torches upon the battering Bonus, whilo fighting engines. to retire, offering if the Avars braveh*, continually urged He only re to increase the accustomed tribute. necessary ceived one answer leave his fortune however, namcty, to surrender the city and three days' attack After in their hands.

THE AVARS. demanded tho Khakan senators were sent out three Persian sent


a parley. Five of tho principal to him. These he confronted with

in silken robes, who had been officers, dressed to him by Shaharbaz, and whom he seated beside him while he put the Roman He then said envoys below them. had offered them their aid, but he should that the Persians not accept it, if they would listen to his counsels. He demanded that the citizens should leave the city, taking nothing with to the Persian them but their clothes, and should withdraw camp, where they would be well treated. Shaharbaz had given his word to that effect, and he would guarantee it. This was their sole means of escape, since they were neither birds which could fly through the air, nor fish which could traverse the


to take tho city next day, and would He intended a desert of it. He also bade them not rely upon their had misled who he was assured by the Persians Emperor, invaded their country. of the and had not One them, senators, irritated by this harangue, replied that the Persian water. were had army were de and that the Romans entered Byzantium, already territory ; and when one of them replied vastating tho Persian in turn answered in an insulting way, the senator that ho really and were deceiving impostors, the Khakan with that a relieving their state

envoys ments,

to reply, and that he considered their language had nothing as an insult offered not by them but by the Khakan himself, " such an army you and turning to the latter, he said, With " at all," was the Not still have need of the Persians." " as my offered mo assistance they have simply reply, friends." "Very well," said the Roman, "accept their offers;
as far as we aro concerned, wo do not mean to abandon our

city, and return."

three Persians

if you have nothing more did so. accordingly They

were crossing the Bosphorus

to say, we The next

in a boat


better the night

to return

they were captured and carried off to Romans cut off the head of one, and tho The Constantinople. hands of the second, and having tied them round the neck of the latter, set him loose to return to the Khakan's The camp. third was taken within when his head sight of Chrysopolis, to Chrysopolis, when



also decapitated, and then fired by a catapult into tho " The Khakan has camp, with a note in these terms, made peace with us. Ho has handed your envoys over to us, and we send you the head of one of them." Persian As they had no boats in which to cross the Bosphorus, the Persians could not revenge this irony. The Khakan wished to assist them in crossing. He had brought with him a large fleet of boats manned by Slavini with which to blockade the Gulf but of Ceras, while he attacked the city from the land side; the Roman fleet had frustrated his plans, and forced his small boats to take shelter in tho shallow Gulf of Barehyssus, .where they could not bo pursued by the larger vessels. a the Avars transported a portion of their fleet to Presently bay of the Bosphorus where Constantinople, called Cheloe, two leagues distant from view they were concealed from

; but notice of their plans, and duly laid in wait the Romans got a out of bravado, sent the Khakan for them, and meanwhile, an Avar chieftain and wine. of game Thereupon present one of the gates, and cried out: named Ermitzis approached " two men who You have done a shameful thing in killing and in sending one back with the Khakan, supped yesterday The Romans with the head of another." replied that these to them. tho Tho night little following, things mattered set out to embark, and the Avar boats Persians were ready to fetch them, when they were attacked and dispersed by the them were Roman fleet, and the Slave boatmen who manned now determined to make a last effort to was ordered to A general bombardment the city. capture an assault was to be which commence at daybreak, during made upon the walls, while the boats at the outflow of tho were to discharge their men along another side, Barehyssus tells us that the and thus form a diversion. Nicephorus killed. The Khakan Slavini the watch ordered when they noticed to named Ala, the fortress of Blakhernoo lighted towards the city and cause such terror there speedily from the land side might be able to surprise the Avars were on
the walls. Bonus, the Roman commander,

fires row that and








to the


THE AVARS. Paschal


signal Blakhernao. had been

Chronicle ho sent a body of Armenians, who lighted of fires on the portico of the Church of St. Nicholas

On seeing these fires the Slavini, fancying they lighted as a signal for them, made for them, and fell into the hands of the Armenians, most who slaughtered of them. A few reached the Khakan's who, presence, from chagrin, ordered them to be put to death. probably The Romans carried off the Avar boats (Paschal Chronicle, The attack from the land side was equally futile, and passim). the Khakan, who watched the proceedings from an eminence with

his that

made a


and so







even women of


the Khakan, his who dismantled to his moving towers, and over siege machinery, turned his entrenchments. to He sent a herald to proclaim the citizens of Constantinople to that he was only retiring make more complete preparations, and that he should pre set fire sently return and do to them as they had done to the Persian He followed to the this message with an invitation envoys. to give him another Patrician Bonus interview. The latter replied that he had no longer the power to treat, but that the Emperor's brother was at hand with his victorious army, own country, into the Khakan's speedily march was of course not true, but treat for peace. and there This it still more frightened the Khakan, that he who, afraid should have to deal with Theodore, the victor of Sais, at once and would broke up his camp. His retreat was covered by his cavalry. A portion of his army remained behind and devastated the churches of St. Cosmas tho environs of the city, including and Dami?n, and that of St. Nicholas (Paschal Chronicle, to Theophanes the According they also destroyed passim). which had been built by Valcntinian. The famous aqueduct church of St. Mary was tho only one which remained intact in Blakherna). Panagia assigned No wonder, that the renowned therefore, should have had much of the glory of the victory to her, and that legends should also have attached
8EHIE8.] 61

Romans, penetrated broke the courage

to their

the children, who accompanied These disappointments camp.




to her person. Thus we are told in tho Paschal the Khakan of tho Avars himself told his on the city, he had seen the attack people how, during a woman in beautiful costume perambulating tho walls. another version of this story, Cedrenus, apparently reporting saw an illustrious in tells us the Avar soldiers woman, Chronicle that
appearance somewhat like a eunuch, leave tho gato of


at sunrise.


sister of Heraclius going of her brother, opened the gates of the camp, but hardly had she crossed from their sight, the ditch when she vanished as if seized by a the Avars, whereupon frenzy, began to fight each other. The story is a curious replica of similar Greek and other goddesses. legends of amuch older day about Athene It is, at all events, curious, as Thierry points out, that the church of the Virgin was alone spared while the other churches a of Blakherna3 were sacked (op. cit. p. 101). Nicephorus, a result of this few years later, recalls what was doubtless war. He tells us that in the year when the Roman general was defeated by the Saracens, i.e. in the 2?th year Theodorus A.n. 634, Maria, of Heraclius, sent the sister of tho Emperor, to tho Avars to redeem her son Stephen above named money from captivity. the Avar ruler urged upon An Thereupon redeem the other hostages similarly dono. hands, which was accordingly tho ravage they made, and tho plunder they Notwithstanding carried off, the retreat of the Avars from the capital was treated as a Roman success, and its glories were sung in verse by who were in Avarian seem to the Deacon, surnamed Pisides. It would George have largely broken the prestige of the Avars, and it was at all events their last effort against the Empire. The powrer of the Avars at the end of the sixth century has hardly been realized by many students. Their dominion on the north by the Baltic, was apparently bounded and doubtless ruled over the Mari timo Slaves. On tho they south bounded but they were nominally by the Danube, across that river, and the apparent hold raids their many had upon portions of Illyria, makes this only a nominal they lonianus that he should

it was the sentinels, thinking out to propose peace on behalf



On the west they were limited by the dominions boundary. of of the Franks and Bavarians, and were masters apparently on the other. While on the one hand and Carinthia Bohemia on the east their domination to the frontier of the extended Turks, Within which this vast is uncertain, perhaps area their power as far as the Dnieper. more or less felt, tribes had their own chieftains. was

this vast dominion broke to a tells us how in the 40th year of Clothaire, pieces. Fredegar certain Samo of the nation of the Franks associated himself with some people of (Sennonagus pagus), who, like him, Soignies were merchants, and went among the Slaves called Winidi, who were on the point of revolting their terrible against the Avars and their Khakan (called Gagan by were known as Winidi Cefuci, because the Fredegar). They so that in fighting, Avars put them in front of themselves wcro threatened If they were both before and behind. they taskmasters, victorious, the Avars advanced to seize if they were beaten, the Avars while in the The Avars passed their winters and daughters they took their wives other mixed exactions. race could Tho no children brook the booty they captured ; went to their succour. country of the Winidi, and made from the

although many of the subject now reach a period when We

to their beds, who were born this

and had treatment, longer to rebel, when Samo arrived and their forces. begun joined so much He exhibited bravery that they elected him as their king, and he ruled them for thirty-five years, during which time he won many victories over the Avars (Fredegar, ch. xlviii.). here referred to were doubtless The Wends the Wends of that the Avars and this means lost their control Bohemia, over tho various Slavic tribes to the north of them, including Slaves east of the the Bohemians, Slovaks, and the Maritime was followed Elbe. The revolt of the Wends by a more
serious outbreak nearer homo.

In my view the river Theiss wras at this time an important It separated Avaria, the country frontier. settled arid in habited the Avars and their slaves, the Gepida), from by Daeia and its borders, the country of the Ilunnugundurs, or Bulgarians, and their clients the Slavini, who Ilunigurs,


THE AVARS. to the Avars, but had tells the of a the


tributary in his the

princes us that of

Nicephorus, certain Kubrat, Ilunnugundurs, drove out the

and afterwards

account cousin

of Heraclius, of

rebelled people
sent an

Organa, the Khakan of the Avars, against whom he had received from him,
embassy to make peace with Hera


made clius, which lasted during their joint lives. Heraclius him presents, and gave him the title of Patrician (Stritter, or vol. ii. p. 501). We do not otherwiso know who Organa Urkhan ho would was, but from the language of Nicephorus seem to have been a well-known personage at the time, and I that he was the lord of the Huns, who, accord suggest to the same author, in the very beginning of the reign of ing went to Constantinople Heraclius with his guards and a great number of his chief people to profess the Christian religion, when the grandees of the Empire became sponsors at the font would we are told, for the chief personages of the Huns. Heraclius, then gave their king presents, and also the title of Patrician (op. cit. vol. i. ch. iii.). To revert, however, to the feud between and the Hunnugundurs. the Avars apparently Fredegar to these events refers in another way. He says that in the 9th }rear of Dagobert, in there was a great commotion Pannonia about the election of a king, as to whether he should be an Avar or a Bulgarian. The rival parties fought, were beaten, and 9000 of them, who had and the Bulgarians from Pannonia been expelled with their wives and children, went to Dagobert, the Frank king (Fredegar, ch. lxxii. ; see the Bulgarians, Journ. Anthr. List. vol. xi. p. 223). Howorth, The Kubrat above named ia clearly the same person as a Hun mentioned in tho life of St. Demetrius, who Kubcr, was set over a part of his people the Avar Khan in the by about Sirmium, district and who afterwards rebelled against the Danube and settled in the plain of Kara him, crossed Seo Acta Saint, the fourth volume for October, and mesios.
Howorth, art. Bulgarians, above cited.

In a paper which I published actions of the Anthropological


time ago in the Trans to I endeavoured Institute,



that the Croats wero so called, not as has been supposed from their having lived in the mountains in Slave), (Khrcbeti but from this Kubrat, Khrobator Ilorvath, and that, like other southern Slaves, they were led by a caste of Hunnic origin. of these Hunnic Traces Croats are in my view still to be in use among the Croats, and perhaps a clan in of the so-called Morlaks, also in the peculiarities or is of Tartar it has been urged Croatia which Kirghiz found in the title Ban in I have written at greater length origin, and upon which a paper I published in the Memoirs of the Anthropological from on the Croats. Others deem them descended Institute the Avars. I am disposed of Hunnic merely were at this time to think that these true Croats were not true Huns, but were or, as they Constantine Porphyro Bulgars.

of the Croats in Croatia, genitus, at the way in tells us that Heraclius, being much distressed the Avars were devastating which Dalmatia, made overtures to some princes of the Khrobati, offering them, if they drove out the Avars from that district, to allow them to settle there. under five brothers, one of whom, marched They accordingly in Illyria, and occupied tho Avars called Kubrat, conquered came from he tells us the Khrobati Elsewhere the country. White and having fought for several years with the Krobatia, tho them and occupied Avars in Dalmatia, vanquished on to say, " There still remain some of country, and ho goes " xxx. p. 95). in Krobatia the Abares (Const, de ad Imp. one was named Kubrat, I of whom The five brothers, to identify with the five sons of Kubrat mentioned tells us that on the death of Nicephorus by Nicephoru8. II. (642-669), the reign of Constantine aud during Kubrat, into the Avarian one of his five sons led a body of Bulgars we However to the Avar Khakan. and submitted Pannonia, venture the various statements, what I would urge to reconcile that the Croats of Croatia are a race of Slaves governed is, the from their name caste, and derive by a Bulgarian and that when we speak of the chief Kubrat, Bulgarian a of in Croatia, wo in effect mean Croats colony settling are

origin, called, the settlement in describing



the Avars of Dalmatia, Bulgars invading and dispossessing the Theiss while the main body remained encamped between and the Dnieper in eastern Hungary, Moldavia, Transylvania, etc. and Wallachia, race which separated The Croats were not the only Hunnic from the Avars and settled south of the Danube. According of Pagania, and the district of the Canalita3 which Zachlumia, Terbunia and had been devastated of the Avars, by the incursions was then are tho waste. Tho Serbii of Constantine lying Seberenses of Theophanes, who tells us they formed seven the country tribes who were settled in the district between the Beregabian and the Eastern Marshes. of the Avars, Pass, race of As I have elsewhere argued, they were the Hunnic East of and ruled over Slaves. the Sabiri, who conquered were settled the seven tribes of tho Slavini, who had them same time occupied the district round Varna, probably at the even and who were then perhaps ruled by a Bulgarian on the invitation them caste. of the Romans Thus M sia, selves, was occupied in protecting interest
Avars, and we read

to the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, to occupy the districts also invited the Serbii


by warlike the Empire

of no more

races from



tho attacks

a Bpecial of tho


to a in fact limited tho Avars, west of tho small area, namely, Hungary comparatively and their subsequent Theiss, dealings were almost confined to struggles with the Bavarians and Franks, and intercourse or the land of was now in Italy. the Lombards In the year 662 we find the Avars taking part in the affairs died in the year chief of the Lombards, of Italy. Aripert, and his empire between his sons Pertharit 661, dividing tho other at the one with his capital at Milan, Gondebert, of Grimoald, invited the interference Pa via. Their quarrels with
Duke of Bencvcntum, who marched on Pavia and treacher

aban Pertharit Gondebert. Thereupon ously doned his wife and son and sought refuge beyond the Alps two of tho Avars, with whom he remained with the Khakan informed Grimoald Diac. lib. 31). Meanwhile years(Paul. assassiuated



so them was impossible the Avar chief that peace between as he sheltered his enemy, and he offered him a basin long full of gold if he would either kill or surrender him to be killed. Avar to Eddius, in his life of St. Wilfred, the According in the presence chief had sworn to his guest, of the idol his god, never to surrender him to his foes, and invoked his vengeance if he did so. He was not, however, in a he he he the

to wage war with the Lombards, and although position not deliver him up to Grimoald's would messengers, ordered him to lcavo his country, and to go wherever so long as ho did not causo trouble between pleased, and the Lombards. own narrative Pertharit's Avars This

story was taken down from after (Eddius vita many years in app. torn. iv. Sncc. Benedicti, St. Wilf. Mabillon p. 69). first returned to Italy, where he sought the Pertharit clemency and eventually fled to France of Grimoald, (Paul. Diac. v. 2). inter years later, we find the Avars Eight again having course with the Lombards and on friendly terms with the latter wras absent in the South Grimoald. While of to whom he had confided the of Friauli, his absence, revolted. not Grimoald, during government to havo a civil strife among the Lombards, sent to wishing to put down the rebel. He was doubtless ask the Khakan Italy, Lupus, Duke with the duty, two and advanced with enough pleased one. He encountered he himself at armies, leading Lupus at once attacked him The Khakan Fiumo on tho Adriatic. ho had with him. tho division Tho struggle, we are with told, lasted side, when for three days without much advantage the second division of the Avars was to either seen ad

The rebel army then decamped, leaving the dead vancing. and wounded, The Avars there including Lupus himself. the open country, and destroying upon laid waste burning tho trees and crops, and killing the people, desolating Friauli, now returned, the so-called pearl of Lombardy. Grimoald and having thanked the Avar chief for his help, implored so fair a him to return, ere he had utterly destroyed province. The Khakan conquered replied that the province was his, since he had it with his sword, nor would he surrender it.



Grimoald, although most of his men were away, determined at once to attack tho enemy, who sent two envoys or rather The Lombard chief their spies to his camp. suspected same troops to defile errand, and caused the past them several were deceived, times in different costumes. and on They what they had seen to the Khakan, he at once reporting raised his camp and withdrew' (Paul. Diac. lib. v. chh. 19-21). A few years later, namely, in the year 677, the Khakan of the Avars, with the rulers of the the generals castaldi and other sent envoys to the Emperor nations, to confirm peace. The Emperor This is the last time we phanes). between the Avars and the Eastern and It was made named some time before the Avars. who this to convert neighbouring of grandees of Byzantium provinces, the western with gifts

assented (Theo gladly read of any intercourse efforts were

of Poitiers, the idea, and set out for conceived in the year 649, but was the purpose, reaching Ratisbon en route for some the Bavarians, who probably stopped by reason of state were should that the Avars policy unwilling Emnieramius,

Empire. that the first It was a native

a Frank allies of and become by missionary, the Franks After having been kept in confinement again. lor some time, he wras killed by a party of Bavarian robbers. as a martyr, and is known as He was treated by the Church It was not till tho year 696 that another St. Einiuerainius. be converted to Christianize This was at the the Avars. or Rupert, instance of Rudbcrt, He of Worms. Bishop arrived at Regensburg. The Bavarians, who had suffered a were in a more of Heristal, good deal at the hands of Pepin humour, and having spent some weeks at Regens conciliatory the somewhat dubious Christianity of the burg strengthening he proceeded along the right bank of the Danube Bavarians, until he reached the outlet of the Save, which formed the between the Avars and the Greek Empire. There boundary he left his boat, and then advanced into Pannonia, where tho settled at Lorseh did not molest him ; and eventually Avars on the Danube, which he made the focus into Carinthia which he extended efforts, of his missionar)' tho and beyond effort was made



He apparently built churches and (Mons Durus). Hartberg left them in the charge of and having founded monasteries, retired to Passau. responsible priests, he himself was too often the political The early Christian missionary it was that the priests begau to interfere Whether agent. in the affairs of the Avars or not, we do find the latter taking sharp revenge upon them, and are told that in the year 736 and the the town of Lorsch, and desolated they attacked and priests there would have been slaughtered, Bishop Vivilo them the orna if they had not left tho place, taking with
monta and sacred vessels from the church (Germ. Sacra, vol.

told the town of that no vestige destroyed This attack of St. Laurence. was followed by similar attacks on the part of the Bulgarians, as to the claims of the Avars upon the dispute being mainly as the western After limit of their dominion. the linns, remained with the Bava the advantage repeated struggles, rians, and the Avars were driven back to the defile which i. p. i. p. 121; Mon. Boie. of Lorsch was so completely it remained, save the Basilica 119). We the west, and to Mount Comagena, now called the ancient Cettian Alps received the name of and Mount Comagena the Kalenberg, i.e. Mountain of the Huns (vide Germ. Sacra, vol. Khunberg, now and covers Vienna the branch on of i. p. 5, vol. ii. p. 71 ; Thierry, in which the Avars struggles,
against the Bavarians, are a


vol. ii. p. 135). could not hold

good measure of

These frontier their own even

the weakness

them. which had overtaken so far west is enigmatical, of the Bulgarians The mention we are to understand the ruler of the that either unless or that to help the Avars, had sent a contingent Bulgarians a Bulgarian


is more





in Pannonia,

now We tho Avars, becumo the the Great.

chapter in the history of approach the concluding shorn of their power and prestige, when, they victims of the ambition and warlike skill of Karl intercourse began in a friendly way. ?\\ Their when envoys Karl held his great May meeting went to him from tho Khakan

the year 782, at Lippspring,

and Avars. them from the Jugur Annals

THE AVARS. et Jugurro), chiefs of tho (a Cagano them and dismissed tells us he heard


vol. i. Pertz, (Ann. Laur. p. 162, Annales Einhardti, Both annalists uso tho terms Caganus and Jugurrus p. 163). as proper names, and Zeuss accepts the latter as unmistakably so (vide Die Deutsche, It has also been etc., p. 740, note). which seems improbable, identified with the tribal namoUighur, as the latter is a rare name. It is curious to read in the Annales vol. i. p. 92, under the year 783, as far as the Enisa, i.e. the Enns, their frontier towards Bavaria, but did not proceed further. The date Abel suggests is a year too late, and he connects this demonstration against Bavaria with the embassy to Karl vol. i. p. 351, note 1). des Frankischen Reiches, (Jahrb. St. Emmer. that Rat-is. the Huns Pertz, advanced Tassilo, punished affection the chief and of Bavaria, who formerly had been much had small by Karl, naturally dispossessed for him, and we now find him taking active steps to tho Avars for Inter alia, he made advances against him. was probably an alliance. in the year 786 (Ann. Laur. This Pertz, vol. i. p. 172). Karl now found himself with the double in Italy and Tassilo duty on his hands of facing the Greeks are told that tho We and his allies in Central German)'. latter made a treaty with the Avars, by which they undertook the year 788 to send one army to the March of Friauli during to Bavaria; the latter was to help the Greeks, and another to put pressure on the unwilling Tassilo's Bavarians, perhaps own subjects, to attack the Franks Laur. Pertz, vol. i. (Ann. p. 174; Ann. Karl, having of sympathy meet him at id. p. 173). In the spring of 788 and having also tho apparently his suspicions, summoned Tassilo to the Bavarian grandees, to go, and when He had there Ingelheim. Einhardti,

his alliance with his various intrigues, confessed including and became a monk, Tassilo was duly deposed, the Avars.
and thus ended the independence of Bavaria.

not prevent tho Avars from The collapse out the campaign which They they had projected. carrying to act in concert with the Greeks, sent an army to Friauli of Tassilo did which was, however, attacked by the Franks, and driven



away. Another army invaded Bavaria. They were met and under the Counts defeated the Franks and Bavarians by or Odoaker, at a Grahaman and Audaker place called Ibose, doubtless situated on the Ips, in the eastern part of Bavaria. were to find enemies instead of allies in annoyed a third the Bavarians, and to revenge themselves, they made who were again assisted by the Imperial attack upon the latter, A great multitude of Legates, which was similarly repelled. in Avars, we are told, were killed, and others were drowned The Avars Abel, In ; (Ann. Laur. Ann. Einh. Pertz, vol. i. pp. 174-5 op. cit. p. 528). the year 790 Karl held his Diet at Worms. There went there envoys from the Avars, and he duly sent envoys in return (Annales Einhardti, vol. i. p. 177). The Pertz, matters in dispute, which were discussed these embassies, by were tho of the frontier, and perpetually recurring question also the attacks made upon the Bavarian by the Avars id. ; Ann. Laur. ad an. 791 ; marches Annales, (Einhardti, Karl Abol, vol. ii. p. 11 and note). his mind to subdue these dangerous He and vast accordingly provisions, armament made and the Great neighbours had made up effectually. both of men refer to the thousand the Danube

exceptional preparations, the annalists specially

he collected, several including or Ratisbon, at Regensburg, assembled in horses, and which was divided into three divisions tho spring of 791. The army ; one of them the Ripuarian and a large Franks, comprising was com of Saxons, Friesians, and Thuringiaus contingent and the Chamberlain Meginfred. manded Count Theodoric by and bank of the Danube They marched along the northern the southern part of Bohemia. The second army, through under Karl himself, composed apparently of Franks and Ale south of the Danube marched Bavaria. The manni, through Bavarians themselves formed a third army, wrhich marched the other two, and conveyed the pro along tho river between These were carried in boats which were apparently visions. manned

by Friesian
id. p. 177

; Ann.

(Ann. Laur. Pertz,

Laurcsham. Pertz,


i. p. 170 ;
i. p. 31).






also went






of Ratisbon, Arno of Salzburg, Motz, and Bishops Sindpert and Otto of Freisingen. The first two apparently died during the campaign (Abel and Simson, vol. ii. p. 20). Besides these three main armies, a fourth was sent from This was accompanied inter alios Italy to the Avar frontier. John Duke of Istria, two counts, a bishop, etc. (Epist. by Car. 6, 349-50). The Italian It ad army was the first to strike a blow. vanced into Illyricum, and thence into Pannonia (Ann. Lauresham. i. p. 34), and on the 23rd of August it Pertz, vol. a severe defeat on the Avars; a largo number of them inflicted
were killed, and their camp, or so-called Ring, was stormed

this the victors and plundered. After and with 150 prisoners, whom booty orders should arrive from Karl about Karl. Mag. ad Fastradte). Karl himself advanced between



their until (Epist.

they their disposal


to the Enns, called the expressly and the Avars. There he re from Pepin ceived a messenger telling him that things were on well in Italy. There also he ordered a three days' going of to be performed, in which the blessings religious ceremony frontier the Bavarians This upon the approaching campaign. to the 7th of September p. 350 ; (Abel, Ann. p. 177). Ann. Laur. Pertz, vol. i. p. 176; Einhardt, in a letter still extant written is described The ceremony by to his wife Fastrada, whom ho had left at Ratisbon. Karl heaven lasted invoked from the 5th from meat and wine during The bishops ordered abstinence the three days above mentioned, except for the very old and to buy exemption from tho Tho rich were allowed young. a solidas a day, and tho poorer folk by a cor fast by paying to recito sacrifice. Tho bishops were themselves responding their masses, and the clerics to repeat 50 psalms, and during of the litanies to go barefoot the processions (Epist. Carl. 6, Ja tie, vol. iv. pp. 349-351). now advanced, the first part of his march Karl being so frequently in the wars devastated the district through He met with no and the Avars. the Bavarians between resistance till he reached the Cumeoberg (or Chunberg as were



calls (close to the it), near the town Comagena Regino Tuln' below Klo8tcrncnburg, the Abel, vol. ii. p. 23), where Avars had one of their Rings. A similar Ring was situated north of the Danube on the route which Theodoric and Meginfred had to traverse. This was on the river rises in Bohemia, which flows Kamp, tho valley of Zwetl, and falls into the Danube through below Krembs vol. i. p. 176, note). (Pertz, are unanimous The contemporary authorities in the state ment armies doned that when the advance of the two tho Avars noticed did not wait to bo attacked, but fled and aban they their fortresses vol. i. p. 176 ; (Ann. Laur. Pertz,

Einh. Ann. id. p. 177). The annals of Lorsch expressly say, " aut fossas aut aliquam firmitatem sive in mon Ubieumque tibus seu ad ilumina aut in silvis factara habuerunt, statim, ut ipse aut exercitus ejus ibi advenit continuo aut se tradi derunt aut occisi sunt aut per fuga (Ann. Lauresh. delapsi vol. i. p. 34). Pertz, now Karl to the Raab, advanced which he crossed, followed its right bank to its outfall into the Danube, and there some days, returned by way of Sabaria having stayed His march lasted 52 (i.e. Stein on the Anger near Sarvar). which the country was terribly devastated with days, during fire and sword. The same results no doubt attended the march of the army led by Theodoric and Meginfred which returned home through Bohemia. A vast booty and many prisoners,
men, women and children, were captured. We also read that

broke out among the horses in Karl's own army, one in ten survived (Einhardt, Ann. Pertz, vol. i. p. 177; Ann. Laur. id. p. 178; Ann. Lauresh. id. p. 34). From these notices it would appear that the Avar campaign was prose cuted with little, if any actual fighting on the part of the Franks, nor do I know whence derived his rhetorical notice. Thierry In order to be safe against attack, if the Avars should to avenge wish Karl passed the summer and themselves, at winter in Bavaria. We do not read of any Regensburg fresh strife, however, for a year or two, although in 792 the seem to have Saxons invited the Avars to join them in a

a pestilence and hardly



vol. i. p. 35). Karl him (Ann. Lauresh. Pertz, campaign self was anxious to march into Pannonia. He built a bridge across tho Danube to facilitate his operations, and was also to try and make a canal between the Rednitz and the persuaded to connect the Rhine and Danube. Altmuhl His plans against the Avars were disturbed, however, by an attack of the Saxons on one of his armies which was marching through Friesia and which was destroyed (Einh. Ann. Pertz, vol. i. p. 179). We next read of a chief of tho Avars or named either entitled Tudun, who in the year 795, sent to offer to put his people and country under tho Frank }roke, and proposed to become a Christian himself. He was clearly not tho Khakan (Ann. Laur. Pertz, vol. i. p. 180 ; Ann. Einh. id. p. 181). The next year we read of a civil feud among the Avars, caused probably of Tudun. In it we are told the Khakan by the n?gociations were killed. and Jugurrus tempted by this strife, Probably who was determined to put an end to the dangers which Karl, on the side of Paunonia, him continually menaced and who was doubtless also attracted by the prospects of a vast booty, seems to have ordered an invasion of the Avar country by the army of Friauli, under Count Eric, who was accompanied a Slave chief named Woinimir. He marched ly straight upon one of the great of the Avars, which he captured, and Rings a large was sent to Aachen. in This was apparently booty the late autumn of 795 Simson identifies sar near Tatar (see Riezler, p. 182, note 1, in the Anzeiger f. k?nde d. Deutschen f. 6, 1859, sp. 39, Abel and Vorzeit, The Monk of St. Gallen vol. ii. p. 100). Simson, grows in describing tho vast treasures carried off, veiy rhetorical and of which we can form some idea when we remember to tribute of 80,000 the Bj'zantines, and on one 100,000 pieces golden occasion had received as many as 200,000 from Heraclius. some of this distributed in gifts and Charlemagne plunder, we read how he sent a present to Rome. This he com that the Avars had drawn from missioned Count (Ann. Laur. to take ad limina Apostolorum Angclbcrt vol. i. p. 182). Alcuin tells us how he Pertz, an annual (Abel and Simson, vol. ii. p. 99). this Ring with the traces found at Sarto



sent to Offa, King of Mercia, a Ilunnic sword and sword-belt the Northumbrian and two silken cloaks. While Annals tell us that fifteen great waggons, each drawn by four oxen, were laden with the gold, silver and silken treasures, etc., carried off (op. cit. ad ann. 795). in the latter part of 795 that Tudun, apparently I havo mentioned, went in person submission previous to Aachen, with a considerable and duly submitted following himself with his people. treated They were baptized, Karl whoso him and his people with great honour, and distributed gifts them (Ann. Laur. Pertz, vol. i. p. 182 ; Einh. /'/. among a poem to Karl who addressed in the Theodulf, p. 183). the baptism, and refers to the plaited spring of 796, mentions the Avars wore hanging down from their heads which Abel and Simson, (see Theodulf, Carmen, 37, etc.; p. 119). to prosecute Later in the year Karl sent Pepin the war in the more eastern parts of Pannonia. He crossed the Danube with an army of Lombards, Bavarians, and Alemanni. Mean hair while the new Khakan of the Avars, who had replaced the one killed the year before, as I have mentioned, and who is in the Annales Mettenses, called Kaia or Kaiam went with his Terkhaii8, and placed himself and his kingdom under the de Peppini str. victoria Avarica, yoke of Karl (see Rhythmus Ann. Laur. Pertz, vol. i. p. 182; Einh. Ann. id. 10-12; 183 ; Ann. Lauresham. id. p. 37 ; Ann. Mett, It is p. etc.). that Kaia is a corruption of Khakan. The embassy possible did not stay Pepin's march. He captured the great Royal it was the same which Eric had taken the Ring (apparently and then drove a number year before) which he destroyed, of fugitive Avars across the Theiss. He also carried off the rest of the treasure, which had been left behind by Eric, and took it to his father at Aachen. The Monk of St. Gallen the reports how his foster-father, soldier Adalbert, had told him of a soldier from Dordogne, who if not a Gascon the by blood, had evidently acquired habit of boasting. Gascon He took part in these Avar and said he had cut down the Huns his with campaigns, sword as you cut down hay, and as to theWends, these frogs It was



he declared that ho had spitted seven or eight of them on his spear, and carried them about in spite of their cries ii. 20). St. Gallen, He also captured many (Monachus, whom was Ayo of Friauli, who had fled in prisoners, among the troubles of recent j'ears, and sought refuge there, and who took a prominent part in later history. Alcuin corresponded with Karl about the redemption of the Avar prisoners (seo his letters). was now crushed. The power of the Avars about ten years later, thus describes the writing Eginhardt, in quo regia Kogani "locus erat, ita desertus, Royal Ring: ut no vestigium quidein in eo humana) habitationis apparent" summoned a meeting of Bishops and others (op. cit.). Pepiu on the Danube, to discuss how the Avars were to be con the Christian faith. Alcuin's description seem very hopeful : " IRcc autem gens vel certe idiota et sine literis tardior bruta et irrationabilis sacra at que laboriosa ad cognoscenda invenitur." mysteria with them, as with The adoption of Christianity the Norse men, was largely a political piece of diplomacy. Next year, i.e. in 797, Eric Duke of Friauli, with an army verted of and them taught does not and Lombards, made another invasion of tho Avar and won a victory over the Avars, hero called Vandals land, and Simson, vol. Pertz, vol. i. p. 48 ; Abel (Ann. Alemann. ii. p. 133). from the Avars went to The same year envoys them handsome Karl at ITcristal, and took with gifts (Ann. id. p. 183). Laur. Pertz, vol. i. p. 182; Einh. Ann. of Franks in 799, the Avars, fell away from Two years later, namely, had promised the allegiance (Ann. Laur. Pertz, vol. i. p. they This apparently refers to Tudun 186; Ann. Einh. id. p. 182). of Einhardt and his companions, who is said in tho Annals to have fallen away not long after his baptism, and to have Leibnitz of his fault. (Ann. Imp. i. 190), some authority to us, tells us unknown apparently quoting cut off (Abel and and his fingers his eyes were removed the defection, To punish the Gerold, Simson, p. 119). inarched into Pannonia. He fell, with of Bavaria, Governor two companions who were riding by him, in a battle with 13 ; Pertz, vol. ii. p. 450 ; the Avars (Einhardt, Vit. Car. p. paid the penalty

THE AVARS. Ann. Laur. ad an.).


was brother to Karl's Gerold wife, was removed to the Abbey of Rechenau, llildegar. body and on his tomb were inscribed inter alia the words, vera Ecclesia Pannoniis pro pace peremptus His Oppetiit ea3vo septemtribus ensa calendis.

D. Bouq. vol. i. v. 400. sent an army of 802-3 Karl the winter into During Pannonia Mett. ad an.), and in the latter j'ear we read (Ann. in the same annals that Zodan, Prince with of Pannonia, Slaves and Huns, placed their land once more under many is treated by Abel and Zodan yoke of the Franks. as a form of the name Tudun, Simson but they make him another person than the Tudun above named (op. cit. vol. ii. I have no doubt he was the same person. Tudun p. 297). is called Zotan in the Annales Guelferbytanorum, under tho Juvavcnses sub. ann. 796. year 795, and in the Annals the Karl tion autem (Einh. took of Pannonia of rearranging the administra this opportunity and the south-eastern marks, "Imperator causis" in Baioariam profectus dispositis Pannoniarum tells us that, vol. i. p. 191). Ann. Pertz, Thierry acts, ho nominated

five Counts of or Gontram, Werenhar namely, and Gerold Gotcfrid, Albric, (op. cit. vol. ii. p. Berengar, in the I do not find this latter statement, however, 188). to tho ancient according tho Pannonian frontier, Ho also placed account of Abel and Simson. very detailed a portion under the ecclesiastical of Pannonia jurisdiction viz. that part of it bounded of Salzburg, of the Archbishop and including the by the Raab, the Drave, and the Danube, ch. viii. sec. 10 ; See (Tract, de Con vers. Bavariae, Platten Abel and Simson, vol. ii. p. 299, note). to inter In the early spring of 805 there came to Aachen of the Avars, asking him to the Khakan view the Emperor, between Sabaria and find him and his people new quarters and Petronell, i.e. between Stein on the Anger, Carnuntum, since they could tho frontier town of Austria, near Ueinburg, not live in their old ones, inasmuch as they were so harassed there by tho Slaves (Hinhardt, Annales, Pertz, vol. i. p. 192). of Bavaria, is confirmed by the tract on the Conversion
vol. xxi.?[new fiuniEs ] 62


where we


and Bavarians read that at this time the Slaves to occupy the IIuus wore the country from which began driven out (Abel and Simson, vol. ii. p. 321, note). This proves how crushed the Avars now were. The Khakan was named

Theodore, which was possibly the Christian name of the Avar his request, and ruler last mentioned. The Kaizar granted soon after sent him away with presents. Ho died, however, vol. i. p. 192). home (Einhardt Annales, Pertz, reaching to ask Karl The new Khakan sent one of his chieftains to grant him the same position and status which had been Tho Emperor granted possessed by other Avar Khakans. was installed with tho the request, and tho new Khakan same ceremonies, the title and honours of and was allowed He was the old ones Ann. Pertz, p. 192). (Einhardt, at Fiskaha with the name Abraham (i.e. on the baptized on the 21st September, 805 river Fischa), (Ann. Juvav. Pertz, vol. It would whole and what i. p. 87 ; Ann. St. Emmer. seem from such evidence remained of the Avar to understand Ratis. as we id. p. 93). possess that the

of what in order a terrible like


nation now migrated, the position we must remember in and destruction was involved devastation His in Pannonia. those of Karl the Great

some years after, thus en writing that the Avar war After mentioning took to the Saxon, in which Karl the in one campaign, part: "He only took part in person and his generals." his son Pepin others were fought by with "was conducted "The says Eginhardt, campaign," and lasted the greatest skill and vigour, years. eight now divested of inhabitants, vacua omni habit atore, Pannonia, that not so destroyed its royal residence with Pannonia, a vestige of it remains, witnesses the number of combats wholo Tho shed. and the quantity of blood fought, their glory has of the Huns noblesse has been destroyed, biographer, Eginhardt, larges upon the subject. was the greatest, next
perished, and their treasures, accumulated during many

centuries, recall an enriched,



expedition for formerly

captured in which they may


cannot We dispersed. were so much the Franks be said to have been poor ;



so much gold but they found in the palace of the Khakans it and silver, and so much spoil on the field of battle, that have very rightly recovered may be justly said the Franks from the Huns taken the latter have so unjustly that which from the rest of the world" (Egin. Vit. Car. M. 13; Pertz, vol. ii. p. 450). to the campaigns of Karl the Great This narrative points as the in Pannonia had the same ultimate motive having buccaneering In plunder. as if they matched
Sungaria. Let us revert, however. As we have seen, the Avars were

of expeditions to their regard the recent

Cortez effects,

and Pizarro, namely, it would almost seem of the Chinese in


to transported Karl in the which they were moved had been devastated by war of 796. It had been waste also in earlier times, for it, seem to be identical with of the deserta Boiorum would von pp. 44, 104, (see Ilunfalvy, Ungarn, Ethnographie Pliny and note 54). east of the Danube, The condition of things including from this time to the Eastern Hungary and Transylvania, at the end of tho century, invasion of tho Hungarians to the west of the Danube. The district and the in European pages history, has only the floods of increased information paucity conjecture conjecture, and the very natural polemics which that some portions It is very probable induce. generally a considerable and unoccupied, of it remained waste part of but another part, including to the Moravians, to the kings of became subject and Wallachia, Transylvania are largely limited to the unsatis Our authorities Bulgaria. tells us that the Bulgarians factory pages of Suidas, who doubtless fell
were much attracted by the Avar costume. They accord

is one of the darkest

their own, and continued The same Bulgarians, he the Avars, and Krum, the and asked his Avar captives, King, interrogated Bulgarian them how it came about that their ruler and people had been that it was by mutual undone. replied They completely it, and discarded ingly adopted to use it when Suidas wrote. on to say, forcibly subdued goes

strife, and


and most they had thus lost their strongest men, who had been replaced by the unjust and tho prudent robber. Drunkenness had also prevailed much among them; had been corrupted by bribes, while many of them had they to trade, and had taken to cheating each devoted themselves his these facts, and concluded duly applied " to his subjects with All the the ominous phrase, homily Avars, therefore, have been overwhelmed by the Bulgarians" 37-38; Stritter, vol. ii. p. 562-563). (Suidas, Eclogues, pp. this passage wo learn that Krum, who was at this From time a most powerful ruler, and who certainly controlled a considerable north of the Danube, known as Bul territory the Avars. also conquered garia beyond the Danube, in question Roesler has called the existence of a Bulgaria and Nicephorus north of the Danube, Byz. (Greg. Hist. a " Bulgaria on this sido of tho c. ix. p. 391) speaks of account of Leo, son of Barda and an anonymous Danube," other. Krum It the Danube. (p. 345), speaks of a Bulgaria beyond was thither that Krum at sent the prisoners he captured in tho year 813 Pic, Die. Abstanmum (see Adrianople were also masters That the Bulgarians der Rum?nen). of Transylvania from tho Fulda Annals, Pertz, appears in his war vol. i. p. 408, where wo read how Arnulf, to in the year 563, sent to ask Wladimir with the Moravians, (Fulda Ann. Pertz, slop the supply of salt to his enemies Pic has shown that the only salt works then vol. i. p. 374). use were those of Marmarosch in which and Transylvania, therefore in the hands of the Bulgars have been in the Fulda The references op. cit. pp. 73, 74). (Pic, in the years 863 and 886 also point to the Bulgarians Annals Another then been neighbours. and Moravians having of evidence is a Bulgarian is the name Pesth, which piece must gloss, forms and which, piec, pice, in the other pec, kopetar These various takes the dialects, Romanische Roesler, (see facts seem only consistent masters at this time of tho old Slavic chronicler, the army of Krum,

Studien, p. 205). the Bulgarians with being Avar dominion cast of the Danube. According to the Byzantine



the Bulgarian circ. king, when he attacked Constantinople 814, comprised also Avars and Slaves (Stritter, vol. ii. p. 561). These Avars were, however, mere fugitives, and we must take it as clear that what remained of the nation was now planted west of the Danube, and that Pannonia east of the Danube on the one with Dacia the prey of the Moravians became on the other. hand and the Bulgarians to the Enns now, according to The district from Comagena took the name of Hunnia, while that east of Mount Thierry, Cettius was called Avaria cit. vol. ii. p. 193). (op. The political been broken, power of the Avars having more active efforts were now made to deprive them also of their hostile them to Christianity, and spirit, by converting in the work, mention tho most active is made of a among certain In g or Ingo, Count of Lower Pannonia, who acquired such influenco that his mere word or his seal on a scrap of paper was documents. they were and drink accepted as of equal authority with more are told that when he held We meetings he invited those who were Christians, subordinates, formal of his even if

low born and mere serfs, to dine at his own table, out of golden cups, while their masters and other still pagans, were left outside the who were great people, to whom bread and and were treated as mendicants, door, in common vessels were distributed. meat, and a little wine asked a reason for this strange Some Avar chiefs, having that impure people like them had no conduct, ho replied
business to communicate with men who had been regene

their place was that of dogs outside the rated by baptism, The old narrative house. goes on to say that the noble to be converted were thus persuaded and baptized Huns vol. ii. pp. de Convers. Bajor. Duchesne, ii., Thierry, (Tract, 189-190). to the Im issued certain instructions This same year Karl to find some commissaries, among which it is interesting perial of the Slaves and about trade in the country regulations it was provided that the In these regulations Avars. line joining the should not go beyond a certain merchants and of the Enns into the Danube, and the outfall Elbe

passing Halazstat


Scheessel, Magdeburg, Erfurt, through Bardowiek, Pfreinst, Forchheim, (Hallstadt north of Bamberg), or Regensburg, and Lorch, which were doubtless Ratisbon, treated as the markets (Abel and Simson, vol. ii. pp. 332). In the year 811 we read how Karl sent an army to Pannonia to try and settle thechronic disputes about their frontiers between the Slaves and Avars (Einhardt, Annales, Pertz, vol. i. p. 190), of the same year there arrived at Aachen, and in November on this question, and sent to interview the Emperor by the commander of tho forces, Canizauci, the chief of the Avars, and other grandees Tudun, (primores is tho word used, it answers to terkhans), and the leaders of the Slaves probably

near the Danube Dummler id.). (Einhardt, Ann. living has suggested that the name Canizauci is a corruption of and some name of which we have only perhaps an Khan, He was doubtless echo in izauci or zauci. the Khan of the Avars at that time (see Abel and Simson, vol. ii. p. 472). find of the Avars during the reign of Karl the Great, who died in the year 814. When his successor, Louis made his famous division of his territories among his sons, we are told he left to his son Louis, otherwise known as the German, Bavaria and the country of tho Karan Avars and Stares. tani, Bohemians, In 819 there broke out the rebellion in Pannonia, which was headed who is called Duko of Lower Pan by Liudewit, This In this outbreak the Avars apparently took a part. 822 we are told tho Avars sent envoys to Aachen In to the (Einhardt, Ann. Pertz, vol. i. p. Emperor Louis with presents to appease him after their recent This was probably 209). nonia. In the year 826 alliance with Liudewit. compromising they occur in history for the last time as a separate community. II., addressed They are named in a brief of Pope Eugenius to the nations in the valley of the Danube, and to their to the Khakan and to Moymar, chiefs, cspccialty Tutundus, Duke of Moravia. In this brief he pressed them to restore the ancient sees which existed in their country in the time of the Romans and tho Gepida), and he further counselled them to devote a portion of their lands to endowing new sees, and is the last mention we



were to paying additional pastors, since some of their people still pagans. who He bade them help Archbishop Urolf, was their supreme the and who would pastor, complete number of necessary the old ones sees, either by restoring or new ones. When founding bishops were thus duly ap could restore the churches, if only means were pointed, they found for building and endowing them (Epist. Eug. P. a 1 op. cit. pp. 196-197). Chag. ann. 826; Thierry, Almost later we find them referred to in a fifty years of the author of tho Tract on the Conversion of the passago
Havarians and Carinthians, already referred to, and written

scribe of Salzburg, under Bishop by an anonymous writing wrote about the year 870, shortly before the He Adalwin. " arrival of tho Magyars, and says : The Huns the expelled Rom uns, the Goths, and the Gepidso from Lower Pannonia, and took possession of it, until the Franks, the Bavarians, and the Carantani subdued them in continuous wars. Those, and were obedient to the faith, however, who were baptized, to the king, became tributaries and retain their land as tributaries even to this day (op. cit. p. 7). This was a mere and it was doubtless absorbed fragment of tho race, however, or joined in tho surrounding the presently population, wrote When Nestor of 1115 he could say all Magyars. " are swept away, not an Avar remains. So that," he adds, " the Russians have a proverb : They have disappeared like no relations, no descendants the Avars, remain of them" (op. cit. ed. Paris, vol. ii. p. 113). In the Fulda Annals the Hun they are confused with and are referred to as Atari dicuntur Ilungari, qui garians, vide sub aim. 894, and Pertz, vol. i. pp. 410-413, but this is,
of course, What a mistake. remained was absorbed, and disappeared as a separate

race ; been races ; and the reason rather the leaders of other we have treated is because it their history in such detail forms a very complete in European and episode history, nationality. they were The Avars had never
because, although they came and passed away, without leaving

a numerous



a definite


they probably

had more



to do with tho great race-movements in Eastern Europe, at a critical and very obscure period of its history, than any other invaders. It is certainly curious what very small direct traces of themselves they left behind. speaks with some surprise of the lack of monu Hunfalvy ments We do not, for instance, know a left by the Avars. we can attribute to them, but this is which single place-name So their origin and character. surely most consistent with far as we know, they were herdsmen and soldiers, and knew of agriculture. the modern Like Kalmuks, they nothing
had summer and winter quarters, and, as we havo seen,

among and Rings by the Lombards by the so called and they wero from their Franks, apparently earthen These ruths, surrounded shape. great by dykes, were precisely like the early camps of the Mongolian race, or the Black of which their so-called capital, Karakorum, was a notable The nature of these Rampart, example. passed were called Camps Rings Gallen, has been described for us by the Monk of St. to havo derived his information from who claims an old soldier who taken part in the had Adalbert, is as follows: of Gerold. "The land His notice campaign novem circuits the Huns was girdled with nine Rings, no such fences I replied that I knew of cingebatur. When except those made of osiers, he replied that it (i.e. the land) was fortified with nine or banks (novem hegin munie? hays I replied I knew of no such banks, except bafur). When those surrounding cornfields, he replied one such enclosure of
was as far across as the distance from Zurich to Constance.

their winters

the Slaves.



banks were made with a double row of piles of oak, beech, or pine, which were twenty feet apart, the space being stones and loam. filled up with The fence thus constructed was twenty feet high. The surface of the bank was covered a row of trees with with sods ; on this was planted their The branches was cut like chevaux similar apparently the dwellings scattered placed that the voice could de fris. Inside this mound (which to those encircling Irish raths) wero so of the inhabitants, and villages be heard from one to another.



were gateways, which the the dwellings pierced Opposite or forty Italian of ten German, At a distance rampart. which was very like miles from the second of these Rings, a third such Ring, and so on to the was planted the first, one From all were not of the same size. ninth, although to signal of to another it was possible by means Ring In these Rings were kept the treasures amassed trumpets. two centuries of plundering (Pertz, by the Avars during vol. ii. p. 748). it shows that the Avars If this notice is trustworthy, a small portion of Pannonia. actually occupied only of that the Rings were the boundaries suggests Hunfalvy the several Avar tribes (op. cit. p. 97). We do not otherwise into tribes. He of the Avars being divided read, however, adds that remains of these Rings arc still to be found in the are county of Biicska, and the south of that of Toron tal. They are recorded known as Roman earthworks. erroneously They map of Hungary (Atlas Hungaricus I 1750 and 1751; Hunfalvy, p. 398, note 187). no good this attribution, since I know of altogether question east of the Theiss, evidenco for planting any Avar settlements to a and these vast Hungarian earthworks belong, I believe, much earlier age. remains which we can Of archaxdogical we have a most scanty list. Hunfalvy assign to the Avars tells us that in tho National Museum at Pesth are three finds plainly Belianus, Bel's which from to the period of Avar may be assigned are the coins found with them. There of Csanad, comprising the First (527-565) two coins of Pilsir, with domination the find of a gold coin ; that of St. on Matthias

in the county Kun?gota, of the time of Justinian Andrew

of Justin in the county the First and Phokas ; and thirdly, (602-610) (518-527) that of Ozora, in the county of Stuhlweissenburg, with a gold coin of the time of Constantine (668). Pogonatos In the ?rst of these finds were some vessels and bracelets at of base silver. the latter is one, funnel-shaped Among were both ends. Similar bracelets, with funnel terminations, also In the in the find at St. Andrew. among the objects were not known latter find were also two stirrups. Stirrups

to the Greeks


and Romans, nor are they figured on Sassanian These are apparently the earliest known, dating bas-reliefs. as they do from the sixth century. The Ozora find com a number of ornaments, prised showing a peculiar technique. and buckles It included golden bracelets, rings, hair-pius, in with garnets and dark-red ornamented pieces of glass cloisonn?e work. This kind of work was unknown at Byzan while it was common in the west of Europe during the tium, of the barbarians second period of the migration (Hunfalvy, cit. p. 98). I very much doubt these objects having op. been other than plunder secured by the Avars, who in all had no arts, like the modern Kazak and Kalmuks, probability, save the very simple ones necessary to equip herdsmen, who are curious, but stirrups also soldiers. The stirrups have occurred in Norse graves in Russia. of what we havo been able to discover This exhausts were herdsmen and free remains of the Avar period. They on their neighbours and doubtless were dependent booters, and slaves for their handicrafts, except perhaps that of sword


are referred to by the Frank "Ilunnic swords" making. blades are meant, chroniclers, by which perhaps Damascened in a boat at such as those found in such large numbers It from this period. in Denmark, dating apparently Nydam swords were rather derived be that even these Ilunnic may from Ilunnic This than made by Ilunnic hands. In a I have to say of the Avars. completes I hope to bring together a similar account subsequent paper know much less. of the Sabiri, of whom we unfortunately what sources