Rehabilitating the Industrial Revolution Author(s): Maxine Berg and Pat Hudson Reviewed work(s): Source: The Economic

History Review, New Series, Vol. 45, No. 1 (Feb., 1992), pp. 24-50 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Economic History Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2598327 . Accessed: 11/02/2013 12:10
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Economic Review, XLV, History

I(I992),

pp.

24-50

Rehabilitating industrial the
revolution'
By MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON

the and nineteenth centuries as awayfrom viewing lateeighteenth early in a uniqueturning and The of point economic socialdevelopment.2 notion in radical change industry society and over occurring a specific period was in effectively challenged the I920s and I930s by Clapham and others who of stressed long taproots development the incomplete the of and nature economic socialtransformation.' thisit was no longer and After possible to claimthatindustrial de society emerged novoat anytimebetween I750 c. and i85o, buttheidea ofindustrial revolution survived the i960s and into I970s. In i968 Hobsbawmcould state unequivocally that the British revolution themost was in the industrial fundamental transformation history in oftheworld recorded written documents.4 Rostow's work still was widely of influential the socialhistory whatwas seen as a new typeof class and was onlystarting be written. idea thatthelate eighteenth to The society and early nineteenth centuries witnessed significant a socioeconomic remained entrenched.' well discontinuity In thelastdecadethegradualist has In to perspective appeared triumph. it economic becauseof a preoccupation with history has done so largely at of basedconceptualizations growth accounting theexpense morebroadly have ofeconomic New statistics beenproduced which illustrate the change. of slowgrowth industrial and output grossdomestic product. Productivity fixed and grew slowly; capital proportions, savings, investment changed only standards their emained workers' and gradually; living personal consumption
I Some of the arguments this articleappear in Berg, 'Revisionsand revolutions'; in and in Hudson, We to for of and industries. are verygrateful N. F. R. Crafts detaileddiscussion thesubstance ed., Regions and to seminar of Research,London, theNorthern of an earlier version, groupsat theInstitute Historical of of of Economic HistoriansGroup, University Manchester,the University Glasgow, the University in of Paris viii at St Denis, and the Universities Oslo and Bergen.Although manyof the arguments the discussionin thispaper to the paper apply as much to Scotlandand Wales as to England, we confine in wherethe existing literature discussed. is industrial revolution England in orderto avoid confusion 2 For a broad surveyof this and othertrendsin the historiography the industrial of revolution see Cannadine,'The past and the present'. morecataclysmic associatedwithinitiating trend the awayfrom interpretations 3Clapham is mostoften in in Economic history modern of Britain,but the shift emphasisis obviousin otherworksof the interwar revolution; Heaton, 'Industrialrevolution';Redford, period and earlier,e.g. Mantoux, The industrial and revolutions; George,Englandin transition. Economic history England;Knowles,Industrial commercial of 4 Hobsbawm, Industry and empire, I3. p. period as class identified industrial the revolution 5Thompson in his Making of theEnglishworking Rostow's Stages of economic growth, thoughchallengedover the greatturning point in class formation. was a powerful voice in favourof significant the precisefitbetweenthe model and Britishexperience, picture economicdiscontinuity. Landes in Unbound Prometheus drew a convincing and unprecedented of the transformations initiated technical innovation. by

T he historiography the industrial of revolution Englandhas moved in

24

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aristocracy its offshoots metropolitan Gentlemanly capitalism in of and industrialists the prevailedand the power and influence industry and limited. For the argument landed aristocracy an eliteclosed to new wealthsee Stone and Stone.Rubinstein.is seen of as a chronological extension the eighteenth-century constitutional attack on Old Corruption. of For a balanced surveyof the debate on the 'moraleconomy'.Class struggle. This content downloaded on Mon.'Rethinking 9 Williams. The of macroeconomic indicators industrial and social transformation were not present and so the notionof industrial revolution been dethroned has almost instead of entirely leaving onlya longprocess structural changein employment fromagrarian non-agrarian to occupations. Cain and Hopkins. 11 Wrigleyand Schofield. For a critiqueof his position. and emphasizedby Foster. social history the periodhas shifted away fromanalysisof new class formations consciousness. of and 7 Characterized by Thompson.'Capital formation GreatBritain'.Ingham. The so-calledconsumer revolution these years can only be understoodas part of a dynamicinterplay of betweenchanging consumption patterns and the transformation employment production. population'and in Smith. 10The phraseis fromClark. example. See also Harley. 2. and economy'.'English workers' livingstandards'. Britisheconomic growth. 'Jonathan Clark'. 'Philosophy Luddism'. ii8. I52. 'Formation British capital'. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 'Moral economy'.8 Late eighteenth-century depressions theNapoleonic and of Wars are seen as the majorprecipitators social tensions whichare viewed fromtemporary selective and economichardship rather as arising thanfrom or 'The ancienregime anynewradicalcritique alternative political economy. Stevenson.Englishsociety whichis heavilycritical the social history the I970S of of and i98os. we concentrate hereon thegradualism supplyside approaches economichistory of in because supplyside changesare vitalin underpinning changein aggregate any demand.Makingof theEnglishworking class.and oftentakinga strong lead fromthe gradualism of economichistory the of interpretations.'3 Englisheconomyand societywere ephemeral 6 Crafts.Capitalism divided?.Popular disturbances.'Growthof is in Populationhistory.see Stevenson. Leys. The argument summarized Wrigley.'Figures of descent'. For pp. 'Comment'. for teenth-century Chartism. Birthof consumer But society. The greatarch althoughthis work itself does not place exclusivestresson continuity.7 and The postMarxian perspective stressesthe continuity betweeneighteenth. Chartism'. Thomis. 13 Ibid. 'Britishindustrialization'. 'Gentlemanly of thatthe capitalism'. English culture.More radical social and culturalchange is implied in some of the recentliterature discussingincreasesin internal consumption.9 oftheconfessional state'survived eighteenth early the and nineteenth centuries the dominantexplanationof substantially unchanged.see Innes.Open elite?.'Fertility 12 See Wiener.and Plumb.Randall.'Industrial in revolution'.11 And an influential tendencyin the socio-cultural of historiography the last few yearshas argued that the English industrial revolution was veryincomplete(if it existedat all) because the industrial failedto gainpolitical Thus England and economicascendancy. See Brewer.Lindertand Williamson.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 25 largely unaffectedbefore I 830 and were certainlynot squeezed. the late eighteenth-century its populationexplosionstresses continuity with a much earlier-established intactuntil demographic regimewhichremained at least the I840s. 8 StedmanJones. 'Morals'. McCloskey. The term'great arch' is fromCorrigan and Sayer.nineand social protest and radicalism.6 At the same time. was 'New men'.McKendrick. of see and critiques thisliterature Charlesworth Randall. Anderson. Feinstein.'2 bourgeoisie neverexperienced periodofcommitment industrial a to the growth: industrial in revolutionwas a brief interruption a great arch of continuity whose in economic and politicalbase remainedfirmly the hands of the landed in and finance. Luddites.ch.'0 In demography.

. the period are currently But. 68. has its of increased powers production. 246-7. own are inadequateto thetaskofidentifying rateson their stress thatgrowth and comprehendingthe industrial revolution. Treatise wealth. progressively beyond other any introduced in and improvements arrangements.that of slavery ceasedin namebutsurvived fact. by rapidadvancement scientific of moreor less. whena manpursues owninterest every alonehe is mostbenefitting society-amaxim. thesemachines rendered other branches. In i8I4 of importance changein the period.. invigorated capital skill. p. on quoted in Briggs. improvement steamengines.. intoall the departments productive throughout the industry 15 empire.and so accustomed and of thatit their interests apartfrom regardless thatof others. estimation fromthe incompletenature of the available data. of population England. revolutionary exceeds of since particularly thecommencementtheFrench The of but all credibility.Theyfind in parting thethraldom Feudalism havetaken in has on that Capital.Manufacturing cities. and fromassumptions and productivity embodiedin the analysis. . starting point forthe analysisof fundamental errors of of measurement growth using thisapproachis proneto significant of which arise fromthe restricted definition economicactivity. less from commodities men. of Owen.. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . much more importantly. . rapidity.. Gaskell. aboveall thefacilities of manufactories by to afforded the greatbranches the woollenand cotton all and are by machinery. Reportto thecounty Lanark.These haveobtained with of that they bread.hosiery various to . Though currentconsensus strongly appear to have had littledoubt about the magnitudeand contemporaries industrial change. The principle supply of but to thereby moreliberty.seeingworking-class organizations of In in imperio" the mostobnoxiousdescription'.'6 i85I the OweniteJames Hole wrotethat: havemenbecome pursue to Class stands opposedto class. . 6-7. beyond calculation ingenious and are applicable silk.linen.Victorian Hole. thatthe industrial change is not a good approach to economic growth and productivity The economicdiscontinuity. We argue here The nationalaccounts revolution shouldbe rehabilitated. J. the in It is wellknown that.p.26 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON favourscontinuity and gradualism.14 a point: RobertOwen in i820 identified key turning Great Britain.pp. pp. within the last thirty yearswithout war.We arguethatgrowth changein we underestimated. ownisolated his an that has become acknowledged maxim. I40. of And in i833 Peter Gaskellwroteof the social and politicalrepercussions an forming imperiumum economicchange.17 but Radical change was obvious to contemporaries it has been obscured in has in recenthistoriography.particularly PatrickColquhoun wrote: in to the of It is impossible contemplate progress manufactures GreatBritain Its wonderand astonishment. This content downloaded on Mon. whichwouldjustify has and demand been extended crime 'and folly. Lectures social science. The current orthodoxy 14 15 16 17 on Colquhoun. nation. during lasthalfcentury particular. industrial and performance particular been traditional viewed as an extensionof a pre-industrial past.

recent show veryslow growth calculations ratesbeforethe i83os and particularly in the last fourdecades of the eighteenth for century. pp. 'British For recent debatebetween 'Englishfactor markets'. circumstances however.'not onlywas the triumph ingenuity he slow to come to fruitionbut it does not seem appropriateto regard 20 as innovativeness pervasive'. See also Williamson.innovationis assumed to 18.'The industrial Williamson of investment opportunities. arguingthat one small and atypical in whichgrowth accelerated accountedforas much sector. small to have a significant of For mostof industry. 0. Explanations thisslow but growth varyconsiderably the workof Crafts has been the most widely in influential current about the industrial revolution. changesin the restof the of.'Interestrates'.2 per cent per annumbetweenI760 and i8oi and 0.cotton. Even totalfactor productivity growthacross the entire economy. 'Debating'.'8 assumptions Crafts calculatedthatchangein investment proportions verygradualuntilthe was early nineteenthcentury and that total factor productivity growth in was manufacturing onlyaround0. and manufacturing service economy.'Why was Britisheconomic growth. 8i.regional and specialization.chooses to emphasize the poor showingof manufacturing. sharply. of Unlike the earliernationalaccountsestimates Deane and Cole. For each area we identifyboth problems of underestimation and of the measurement fundamental of change. Crafts. 3I. 87. We believe that this opinion rests on two sector false assumptions.'Has theindustrial Heim and Morowski. Williamson. of becauseofa shortage highreturn lowproductivity theeconomy was of revolution crowdedout by theeffect war debtson civilianaccumulation. it is assumed that the innovative factory functioned independently and owed littleto. I86o. Deane and Cole. grewveryslowly:0.7 per cent i80i-3I.it was high whichunderearlier economic enoughto sustaina muchincreased population would have perished. 84. WhereasCraftsstresses so British economicgrowth slow?'.although productivity growth appearsgradual. inflatedin Crafts's opinion by the of performance agriculture. Secondly.First. British economic growth.4 per centbetweeni8oi and i83I. growth.. thesetwoviewssee Crafts. 20 Ibid. concluded. in manufacturing. reachingi.Crafts. Perhapsthe most Severalpointsabout thesegrowth is important that.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 27 underplays economicand social transformation because such development is not amenable to studywithinthe frameof reference nationalaccounts of and aggregate statistics. was a modernsector It as half of all productivity gains too overallimpact. demographic development. p.19 This content downloaded on Mon. revolution Mokyr. We examinefourareas in whichfundamental and unique change occurred during the industrialrevolution:technical and outsidethefactory organizational innovation sector. We conclude by consideringthe for of of importance social and politicalhistory our reassessment the extent in and natureof transformation theseyears.2 per centper annum I760i8oi. been crowdedout?'.o per cent onlyin the period I83Iratescould be made. McCloskey. Williamson. 19 Crafts. deployment female the of and childlabour. in floating a sea of tradition. Britisheconomic the revolution'. arguesthatthe industrial economicgrowth'. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .

Many of Crafts's macrodataparticularly Nor are the industrial derivedfrom estimates sectoroutputsand inputsrelyon usingmultipliers of is a handfulof examplesand only a sample of industries used.which and of dealing with descriptions tripleoccupations. Wrigley of agricultural population.22 the of At the root of problemsconcerning composition the economyby are the new social and sector in the national accounting framework tablesof Lindertand Williamson and others upon whichCrafts occupational to sectorthan the earlier These give a higherprofile the industrial rely. 306. Massie.23 of estimates King.2' The difficulties assigning to and othersectors the economy. Beforethe 1831 census. revolution been crowded out?'..agriculture. expenditure'. of allowingforchanges weights industrial in weightsover time and for the effects differential of price changes and value-addedchangesin thefinal are and product.24Lindert mainsource of and Williamson relyon theburialrecords adultmalesas their of occupationalinformation. 22 23 24 Lindertand Williamson. gradualist II Industrialoutput and GDP are aggregateestimatesderived from the weightedaverages of theircomponentswhich. innovative. for errormargins could be as highas 6o per centwhileestimates commerce and shoemakers.and without benefit of much more research. othersare 'littlemorethanguesses'.'RevisingEngland's social tables'.p.. overlapsbetweenagrarian robust. however.Note. Ibid.that he emphasizesthe fallibility estimatesforagricultural and agricultural change'. See Wrigley.suggestthatno reliablesectoralbreakdown the labourinputscan be made.'Urban growth p. p.The further like 'labourer'. Yet women and childrenwere a vital and workforce duringthe proto-industrial growing pillar of the manufacturing of for difficulties allowing dual and and earlyindustrial periods. p. i69. populationbeforei8oo. of involves 'a classic index numberproblem'. and Colquhounand fitwell with social structure of But workon the importance proto-industrialization. insurmountable willalways involvewide margins potential of error. Lindert. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Mokyr. as Craftshimselfadmits. 'Has the industrial Jackson. 70I.'English occupations'. carpenters. returnto these We below but first important pointsabout economicdualism and productivity deal withmeasurement problemsof the nationalaccountsapproach briefly revolution to the periodwhichalonearesufficient undermine during industrial confidence the current in orthodoxy. from rural ruralnon-agricultural and distinguishes also uses theseestimates. Lindert himselfhas cautioned and that for the large occupational groupingsof industry.Errorsin turnbecomemagnified in residualcalculations like thatof productivity growth.28 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON which of plantand equipment concern onlytheintroduction capital-intensive has an immediatemeasurableimpact on productivity. the latitude current for potentialerrorin these tables is great.but they are particularly often growingsections of the labour force and of the vitallyimportant. for of give no indication sector.not only are sectoraldistributions likely to be the likely to underestimate role of erroneous.'Government This content downloaded on Mon. I7. This omits 21 Ibid. and industrial occupations.

food processing.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 29 increasein the economy: potentially vitalsourcesof outputand productivity for example. 27-36.lead. 'Has the industrial Crafts. as likelyto be subjectto onlyminorrevision a resultof further context'.professions of And to transactions costs). Measurement growth. II.Behind this lies the even more thatthe servicesectorexpandedat the same rateas assumption problematic in we beforei8oi and thereafter line withwhatlittle knowabout population expenditure.'Whatdo merchants Hoppit.25 of as sectorswhichare includedshould be representative industry a whole ratherthan but in fact the sample is heavilybiased in favourof finished and uses ofrawand semi-processed goods.pp. Finally. Hoppit. industrial thresholds mostindustries If. in an international pp. Crafts. of to certainenoughof theseand of his otherestimates writein i989 'The dimensions economicchange .and incomeelasticities. 305-I2. World of goods. financial services. Mokyr. Trade and market. .prices. I82-3. I2. Crafts macro accounting in thatproductivity the servicesector is forcedto relyon the assumption increased no more than in industry. Age of manufactures.. Douglas and Isherwood. Genesis. 'Counting'.pp. Economics. as seems likely.p. 25 26 This content downloaded on Mon.28 growth. For discussionof the embeddednessof economicactivity of Usher. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Changein thenature intermediate material inputsprobablyresultsin bias because majorsourcesof innovation in the economyare neglected.27 surroundsCrafts's estimatesof agriculturaloutput furthercontroversy fromquestionableestimatesof population because he relies on inferences incomes. I. agricultural have of courseleftno availablesourceof Large areas of economicactivity centurynational income quantitativedata at all. but these are magnifiedin earlier major problems of underestimation. to say nothing personaland leisureservices.and the growth of the legal rents.retailand wholesale of what was happeningin transport.'Structure pay'. Black DykeMills.Britisheconomic was however. 6. growth.metal wares. i82. ed. 27 'Government expenditure'. Rowlands. Hoppit. furniture. 4i6. ch.Crafts. price data for the pp.p. are industrialization 'British research'. I7-27.29 problems thenational compoundedfor periods of fundamental approach are further accounting of and commercial economicchangebecause the proportion totalindustrial is over time. The coachmaking.ch. of idem. the 'Conceptualising labour force'. Sigsworth. Even in the twentieth of economicactivity. and deceleration'. 38-44. because so mucheconomicactivity embeddedin unquantifiwas applications The of non-market able and unrecorded relationships. 28 revolution been crowded pp. showingup in the estimates likelyto changeradically activity in were low. (central) government of Crafts'streatment the servicesectorexcludesdirectevidence profession. pp. 'Counting'.and new industrieslike chemicals and engineering. in Britainduringthe IndustrialRevolutionare now reliablymeasured. 'Growth out?'. see passim. growth.A numberof features . 239-306.. distilling. Price. 29 For discussionsof the problemsof nationalincomeaccounting see Hawke. Hudson. 'Counting'. Polanyi. i83. Mastersand men. Beneria.p.whatwas happening trades. do?'. British economic chs. Crafts.26 to In attempting measure the size and natureof the servicesectorthe framework encounters virtually a impossibletask. Jackson. involves whenused as an indicator national accounting. otherthanthe law (iinotherwords.entry and foremost among a myriadsmall firms expansionmighttake place first who is whichhave leftfewrecordsand whosecontribution lost to historians to confinethemselves easily available indices. Jackson. Berg.

identifying understanding III in Aggregative studiesare dogged by an inbuiltproblemof identification of As revolution. grew respectable is and does noteverywhere technical Clearly progress notgrowth rapidgrowth of imply the revolutionizing productionfunctions. sector. this finding suggestseitherthat the macro estimates thatpayingundue attention changesin the to are farfromaccurateand/or pointfor at trendratesof growth the nationallevel is not a helpfulstarting or economictransformation. revolution. combined with primitive large size of the traditional in But it made it a drag on productivity growth the economyas a whole. Hungary. Crafts. woolandchemicals soapandcandles) (e.Germany.paper in manual ruled with exceptions few and coal mining which supreme techniques at untildeepin thenineteenth rates. Crafts. British 'Britishindustrialization'. revolution 32 pp.g.and a widespread on industry on and servicesectorbackwater the other. This creates a problem because the nationalaccountsframework across requiresprice information the board to calculatevalue added in each sector. distinguish 'Britain'. betweentrendchangesand the effect cyclesof activity. 2. p. of economic growth. Crafts. 31 Mokyr.'Has the industrial been crowdedout?'. Mokyr. and tertiary it thatCrafts's recentstatistical In thisconnection is worth analysis noting of industrial output series for Britain. of innovation transformation? answering and In this our yardstick industrial question.32 structure is notclearhowhelpful divideis in understanding economic this the 30 and to to This analysisemploysthe Kalman filter eliminatethe problemof false periodization and Mills.31 century. of The new interpretations the industrial revolution relyon an analytical divide between the traditionaland modern sectors: mechanized factory traditional withhighproductivity theone hand. 5-6. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . It is argued that the industrial technology. of See Leybourne. Mokyr posingquestionsabout the existence an industrial has pointedout in the Englishcase: which and to Someindustries weremechanising switching factories grew slowly i like while construction after8oi.France.Can we justifyusing manufacturing ratios. and AustriashowsthatBritain a rateofgrowth industrial in to exhibit prolonged periodof increaseof trend In productionduring the process of industrialization.30 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON eighteenth centuryare sparse and highlypartial.30 the light of the qualitativeevidence of the extentand speed of change in Germanyand Russia in particular. 3I4.Italy.Economics theindustrial ch. This content downloaded on Mon. we need to look more closely at the model of industrialization much current whichunderpins analysis. firm These considerations the conclusions from together precludedrawing availableand suggestthatthe bias theycontainis likely estimates currently of and in to resultin underestimation production productivity the secondary sectorsof the economy. and Hungary werethe onlycountries Russia. high factorproductivity high aggregateinvestment on GDP indicators as and theirimmediate influence the formal techniques.'Trends and cycles'. idem.

59.and newmalleable trades developedskill-intensive processes. Lyons. Artisans in the metal-working sectors of Birminghamand Sheffield combinedoccupationsor changedthem over theirlife cycle in frequently such a way that they too could be classifiedin both the traditional and modern sectors. alloys. idem.'From manorto mill'. Cottontrade. I46-50. For a particular interpretation the dynamism the smallfirm 'Historicalalternatives'. industrialization was abandonedin the I970S withrecognition thediverseand dependent of linkages between This division and betweenthe 'traditional' and 'modern'sectors.oftenworking primarily supposedlystagnant and extensive radicaltechnical organizational and domestic markets. 'On the origins'. chs. pp. pioneered The classic textileinnovations change not recognizedby the revisionists.or firms be ascribedto either. economics.Eighteenthcottonmanufacturers.see Berg. the cheap labour supplyof womenand children and Thus fordecades the 'modern'sectorwas actually bolstered by. pp. 34 See. also Berg. I90-5.pp. 'Lancashirecottonindustry'. hand handtools. Genesisof industrial Wadsworthand Mann. 'Vertical integration'. 33 The use of a two-sector of changeis reminiscent development modelofindustrial traditional/modern economics during the I950s and i96os which looked to a policy of accelerated and large-scale of through promotion the modernsectoras a spearheadforthe restof the economy. is impossibleto make clear-cut it and the modern as there were rarely separate organizationalforms. forexample. 'Informal sector'. in of the as ways of retaining essentials older structures the face of the new evolved morecompetitive innovative and environment.33 or the dynamism eighteenth. This content downloaded on Mon. Hudson. I42-56. finishing weredevised creditand debt. particular.36 and the modern Firms primarily were most often inseparable and mutuallyreinforcing. woollenand worsted Heaton. serving domestic well as foreign as nineteenth-century combinedsteam-powered spinning factories in withlargemarkets. 'Revisionsand revolutions'.Age of manufactures.This pattern a function riskspreading. These so-called'company Thus the traditional the success of the artisanstructure.34 and derivedfromthe 'traditional' sector. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . John. in prominence economichistory. 35 Berg. 56.Berg. for sector.Industrial Englishbrassand copper 36 37 creativity'. of development southWales. it has gainedrenewed yet the 'formal'and 'informal' in See Moser. 'Revisions and revolutions'. Hamilton.p.and artisan co-operation wholesaling. Lyons. pp. Toye. 70-80.and not the reverse. idem. of pp. times and revolutionized marketing. I052. For fullerdiscussionof parallelideas in development of sectorsee Sabel and Zeitlin. to and technologies. 5i-6. Sabel and Zeitlin. 'Commerce and capital. II I2. Yorkshire industry. locations. This and othercases of vertical wagging integration providemore examplesof the tail of 'tradition' the dog of 'modernity'. The wool textile sector moved to new products which reduced New formsof putting-out. Customary practices The result and market-orientated to matchtheneeds ofdynamic production.37 The non-factory.earlynineteenth-century divisionsbetweenthe traditional reality. problems was of the in of earlytechnology. industries.35Artisan woollen workersin West Yorkshireclubbed to together build millsforcertain processesand thushad a footin both the modernand traditional mills'underpinned camps. Dilemmas development. retailing.pp.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 3I In of and England. typically of scale employment domestichandloomweaversand oftenkept a mix of powered and domestichand weaving long afterthe powered technology becameavailable. 'Historical alternatives'. diversified into metal processing ventures as concernedwith metalworking a way of generating steadyraw materialsupplies. the artisanmetal were all developed withina rural and artisanindustry.

shoemaking. British economic growth. I33-57. pp. idem. 69.38But the food and drink trades.'Environment'. tailoring.41There are many the and examplesof thiskind of overlapbetweenservices. early industrial capitalformation enterprise and in typically combinedactivity the food and drinkor agricultural processing trades withmoreobviously industrial innumerable activities. secondary.Eighteenth century This content downloaded on Mon. 39 Jones. Wrigley. industry. p.32 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON was considerable transformation within framework the so-called even the of traditional sector.'Agriculture Chapman. of thelimitations measureshave rarely of have been produced and widely accepted on trust. Furthermore. inputshas been subtracted 38 Crafts. 'Commerceand creativity'. Berg. 41 Ashton. maltster. chanceand change.'Industrial Burley. 4-5. 84. Throughout historiography the measures industrial revolution have seldombeen clearly productivity defined. Mathias.39This was true in metal manufacture Birminghamand whereinnkeepers and victuallers were commonly Sheffield and mortgagees In joint ownersof metal workingenterprises.and hence much of centralized industry. and brewing'. industrialist. capital'. thatthe successof cottonand but was other related and dependent to majorexports intimately uponinnovations in and radical transformations otherbranchesof the primary. and figures limited been explained. 40 p. p. People.40 the south Lancashiretool tradesPeter Stubs was not untypical when he first appeared in I788 as a tenantof the WhiteBear Inn in Warrington. and pp. TFP is usuallycalculatedas a residualafterthe rate of growth of of factor fromthe rate of growth GDP. agriculture.cities wealth. the sectorsis and tertiary sectors. understand dynamics changein the industrial IV and depenMore questionablethan theirassumption the separateness of evaluationof productivity sectoris the revisionists' dence of the traditional the of changein the economyat this time. Total meaningfulness factorproductivity (TFP) is the measuremost used by Craftsand others was and its use has led themto concludethatproductivity slow to growin the period. tradescatering luxury and for consumptionsuccessfully expanded and adapted to provide the essential urbanserviceson whichtownlife. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . creating external in economies.'Essex clothier'. Continuity. was dependent. The revisionists arguethatmostindustrial labourwas to be foundin those occupations which experiencedlittle change. Here he combinedthe activity and brewerwiththatof filemaker of innkeeper. blacksmithing. using the carbon in barm bottoms(barrel dregs) to strengthen files. These were the norm in business practiceat a time when entrepreneurs' to of riskswere difficult spreadthrough diversification portfolios where and so much could be gained fromthe externaleconomiescreated by these overlaps. at We do not suggesthere thatproductivity growth the rate experienced in cottontextiles was achievedelsewhere. i83.Dividingoffthe modernfrom traditional to an analyticaldevice which hides more than it reveals in attempting the of revolution.

270.skill. Output per workeris also affected changesin the relative by power of employersto extractwork effort and in the power of employeesto withhold it.interest/profit p.the assumption neutral of technicalprogressis suspect in view of the evidenceof long-term labourof savingtechnical returns scale change.Perspectives technology. pp. Link.First. Eichengreen. Mokyr. neutral perfect competition. and parametric The eighteenth-century prices.43 economy did not matchthese assumptions. 'What have we learned?'. So too are assumptions constant to when set against evidence of increasing returns. Technological change.it will notbe possible to derive reliable economy-wide rates of TFP growthsimplyby takinga of weightedaverageacross sectors. chs. Eichengreen. 'Industrialisation ch.If the originalsectorweightings were distorted. 46 Link. 'Debating'. ch. labour needs to be adjusted in TFP calculations changesin age.The smallmetaltradeswerea case in point:innovation entailednot poweredmechanization the introduction niewproducts of but of and the substitution cheap alloys forpreciousmetalsas raw material. pp. David. p. Economic analysis of see oftechnological change. Field. 6. These were paralleled by massive immobile labourin manysouthern midland and pools ofagricultural counties. For example.'Has theindustrial 305- Link.pp. of or of changein the qualityof inputs. David. p. Secondly.pp.42 Thirdly. 'Causes of Britishbusinesscycles'. I2.44 Assumptions fullemployment labour and capital are Movement population and of perfect of was mobility also inappropriate. These are perfect of mobility factors. Allen.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 33 There are severalmajor problemswiththe TFP measure.TFP estimates in maybe highly Big also arise fromvariationsin the estimatedgrowthof GDP.TFP calculationsshould and allow forimperfect elasticities productdemand of competition changing and factor of of inputs. 47 Berg. Elbaum and p. revolution been crowdedout?'.47 42 I2. and intensity for of work. 74. 45 Eichengreen.Masters and men. differences TFP may wrong.For evidenceand discussion increasing returns. I5-20. 6. was Structural under-utilization both of unemployment endemicand chronic labour and capitalwas aggravated seasonal and cyclicalswings. 2. 29-30. technical progress. Rowlands. 44 This content downloaded on Mon. I 56-67. Stoneman. of evidenceof labour-saving technicalchange. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Enclosure. Technical choice.46Similarly.45 by TFP takesno accountofinnovation thenature outputs in Furthermore. Lazonick. Hunt. 'Social organisation'. 24. on ch.The effects factorreallocation must be incorporated. I-I7. pp. constant to returns scale. 43 Williamson. 'Land abundance. often not a response to shortagesof labour in industry.if fromsectorswith low marginalproductivities those factorreallocation to of withhighones was an important feature theperiod. For discussion p. Technological change.Age of manufactures. Technological change. 'What have we learned?'. II. rates'. I. 29-30. material as inputswerechanging constantly product innovation affected natureof raw materials the and intermediate goods as wellas final products. pp.yetwe know thatboth were marked of features the period. sex. I4.TFP as a residualcalculationis heavilyaffected any mistakesin the estimation by of sectoraloutputsand factor inputs. Lazonick. I2. 4I I. Technical choice. On the input side. by for particularly the less skilled tasks. and regionalinequality'. chs. Declineof theBritish economy. education.see Rosenberg.indeed many industrialsectors came to be characterized flooded labour markets.TFP embodiesa numberof restrictive assumptions rarelyacknowledgedby those who use the measure.

labour often of shifted into processeswhich were more ratherthan less labour-intensive. Usher. Rapid technological as soonbecomesobsolescent is replaced. p. 'Baubles of Britain'.48 and Productinnovation fuelled revolution consumption a measuresthe replication of But because the nationalaccountsframework eitherthe appearance of goods and services.Measurement. 8-io. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . is arguablethatthe use the of nationalaccounting frustrated has progress. 48 49 Brewer. economy-wide it of and in regarding as a reflection the extentof fundamental economic change.50 Clearly. and is capitalhungry newequipment measuresof productivity Shiftsin the aggregate growthare thus actually less likelyto showup as significant during periodsof rapidand fundamental economic transition thanin periodsofslower and morepiecemeal adjustment. the mostsensibleway to view the courseof economicchange it is through timingand impactof innovation. Emphasishas been placed on at organization. 51Ibid. in The same tendency low returns the shorttermcan be seen in capital to in investment theperiod.Earlysteamenginesand machinery wereimperfect and subjectto breakdowns and rapidobsolescence.are not a good reflection the importance of change potential technological changein the period.withinsectors.it cannot easily incorporate at entirely new goods not present the startof a timeseriesor improvements further frustrate overtimein the qualityof goods or services. knacks new productsand processes. io.New products efforts productivity estimation because the initialprices of new goods at as wereusuallyveryhighbut declinedrapidly innovation proceeded. the national accounts framework in cannot measure that qualitativeimprovement the means of production hoursor less arduousor monotonous work whichcan yieldshorter working routines. savingand capitalformation theexpenseofscience.. of and and workpractices manufacture. Breen. p.dexterity.are compoundedwhen one considersthe natureboth of industrial of capital and of industriallabour in the period. Birthof a consumer society. pp. This pointwas stressed Hicks who notedthatthelonggestation period by of technologicalinnovationmight yield Ricardo's machineryeffect:the frommajor shifts technology in returns would not be apparentforseveral innovation wouldonlyincrease decadesand.5' may be innovative The problemsinvolvedin measuring productivity growth.making the calculationof both weightsand value-addeda majorproblem. Green labour had to learn industrial skillsas well as new forms disciplinewhile. in theshort unemployment term.34 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON in patterns habits. Redeployment labour and domesticsectorsto urban and more centralized fromagrarian-based manufacturing activitymay well have been accompaniedby diminishing in labour productivity the shortrun.McKendrick. 9.economic the skills.49 and productivity calculations Finally. a broader concept of technologicalchange and of innovationis required than can be accommodatedby national income If accounting.market creativity. 50 Ibid.Grosscapitalinvestment and replacements). whenfed figures (whichincludefundsspenton renewals into productivity of and measures.and Plumb.. otheraspectsof economiclifewhich but have no place in the accounting categories. This content downloaded on Mon.

Crafts.2 per cent. see pp. 54 Wrigley.p. trades. passim. p. Williamson's which. socially. Berg. Saito. On the supplyside the was a vitalpillarof householdincomes. workers.made labourof womenand children more so by the populationgrowth and hence the age structure the later of which substantially reducedthe proportion males of of eighteenth century 52 can question. 70-3.Continuity. 'Employment This content downloaded on Mon. Pinchbeck. 83-7. pp.Resolvingthis income. 'The computer and the dynamo'. 4. patentableactivity. workedin industries serving of documentation inequalityand Lindert and Williamson'ssurveyof the standard of living considered only adult male incomes while Lindert's for reliedon adult burialrecordswhichare estimates industrial occupations almost exclusivelymale. 444. But analyses based only on adult male labour forcesare clearly for inadequateand peculiarly distorting thisperiod. Wrigleyassessed key productivity growthonly throughthe IO per cent of adult male labour distant markets.Machinery of Hicks. to workout in termsof conventional V feature the new orthodoxy its restricted of is Anotherstriking definition for oftheworkforce. growth. and workinglives across a broad frontis not accompaniedby rapidlyrising withinnationaleconomies. BeforetheLuddites. lace making. the Sullivan.'England's "age of invention"'. Women and children in workforce i8i6. just as it is possible to have growth to have radicalchangewithlimitedgrowth. Theory economic of of thenwe have some evidencethatgrowth TFP in nineteenthas a roughindication inventiveness. 636 and 646. I53.it is possible Thus. Williamson. The silk.54 to the It is extremely difficult quantify extentof femaleand child labour statistics and even fromwage as both were largelyexcluded fromofficial books.and culturally. 4-5.and i8.and knitting such in of proportions womenand children metalmanufactures as theBirmingham there wereevenhigher p. and unemployment'.or productivity the apparent'productivity paradox' involvesrecognizing limitednatureof TFP as a measureof economicperformance the longtime-frame and needed to connect fundamental technological change with productivity growth.p.See of century England took place some 40 years afterthe acceleration inventive revolution. passim.Women passim.'Englishworkers' and women's and children'slabour accountedfor 75 per cent of the workforce. i83. the woollenindustry also predominated the cotton in child labourexceededthatof womenand of men. In British economic livingstandards'.Did Britishcapitalism?. And the in revolution whichis transforming current computer production. chance and change. If patenting be taken ch. Inventing industrial 53 David.53 withlittlechange. idem. in turnhas implications theanalysis productivity this of change as well as the standard of living debate. makingit a unique periodin this respect. 6o.In factthe more revolutionary the the changetechnologically. longerthismaytake measuresof economicperformance. Lindertand Williamson. 5I. pp.pp. history.in i83I. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . services.52There was such a disjuncture betweenthe wave of innovations surrounding electric the dynamoin thelate nineteenth centuryand an acceleration the growthof GNP. But the role of women and childrenin both market-orientated capital and labour intensive manufacturing both the (in 'traditional'and the 'modern' sectors) probably reached a peak in the industrial revolution. Macleod. thoseunder childrenunder I3 made up 20 per cent of the cottonfactory industry. 'Women's work'. were also predominantly industries female.'Labour supplybehaviour'.output.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 35 and put downwardpressure on wages.'Child labour'. Berg. For a recentcriticaldiscussionof child labour and unemployment Cunningham. 'Otherfaces'. See Randall. Nardinelli.

They were the key elementsin the labour intensity. 'Female workers'. I77.36 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON The impactof the high dependency ratio working age in the population.59 is The peculiar importance youthlabour in the industrial of revolution of and in machinery beingdesigned highlighted severalinstances textile other The spinning case. p. New workdisciplines. The issue is bill to regulate labourof children the millsand factories the exploredin greater depth in Berg. ch. pp. 2-3. children women'. i8i6.55 in theirway at an earlyage. . and costsfoundin late eighteentheconomicdifferentiation. fora time. 'Custom. i83. 'Women's work'. 'Women's work'. This content downloaded on Mon. p. p. history. 58 Hobsbawm.P.'Labour supplybehaviour'. duringwhich time the proportion women and labour forcerose fromIO to 40 per childrenin the entiremanufacturing and cent. i83I-2. P. 353. 343. organization. Levine. 60 Report. Pinchbeck.pp. 747. idem.This was further in encouragedby sex differentials wages which may have been increasing in were Employers underthe impactof demographic pressure theseyears. jennywas a celebrated wheel requiring posturemost a the originalcountry jennyhad a horizontal for comfortable children aged nineto twelve. Medick.Indeed.'Proto-industrial and the proletarian family'. 76-88. 57 Saito. p. and the of dexterity.58 by was yetpaid to theincentive Thus factorsboth on the supply and on the demand side of the labour with high proportions child of marketresultedin a labour forcestructure and femaleworkers. pp.And this in turn influencedand was influencedby new forms subcontracting puttinginnovation. i8I2 until the i83os.the employment an increasing of was also encouragedby proportion femalelabour in English industries of the readyreserves cheap and skilledfemalelabour whichhad long been a featureof domesticand workshopproduction. 'Nimble fingers investments'. 59 Berg. and industrialization'.60This associationbetween child briefperiodof technological was confined a fairly to labour and machinery United States it appears to have lasted from change. 56 Berg.I. modernThird World parallels For and foreign see Elson and Pearson.56 the demand side the need for hand skills.In addition. This was associatedwithnew large-scale technologies divisionsof labour specifically designedto dispensewithmoreexpensiveand restrictive of skilled adult male labour. of and new factory were out networks.57 much attracted low wages and long hours at a time when no attention by or effects payment results shorter of hours. the many agricultural regionsshed femaleworkersfirst--during process of 55 Children aged 5-I4 probablyaccountedforbetween23 and 25 per cent of the totalpopulationin Population the early nineteenth century.'Industrialisation family economy'. . particularly earning was cushionedby children On domesticmanufacturing. 6. pp. 355.in England. was generally as was integralto textilemachine design. tab. III).'Economic statusof 'Women. Pearson. wages and workload'. 528-9. 634. and builtto suitthe childworker. PP. In the north-eastern of c. 254. A3. Wrigleyand Schofield. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 279. on thestate the on (P. 'Other faces'.6' Similarly. Ageofmanufactures. low production centuryindustries. Report from Committee the of children in (P.in the very and factory in organization the woollen and earlyphases of mechanization it believedthatchildlabour silkindustries well as in cotton. 61 Goldin and Sokoloff. comparedwith 6 per cent in I95I. Goldin. workdisciplineencouraged absorption moreand more femaleand juvenilelabour into commercial production.P. and even new technologies on triedout initially womenand children. XV).Women workers.

Allen.'Labour'. and of and treatment thissee Mincer. 'East. Pollard. I75-9. 'Old poor law'.Working revolution 'Has the industrial industry: p. I36-4I. Reproducing Levine. estimates rely. 'Economic development'. For a standardtheoretical empirical Greenhalgh.66 wheremale wages werelow or male unemployment . Levine. Davidoff and Hall. 307. (as Accordingto Hobsbawm. and the proletarianfamily'. I2. I2. The low wage character the export-orientated pp. on the outputfigures in because some be productivity would not necessarily reflected aggregate for femalelabour was a substitute male: it increasedat timesand in sectors The social costs high. 645-6. I22-38. I and 4. Sweatedtrades. 6. west-home's best?'. economy. increasedintensification work. Seccombe. I33. Harrison. been crowdedout?'. Snell. For parallelswiththe Third World see Pearson. 'Custom. and labour had an impact The femaleand juvenileworkforce undoubtedly discipline. Boyer. activities male tradeunionists. chs. Bythell. This content downloaded on Mon. 'Relativeproductivity 66 Saito.Copingwith growth. city ch.62 By mid centuryfemale and child labour was decliningin importance and of of the through mixture legislation.'Labour supply pp. a and of fitand pervasiveideologyof the male breadwinner the increasingly A proper female activities.63 patriarchalstance was by this time also compatiblewith the economic aims of a broad spectrumof employers. Annals.The potential to capital limitedby the lack of incentive substitute as a whole was further was so abundant.Women's 64 Hobsbawm. p.The male occupationalstatisticsupon which productivity take no accountof unemployment. 'Industrialisation regionsis economiesof the industrializing of pp.echoingMarx.and a negotiated working shorter on withbeneficial effects low-wageexploitation for be substituted extensive productivity. 'Women's work'.'Labour forceparticipation'. p. Family 'Genderantagonism'. 'Women's work'.cheap. 36i.Rose. Allen.and much migration agricultural to urban areas consistedof youngwomenin searchof work. 3i8.necessarily ch. Souden. cf.'Class and gender'. the werelearning 'rules of the game' in whichhigher could of terrain commoninterests hours. 67 Lewis. suggests hours. Lyons.'A labour supply function'. I45. 937-45. TheBritish of behindthegrowth modern thatlow wagesmayhave been a keyfactor Mokyr. 4I. largerscale employers well as male labour) (by payments results). Women and industrialization. 63 Lown. of course. See also Hunt. Enclosure.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 37 withinruralareas and fromrural change. p. hypothesis'. 'Female workers'. fortunes. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Williamson. II2-5.p.65 but this per unit of input costs in manyindustries. 'The Lancashirecottonindustry'. behaviour'.poor through male labour (feltin high transfer payments of underutilized in of relief)as well as the difficulties allowing for male unemployment gains in the measurableeconomic are sectoralweightings likely to offset of economic of performance theeconomy indicators theperiod. new: it to sectorand had been integral the had always been vital in the primary in spread of manufacture the earlymodernperiod. pp. 65 families. The use of low-costchild and femalelabour was not. What was new in the was of revolution the extent its incorporation periodof the classicindustrial and its into rapidly expanding factoryand workshop manufacturing of associationwith low wages. 'Industrialisation'.Enclosure. I3I. wages and workload'. 404. by highlighted Lee. 'Emergenceof male breadwinner'.67 of The full effects this expandedrole of femaleand juvenilelabour can 62 ch. work.pp. p. Roberts.Goldinand Sokoloff. See also Bienefeld. forlabourwhenthe labourof womenand children workgroupsand in theabsenceof traditions and disciplined family through of solidarity.pp. Berg. Berg.

growth necessarily the commerciallinks. Expandingindustrializing of matchedby regionsof decliningindustry. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . on of approachsee Levine and Wrightson. the earliertransformation Tyneside. distinctive social and class relations explain the emergenceof regionally which set a patternin English political life for over a century. and corollaries industrialization in Britainis that the nationaleconomyrepresented.an increasein the outputof the British wool textile sectorby seems verymodest but century I50 per cent duringthe entireeighteenth this conceals the dramaticrelocation takingplace in favourof Yorkshire. dominatedby particular nineteenth beforenor to be experienced again after sectorsin a way neverexperienced of the growth intra-sectoral duringthe twentieth century.a for well integrated national goods marketby the early nineteenth century. Regions. like the West Riding. credit relationships. and production techniques.These considerations promptthe view thatregionalstudiesmay be of more value in understanding processof industrialization studiesof the national the than economyas a whole. VI in The industrial revolution was a periodof greatdisparity regionalrates regionswere of change and economicfortunes. Yorkshire's But oftraditional embodieda revolution organizational in intensive patterns. and chronicunderutilization agriculture was similarly labour and capital. rose from around20 per centto around whose sharein nationalproduction If 6o per cent in the course of the century. For example. I. cannotbe shownbeforethe second quarter thatthe economyhad a 'fairly well integrated set of the nineteenth century 68 69 Fuller discussionof this can be found in Hudson. Althoughthe spread of fashionableconsumergoods was increasingand for before nationalmarkets muchbulk agricultural producewereestablished it the mid eighteenth century. ch.The externaleconomiesachievedwhen one region of took over more than halfof the production an entiresectorwere also of key importance.38 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON level by analysingits only be completelyunderstoodat a disaggregated A impact upon sectorsand in regionswhere it was cruciallyimportant. sorts of cloths produced. patchy.it could have been achievedsimplyby the gradualextension commercial methods and production functions. the increasehad been uniform in all regions. i.69 The main justification which Craftsuses for employing aggregative an the of approachto identify nature.Peacefulconquest. manyproducts. spatialhierarchies sectoralspecialization and regionalintegrity together help to Furthermore. The storyof commercializing fail indicators to capturethesedevelopments. The argument here and throughout This content downloaded on Mon. For anotherexample of this The making. is regionalperspective also uniquely valuable in assessingthe extentand natureof economicand social changein the period.68 and early All the expanding industrialregions of the late eighteenth centurieswere.causes.Slow-moving aggregate of and drive yetthe interactions self-reinforcing createdby the development in industry markedregionalconcentrations gave rise to major innovations.ch. by this sectionis much influenced Pollard.

eds.. of and services withinthe dominant regionsservedto increasethe external economiesand reduced both intra-regional and extra-regional transactions costs significantly. anti-poor campaignwith the law Lancashireand Manchester. I9.Economicand commercial circumstances werethusincreasingly experienced and regionally socialprotest movements withtheirregional fragmentation onlybe understood that can at level and in relation regionalemployment social structures. to favourshorthauls. and thus to cementregional 73 resourcegroupings.'English factormarkets'. 72 Freeman. 'Towards a geography'which concentrates the artisantrades.by theintra-regional natureofthebulk ofmigration. growth. On capital and credit marketssee Hudson. Presnell. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 537-60. The reallyimportant spatialunitforproduction factors.p. Migration and society. pp.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 39 of factor 70 markets'. Hunt.and forinformation flow. Industrialization accentuatedthe differences betweenregionsby making themmore functionally distinct and specialized. Risk and failure. a timeincreasing of for theirinsularity (in relation the nationaleconomy). and credit networksin the pre-railway period was the economic region. and of regionaldifferences work practicesand work customs. chs.'Canals'. Langton.72 Nor werethe railways to quick to destroy regionally orientated transport systems. Anderson. 6o-8. i62.Peacefulconquest.Most companiesfound it in their best interests structure to rates so as to encouragethe trade of the freight regionsthey served.Enclosure. 70 7I This content downloaded on Mon.74 In short.See also Pollard. ch. economic p.Intensive and local competition combined with regionalintelligence and information networkshelped to stimulateregion-wide advances in industrialtechnology and commercial And thegrowth specializedfinancial mercantile organization. 284-343. on 75 See Pollard. Turnbull. p. 'Transport'. especially capitaland labour. 7. Regional was encouragedby the links createdaround the great provincial identity cities. I5. Williamson.idem. forexamplefactory reform withYorkshire. I2.of Chartism of and othermovements. British Crafts. p.'Wages'. Englishprovinces. Hoppit.employers' associations.Clark and Souden. 'Industrialrevolution and regional geography'. pp.in 'Industrial in revolution'. Allen. 'Industrialisation regionalinequality'. see also Hawke. Peaceful conquest. currency or reform withBirmingham. theformation by ofregionally based clubs and societies. 3. and Southall.'Attorney and the early capital market'. See also Read.'Transport'. 37.75 Macroeconomic indicators to pick up thisregional fail specialization and dynamismwhich was unique to the period and revolutionary its in impact. 28-9. tradeunions. 73 Freeman. 74 Langtonprovidesa stimulating surveyof the regionalfragmentation tradeunions. pp. Country banking. p. 92. and ch. to and Issues of nationalpoliticalreform also came to be identified withparticular regions. dynamicindustrialregionsgenerateda social and economic interaction whichwould have been absentif theircomponent industries had not been spatially concentrated specialized. which was oftenclearlyidentifiable.pp. Genesis. pp.commercial contacts. and newspapers. io. 86. I50-5. Railways.7' Construction the improvedriver of on and canal systems whicheconomic growth dependeddid muchto endorse the existence regionaleconomies.

'Proximate determinants'. of of demographic groups. p. because sectoral. Familyformation. the natureof parishadministration.idem. 'Historical demography'. 'Populationhistory'. or sortsof workers social groupswithin different different regionalcultures stimulior reacted differently the same to probablyexperienceddifferent a economictrends. and of economicinsecurity.77 the dangerin usingnationaldemographic is patternsof individualmotivation that national estimatesmay conflate and social opposing tendenciesin different regions. 'English livingstandards'. in Gaunt.sectors of industry.'Populationhomeostatis'. Levine and Wrightson.Levine. Wilson.'Three Anderson.For the importance the local economicsettingsee ch. 'Fertility'. Olney. This content downloaded on Mon. 'Growthof population'. withthe assumption stressed. p.Accurateidentification themainsprings aggregate and class breakdowns trends will onlycome withregional. 'Populationhistory'. 'Literallyspinsters'. It included such thingsas proletarianization.'Fertility. discontinuity in demographicbehaviour England between the sixteenthand the mid There was no sexual. The local economic and social setting. 'Inverse projection'. the difficulties aggregative in and the disappearThey arguethat. 'Marxismand demography'. The result. I0. pp. chs. 79 See for example. 78 See Levine.40 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON VII The work of Wrigleyand Schofieldrightly dominatesthe population of some of history this period but theiroriginalcausal analysisillustrates of studiesof economicand social transformation. family reconstitution resultssee Wrigley 81 Seccombe. 'Englishpopulationhistory'.80 Despite this. 77 There has been considerable the method underlying analysis. social.For Levine. Such casts doubt upon the use of the nationalvital rates for causal diversity behaviour. economyand householdformation'.was crucial. Sharpe. medical.8' 76 Wrigley of and Schofield. Levine and Wrightson.Lindert. and Moodie.despiteconsiderable growth numbers therewas no significant in ance of major crises of mortality. Levine.78 variablessuch as illegitimacy The factthatdemographic ratesand age of exhibitenduring in economic marriage spatialpatterns the face of changing Parish reconstitution fortunesis suggestive. and to modernity progress.or nutritional nineteenth centuries. 35.76 revolution. The making. Smith. See Gaunt. i6o-i. debateoverthisviewand thestatistical Mokyr. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 'Social contextof illegitimacy'. 3. i i.as with the macroeconomic work of Craftsand others.is an excessivepreoccupation withnationalcomparisons ('the French versusthe Englishpattern')and withthe idea thatlowerclasses and backwardregions but eventually followthemon the nationalroad lag behindtheirsuperiors. a national culturalnorm continuesto be thatregionsand localitiestendedtowardsit.thus creating rangeof demographic regimes. and Moodie. and Schofield.Lee. price movements. Populationhistory. 80 Wrightson of and Levine. I55.The population regime was and remained marriagedriven: and hence fertility the three centuriesvaried as a nuptiality throughout delayed responseto changesin livingstandardsas indicatedby real wage But variablesto analyse trends. For summaries theircausal analysissee Wrigley. Poverty and piety. particularly the poor laws.broadlydefined.79 studies indicate that local behaviour did not parallel the movementof the aggregateseries.The mostimportant causal variablesin analysisof demographic of local reconstitution studiesappear to range well outside the movement real wages. centuriesof populationchange'.

REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 4I the of and Recently. of of culture and consciousness. proletarianization. 82 83 This content downloaded on Mon.84 The influence theWrigley/Schofield of approach mayalso haveunjustifiably divertedattention and its significant discontinuities. Class and class Prothero. 87 and politics. 'Urban penalty'. consciousness. exploitation. Seed. 3.'Demographicrevolution'.86 of The significance radicalstructural in shifts thecomposition location and in of the population. Perkin. 85 pp. 84 For a recentexamplesee Jackson. This has literature resultedin the current being dominatedby discussionof fertility rather and than of mortality of continuity rather thanof discontinuity.This studyfindsthat. marriage became more important see to was relatively thatage of marriage unresponsive real wage indicesafterI700. 2. in the eighteenth and in for than variation celibacyin accounting changesin fertility. for example. On youngmarriers Goldstone. pp.cf. as has the importanceof a growinggroup of 'young barriers' in the populationwhose actionsappear unaffected the general by pressureson real wages.as well as of improvement mortality rates. to mostanalyses theformation working-class while the ascendancy of Whig laissez-faire political economy has been of as associatedwiththe new importance industrialists a class. 'Populationredistribution'. i8i-8. 86 This pointis made in Kearns. But the markedincreasein theproportion thepopulation of livingin townstogether urbanmortality withthe substantial makesdiachronic studiesof the penalty national aggregate population particularlylikely to underestimatethe of A importance mortality changesin relationto fertility. the of changingcomposition the workforce have receivedattention relation in This opensthedoorfor moreradicalinterpretation todemographic a change. Woods.82 causes of fertility of the structural change. centralrole for in in improvements urbanlifeexpectancy fuelling population growth during theindustrial is revolution perfectly withsignificant compatible contemporary shifts fertility even withsuch shifts in and being apparently more significant at the nationallevel.Morris. The need to look more closely and institutional at those structural changeswhichresultedin the marked in declinein age of marriage the second halfof the eighteenth has century been emphasized. VIII The evolutionof social class and of class consciousnesshas long been of integral to popular understanding what was new in the industrial revolution. 'Unitarianism'. deskilling. Schofield. See Levine. pp.83Evidence of radical discontinuity reappearing is at all levels of analysis. proletarianization. chs.'Proletarian families. Class struggle. Reproducing age of century.'Populationchangein Somerset-Wiltshire'. 356-66. of and urbanization have been central independence. The making. 'Growthof populationin the eighteenth century'. Wrigley. away frommortality The CambridgeGroup aggregate data suggestthatrisingfertility twowas and-a-half times more important than fallingmortality producingthe in accelerationin population growthin the eighteenth century. loss Growingoccupationalconcentration.'English marriagepatterns'. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Foster.87But recent family'. Thompson. Artisans See.tendsto be if overlooked causal explanations based on aggregate data are used.Origins. I26-33. effects proto-industrialization. idem.

'Custom'. I-3. in partly of thedeclineoffamily had acceleratedand the life chances of a much larger Proletarianization of proportion the populationwere determined the marketand affected by class and by urbanmortality disease. 'Work'.Randall. Samuel. 'Economic origins. Sabel and Reid.90 addition.has questionedany suggestionof deterministic relationships between socioeconomic position and politicalconsciousness. to speak of a unilinear processof deskilling The diversityof organizational forms of industry. workshops. employers'. sweating existed alongside and werecomplementary a diversefactory to sector. 91 StedmanJones. 'Workshop'.of work experience of and irregular accordingto genderand ethnicity.89 understanding of the complexinterplay customary market of and relationships.Rodger.Sewell. composite incomes. of factory reform'.'Historicalalternatives'. A in and directmanagerial clearernotionof the separationof work and non-work time was evolving out workunitsand ofproduction thehome. Putting-out.42 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON has rightly economichistory of emphasizedthe complexity combinedand and unevendevelopment.and of shifts employment of over the lifecycle and through seasons meant the of class were varied that workers'perceptions work and of an employing and contradictory.Much recent social history has been based on an unquestioning acceptanceof the new viewoftheeconomichistory theperiodwhich. involvement the organization planningof work. Genderand history.'Language of Foster.and Winstanley. 89 and politics. .Reddy. 'Mid Victorian Behagg. to fromagentsdown to foremen was also a wide rangeof intermediaries and leaders of familywork groups to deflectoppositionand tension in the And we now have a much more sophisticated workplace.By rite. Money and liberty. There of outright exploitation paternalism. Any simple is notionof the latterreplacingthe former to be discarded. Capitalist wage labourand theworking 88 Joyce.and along withthesetherewas more workplaces. Joyce.Balanced analysesof the combinedand uneven natureof development withinindustrial capitalism should not obscure the fact that the industrial world of I850 was vastly for different most workersfrom that of I750.Berg. class'. Zeitlin.'Work'. includingpost-structuralist approaches. thesegroups therewere variationsof responseto competitive conditionsrangingfrom withmanymixtures the two.we have argued. of Rose.Hobsbawm. There were more large more poweredmachines.. 'Marx and history'.'Economicorigins paternalism'. Patterson. 90 Williams. Markets and manufacture.'Rethinking Chartism'. 'Politicsand economics'. Bushaway. . Sonenscher.theseinterpretations allowed to edge out all idea thatthe industrial revolution period witnessed radical shiftsin social relationsand in social consciousness. Taylor. of small workshop masters and factory And within employers.'Deconstruction the Englishworking chs. idem. 'Declassing of language'.'Introduction' in idem. Gray. Workand revolution.It is no longerpossible and loss of workplacecontrol.9' of should not be Despite the significance thiswork.Huberman. ed.88 can one speakofa homogeneous Nor groupofindustrial There weremarkeddifferences betweenthe attitude and outlook employers. idem. Workin France. structuralism'.Historical meanings. In recentwriting. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . objections'.'PostScott. 'Industrial moral economy'. This content downloaded on Mon. of gradualist the extentof radical economicchange and of parallel severelyunderplays the developments affecting mass of the population. Production Davidoff and Hall. Huberman.'Reply'. Family fortunes.

to have overemphasized separation interests cultures The thesis also exaggerates the between these groups and industrialists. moral economy'.idem.92 neverdominated or nationally.Englishculture. 93 Berg.'Industrial For similar views among small Gray. Ingham.Anderson. the The dynamism industrializing of and minimized. Randall. 'Failure of middle class'.'Philosophy Luddism'. Wiener. subof of and but also as a majorfeature the imagery the contracting. Politicsand production. 'Declassing of language'. 'Languages of factoryreform'. of class'. 'Defence Behagg. of theiroverseastrading.'Democracyofwork'.Gunn.Capitalism capitalism'. question.95 should not be the economic role of industryand industrialists I850. 'Gentlemanly capitalism'. well have become the major locus of servicesectorgrowthand of wealth but in the century.'Figures of descent'. 'Away with greatarches'.The major divisionin the social and politicallife industrial of nineteenth-century England is argued to have been that between the and of classes and dominant capitalism the aristocratic rentier gentlemanly a subordinate industrial capitalism. a merchantsin the nineteenth century. Age of atonement. And where it did not exist it exercised enormous influencenot only in spawning dispersed production. 'Industrial 94 This interpretation seen in varying in works:Cain and Hopkins. idem.REHABILITATING THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 43 but speed thanin earlier and developedirregularly incompletely withgreater of of And the regionalconcentration similarities workexperience centuries. to sufficiently producesocial and of the tradecycleadvancedclass formation an scale. The factory the machineas hallmarks the periodmayhave been mythbut they were symbolicof many other changes attendanton the market environment and the greater emergenceof a more competitive of a and provided focusofprotest disciplining alienation labour. involving arrayof antion protestand conflict an unprecedented capitalist critiques. Kirk.Machinery Randall.This symbol of and opposition and was a powerfulelement in the formation social consciousness. This content downloaded on Mon.'Gentlemanly forms thefollowing is divided. see manufacturers Davidoffand Hall. Behagg.idem. 95 Daunton.'Progressand providence'. Foster. and on internal homogeneity cohesionof gentleman-capitalists the one hand on BeforeI830. BarrattBrown. production employment While the factory of in it did so sufficiently certainregionsto create widespreadidentities interestand political cohesion.93 recently givento the economic Finally.Behagg.Politicsand production.we mustconsiderthe prominence power and political influenceof the landed aristocracy. regions. sweating. The metropolitan theirlocal government economymay suggestotherwise.'New languages'. Familyfortunes. of and age.94 of response to the new gradualistinterpretations industrialchange and accumulation. or evenperhapsbefore and industrial capitalists theother. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Hilton.rentiers.and This prominenceis. in part. pattern finance and changesin theirpowerin politicallobbying.But how valid is this?Is it yetanother us which(whilealerting to thecomplexity historiography aspectofthecurrent diverts attention of industrialization) undulyfromthe impactof changesin and industrial powerin the period? industry The gentlemanly thesishas been shownto have overestimated capitalism the dominance of rentierand mercantilecapital in elite wealthholding the of and and patterns. accumulationby the thirdquarterof the nineteenth 92 of moraleconomy'.

itwasthey determined surface. Unbound Prometheus. I22. of has warnedof maskingthe significance discontinuities concentrating by on the absence of shifts quantitative in indicators:to him these were the in the historians' 'butterfly underglass or frog formaldehyde-without virtue for of wholenessto compensate theirlifelessness': in of and that numbers describe surface . occurring Englandin the late eighteenth is earlynineteenth centuries. vital organs themetabolism theentire of system. We need to adopt a broaderconceptof innovation. manyinnovations the organization and use of labour if not in technology were commonto all industries and sectors.. factory employers. University Warwick of University Liverpool of 96 Porter. I.althoughindustrialtransformation rise to a complicated gave in mass of differing experiences and social relations. is whileothers deindustrialized.social. and cultural capitalist order rest on much more than conventionalmeasures of industrialor the If economicperformance. .changes in markets and in the climatehad an impacton all English capitalists whether they competitive or were metropolitan provincialand whetherfinanciers.The periodsaw the sectoralspecializationof regionsand the growthof regionally integrated an and social economiessome of whichwere clearlyexperiencing industrial how thisterm defined. . involvedin the servicesector. matter no The movementof aggregatequantitative indicatorsignores this and. Regions. revolution. that this the were transformed . Hudson.failsto give an accurateaccountof the structural of in the natureand deployment theworkforce because the calculations rely and of industrial and social on adult male labour. p. as shift presently calculated. Furthermore.ch. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Enclosure.96 In short.Barratt 97 Landes. to insiston a greater awareness femaleand childlabour. ch. Allen. or Ix The industrial revolution an economicand socialprocesswhichadded was up to much morethanthe sum of its measurable parts.'Capitalismand empire'. Beneath define awaychange usingcategories unchanging by and. The natureof innovation transformationalso currently is and Landes misrepresented underestimated. This content downloaded on Mon. on PerryAnderson'.small masters.44 MAXINE BERG and PAT HUDSON revolution industrial period itselfit is more likelythat regionalindustrial revolutions dictated courseof structural the changeand colonialexpansion. society eventhen terms the merely of nomenclature. I2.97 It is timeto moveon from macroaccounting the and framework to rebuild the nationalpictureof economicand social change fromnew researchat regionaland local level.and to recognize of foundations an industrial of thatthe economic. Saville. fullyrehabilitated.'Away withgreatarches'. thisis done it shouldnotbe longbefore notion and in of an industrial revolution. farmers. 'Notes Brown.

'Progress and providence earlynineteenth-century in politicaleconomy'. Gustafsson. A..T. I49-58. 11 Feb 2013 12:10:24 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 3-36. Pahl. II9 (i988).ed. pp. P.S. . Power and economic institutions in Bienefeld. Berg. pp. Clark and D. I5 (990). G. The historical meanings work(Cambridge..D. of Breen. pp. I939). Enclosure and the yeoman(Oxford. Berg.. and Berg. 'Commerceand creativity eighteenth-century in in Birmingham'. Econ. pp. T. Victorian (i963). Crouzet. The machinery question themaking politicaleconomy. i850-I945'.. Beneria. H. Hist. J.. trades Bythell. I03 (I984). III).J..P. pp.D. Cain. M. 2. 43-65.. and ceremony community England. Rule. (i982). I73-205. K.. & P. I991).. Harteand K. Berg. 2nd ser. pp. 'On the originsof capitalist hierarchy'.. i820-i850'. Barratt Brown. i67 (i988). social structure political and the Clark... Capital in formation theindustrial revolution (1972). Hist. A.I973). practice during ancien regime (Cambridge. 'Revisionsand revolutions: and in technology productivity changein manufacture eighteenthand the century England'. Rev.. day Berg.Rev. An eighteenth-century industrialist: StubsofWarrington. pp. A. (i987). Britishtradeunionism. (Cambridge. J. "'Baubles of Britain":the Americanand consumerrevolutions the eighteenth century'.. Politicsand production nineteenth in century England(i990). Burley.. 50I-25. on thestateof children . -I J.. R. On work(Oxford. Bushaway. B. 2nd ser.. 'Women's work. A. P.. 22-5I. Behagg. (Aldershot.. idem. pp. Joyce. 'Gentlemanly capitalismand Britishoverseasexpansion.ig80). on Report from Committee thebill to regulate labourof children themillsandfactories the the in (P. 372-9I.M. XI (1958)..i989). Cannadine. Bruland. I788-I832: ideology. i83I- Secondary sources Allen.. pp.D. Mathias. Interdisc. labour marketin southernEngland: an empirical Boyer.in manufactories (P.. A.P. M.I700-i880 (i982). The age of manufactures: industry. Charlesworth. and Hopkins.J. and Randall.. I5 (i985). The birth a consumer the of society: commercialisation of eighteenth century England(i982). i8i6.I926-38). Hist. 223-55. II3-37. and of 18i5-1848 (Cambridge.. H. Ashton.M. XLVI (I986). 2nd ser. & Soc. i985).in P. G.B. the of in R. Rev. Soc.. & P. i880-i980'. hours British an industry: economic history (1972). 9I-II2. XL (i987).. of Hist. 2I3-53. 'II: New imperialism. 64-98... cities Briggs. M. ... pp. Ponting.i988).markets Clapham.C.. I688-I850'. Englishsociety. Hist. innovation workin BritainI700-i820 (London. pp.. II4 A. 'Industrialconflict a source of technicalinnovation:threecases'.. 20-78. pp.P. C. 'Away withall the greatarches:Anderson'shistory British of capitalism'.P. C... Econ... This content downloaded on Mon.XXXIX (I986)..forthcoming). 'The past and the presentin the English industrial revolution.. Working M. ed. H. Econ. Souden. XV). & P. Econ.New LeftRev. in J.. and Plumb. and the Englishcrowd'. Clark. 'Comment:morals. mechanisation and the early phases of industrialisation England'. pp. 'The figures descent'. 'The democracyof work. M. and eds. I730-I750'. ed. Textilehistory economic history (Manchester. An economic history modern of Britain. in in P. pp. 'Migrationin England during the late I7th and early i8th centuries'. I991)...A..D. i62-7. 'Industrial capitalbefore industrial revolution. New Left Rev. pp... J.M. pp. P. I73-95.REHABILITATING Footnote references THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 45 Official publications . Report.. 'The old poor law and the agricultural analysis'. Econ. 365-75. 289-30I.K.J. in N.i987).. P. pp. Technology innovation from eighteenth to century thepresent (Oxford. 73-Io5. British technology Europeanindustrialization (Cambridge. By rite:custom.ed. 'Historicaldemography afterthe populationhistory England'. Migration society earlymodern and in England(i989).in F. ed. C.M. I-26. i6i (i987).R. pp..I991). 'The attorney and the earlycapital marketin Lancashire'. 'Conceptualising labour force:the underestimation women'seconomicactivities'.i967). Davis and P. of Berg.L.. Anderson.N. S. The sweated (I978). M. Berg. Hist.eds. eds.. the Chapman.3 vols. Anderson. J. 200-I3. Brewer. 595-607.i987).. McKendrick. . Marketsand in manufacture earlyindustrial Europe(London. Behagg. 1750-i850 (i988).I: The old colonialsystem. The handloom (Cambridge. of Anderson. in J.. 'An Essex clothierof the eighteenth century'.. in weavers Bythell.. Peter I756-i806 (Manchester... pp.. in ed... XI as and Bruland. pp..K. pp.

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