THE SPANISH-ENGLISH LANGUAGE

~~AR"

Wystan de Ia Pena

(Abridged version of research prepared for the inaugural lecture of the Fundaci6n Fernando Rielo Professorial Chair, 1999-2000, delivered in March 2001) - And what's the name of those little islands? - Well, Philippine Islands! - Aha! so those are the notorious Philippines from which come so much Spanish when, according to what I hear, their inhabitants don't speak that language? (Quote from an untitled Rizal manuscript featuring dialogue between God and the Archangel Gabriel; cited from Camagay: 193).

Introduction
The biggest news item that inaugurated the year 1901 was Emilio Aguinaldo's capture by American forces. It signaled for the then U.S. military government, after two years of PhilippineAmerican hostilities, the beginning of the end of Filipino armed resistance. American proclamation of Filipino military defeat would come in 1903 with Miguel Malvar's surrender, after U.S. forces adopted a strategy which would be called "hamletting" during the Vietnam War. The period which followed the collapse of the Aguinaldoled armed Filipino resistance to American colonial rule (Muslim resistance would continue on into the second decade of the American regime) has been aptly named in Philippine historiography as the decade of suppressed nationalism. It is a crucial period, seen from the perspective of nationalist discourse.

Wystan de la Peiia

7

This paper examines articulation of that discourse, specifically that written in Spanish, during, but not limited to the first decade of American rule. The reading of materials from this period is informed by an interest in the tension in the language arena, particularly in the articulation of ideology. The then growing marginalization of Spanish by English and the introduction of American culture serve as the main backdrop against which the issues are seen.

The Imposition of English and the Discourse of Colonial Tutelage For American officials, the 1898 Treaty of Paris meant work to convince the Filipinos of the merits of U.S. rule. This involved "reconciling" themselves to Filipinos (Salamanca: 23) and making the latter accept U.S. colonial policies and sugarcoated hegemonic practices as part of their "recolonization."

Central to this "reconciliation" discourse is the explanation for U.S. intervention in a post-revolutionary Philippines: the American response to the responsibility of "educating" Filipinos for "self-government" and democracy. In the words of President William McKinley, U.S. presence should be directed to establishing a government "for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands" which would conform to Filipino customs, habits and biases, subject to American "principles ... [and] practical rules of government" as Filipinos "have, unfortunately, been denied the experience possessed by us" (Sullivan: 95). One can always look at these twin concepts of "selfgovernment" and "tutelage" as the 20th century version of the Spanish line given 400 years earlier: that the conquistadores' coming to the Philippines, symbolized by the cross and the sword, was meant to carry out a civilizing and christianizing mission.
So Filipinos went through a second round of colonization. As the first had been 400 years earlier, this one came justified as a God-given mission to white imperialists to provide them civilization and Christianity.

Despite writing for the Anti-Imperialist League. in 1901 through Act No. David P. The language prescription applied for both upland and lowland Filipinos.S.8 Wystan de In Peiia The arrival of the Thomasites marked the beginning of institutional imposition of English in the educational system. Barrows. 74). Dr. But he . With Spanish hardly entrenched at the grassroots level. congressional record. a matter already decided upon by higher authorities and put down as official policy by the Second Philippine Commission. as the document got its way into the U. The colonial rhetoric pushing for the teaching of English surely benefitted in no small measure from a 1903 report of a Chicago-based medical doctor. recommended that Igorots be taught English so Philippine society would be "liberalized. English was seen as the sole unifying language for the archipelago. It is interesting to note that the coming of American teachers into the Philippines happened even at the height of armed hostilities.the 1903 census would reveal only ten percent of the population were hispanoparlantes. lending credence to the observation that they formed America's "second front" in the Philippine-American War (Kiwell-Gabriel: 247). Then Secretary of Public Instruction Bernard Moses (19011902) likewise championed the compulsory teaching of English an action educational officials recognized as cutting "loose from all established traditions" (Bureau of Public Schools: 232). Central to the Thomasites' task of educating Filipinos for self-government was the issue of language. Doherty endorsed the colonial government and.and no single language common in the different regions. 74. in his report as director of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes. freed and elevated" (Fry: 108). or Spanish-speaking. better known as the Taft Commission. and this tenth would be the important ilustrado sector . in a change of heart. In 1902. David Doherty. considered the teaching of English a blessing to Filipinos (Gleeck: 72.

So was born the concept of "little brown brothers." described as "benevolent. that was a novel experience." Part of being "little brown Americans" meant studying American history and culture. Clearly. "assimilation. For the early 20th century Filipino. who embraced concepts which were anathema to the latter . with majority of the population denied reasonable opportunities for education . During the Spanish period.access to the educational system during . Here was a new colonizer who appeared to be the complete opposite of its predecessor. the Filipino will be deserving of freedom only when he has become an American. colonial authorities recognized that getting Filipinos to accept American rule meant alienating them from their Hispanic-Malayan heritage and transforming them (and making them accept the label) into brown Americans." It is important to grasp the significance of this development.Wystan de la Peiia 9 took his idea a step further . he pointed out that Americans and Filipinos. and striving to think like Americans.and in the process.and. Only after this condition was met would they have proved themselves "worthy" of independence (Pinon: 92). As early as the time of the Schurman Commission. Equating English as the key to "advancement" in the Philippines. singing American songs of patriotism. the American line of thinking completely disregarded the possibility of Filipinos losing their identity.: In the eyes of the American.like access to education and acquisition of the colonizer's language . when he has renounced all that he retains of his Oriental nature and all that he was bequeathed by his Spanish masters The Americans did not deny this. in order to become "more intimate" should share the same language and literature (Fry: 109). socioeconomic advancement . Even a French journalist saw that the "self-government" tutelage discourse of the Americans meant transforming Filipinos into political clones. more importantly.

became part of the Filipino cultural patrimony. American colonization would thus be viewed in a very positive light.from institutipns like churches and fiestas. had Spanish been preserved. According to Recto. For turn-of-the-century ilustrados realizing the repercussions of the cultural onslaught that English represented. things Hispanic on Philippine soil . . in his biography of Claro M." For the ilustrados. compared to the negativity accorded to 300 years of Spanish rule. Recto. observes how the latter seemed to equate the weakness of Filipino nationalism to the elimination of Spanish as the language of government and education. English slowly wrested the upperhand from Spanish. this meant giving up an academic and intellectual tradition which served as the basis of their professional training. Hardly half a century later. One thus has to realize that central to the American remodelling of the Filipino was the reconfiguration of linguistic make-up. English became "the language of business and politics while Spanish retreated into the social halls as the language of the aristocracy" (Constantino: 45-46). In nationalist historian Renata Constantino's slightly exaggerated language. "our Philippine nationalism. to concepts like palabra de honor and amor propio -. would be better able to defend itself and combat more advantageously against American imperialism" (Constantino: 32). This change of language of power is one of the nodal points in the history of the formation of a national identity. English With an educational system which imposed English as medium of instruction. In one fell swoop. everything Spain had left in the country became appropriated and labelled Filipino. under the protection of so stout a shield. Spanish vs.10 Wystan de la Peiia t~e early American regime meant for a lot of ordinary Filipinos a chance for social mobility. It is from this framework that one should view Filhispanic writing on the American cultural "invasion. Constantino.

Palma would wax poetic in and write in an article entitled "Hispania": "Nosotros.. Se nos ha trasvasado en las venas la sangre de aquella Espana decadente que nosotros despojamos aqui .. espanoles aun en la lengua. Por esto. los filipinos. durante tres siglos. en nuestros vicios y defectos... .. en los monumentos. en los templos. Rastreo su injluencia en todas nuestras poblaciones. me empequenece el hablar mal de Espana y los espanoles. los que con la pasi6n de la libertad deshicimos su cabeza con el hacha de la revoluci6n . en los cuadros de las casas.. espanoles un tiempo.. siento rubor y vergiienza cuando injurian a esa vieja naci6n los hijos de esta tierra . La sombra de Espana peregrinara por nuestra tierra anos y anos. en nuestras maneras.Wystan de la Pena 11 No less than Palma.. de las duras vicisitudes de nuestro proceso hist6rico. would give linguistic flesh and blood to this idea.n vive la vieja alma de Espana aqui! En todas partes veo su sombra. queda en las nobles almas filipinas. he wrote for El Nuevo Dia on May 5.. en las calles. jSaludo a esa vieja Espana!.. Aun hablaremos su lenguaje los que crecimos odiandola por sus instituciones y sus hombres.despues de la cattistrofe. proyecttindose como desde una inmensa altura y ocupandolo todo. 1900 in an article entitled "El Alma de Espana" (Palma. en las maneras yen los vicios . en el lenguaje. Using the pseudonym Resurrecto. [underscoring added] Two years later and under the same pseudonym. un recuerdo piadoso y adorable para la que aqui fue.. 1902. but this time writing for El Renacimiento on May 17. 1914: 127-129): jAU. using the pseudonym Resurrecto.. hasta en lo ultimo. soberana y reina de los destinos del pueblo (Palma 1914: 179). Espana noes ya mas que una sombra en tierra filipina: injuriar a una sombra es propio de pequenos y cobardes. en los libros que aprendemos.

but because it did not approve of the implantation of American sovereignty in the Islands. Valenzuela: 89): [it] campaigned for the use of Spanish as the official language of the Philipines. jMadre Espana!" (Bernabe: 63. not cultural. the newspaper would receive this recognition in one of the early Filipino narratives on Philippine joumalism(Coronel1994. Palma's contemporary and fellow Filhispanic writer Manuel Bernabe echoed the Filhispanic writer's thinking that the separation from Spain was merely political.. citing Jesus Z. represented the birth pangs of a nation. It looked down upon American ideas as gross and sordid materialism weakening the spiritual and idealistic strength of the people To better understand El Renacimiento's position. Its anti-American policy was based on the belief that the Latin culture of the Filipinos was far superior to American civilization. Filipinas a Espana: "Dios ha dispuesto el termino del plaza/ y ya es la hora de romper ellazo/ que nos uni6 tres siglos. El Renacimiento provided a significant bulk of this type of anti-American literature. In the 1930s.. A case in point is Palma. This was inevitable with the presence in its staff of leading Filhispanic writers. he still fondly spoke of Spain in his inaugural speech as the newlyinstalled president of the University of the Philippines (Palma 1985: 235). that the revolution. En mi pecho cristiano/Mi coraz6n es vasa donde mezclada estti/La sangre de Legaspi el Capitan hispano/Con la sangre tagala de la hija del Raja (Coronel 1994: 112).12 Wystan de la Pefia . especially those writings defending Filhispanic culture. Two and a half decades after his article above. This is seen in Bernabe's poem. 67) But this separation did not come about without the birth of an " Indo-hispanic soul" Balmori sings about in the poem Blas6n: Soy un bardo indo-hispano. not because it wanted to perpetuate a sad past . one has to see the framework from which Filhispanic writers operated. a divinely-arranged event. .

because in its vibrant syllables we utter our indignation and our protest against any menace to the self-assertion of the Filipino soul" (Luz: 87) American authorities missed all these sentiments at the time. even when English shall have become the predominant language. Fernando Ma. no en el momenta actual sino en la totalidad de su historia. no puede bajo ningun concepto admitir Ia inferioridad de raza. because "it is in this language that we commune with Rizal and our greatest heroes. This latter idea merited an answer from Pardo de Tavera in an article (" El Alma Filipina") published in El Renacimiento Pardo de Tavera. la raza espanola no es inferior. Guerrero (1952: 73) would still write for that year's celebration of Dia de Hispanidad : Te hablo en tu lengua: mis versos/ te dirtin que hay un amor/ que.Wystan de la Peiia 13 Despite the imposition of English already a fait accompli by 1913. anque admitan la actual inferioridad de aquel pueblo. Efectivamente. lo que hay es que su educaci6n exclusiva bajo un gobierno de dogmatismo politico y religioso ha hecho de Espana un pais con alma tradicionalista y verdaderamente conservadora . 1913): En la actualidad algunos antrop6logos consideran como inferior Ia raza espanola comparada con la anglo-sajona. because in this language the glorious pages of our history are written. en la hecatomba preterita/ su raigambre conserv6/ en lo mtis hondo y arcana de mi pecho/mi raza ador6 la gloria/ del bello idioma espanol/ que parlan aun los Quijotes/ de esta malaya region/ donde quieren nuevas Sanchos/ que parlemos en saj6n ("A Hispania"). blinded either by their "civilizing" discourse or their notion of the superiority of their Anglo-Saxon culture over the Latin culture Spain represented. because in this language we expressed in the past and we express in the present our longings and our ideals. 1 One Filipino intellectual would even insist that Spanish would remain with the intelligentsia. pero los que miran a Espana.

and no doubt there would have been vigorous protests." (Philippine Commission and the Philippine Legislature: 632). which Filipino revolutionaries resoundingly defeated in 1898. was a dichotomy. in explaining the "progress" signified by imposing English. It was either Madre Espana or Espana Negra: Madre Espana. Bernabe and Balmori were just three of those · Filhispanic writers writing for El Renacimiento who harped on the cultural mother-imperialist dichotomy that was Spain for the ilustrados during the American period. it being another colonizer's language conveniently forgotten. the icon of a Philippine colonial past. 1985: 212). What Gilbert misses is that Spain to post-Spanish rule ilustrados. . But decades later. 2 Th. "Progress" was precisely the concept American colonial officials insisted they were bringing to Filipinos. Palma also defended. the Spain seen as the cultural mother from which the Philippines got its Christian heritage and Hispanic character.14 Wystan de la Pefia Even as late as 1925. the Spain of the soberania monacal fame. it would be maligned as the colonizer's language. a fact seen when one compares the writings on Madre Espana with the volume of the literature on Espana Negra. although he would describe it as "limited" in scope and bannering ideals that "Juui graum to be obsolete and of little use" (Palma. In 1912. and Espana Negra. albeit not uncritically. with a new generation at the helm. if only for sentimental reasons. It would also be a discourse that would figure in-the 1960s debate for the removal of Spanish ·in the university curriculum. Secretary of Public Instruction Newton Gilbert parrots the stock line given a decade earlier: "Spanish was the language of the nation against whom the PhHippines had been in armed rebellion. At the heart of this so-called Hispanic contribution to Philippine culture is Spanish. the Spanish educational system which reared him professionally. Filhispanic writers especially. Ironically.s dichotomy has been easily forgotten. But it is a dichotomy that has survived the complete marginalization by English of the Spanish language. this discourse would be principally expressed in English. Guerrero. against its adoption.

3 Corollary to this. by the second decade of American rule. a la juventud universitaria de principios de siglo.Wystan de In Peiia 15 During the early years of American rule. atrajeron." una juventud educada en el modo de ser norteamericano. Era una juventud que en casa habfa aprendido el Castellano. which. The Spanish religious resented the imposition of English. podrfa entregarse. con un nuevo bagaje cultural. pero que iba a regresar a Filipinas. en la medida en que fuera factible. cuando llegase a la madurez. Desde el punta de vista humano. provided much competition for their financially-strapped schools (Doeppers: 14).. sin escrupulos ni resabios. not without a tinge of regret (Piftar: 8-9): La nueva metr6poli aspir6 a desterrar del pais. On the domestic front. todo recuerdo de Espana. The University of the Philippines became the secular counterpoint to the Catholic and Spanish-established University of Santo Tomas. .in which no less than 209 men and women would benefit during the years 19031912 (Caoili: 311) . the acknowledged champion of the Spanish language.. From the perspective of linguistic-cultural indoctrination. A Spanish scholar would later observe. a similar indoctrination was happening. procedente de los Estados Unidos. como era de suponer.and the creation of an American-sponsored public school system. if one considers the fact that these families belonged to the ten percent of the population which was hispanoparlante. the pensionado program was a masterstroke in the strategy to marginalize the Spanish culture and intellectual tradition and create Americanized converts among Filipino youths. el gobierno de la naci6n . The establishment of the University of the Philippines exemplified the latter measure. a la cual. era preciso forjar lo que hoy se llama la "new generation. the observation that it was deliberate policy that not a few of the pensionados carne from rich and influential families (Doeppers: 163) comes as no surprise. imposing English depended heavily on the pensionado program ..

La Concordia. however. Ateneo de Manila. Colegio de San Juan de Letran." school officials passed a resolution declaring their symbolic "separation" from the authority of the Department of Public Instruction. The case of the Centro Escolar de Senoritas -now known as the Centro Escolar University . que el rector hubo de jubilar. a profesores de Derecho.16 Wystan de In Pena But unable to stem the tide. institutions like the Universidad de Santo Tomas. precipitadamente. particularly the influential elite. In what award-winning Filhispanic writer Enrique Fernandez Lumba would call in 1940 as "hermosa acto de rebeldin de Maria Clara. a situation aggravated by the presence of the older generation. This triggered a series of reactions at the national level - . or refused.sometime in 1915 illustrates the resistance from private schools. without tragic consequences (Pifiar: 9): La misma Universidad de Santo Tomas. estaban reputados como eminencies. pero que. La arden era tan radical y exigia una aplicaci6n tan severa e inmediata. baluarte de catolicismo y hispanismo en Filipinas. se via constrefiida y parece ser que obligada par el director de la Oficina de Enseiinnza de la colonia a abandonar las clases en castellano y n aceptar el ingles como idioma de instrucci6n. La Inmaculada decided to adopt English (Peralta-Imson: 33). but one. and in an effort to preserve its enrollment. still conducting a significant part of their socio-economic and political transactions in Spanish (Doeppers: 60-61). the school received a letter of reprimand from the Secretary of Public Instruction. en sus asignaturas respectivas. This was not. Farmacia y Medicinn que no conocfan el ingles. What the Spanish religious running sectarian schools failed. For this. to see. The school opened one academic year with a program in which all. of the numbers were in Spanish. were the repercussions of the rapid changes of their time.

the Philippine Commission reported literacy at only 1. After more than a decade of mentoring Filipinos. English was already a characteristic differentiating the younger set from their elders. if literacy in the different native languages is considered. For this purpose. the measurement unit would be literacy. (Fermmdez Lurnba: 12-13). also suppressed the possibility that Filipinos were more literate than Americans (Ford: 362). The English language-based educational system also resulted in the emergence of a select group of students which would become the first generation of Filipino writers in English. The report. which did not factor in literacy in the native languages. describes a scene from a bookstore (Ford: 362-363): .which led to strong expressions in favor of Spanish . This would lead to further marginalization of Philippine letters in Spanish and block what could have been the early rise to prominence by any of the literatures in the native languages. using anecdotal evidence to support the assertion that Filipino literacy was much higher than believed.47 %. But by the time of the Commonwealth. One such literacy assessment came from The Ford Report on tl!e Situation in the Philippines (1913). Filipino psychologists now recognize how a new elite came about during the American period simply by projecting the alleged superiority of American culture and spreading the impression throughout the country that mastery of English was a trait of an educated person (Enriquez and Protacio-Marcelino: 269). the Philippine Commission put actual illiteracy in the Philippines at less than 8 percent. Without exac t s tatistics available. Moreover.Wystan de In Peiia 17 once the incident hit the newspapers. This finding.. these writers' accomplishments would be erroneously used as a yardstick for Filipino literary achievement. but this data covered only achievement in English and Spanish. American authorities felt the need for an assessment of their efforts in spreading the English language. both foreign languages. (Lumbera: 90). In 1912.

According to official classification. is non-existent or limited to a very small class. .. journalistic and commercial circles.." Filipinos would merely switch to English when talking to an American. Anarchy. Ford stresses the absence of Filipino-owned English-langua ge newspapers.18 Wystan de la Peiia There is undoubtedly a considerable body ofliterature in dialect .poetry.of a lecture on Socialism. Ford said. the desire to learn English . Piles of paper backed literature in dialect may be seen in the native textbooks in Manila.the truth is that an adequate knowledge of English is possessed by very few even of the educated classes in the Philippines. Ford's travel around the country also convinced him that Spanish still held sway among the populace. most of it of recent imprint. His report seems to show nothing had been changed since a government report said in 1908 that Spanish continued" to be the most prominent and important language spoken in political.had to come out with a Spanish section. it said (Ford: 367). fiction. Communism..but published in 1905. and Collectivism. drama. . dictionaries and elementary textbooks.m ehow confirms the assessment made in 1904. The Ford Report contradicts official declarations of widespread Filipino desire to learn English and said Spanish remained the language of social intercourse. Even those newspapers and other periodicals in English . To highlight this.. grammars.in dialect only .by another academic (Salamanca: 72): enthusiasm of the natives in learning English is largely a myth ..obviously to secure the numbers game needed for survival . (Ford: 365) The Ford Report so. while the proportion of the population which comprehends as much as a few simple words is extremely small . I noticed in a bookstore an announcement .. this lecturer would rank as illiterate unless in addition to his own language he can read and write either in English or Spanish.

The July 18 Lawag resolution said that que se envien capias del presente acuerdo al secretario de la Asamblea Filipina. Ilocos Norte Guly 18) and of Obando. the nationwide influence of El Renacimiento.a speech.was the language of choice for nationalist discourse. aside from indicating Filipino curiosity over English. Acuerda asimismo que tanto el original.Wystan de la Peiia 19 Interestingly. 1908 speech by Speaker Osmefia at the Philippine Assembly advocating independence for the Philippines. Of three main speakers.. al Honorable Speaker . como la traducci6n de la presente resoluci6n sea guardada en los archivos de la asociaci6n para grata memoria de sus miembros.from the town councils of Lawag. II II If anything. El Renacimiento illustrated how the lengua de Ceroantes . se envie otra a los peri6dicos El Renacimiento y II . On the same day of the report. The report quoted from the 195-signature resolution of the Kabinataan Navotas which decided that: esta resoluci6n sea vertida al castellano para la remision y publicaci6n de una copia de la misma en los peri6dicos de la capital del archipielago filipino. El Renacimiento reported on August 3. the report highlights the populace's strong consciousness over the phonetic dissimilarity it has with Tagalog and the other Philippine languages. its role as venue for the expression of nationalist discourse. the other in Spanish and the third in Tagalog. II 11 The two other resolutions .toric in the text of resolutions of organizations supporting the Osmef\. y par ultimo. it underlined pro-Spanish rhe. the newspaper merely discussed the content.. That was not the case for the speech in English. the manner of delivery not considered important. Reporting on the last two speeches. In a lengthy article on reactions to the June 19. as seen in the desire to see communicative competence in the new language.not the idioma miltoniano . which had to be pointed out as having been delivered in correcto y bien pronunciado ingles. one spoke in English. among others. 1908 on the Philippine Teachers' Association general meeting. Bulacan Guly 31) indicated.

una al citndo Honorable Speaker para su satisfacci6n. y otra al peri6dico de El Renacimiento para su debida publicaci6n.remitiendose capias de esta resoluci6n. a project since called missionary democracy (Bello. to the Manifest Destiny which justified annexation of northern Mexican territory. and eventually to Benevolent Assimilation. missionary democracy premised itself on the supposed need of Filipinos to submit to American tutelage to learn self-government. . military and economic interests had already crossed the Pacific and made its presence felt in Hawaii and in Samoa. it should bear the white man's burden and teach Filipinos the ABCs of democratic existence. " While the July 31 Obando town council resolved that" . hence. this incipient hegemony came in the form of the implantation of American democratic ideals in the Philippines.coincided with what is now considered the lowest point of race relations in the United States (Van Ells: 608). Even before Commodore George Dewey's armada knifed through the waters of Manila Bay in May 1898 to destroy Admiral Patricio Montojo' s decrepit fleet. The racist content of American rhetoric on the Philippines at the time .S." Conclusion America's military arrival in the Philippines is but a continuation of its westward imperialist expansion beyond California.20 Wystan de La Pefia Asnmblea Filipinapara su insersi6n. . an idea that can only come from an imperialist bias and a white supremacist attitude inescapably evident in American thinking of that period. During the first decade of the 1900s. American expansionist discourse thus continued to unfold: from the Monroe Doctrine in the early 1800s that led to military interventions in newly-independent Latin American states.a product of the misapplication of scientific thought during the late 19th century . Kinley. a fitting symbol of the then Spanish might in the Philippines.. a few months after the Philippine-American War broke out in 1899. A century ago. U. All the aforementioned examples boil down to the issue of America having the superior culture. and Elinson: 38).

a war the U. 88). To the usual indiscriminate brutality ofwar was thus added the brutality of racial hostility. It is this war which would show Filipinos an erstwhile hidden side of McKinley's "Benevolent Assimilation" policy declaration. strangespeaking and strange-looking to Americans. burned. two Negroes were lynched by mobs hanged. physically identifiable. This racist name-calling has its historical context. propaganda machine boasted would be over in two weeks. mutilated. these merchants became sources of information to the initial batch of American colonialists (Owen: 102). The significance of the historical reality that the first real encounter of Filipinos on a national scale with the United States was through its military machine should not be overlooked.S. there were American merchants operating in the Philippines during the Spanish period." "Chinese halfbreeds." "barbarians. not to mention arts and letters. Ironically. but they were few and limited to the exportoriented crops like abaca (hemp) and sugar." "savages. a constitution. who had come to the Philippines as a scientist during the Spanish period and was looked upon as an "expert" on the country. and a set of laws." "Malay bandits. The Filipinos were brown-skinned. a legislature. a carry-over of social conditions in the United States (Zinn: 307-308). After the revolution against Spain came the war against the United States. : It was a time of intense racism in the United States. In the years between 1889 and 1903.Wystnn de In Peiin 21 This thinking conveniently ignores the fact that even before the lopsided Battle of Manila Bay that fateful day of May 1. articulation of those "benevolent aims" involved the use of racist epithets. Just like Worcester. . No less than then President Theodore Roosevelt had a racist vocabulary to refer to Filipinos: "Tagal bandits. on the average. Filipinos already had a government." " a wild and ignorant people" (Bain: 76. 1898. every week. True.

Filhispanic writers . a tradition forged in the Spanish colonial schools and later. in the century for the ilustrados. that is especially true. it even advocated that the Philippines allied itself with Japan. Filipino counterpoint to this racial discourse was not wanting. America's anti-constitutional imperialist venture in the Philippines and the defense of Fil-hispania. it had to be done through war. Even up to the second decade of American rule. In Americancontrolled Philippines.22 Wystnn de in Pdin It would be left to the American military. In the words of later theoreticians. and is. In the wake of the Worcester libel case. in having one's version of events declared or accepted as the official . Four decades of American control have resulted in the mass indoctrination of Filipinos that U. The reality that the military was. an ideological state apparatus.to introduce America to the Filipinos. By bringing in its own set of thinking and beliefs.version of events is a fact which Filipino historians know very well.especially those writing for newspapers like El Renndnziento saw themselves as the vanguards of the true Filipino cultural and intellectual tradition.veterans of much action against American Indians during the thirty years prior to its arrival in the Philippines .S. Unfortunately. The discursive power inherent in history-writing. In attacking and warning against the dangers of the entry of American cultural practices. But the Filipino reply focused more on the issues of its aborted republic. El Renacimiento provided the forum for the articulation of Filipino sentiments on all those issues. colonization was the better colonial experience. one only has to look at violent events in Muslim Mindanao to see that the military played an important role in paving the way for civilian-led colonization. it helped in no small way in articulating and playing out American colonial ideology.or the correct . in Europe. Part of this Filipino anti-hegomonizing discourse is the Filhispanic rhetoric against the American cultural invasion. an important instrument for social change cannot be overlooked. . which was then giving Washington some jitters (Gleeck: 133).

This historical amnesia can largely be aftributed to direct American influence in Philippine historiography up to the 1940s. 1898 Declaration of Independence. As one last example to show how a historian's ideological position marginalizes or privileges events. In an article . one only has to look at Golay's (read: American/English) narrative on the El Renncimiento libel case. It is an influence responsible for the strong differentiation being made between the revolution against Spain and the" insurrection" against the United States (Ileto: 242).Wystnn de ln Peiin 23 This meant sidelining the Philippine-American War. which questioned the documentary sources on nationalist hero Andres Bonifacio. is another.into a minor historical event. mainstream Philippine historiography would inevitably fall prey to American historical biases and influences. and pointing instead to the revolution against Spain as the event to remember Filipino bravery and patriotism. when a Filipino journalist makes the painful observation regarding the historical amnesia with which Filipinos have treated the conflict. the centennial of the PhilippineAmerican War passed by without much commemmorative activities compared to the pomp-filled celebration of the centennial of the June 12.the war which saw officer veterans of the Civil War and the Indian Wars commanding the expeditionary troops to the Philippines . An important element to that historiography is the language used to write it. In a country where historical consciousness (except for events happening in the recent past) is not a strong point among its predominantly-young citizenry. One is reminded of this influence at the 102nd anniversary of the start of the Philippine-American War. It only merited a sentence from the 549-page book (Golay: 189). Written in English. This is where the discursive power of historiography comes in. The uproar in the 1990s among Filipino historians over Inventing n Hero: The Posthumous Re-creation of Andres Bonifacio. Key to this differentiation is the matter of language.

Y otrn Espmln.." effectively e liminating the cultural dimension behind the celebration by focusing instead on a historical figure than on the significance of the event. Clearly. non-hispanic American culture observes this as "Columbus Day. Endnotes 1 Interestingly. in Retana. generosa. 102 years after the Philippine-American War.24 Wystnn de In Peiin wrongly suggesting that American cultural and political contributions to the Philippines (the Thomasites. Neither is this dichotomy of Spain a concept alien to Spanish w riters themselves. urban architecture and a road system) counterbalance American military abuses. con ln que hay que tener 11i In complicidnd del ~ ilcn cio" Gavier Gomez de la Serna. 2 . 1958: v). heroes en el hagar.. con cualidades legendarias ensalzadas en todo el p!aneta. y ilncin donde se dirigfn oficinlmente cuando le apresaron . Espaiin cada vez 111rb rcducidn. it is the historical discourse in English which has emerged as the winner. Ia que le apres6 en esa hora gloriosa de su vida. en el mundo. Filipinos hardly know about the brutality of that war. tJIIt' forman malos e ineptos. Javier G6mez de la Serna writes in the preface of Retana's biography ofRizal: "jHay dos Espaiias! Una grande. cnbezns sin lzonra y lta11rn:> ~ ill cn/wzn. Filipinos continue to look up to America as the pioneer of the country's learning and democrati c institutions. crueles yfnmiticos. sacrificando sGrenos la vida por un nmor. the w riter concluded (Tuazon: 20): Today. por una disciplina militar o cientifica: la Espana que am6 a Rizal hnsta la muerte. par la que pidi6 ira Cuba pam nsistir en los hospi tales a nuestros heridos. Instead. con sus legiones de caballeros. par un ideal. 11egrn.

Universi ty of the Philippines-Diliman. Luisa. "A History of Higher Education in Science and Technology in the Philippines. Development Debacle: The World Bank in the Philippines. 30). Vol. January-December. Perfil de Cresta. 1969.. CAOILI. no sera necesario imponerlo como asignaturn en las escuelas elementales. Quezon City: Renata Constantino. hny que crearen lo que hoy se llama In 'new generation' un clima de ntenci6n primero. para reznr. Prolegomena al Estudio Semi6tico de la Metrifora: La Poes{a Urica de Jesus Balmori. The Making ofa Filipino: A Story of Philippine Colonial Politics. de simpntia despues. como ern. sera otra vez ellenguaje de la familia.. 1994. en la enseiianza secundaria yen la superior. Reynaldo C. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Office of Research Coordination. Kinley.. San Francisco: Institute for Food and Development Policy. Walden. Rena to. como sigue en gran parte utilizrindose. David. 1-4. XLVII. Nos. Olivia C.. and Elinson. 1957 Manila: Carmela & CAMAGAY. el que se utiliza. PhD dissertation. Sitting in Darkness: Americans in the Philippines. Conocido y amado como un idioma propio. 1984. Bibliography BAIN. 1982. Ma. Manuel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. BELLO. Elaine.. porque. David Haward. el que se habla en la calle yen el negocio. 1996. 1983." Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review. BERNABE.. CORONEL.Wystan de Ia Penn 3 25 Piiiar suggests the employment of the same "new generation" strategy to preserve Spanish:" . . el que se emplea habitualmente y sin menoscabo de nadie como media de instrucci6n" (23. 56/o asi e/ castellano brillarei de nuevo y sin hostilidad en Ins is/as Filipinas. CONSTANTINO. Encarnacion Alzona: An Anthology. Bauermann Inc. ed. no basta con hacer del caste/lana una nsignaturn. de franca y cnriiiosa amistad nuis tarde hncia todo aquello que en Filipinns pone de relieve su fisonomfa hispanica .

GUERRERO.. Metro Manila: Solar Publishing Corporation. 1983. 1985. 1998. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. XVII. Vol. National Archives Record Group No. A History of the Mountain Province. Nos.S. Howard. ENRIQUEZ. The American Half-Century (1898-1946). 350]. Criscilidas. Manila. Lewis E. Inc. FERNANDEZ LUMBA. "The Ford Report on the Situation in the Philippines. Vol." Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review. 1-4. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. n. 2"d edition. 1928. FORD.353-431.26 Wystnn de in Penn DOEPPERS. Fernando Ma. HILARIO. FRY. GLEECK. Enrique. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. Daniel F. Thinking for Ourselves: A Representative Collection of Filipino Essays. Marietta E. Nos. "Neo-colonial Politics and Language Struggle in the Philippines. Virgilio G and PROTACIO-MARCELINO. Inc. 265-300.. GOLAY. Manila: Philippine Education Foundation. 1900-1941: Social Change in a Late Colonial Metropolis. Filipiniana Reprint Series. 1954. 1984. XLVII. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. 1997. Jr. Manila: National Historical Institute. 1983. January-December 1973." [U. Vicente and QUIRINO. January-December. Elizabeth. Frank Hindman. 1990. 1898-1946. 1-4.l. 1952. Eliseo. .p. Hispanofilia Filipina. Historical Bulletin.: n. Originally published Manila: Oriental Commercial Co. GUERRERO. Henry. eds. From Revolution to a Second Colonization: The Philippines Under Spain and the Un ited States. Face of Empire: United States-Philippine Relations.

eds. The Poetry of Manuel Bernabe: Prologemana to Reading a Cultural Text. PARDO DE TAVERA. 241-278. 1999. May 17. Inc. Metro Manila: Solar Publishing Corporation. Revaluation 1997: Essays on Philippine Literature.. 1999. Nancy. Bienvenido. 1928. Inc. "Ang Mga Thomasites: Hukbong Mapagpaamo ng Malupit na Digmaan. Ma Elinora. PhD dissertation. Reynaldo C. Filipiniana Reprint Series. 1906. Filipinos and their Revolution: Event.. Trinidad Hermenigildo. LUMBERA. . Vicente and QUIRINO. 50-66. "El Alma Filipina. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1998. eds. "Tendencies in Philippine Literature. 1991. 1997. Thinking for Ourselves: A Representative Collection ofFilipino Essays.Wystnn de la Pefi." in HILARIO. Vicente and QUIRINO. "Eclecticism and Nationalism in the University. Manila: University of Santo Tomas Publishing House. PALMA. 1985. The Bikol Blend: Bikolanos and their History.a 27 ILETO. Rafael. Cinema and Popular Culture." in HILARIO. PERALTA-IMSON. Originally published Manila: Oriental Commercial Co. Eliseo." El Renacimiento. OWEN. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. Discourse and Historiography. KIWELL-GABRIEL. Voces de Alien to: Colecci6n de Articulos Literarios." Philippine Social Sciences Review (January-December). University of the Philippines-Diliman. 1928. Norman G. Metro Manila: Solar Publishing Corporation. Filipiniana Reprint Series. Arsenio. _ _ _ _ . Reprinted in Cultura Filipina. Eliseo. 1985. Octubre de 1913. LUZ. Thinking for Ourselves: A Representative Collection of Filipino Essays. Manila: Imprenta Cultura Filipina. Originally published Manila: Oriental Commercial Co. 1914.

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