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languages, regularly with stative function. The type is discussed for example by Brugmann, Grdr. and Meillet, Iiatroductions209, as well as in a number of special studies such as H. Wagner, Zur Herkunft der E-Verba i n den idg. Xprachen (1950) and ZCP xxv, 1956, 161-173, with earlier literature. Among the formants in the several languages which have been derived wholly or in part from this IndoEuropean stative suffix -5- are the Greek intransitive and passive aorist in -7- ; the Latin second conjugation -6 of verbs like sedbe sit , habzre have ; the Germanic third class of weak verbs, Old High Gernian hab& ; the Slavic verbs of Leskiens class IVb with aorist stem in -6- like gordti burn ; the corresponding Lithuanian verbs in -6ti like garzti id. ; and more recently, the Tocharian third class of intransitives in B -e-, A -a- like B lyuketiir shines .l I n all the aforementioned types we have to deal with deverbative d erivates . Now beside this deverbative stative SUEX there is also -5a denominative stative -Z- in Indo-European. Though it is
H. Iedcrsen, Tocharisc7k 161-2 (ZCDVS, Hist.-Fil. N e d . 28,1[1941]) and Watkins, ZE Origins of the Celtic verb 70-71 (1962). Tho characteristic middlc inflexion of the Tocharian verbs (ICrause-Thomas, Toch. Elementarbuch I, 200[1960]) should be compared with Latin caletur, (mihi)uidetur, as well as the impersonal uses of misereri, uideri. But the third class in -etur with non-palatalizing t,hematic vowcl -e- should rather be derivcd from *-o-tor ; thus lyuketur = Hitt. lukkatta, as J a y Jasanoff points out to mo. The suffix * - E - has furthcrmorc been identified in Hittite in the &-verb hulzai cries , cf. Tedersen, Ziittitisclz 151 ( K U V S , Z1ist.-Fil. H e d . 25,2 119381) and Wagner, 8-Verba 50. But this is very doubtful both on inflexional grounds, and because the older form of this verb is the middle TJaZziyari, which also explains the assibilation -ti- > -ziy- (Luvian b l t i - ) . cf. Watkins, Zndogermanische Grammatik III/2,57 (1969), and on the non-assibilation of *t before * E in Hittite, W. Cowgills forthcoming Idg. Gram. I, ch.3833. The inflexional pattern of tho type fialzai, TJaZziyaariis an inner-Hittite devclopment.

unlikely that there is no connection between the two-as most authors hold-they are still synchronically distinct suffixes in Indo-European. The deverbative is a primary suffix, attached directly to verbal roots ; the denominative is a secondary suffix, attached to synchronically existing adjectival and substantival stems, with the meaning ' be or become what the base denotes ' : ' das Sichbefinden in einem bestimniten Zustand, oder das Geraten in cinen Zustand,' as Paul Diels has defined it for Slavic. Their independence was recognized by Brugmann, Grdr. It is the denominative -E- verbs which will be our concern from this point on. The denominative Z-verbs have been recognized principally in Old High German, Slavic, and Baltic. Typical are Old High German aZtZn ' grow old, senescere ' ; heilZn ' heal (intr.) ' = Old Church Slavonic c6lZjet.a ce'le'ti ' id.' ; Lithuanian seneju seneti ' grow old '. Brugmann was willing to entertain the possibility of adding the Latin type clazcd& ' be lame ', senEre ' he old ', and equating them with the Germanic and Balto-Slavic types. But subsequent handbooks have rejected this in favor of the derivation of the Latin verbs via thematic denominatives which was Brugmann's first suggestion (Grdr. 2l.2.1124 and : thus albus --f albb-ae/o-like Greek &los -+ rpik-~u. The latter view for these Latin forms must be rejected and the connection with *-Z- restored, as will be shown below. Traditionally a t this point the handbooks introduce the question of the form of the suffix. The basic question is that of the primacy of the athematically inflected *-b, of the or suffixed thematic form *-&ielo-. Brugmann posited for the present formation of these denominatives a composite suffix *-~?-$/6-, the -ik/6- being the standard denominative present forming morph. While the denominatives cannot be separated from the primary deverbatives in -Z-jk-, " ebenfalls meist intransitiv," they are a younger formation (Grdr. states that the denominative suffix *-E@- does not appear t o be directly related to the thematic vowel -e/o- of the underlying nominal form, but does not express himself on the origin of the -E-.

Kurylomicz, Injl. Cat. 77, states that the *-2-is an aorist marker in Greek (in the deverbatives) and Balto-Slavic, whereas the Latin and Germanic types seein to show a more recent layer of formation, with the introduction of -E- into the present system and the forniation of a complex suffix - b j e / o - , thus following Brugniann. But this view of the Balto-Slavic forms has not been universally accepted; cf. also I. A. Perel'niuter, Bop. Jax. 1969.5.11-21, who likewise rejects the aoristic value of *-E- proposed as well by Brugniann (Gzdr. 22.3.159) and Neillet-Vendryes, Trait8 de grunemaire contpauk des lnngues clnssiquesz 285. Deprived of the Balto-Slavic support, the aorist value of tlie Greek deverbative intransitives like E)pL$v~v, X L $ p p , &cir is more simply explained as a 2 function of their secondary endings and the opposition to the prcserit stems in *-jelo- : palvopab, Xalpopab, Kalerub. The assumed composite character of the Latin and Germanic presents (suffix *-F-je/o-) is also uncertain ; athematic inflexion (suffix *-&) has been suggested, notably by Meillet, and defended most recently by E. Polom6.2 Meillet on pp. 217-218 of his Introductions takes the Lithuanian type sefaeju and Latin sene6 from a lengthened thematic vowel plus -+lo-, thus *-c'-ie/o-. But on pp. 209 and 219 he suggests rather athematic forms for Latin : the denominative suffix is t o have the forin *-E-,parallel to athematic *-E- in the first conjugation. He does not express himself further on the source of this -8, simply notes that ' these forms in long but vowel are old '. As me shall see, the subsequent evidence will prove his hunch correct. Unfortunately, the Germanic data raise problems : the phonological preform or preforms of the third class of weak verbs. The apparent problems are first the common source of the Gothic stem vowel -ai- and the Old High German stem vowel -6, and second, the athematic paradigm of Old High German beside the seemingly " semi-thematic " paradigm of
' On the origin of Germanic class 111 of weak verbs ', Beitruge zur Indogermanistik und Keltologie (Festschrift J. Pokorny), Initsbrucker Beitrage cur Krultuwissenschaft 13, 83-92 (1967).



Gothic : OHG -gm, -&,-et, -Em&, -zt, -&t, Goth. -a, -ais, - a i j , -am, - a i j , -and. It is probably fair to say that more nonsense has been published on this topic, on both sides of the Atlantic, than on any other but the laryngeal theory. This results from a false evaluation of the problem. For the form of the third class is a pseudo-problem ; to introduce another metaphor, i t is a symptom rather than a cause. For this reason the attempts to attack it by the " half-thematic ') inflexion with ablauting suffixes *-&-/-io-, even * - & - / - g i - ( ! ) by certain authors 3 is doomed t o failure. Such a solution, wholly unlike any paradigm in any I E l a n g ~ a g ehas in my view nothing to recom,~ mend it. What is important is t o recognize that in functioiz the Germanic denominative third class weak verbs, principally in Old High German, continue unchanged the Indo-European denominative statives in -F-. That is the primary comparative fact. The formal implementation of this suffix is of secondary importance ; comparison shows that an innovation has taken place-scarcely surprising in a language of the European middle ages. But the innovation is einzelsprachlich, and it is wholly improper to attempt to build a new reconstruction of Indo-European on such a foundation. Consider an illustration. Indo-European had a factitive suffix "-6- (*-e?,-, *-o?,-),suffixed to adjectives in the meaning ' to make something what the adjective denotes '. Thus from "nepo- ' new ' we find Hittite newah& ' make new, renew ), Latin nouire, and Old High German n i u w h . The primary comparative fact in Greek is the continuation of the fuvaction of this suffix in the verbs in -ow like vcdw ' renew '. There has been a formal innovation in Greek, which m;e may or may
Wagner, 8-Verba 49 ; W. P. Schmid, Studicn zum ballischen uiid idg. Verbum (1963) ; M. M. Guxman, Srav. gram. germ. j a z . 4.388(196) ; 0. BzemerBnyi, Einfiihrung in die vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft (1970). All are ultimately based on H. Flasdieclr, Untersuchungen uber die germ. schwachen Verben 111. Klasse (1935). The Hittite verbs in -mi (3 sg. hi-conj.) and -aizzi (3 sg. mi-conj.) are a Bcheingleichung or mirage, being independent but parallel developments from (paxtially) similar initial conditions. cf. note 26 below.

not be able t o give a satisfactory account of. But i t is clear that that innovation is secondary and einzelsprachlich.5 The dialectal distribution of denominative secondary -Zis different from that of deverbative, primary -6, since the former is unknown in Greek, and in Germanic confined to Old High German. This fact has led some scholars to share Brugnianns view that the denominative type is the more recent, essentially a matter of individual dialects, and in some sense less noteworthy. Typical is Wagner, ZCP xxv, 1956, 1611 : Als sekundare, einzelsprachlich ausgebildete E-Verba betrachte ich die meist denorninativen Verba voni Typus . . . sen&, sen&?, altt%. I n the same tradition is the verdict of Z. P. Stepanova, Bop. Jnz. 1965, I11 : the denominatives are javno bolee pozdnogo proisxoidenija. Similarly Polom6, Festschrift Pokorny 9114. Yet we should not make the mistake of thinking that a synchronically secondary suffix cannot be of equal antiquity in Indo-European with a synchronically primary suffix, and perhaps even older. The Old High German derivatives in -& are collected (not exhaustively) and analyzed in an exemplary dissertation by
5 Glr. uc6u < *neg-E- is an archaism preserved as an agricultural teclinical term in the quite ancient secondary meaning roplough ; of. Latin nozuire agrum in the same sense, and especially Greek ($) u c d s r e ploughed field , which shows an older form of the feminine of the IndoEuropean adjective *neujos than Skt. nciwyci. On the sccondary character of the feminine gender in Indo-European, stoutly maintained by Aleillet, see now W. Kaster, Die griech. Adj. zweier Emlungen auf -02 (1967) and E. Neu, I F 74, 1969, 235-41, against A. Kammenhuber, MSS 24, 1968, 70 f., 76 ff. The former are surely right. To the Anatolian evidence discussed by Neu should be added that-which is conelusive-of the Luvian collective suffix -alpit- (adduwuZ-a_hit- badness ) which in its first part continues un touched the form of the Indo-European collective * - O F , - , later becoming the feminine in 4 Luvian -&it. furthermore Can be compared with the metrically and forniulaicallyarchaic feminines of the Homeric type ?rpc&iJa T l p j U (Hymn. Hom. 29.3), T L ~ baobh7$8os ~ S 193), ef. flaoih?$a (Hes. Theog. 462). The parallelism is striking, though the constitution of -ah-it-(-a_h it- or -a& i +t-) and -7;s- (ti > 7 + 1 % ) is doubtless in+ dependent. The Old Hittite nouns like maniy-a&i- (maniy-a&ai-) rule : verb maniy-a_h_h-rule, hand over , parar-a_h&i- (KBo I11 60 I1 10) of unknown meaning : verb parara_ht[a(KUB XXXI 110,7) are also doubtless re1ated.




Erich Aumann.6 Representative samples from older glossatorial sources, all from attested thematic adjectives, are beside altcn, arm& ' egere ', berahtdn ' splendiscere (sic) ', bleihhzn ' pallere ', breitEn ' extare, vastum esse ', fuEn ' putrere ', nazzdn ' madere ', swarzn ' ingraviscere (sic) ', tunkaldn ' caligare ', warm.% ' cale(sce)re '. For the semantics, compare the native speaker Notker's glossing of forms of swarzzn, warm& as ' dispositus ad nigredinem, calorem ', and especially the passage (I 520 ed. Piper) discussed by Aumann, p. 34, where Notker exemplifies the proposition s i fit aliquid et non est by a derivative of wiz ' white ' : Ter nu uuizet. ter neist iaoh nieht uuiz ' he is whitening now ; he is not yet white '. Aumann prefers the term stative (Zustandsverben), and notes specifically that the inchoative force is often a function of the preverb ir-. Though the term is improper, ' inchoative ' is still probably the best single definition of the function of the class (so Meid, Germccnische Sprachwissenschaft 3,250 [1967]), but several old derivatives show ' durative ' stative value, with no trace of the inchoative force. Such are breitzib ' be broad ', and especially starzn ' stare ' from *stars- ' stiff ' (OHG star). The formation of this denominative &verb must be Common Germanic, recurring in Old English starian, Middle Low German starert, and Old Norse stura (&verb). The association with the eyes is ancient, cf. OHG starablincl ' quite blind ', OE stEvablind, ON starblinda ' blindness '. The type is clearly still productive in Old High German ; but a number of derivatives attest the great antiquity of the type. We have ir-sOr& ' emarcescere ' as an early Alemennic gloss, though there is no Old High German adjective *s6r ' dry '. But we have Old English s h r , Middle Low German s6r presupposing Germanic *suuza-, an ancient Indo-European adjective found in Lithuanian SUQSCGS, Old Church Slavonic s u x ~ ,and Greek aces. I n sey(a)wdn ' tabescere, arescere, marcere ' we have a derivative of an adjective *serwo- which
Denominative-6- Verben im Altgermanischen (Diss. Leipzig, 1935).

is attested nowhere in Germanic, but recurs in Old Irish serb ' bitter ' (Aumann 21 ; Pedersen, VKG 1.78). As noted, these denominative statives in -E- are productive only in Old High German. But Aumarin (p. 40) convincingly explains the virtual absence of denominative stative F-verbs from East and North Germanic by the spread there of the stative-intransitive-incboative -Nan-verbs . At the same time he points out that Old Norse skorta ' lack ' from skortr ' shortness, lack ' beside Old English scwtian ' get short ' from scort ' short, small ', together with ON stura ' stare ' and cognates (discussed above), show that the category did exist also in North Germanic, where we have fuller documentation than in East Germanic. These forms would indicate that the category of denominative ?-verbs once existed in Ingvaeonic, and that in these dialects we must reckon with a secondary transfer from 6 t o &inflexion. Aumann's conclusion, with which we can entirely concur, is that ' Die e-Ableitungen vorn Nomen inussen darum nach Bedeutung und Bezeugung als selbst&ndige Gruppe anerkannt werden. Die bisherigen Uberlegungen haben sie als urgermanisch erwiesen.' The distribution within Germanic suggests clearly that Old High German preserves an archaic category which has been formally renewed elsewhere in the family. As E. Sehrt has stated (Pestgabe Th. Frings 6 [1956]) ' Das Ahd. hat das ursprungliche bewahrt.' Baltic and Slavic both show a present suffix *-t%ielo- (infinitive stem *-&) in denominatives built on adjectives (and less frequently nouns) with stative meaning. I n Slavic the pure stative value predominates, while in Baltic the inchoative force is common. Thus we have Old Church Slavonic bogatzjo ' I am rich ' from bogata, Lithuanian seneju ' I grow older ' from s h a s , Latvian dzelt@u ' I grow yellow' from dzelts. Possible common Balto-Slavic word-equations are rare, but do exist, as in Russ. CS rade'ti se ' blush ' = Lith. rudeti = Latv. rudzt (on which see further below), or OCS vetaiajp ' I grow old' = Latv. wecFju (Stang, Das Slav. und balt. Verbum 163 [1942]). Although so eminent an authority as Stang (ibid. 50, 166



and Vgl. Gram. der balt. Sprachen 362 [1966]) prefers the explanation via lengthened thematic vowel *-&, there is in my view no real objection t o Brugmann's assumption of a stative suffix *-E-, further extended in the present system by the productive *--e/o. Lengthening of the thematic vowel is not an Indo-European process. The resultant composite -t?$e/othen may have given its characteristic shape t o the class of Slavic verbs in -Z~Q, Baltic -$u, whatever the origin of other functionally diverse members of this class in Slavic and particularly in Baltic. Alternatively, the inflexion of the statives in -&, if originally athematic, was itself influenced by the formal pressure of other patterns, such as the denominatives in Balto-Slavic *-8--e/o-, *-ou-ae/o-, and perhaps *-6--e/o-. If the Germanic and Latin types were originally athematic, as in appearance Old High German 1 sg. -Em and Latin 3 pl. -ent < *-&nt(i), latter explanation is to be preferred for Baltothis Slavic. Balto-Slavic is noteworthy for differentiating the inflexion of denominatives (Lith. sen& seniiju) from that of the deverbatives (Lith. mineti minjc). The ' aorist stem ' in *-F- of the latter has perhaps in Balto-Slavic spread to the deverbatives from the denominatives. Such a view is entirely consistent with Kurylowicz's brilliant derivation (In$. Cat. 79-84) of the present stem of the Balto-Slavic deverbative statives from Indo-European perfects : 3 sg. OCS mani[ta] = Lith. mini IE

Two factors combine to obscure almost completely the onetime presence in Celtic of the Indo-European stative suffix *-&. The first is phonological : the merger of IE *-c- and "4- -F already in Common Celtic times. The second is into morphological and semantic : The stative function (inter alia) is assumed by the new and highly productive suffix which appears in Old Irish as 3 sg. dep. -aigedar. Bruce Boling suggests to me that the latter type is in fact to be derived a t least partially from stative *-E- suffixed to the very productive adjectives in -8ko- ( O h . -ach). He promises to discuss this a t greater length elsewhere.

That the category once existed in Celtic is shown first by the isolated presence of the Old Irish verb &di blushes, turns red <*rudhzt. The verb is preserved in a number of languages ; see below for cognates and discussion. I n the second place, the -F->-i- is one of the basic sources for the Old Irish i-verbs of class AII (cf. Watkins, Idg. Gram. III/ 1,170, since Early Welsh 3 sg. -it, lsg. -if must go back to IE athematic *-?ti, *-Emi. Other forms are phonologically less certain ; for example Old Irish tee hot ) nom. pl. teit can correspond either t o Sanskrit tdpant- hot (*tep-e/o-) or t o Latin tepent- (*tep-&). In view of the general proximity of Italic and Celtic one shouId perhaps opt for the latter, but the Irish form is equivocal, A final piece of evidence may be mentioned. Early Hittite shows a number of verbal abstracts with the suffix form -emu(frequently spelled -ima-). Typical is weritemai fear . As will be shown a t greater length below, these abstracts are derived from stative verbs in -& : the Indo-European form of the suffix would be *-F-mo-. Now one of the characteristic forms of verbal noun for Old Irish i-verbs (class AII) is -Vm, feminine &stem : do.meiccethar despises -+dimiccem (Thurneysen, OIGr. 453). Such forms may be phonologically derived from *-E-6%- ; they could have been originally formed to statives in *-E-) and then spread beyond their original bounds. So do.meiccethur could well have been an original stative in -6(Celt. *-i-) ; cf. OHG ham& hate for the semantics. The denominative stative &verbs in Latin, the type sencre be old , have been recently catalogued and studied, as part of a very useful larger work on denominative derivation as a whole in this language, by X. Mignot, Les verbes denominatifs Zatins 81-144 (1969). It is worthwhile noting a t the outset Mignots immediate conclusion (p. 100) : On retiendra donc que la formation sest presque toute entitire constitude B date prdhistorique ; quelle est surtout reprksentke par des formes peu fritquentes ; que son ditveloppement ultitrieur demeure des plus limitits ; et que, nittant gutire plus vivante, elle se tlistingnc ma1 dautres types in -?re, flCchis de la mhme manikre.



This is not the description of a productive class of thematic denominatives in any Indo-European language. That alone is adequate to justify the rejection of the very common view that these forms represented denominatives built on the thematic vowel (the *-ejeJo-theory) ;' for had they existed as such, they would have remained productive. The best argument against seeing thematic denominatives in the Latin second conjugation is the simple fact that ' straight ' thematic denominatives, i e . not the -Ere type, appear in Latin in the fourth conjugation. The type is that of largir; ' give generously ' (largus ' generous '), saeuire ' rage ' (saeuus ' furious '), seruzre ' be a slave ' (seruus ' slave ').s Of a total of 36 denominatives in -ire, -iri in the archaic p e r i ~ d , ~ fully 11 are from thematic stems, of which all are adjectives except seruus and procus.10 Mignot's work has the advantage of broad if not exhaustive coverage, and in particular, the Latin forms arranged according to their date of attestation. Notably p. 82 ff. shows the total population of denominative -&verbs with attested base in Latin starting from the archaic period (from the beginning to 100 B.c.). We have both derivates from both adjectives and nouns, but the stative value predominates clearly. Examples from adjectives in the early period are sent?re ' be old ),cZiirEre ' shine ', lentere ' be slow ', nigrt?re ' be black ', pigrzre ' be lazy '. Examples from nouns (which usually still describe the state of the subject) are an&e ' be old (of a woman) ',$orbe ' be in flower '. As is evident, the semantic slots are similar to those already noted in Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic, and the

' cf. M. Leumann, Lat. Gram. 202, 31s (1926) ; P. Xommer, R d b . der Zat. h u t - u. Forrnenlehre 458 (1914) ; Meillet-Vendryes, Traitd2 286 (1948) ; Ernout, MorphoZogie hist. du Zatin2 146 (1953). 8 Deponcnt - i r i is doubtloss older, cf. the Hittite middle clenoniinatives in 4ya-. add t o Mignot's list (18-20) qndrire 'make known, tell' (gniirus ' knowledgeable ') and procire ' ask in marriage ' in the supine procitum (procus ' suitor '), both archaic forms found in Livius Anclronicus. 'OMignot's figures on p. 63 are misleading, and do not agree with the data of pp. 18-20.




label ' stative ' (rather than for example Mignot's ' essive ') fully justified. We have already noted that a number of languages of the family attest an Indo-European suffix *-&, earlier *-o,a,(*-qZ-) factitive force, suffixed t o adjectives. It means with ' t o make something what the adjective denotes ', and should be etymologically kept apart from the denominatives in *-ii(-ie/o-) coexisting in the same language. The suffix is ancient in Indo-European even though ' secondary ', i.e. forming derivatives from synchronically existing stems. I n Latin, genuine oppositions could exist between a stative and a factitive from the same stem. The stative is subjectoriented, the latter object-oriented. Compare the discussion of Mignot 125-128. An example is clcirEre ' be clear, be shown ' (clErus) beside clErcire ' make clear, show ' (or the much more frequent &-clEr%e), both occurring in Lucretius, 4.778 and 6.937. Beside ulbzre ' be white ' we have dzulbiire ' whiten, make white '. A prehistoric instance not noted by Mignot (because the nominal base is no longer found in Latin) is liquzre ' be clear ' (pple. liqugns ' fluid ') beside liqucire ' make liquid, liquefy ', from a lost thematic adjective "wliliw-ooccurring in Welsh gwlyb ' wet ' (fem. gwleb), and built on the earlier u-stem *wEik-u- found in Old IrishJliuch ' id.' Such oppositions remained relatively rare in Latin, partly because of the obsolescence of the -Ere stative type, and partly because the -Ere factitive type came to be used intransitively as well, due t o its formal identity with the productive denominatives, which were indifferently transitive or intransitive. Thus in place of old .nigrEre ' be black ', found only in Pacuvius and Accius, Lucretius uses wigrEre with stative meaning (2.733)' beside the contemporary factitive meaning of the compound dEnigrEre ' blacken, make black '. Yet the very existence of such oppositions of derivative in -dand -a- in Latin, and vestigially also in Old High German (mihhiEn ' eminere ' : mihhil6.n ' magnificare ', skuldigzn ' schulden ' : skuldig6.n ' beschuldigen ', einzn ' vereinzelt sein ' : ein6n ' unite ', merzn ' mehr sein ' : merdn ' mehren ', Aumann 42)
P H I I . ~ .TRANS.




is a notable archaism, recurring otherwise only in Hittite, as will appear. As for the original inflexion and the source of the Latin sign -I?-, Mignot hesitates a t length between athematic "-6(as in dialectal Greek - r ) p ) , *-Zie/o- (as in Greek and Indo-Iranian), and 'k-Zje/o- (as in Balto-Slavic), finally coming out slightly favoring the last. The connection with the deverbative statives he regards as secondary. Most handbooks of Latin have opted for the -2$e/o- thematic denominative type. But as has been shown above, the presence of fourth conjugation thematic denominatives, as well as the semantic value and chronological distribution of these statives in Latin argue against a straight thematic type -e+/o-, and favor the original presence of a morpheme of stative value ; i t would be strange not to identify this morpheme as *+. The phonetics of Latin permit either athematic -5- or composite -&@lo-. The 3 pl. -ent argues for the foriner (*-eiosati would surely have yielded *-eunt), and we could explain the 1 sg. -e6 directly as -E 6 (compare Sappho's T O & ~ W ) , a5 part of the general elimination of 1 sg. *-mi in the Latin indicative. The athematic denominative as well as deverbative type in -F- would then have imposed its pattern, as universally admitted, on the 3 pl. of the causativeiterative type monPre, which had a genuine inherited thematic suffix -eie/o-. The Italic dialects offer no help either way. The &verb type is indeed attested, but never in the present indicative : cf. Oscan pllltiud ' possit ' (*pot-&-,Lat. potens, potu;), futium ' dicere ' (*fat+, Lat. fatt%), turumiiad ' trepidet (vel sim.) '.ll The case of Oscan pllltiad, Latin potzns, deserves special notice. The underlying verb *pot-& ' be able ' must be a denominative to the i-stem adjective Lat. potis. The i-stem is ancient here in the simplex, cf. Skt. ycitih, Gk. d a i s ; the consonant stem "pot- appears only in composition, Lat. compos, hospes, cf. Gk. 8 ~ u ~ d r r l yWe must therefore assume .

l1 See Vetter, IJandbucJi drr ilnlischrn Dinlrkfrn 44,who first saw t h a t this verb must be n stativr.

that, like the thematic vowel, the -i- of an i-stem noun is deleted already in Common Italic before the suffix -F. This is confirmed by the existence from Early Latin times of put?Frc ' be rotten ', from the i-stem adjective puter, putris. I n Early Latin adjective stem-final -i-is apparently deleted also before factitive -6- : cf. leu6re ' lighten ' (leuis), gruuari ' consider weighty ' (grauis), tisrpire ' make ugly ' (turpis), celebrare ' celebrate ' (celeber), sinzul6re ' make like ' (similis), or Ciceronian attenuEre ' make thin ' (tenisis). Here however the i-deletion is doubtless attributable to the fact that (with the exception of celeber and turpis, both etymologically isolated) the Latin i-stem of the adjective is secondary. Compare respectively Gk. 2hhaxds ' light ', /?hap& ' heavy ', dpahds ' like ', and Skt. tnnu- ' thin '. I n particular Latin tmic-i' thin ' -+attenu-6- ' make thin ' etc. reiiiinds us of Hittite parku-i- ' pure ' --f parku-nu- ' make pure '. I may state parenthetically that the i-stem of neither language has anything t o do with the feminine gender. For u-stems the only example given by Jlignot is Lat. anzre ' be old ' froin anus, -cs ' old woman ', Latin having eliminated u-stem adjectives. But this example is suspect, since the u-stem of anus is a probable innovation (after socrucs. Ernout-Meillet s.v.), cf. Hittite _hnnncnB ' grandmother ', and anzre (&. hey.) is in any case a nonce creation by Plautus himself. If however we go beyond Mignot's lists to earlier -estatives without extant adjectival base in Latin, i t appears that the -u- u-stems also undergo deletion as part of the of derivational process. Deverbative u-stem nouns are rare and unusual in Indo-European ; Lat. acus, -Qs ' needle ' must be a substantivized adjective *nku- ' sharp ', as its feminine gender might also suggest. cf. Leumann, Lat. Gr. 237. The adjective occurs elsewhere in Latin as first member of a coinpound in crci-pEnser (variant aqua-pnsor) ' sturgeon ', and in apui-fotiunz (-ia) (for *, *sku-) ' holly '. From ~ C L L ' sharp ' the stative is Old Latin ac&w ' be sharp, sour ' (Cato) ; thus *ak-u- --f *ak-E-. If ante-classical algus in. (or algu n.) ' coltlncw' is a wbstantivized adjective *alqu- ' cold ', compare



then algbe ' be cold ' (from Naevius) : *alg-u- -+ *alg-6. These morphophonemic relations are ancient in Indo-European. Still another case may be noted. The parallelism of the adjective suffixes *-u- and *-ro- has often been noted : cornpare Lat. acu- : Gk. ZKPOS ' pointed' ; Hitt. tepu- : Skt. dabhd- ' small ' ; Lith. dubds ' deep ' : Toch. B t a p e ' high ' ("dhubh-ro-) ; Gk. ?jS& : Toch. B sw&e ' sweet ' (*swid-ro-) etc. Now perhaps the single most notable Indo-European stative in 4- is evidenced by the equation Lat. rube're ' be red ' = Old Irish .ruidi ' is red ' = OHG rot& (OE rudian, ON roda) = Russian Church Slav. rnd6ti 86 = Lith. rudai ' turn reddish ', which has been presented by a number of scholars.lZ This equation is rightly regarded as indicating the Indo-European antiquity of the formation, but not precisely for the reasons generally adduced. Manu Leumann cited in Wagner points out that there is no Indo-European adjective "rudhos ' red ), only "roudhos and *rudhros, and therefore Wagner concluded that the aforementioned verbs must be derived from an IndoEuropean primary verb *rudhz-. On this basis there existed only '' gewisse s e m a n t i s c h e Vorbilde zur Ausbiltlung von inchoativen F-Verba schon in Indogermanischen." Similarly Meid loc. cit. : '' Die Anfange dieses nur im A h d. produktiven Typs liegen bereits in vorgerm. Zeit." On the contrary we may state that the stem *rudh-t?-attests an extremely archaic level of secondary derivation in IndoEuropean : it is derived from the adjective "rudh-ro- with the morphophonemic change known as Caland's law, which requires the deletion of the secondary suffix -ro-. The derivational relation *rudh-ro--+ *yudh-E- is exactly parallel to that of such archaic types as Vedic ' positive ' duk-rd- ' brilliant ' -+ comparative ' Gc-byas-, Greek ~ ~ G p d s KU&- as first -+
Specht, K Z Is, 1935, 33 and apparently independently Aumann 13 ; Wagner &Veda 6 ; Cuxman, Srav. gram. germ. jaz. 4, 189 ; Meid, Germ. S p . 3,350. The addition of the Old Irish verb (v. infra) to the list I owe to an oral communication of Heinrich Wagner. On the OHG form, roten bcsitlc (ir-)r&&, note Aamann lor. cit.

member of a compound.13 Whatever the ultimate historical explanation (Kuryfowicz, In$. Categ. 232 is inconclusive), the arrows indicate a synchronic derivational relationship (" foundation ") which is Indo-Europeun in date. This example is not unique. We have other instances of the identical morphophonemic relation, which seem to have gone unnoticed in the literature heretofore. A particularly clear one is furnished by the Latin adjective macer ' thin ' (*makro-), with its evident cognate Greek patcpo's 'long'. The Ionic comparative pdaawv from *mail-ion- shows the same relationship as Indic Sukrri- : S6cTyas- noted earlier. Now in Plautus there is found the verb (hapax) mac+?re the meaning in ' be thin '. Previous views have merely noted the relationship, with the details ignored or unexplained (Emout-'Mel11et S.V. ' muccr, Mignot 94). But the relation *mali-ro- + *nzak-b is clearly identical with that of "rudh-ro- + "rudh-5-. Despite the isolation of the Latin verb we must have t o do with a genuine archaic survival. I suggest that we h a m a further example of this archaic derivational procedure in Latin piger (*pig-ro-) --f pi*@ (*pig-&). The original sense of p'iger was ' slow ', as in the derived verb in Accius Tr. 267 melius pigmsse puumde properasse est ngas, and of pigzre ' to be slow ', as attested in Paul. Pest. 235,3 : piget interdum pro tardari, interdum pro paenitere poni solet. cf. Ernout-MeiIlet, Dict. dtym. lat.4 S.V. piger and Mignot 134, who notes that the personal forms of pigzre are urnished by the new stative pign?rre built directly on the adjective. We have thus a renewal of the verb in its primary function, as pigrpre, and the restriction to impersonal use (secondary function) of the old form pigzre : a classic setting for the operation of Kuryfowicz's fourth law of analogy. The verb is etymologically isolated ; in the light of the basic Latin
l3 cf. Wackernagel (-Debrunner) Altind. Grum. 2,1,59-60, Knryiowicz, In$. Gut. 232. Chantraina, Fest.sch'jt Pokorny 21-24, brings new Greek examples, and we inay add to these the perceptive analysis of the inherited formula k p d v p&s in G. Nagy, ' Classical Greek ', forthcoming in Current Trends in Linguistics (Europe).

nieaning of ' slow, unwilling ', Hirt's connection (Idg.Gram. 1, 299) with German &ken would presuppose a general Germanic fleshly hebetude which seems far-fetched. Latin also knows a productive class of verbs with the thematic suffix -&c6, -Fscere,14 discussed by Mignot 145-228. Early examples are JaccEscere (Pacuv.) ' become weak ', c6nse?aEsccre (Plaut.) ' get old ', ex-albEscere (Enn.) ' turn white ', cl&c?scere (Lucr.) ' become clear '. The quantity of the vowel in -Ex- is established by nbte'sceret CIL VI 1257e18 with apex, and by Aulus Gellius 7.15. As has been pointed out, the forniation is particularly frequent in composition with a preverb. The genesis of this formation is clear from the synchronic Latin data. We can juxtapose derivative in -%c- and derivative in senere : c6nsenEscere, JlaccEre : JaccEseere, alb&-e : cxalbEscere, clirZre : clirpscere. The ultimate source is a nominal form, usually adjectival : the pattern Adj. + Vb. in -6- --f (Preverb +) Vb. in - t h e - is clearly ' l'ancien processus de dkrivation ', with Mignot 181-183 and already K. Sittl, Arch. fur lnt. Lex. i, 1884, 465-533. Thus jtaccus + JlaccZre + flaccZscere, or clirus -+ cl6rZre + clErZscere. This process was later troubled by the occasional elimination of the middle step (a linguistic commonplace), to be expected with the obsolehcence of the statives in - k e ; but that is a later development and outside our concern. These forms are traditionally termed ' inchoatives ', an improper term going back t o the Roman grammarians. They are actually progressive in force, and focus on a developing state : the state of becoming, rather than being, what the base adjective denotes. As Mignot points out (228)' the forms in - ~ s e preserve the stative value of the forms in -& ; ' ils leur ajouttnt une nuance skinantique, i savoir Vindication expressc i d'une progressivitk dans l'instauration d'un &tat.' As mirrored in the respective suffix forms, they are the
1& I n some cases our manuscripts hesitato between -escere and the later form -iscrre, which had a considerable fortune in Romance. No notice of this post-classical variant spelling of thcse verbs has been taken here, following tlic ino(le1 of K. Sittl, Arch. f u r lat. Lex. i, 1884, 465-533.

marked member of the opposition -C- : -i; 4-sc-, and it is not surprising that these vcrbs in -Csc- tend to spread a t the expense of those in -&. Just SO, wc can observe on the semantic level that in the Old High German stative verbs in -&it is the stative value of becoming which predominates ; ulten ' grow old, senescere ', not ' be old, s e w r e '. Pornially and semantically i t is the marked stative which encroaclies upon the domain of the unmarked ; thc ultimate result is the wcaltening (as in Latin) or complete elimination (as in Germanic) of the original opposition of the two. We shall havc occasion to observe a Hittite parallel below. We may retain the existence in Latin, from the earliest times, of a tripartite set of possible derivatives from adjectives and occasionally substantives : a factitivc in -&,a stative in -&, and an ' inchoative ' stative in -&sc-. All three may be represented b y the samc stein ; coiuparc cl6rr;lc c1,Wsccre cl6rire albzrc TA lb&cere -albare nigrae ?~igr?sc~re -niyrEre lipticre liquFscere. liqu&re The last is noteworthy in that the adjectival base exists only in Celtic ; the formation in Latin is prehistoric. The formation in -Esc- is quite productive in Latin throughout the historical period, unlike that of the statives in -6. But this continued productivity should not mask from us the basic fact that the category is ancient in TIatin ; the proliferation of verbs in -I%is a specific characteristic of the archaic style. Compare Pacuvius (Trag. 77 Ribb.) JluctiJEaccescunt, silescunt uenti, rnollitur mare ' the waves grow gentle, the winds grow still ', or Furius Antias apud Gcll. 18.11, who uses (together with inergseere ' grow ') lutt7scerc ' turn t o mud ', noctZscere ' become night ', uirFtsccere ' get one's strength back ', and opul&cere ' grow rich ', all seemingly coined by him, within six lines.15

A parallel to Furius' noctcZscere is Nother's opztEscere sec fuither bclou ,

Wendell Clausen points out to me this passage and its archaic character. ~tahtFiz Old High German. O n in



If the category of verbs in -&- well as those in -6is an as archaism in Latin, it is worthwhile examining cases whose formation must be prehistoric because the nominal base is no longer extant. Such are notably nitzre ' shine ' and nitgsscere, y4tzre ' stink ' and pQtEscere, which with fat&%' confess ; proclaim ' and Oscan fatium ' speak ' must be derived from old lost nominal forms in -to- : *ni-to-, *pG-to-, *bha-to- (Gk. 4 ~ 7 6 s ) . The verb silgre ' be silent ' and silEscere must be derived from a suffixed nominal form *si-lo-, since sil- is not a permissible Indo-European root form. The form is older than Latin ; silgre has a Germanic cognate, Goth. ana-siluida ' ~ K ~ ~ ~ U U became still ', a third class weak verb which continues, a t least indirectly, a *si-1-6. The semantically identical Latin tacgre, con-ticgscere likewise goes with Gothic ?ahan ' uiwirfiv, be silent ' and especially Old High German dagEn ' id.' which as Rleillet Introduction8 209 rightly saw, presuppose an oxytone Germanic stem *jxx~-e'-. With these forms we reach an IndoEuropean category of ' adjective-verbs '. The close semantic connection between adjective and verb has been well brought out in generative grammar ; i t is interesting to observe the phenomenon in Indo-European itself. The category deserves further investigation, to bring out the full range of semantic and syntactic relations and their morphological implementation. cf. roots like *tep-, *kal- (Av. sarata-, Lith. kiltas ' cold ', with the primary verbal root attested in Ossetic ; Lat. cali?e ' be hot ' '2). Particularly interesting is liiczre ' be light ' and likgscere ' grow light ', both from Plautus on. Nothing indicates that this verb is a denominative from the root noun 14s ; OLat. 16c-if- is an old stative form *leuk-Z- of the adjective-verb root *leuk- which we see in the Old Hittite pres. mid. lukkatta, luggdta, pret. luktat ' is light ' (*Zeuk-to).16 As adjective-verb, on an extremely archaic level of Indo-European word formation, consider the following sets :
l6 On the Hittite forms and the archaic character of the middle Zuk(kat)ta cf. E. Neu, StBoT v, llO(1968).

E V ,


"leuk-o- Gk. X E V K ~ S "Zeuk-to- OHG liocht ' bright ' "leuk-oto- Goth. liuhap ' light ' "leuk-o "leuk-to "leuk-oto
Ved. rom-te, OHitt. lukka-tta OHitt. lukta-t OHitt. lukkatta


Noun stem and 3 sg. med. verb ending are identical, which can scarcely be accidental. On the formal renewal -o(-) --f -to(-)-+ -oto(-) see Watkins, Idg. Gram. 11111, $5 27, 69. I n Plautus lilct?re is both stative ' be light ' and causativetransitive ' light, ignite '. We have a formal falling together in Latin of two Indo-European forms : stative "leuk-E- and causative-iterative "louk-eielo-. The latter is attested not only in Vedic rocdyati and Avestan raoEuyeiti, but also in Hittite lukkizzi ' lights, sets on fire '.17 The existence in Hittite of the classical Indo-European o-grade causative-iterative has now been demonstrated in exemplary fashion by H. Eichner, MXS xxviii, 1970, 9-18, who shows that Hittite zuaiiiezzi ' clothes ' continues the "uos-die-ti in Vedic vEsdyati, Gothic wasjip, and Albanian vesh, all in the same meaning.18 One other Latin verb attests the conflation of a stative and a causative. TorrZre ' dries (trans.) ' corresponds not only t o Old High German derrzn, Skt. tursdyati ' dry (trans.) ' froin "tors-eielo-, but also in the participle torrcns ' d r y ' to Old High German dorrEn ' dry out (intrans.) ' from *trs-6. Thc causative-transitive "tors-iielo- is responsible for the participle tostus < *@-to- ; the causative-iterative *louk-&e/o- is
l 7 Compare Plautus Cas. 118 Zucebis facem ' you will light a torch ' with early Hittite ( K U Y XX 10 I11 4-5) Gig zuppari Zukkizzi ' he lights a torch'. Add Plautus Curc. 9 luces cereum, Ennius Ann. 156 lumina lucent, as well as the more recent (in form!) zuppari lukkanzi of KBo VIII 72 Vs. 10. Hoffmann's view of this Hittite verb, K Z lxxxii, 1968, 214-220, cannot stand. The samc recognition in Hittite of *gos&ti (as well as of *Zoukt!ieti)was previously made, independently, by both Warren Cowgill and myself, that of the origin of Albanian vesh likewise by Eric Hamp. ' I y a 18 une pr61 somption de drit6.'



probably also responsible for the unexpected sigmatic perfectuni &xi < * l e u k - ~ - . ~ ~ For Mignot (Verbes de'nom. 180 ff., 227) as well as other authors, the forms in -5sc- are a Latin innovation, built out of a combination of two inherited elements, -6 and the wellknown present-forming suffix -sc-. Yet i t is not easy t o see precisely how the creation of the type came about in the prehistory of Latin. I n particular the deverbative suffix *-sk- in prehistoric Latin did not go through a period of marked productivity. Rather the contrary : most of the -sc- forms, notably the deponents in -iscor : Hitt. -dka_h?dza(ri), show all the signs of being retentions. Nor is there any clear reason for the suffixation to verbs in -&, despite Mignot's circular statement (181). If we cannot account for the creation of *-E-sk(-5- -sk-) in prehistoric Latin, there is a good chance that i t is inherited, even if no immediate comparanda exist. As noted already in the nineteenth century by Brugmann, Grdr. 2l.2.1029 and, and further elaborated especially by V. V. Ivanov, Obiceindoevr. sistemy 139-174 1965) as well as Watkins Idg. Gr. I I I / l , 56 (both with references), the Indo-European morphs -s- and -sk- show extensive parallelism of distribution from the earliest times. We find the secondary suffixes Tocharian A -s- but Tocharian B -sk-, Luvian -id- but Hittite -3k- ; the primary present suffixes *kwpth-s- in Old Irish cbsaim ' I suffer' but "kwnth-sk- in Greek ~ d a ' p ; and finally the root constituent *PO?,+ id,' in Hittite pa_hi- ' protect ', Old Church Slavonic pas-p ' I herd, pasture ', Latin pds-tor 2o ' shepherd ', beside the Latin present p!Zsc-O ' I pasture ', with the unextended root in Sanskrit pZ- ' protect ' and the Latin perfectum pi-uZ. Further examples were cited already by Brugmann, loc. cit. A particularly striking case, hitherto unrecognized, is the Armenian

19 The *leuk-s- of the sigmatic ' aorist ' &xi may perhaps also bc compared directly with the *Zeuk-sk- of the Armenian aorist Zuc'i, 3 sg. eloyc' (whence pnes. Zuc'anem ' I light [trans.] ') ; see further below. Note also the Tocharian causatives 3 sg. B. lukfium, A ZukZ8 ' lights (trans.) ' < *luk-se/o-. 2o The long vowel is guaranteed by the archaic spelling paasfores CIL I2 638, cf. Leumann, Lot. Gr. 48, 314.

weak aorist in -c'- < *-sk- beside the clmsical signiatic (-s-) aorist .21 Now Hittite shows a formal class of denominative mi-verbs characterized by the suffix -ei-, built on adjectives and occasionally substantives, and showing the meaning ' t o become what the adjectival or substantival base denotes '. Typical examples are dnniautt-ei- ' become deserted ' (dannatta-), mari-ei- ' become false ' (maria-), nakk-ei- ' become heavy, weigh (on one's conscience) ' (nalcki- ' heavy '), pa&-ei' become broad ' (palhi-), tepaw-e8- ' become small ' (teyu-), danku-ei- ' become dark, black ' (dannkui-),park-ei- ' become tall ' (parku-), and GEME-aiiar-ei- ' become a slave girl ' (Sumerian logogram GEME with the suffix -Jars- denoting females), from a substantive. The type is well-known, and recognized in all the standard grammars.22 It is evident that these Hittite verbs are semantically identical with the Latin and Germanic ' inchoatives '. On the basis of the archaic parallelism -s- : -sk- I equated already in 1962 (Celtic Verb 76-77) the Hittite inchoative suffix -ei- with the Latin inchoative suffix -Zsc-. Thus we would have *-6-s- : *-6-sk-, with the stative -& common t o both. From the phonetic point of view the equation of Hittite - e ( i ) - and Latin -6(sc)- is impeccable ; or an example of IndoEuropean -6 (-e21-)giving Latin -6- and Hittite -6 we need only compare Latin f6-ci: and Hittite te-zzi from I E * d h 6 (*dhe?,-). We thus obtain the following picture, which will display the relation of the respective forms in Latin and Hittite :
Thus the real equation is not. Glr. & v v p : Arm. prcs. zgetiwni, both iiidependent creations of *yes-nu-, but rather G k . &(u)aL < *?:es-s- : Arm. aor. zgcc'ay < *ges-sk-. Note cspecially the archaic Rigvedic aor. 3 sg. apras ' filled ' < *e-pZGs (Watkins, Idg. Gram. III/l,$33) beside Arm. eEic' < *e-pZZ-sk-. The present Znum ' I fill ' is secondary, and like zgenunz built on the aorist stem. 22 See Friedrich, Heth. Elem. 273(19G0), Sturtevant, Comp. Gram. of the Hitt. Lang. 2126(1951), Kronasser, Etym. der. heth. Sprache 398402 (1966), Rammenhuber, ' Hcthitisch ' 190-191 (Hdb. der Or. 1.Abt.2.Bd.l.u.2.Abschii. Lf.2[1969]).



stative inchoative "-5"-&& Latin "-&+ Hittite It is clear that one crucial element is missing, in order to complete the quadrant, namely a Hittite reflex of simple stative "-6. And i t is perhaps the absence of this element which is responsible for the lack of attention that my earlier equation of the Hittite and Latin suffixes has found in the relevant literature.23 We are now in a position t o identify this missing stative suffix -E- in Old Hittite, where its existence was previously unsuspected. The Hittite suffix form is -e-. The first several examples are furnished by newly edited texts of birth-omens whose writing closely resembles the cuneiform ductus of the Old Kingdom, as reported by their editor, K. K. Riemschneider, XtBoT 9 (1970)) after collation by H. Otten. All these verbs in -& are found in the apodosis of conditional sentences beginning, to judge from parallels, tak-ku IZ-BU ' if a foetus ', and describe the state which can be predicted from the given omen. The examples follow ; the numbers in parentheses before each lemma refer to the number of examples attested of the stative verb in each. (1) KBo XI11 13 Vs. 14 I-& LUGAL-ui nu-ak-ke-e-zi ' the king will be important '. The verb nakke-, here ' be weighty, important is derived from the adjective nakki- ' heavy, weighty, ponderous ' (both in the good sense of ' important ' and the bad sense of ' burdensome ').24 Beside na-ah-ke-e-zi the same text has ILUGAL-us nu-ak-ke-ei-zi, with the (elscwherc

23Compare Kammenhuber, loo. cit. 420 and thc silence of Kronasser, loc. cit. 398. 2 4 Hittite nakki- is the exact semantic equivalent of Lat. grauis, and as an independent Hittite creation must be tho rcplacement of Indo-European * g " p u - in grauis, Gk. flap&-, Skt. guru-. As rightly suggested by It. S. 1'. Beekes, The Development of the PIE laryngeal8 in Greek 93(1969), Hitt. nakki- ' weighty ' < *nok-i- is related to Gk. perf. ivrjvoxa, aor. ~ V E Y K E ~ V ' bear'. For the semantics compare Ossetic baryn ' weigh ' from Iranian bdraya-, iterative to bar-, IE *bher-, or Bengali bhari ' heavy ' from IndoAryan bhar-ika- t o the same root.




well-attested) regularly suffixed form nakkeB-. The context is too scanty to prove or disprove a semantic contrast, but the scriptio plena na-nk-ke-e-zi, which this text never uses for -ei-verbs, shows that i t cannot be a simple scribal error for na-ak-ke-e-(ei-jzi, as Riemschneider prints it (with justified doubts in the commentary). It was noted earlier that Hittite attests as well the IndoEuropean factitive suffix *-oaa- (*-ea2-), in the form -a[L_h-. Thus we have also the derivative nakkiya_h_h- *make heavy ', ' attested in the middle voice in the meaning ' become heavy, burdensome ' in classical Hittite. (2-3) Ibid. Vs. 11 [na-ai-ma KUR ? LoK'ISR ta]-an-nu-atte-ez-zi ' or the land of the enemy will be deserted '. The verb tnnnatte- is from the thematic adjective tannatta- ' deserted, empty '. Another birth-omen text, which shows the old conjunction takku ' i f ' (though the ductus is not old), has the same form with a graphic (or phonetic) intrusive nasal : KBo XI11 34 Vs IT1 18 (Riemschneider 26-39) a-pa-a-at KUR-e ta-nu-an-te-ez-z[i ' that land will be deserted ', beside the (again elsewhere well-attested) regular form in -eS- a t Rs. I V 13 nu KUR-e ta-na-at-te-ei-z[i] ' and the land will become deserted '. Here a functional contrast seems unlikely; we have rather the replacement of obsolete forms in -e- by more productive forms in -eB-. Beside these stative and inchoative forms we have the factitive dannattalh- ' make empty '. (4-6) Ibid, Vs. 13 a-an-za-a[i-i]i-i2 nu-ak-ku-ui-ii-e-zi ' 6nza)iiii (or ' his 6nzai ' 2) will be the ritual substitute, scapegoat '. The verb is also found in the same text a t line Vs. 6, without context, and in the form ~~a-ku-ui-[Bi ?-]e-ez-zi in Bo 1488 Rs. 1 1 8 (ed. Riemschneider 52-55). The latter 1 tablet is also old ; the editor comments ' Duktus ahnelt dem der alten Tafeln ', after collation by Otten. Here the forms could be also interpreted as an -iya-verb (so Riemschneider 55l and Van Brock, RHA lxv, 1959, 14433),and the 1 sg.pret. [nu-]ak-ku-ui-ii-ya-nu-un they cite would favor this. But the expected corresponding verb in -dna-ak-ku-uB-Je-&( -)x[, with unambiguous -e-, not -i-e-, occurs twice in the moon-omen text



KUB VIII 13, 6 ' ) 8', which shows the old conjunction takku. Hence I assume a nalckuiie- ' be a scapegoat ', beside nakkuiBed-, derived from the noun nakkuiii- ' scapegoat '. (7-8) Ibid. Vs. 19 1-e-zi and Rs. 2 ]te-ez-zi may provide two further examples of the suffix, though the base is unknown or uncertain. Riemschneider conjectures tanatltezzi for the last, which is plausible though not compelling. (9) KUB X X X I 4 KBo I11 41, 17 (ed. Otten, ZA N P xxi, 1963, 156-168). '' The cow with the crumpled horn ", another text in old ductus, furnishes an independent instance of the verb nakke- ' be heavy ),this time in a different tense and meaning. ma-a-an. la-a_h-&i-ei-ki-nu-un nu-un-na-ai HUR.SAG-ai nu-ak-ke-e-et ' wann ich jeweils auf einen Peldzug zog, lag uns das Gebirge im Wege ', Here the verb is derived from nakki- ' heavy ' in the bad sense ; ' aggravate, be an obstacle '. The sense here is clearly stative rather than the inchoative ' become heavy ' of nakkei-. (10-11) KBo VI 2 I1 56 = Hittite Laws $49, in old ductus (A of Priedrich's sigla) ma-an _hu-u-ma-an-te-ei-pdt mur-ie-e-er ' waren alle miteinander falsch ' (Friedrich), ' tutti appunto sarebbero ingannatori ' (Imparati). The verb marie- ' be false ' is derived from maria- ' false ' . 2 5 The inchoative verb mariei- ' become false ' is also attested from Old Hittite, in the Proclamation of Telepinus: BoTU 23 A I 21 ma-a-an up-piiz-zi-ya-an-ma 1R.MES DUMU.MES LUGAL mar-de-ei-ie-er ' b u t when afterwards the subjects of the princes became rebellious ' (Sturtevant). A duplicate text of this passage has however the simple stem marie- : KUB X I 1 = BoTU 23 B I 20 ]mar-ie-e-er, with the same spelling with scriptio plena as the form in the Laws. Beside these stative forms we have the factitive maria& ' falsify '.

2s This adjective is probably to be connected with the root *mers- of Skt. mfgyute ' forgets ', mf@ ' in vain, erroneously ', Arm. moianam ' I forget ', Goth. marzjan ' anger ', OEng. mierran ' disturb ', Lith. rnuiJus ' forgetting ' (Pokorny, Idg. etym. Wb. 737), t o which should be added Tocharian (AB) mars- ' forget '. The e-present niarse-tar ' he forgets ' of Tocharian B is noteworthy, though the semantic distance would indicate that this is surely independent of Hitt. mars'e-.

(12) KUB VIII 29 I 2, a text giving moon-omens and showing the conjunction takku : 0 - U L mi-ya-hu-un-te-zi ' he will not grow old ', beside KUB VIII 35 Vs. 9 (also moon-omens) a-pa-a-a; DUMU-ai LUfiU.GI-eJ-zi ' that child will grow old ', and KUB XIV 12 I 12 (Plague Prayers of Mursilis, ed. Gotze, KI. Porsch. i, 1929) ma-a_h-_ha-an mi-ya-hu-un-te-eJ-zi ' as lie grows old '. Gotze (p. 240) cited the passage above and assumed a scribal error for mi-ya-_hu-un-te-(ed)zi. Such an assumption is not necessary, and it is most suspicious that such " mistakes " only occur in this class of inchoatives, and not in e.g. gn-rwe6zi ' recognizes ' or other verbs in -S-zi. The verb is derived from an adjective *miya_hu(zoa)nt- ' old ', attested only in the logogram Lu&J.GI 'old man'. Here again Hittite shows also the factitive L ~ S U . G I - ~ '~ L ~ - old '. make The semantic identity of Hitt. miya_hurbte- with Lat. sen&, OHG aZtEn, OCS vetaiajp etc. is naturally striking. (13) KUB VIII I I1 4 (another omen-text, dealing with eclipses of the moon) ta-me-ta h-e-ri-ti-iz-[zi ' elsewhere ( 1 ) he will be afraid '. The stein is correctly given by Friedrich, Heth. W b . 252 as werite- because of the causative werite-nu' frighten ' and the nominal derivative werite-ma; ' fear '. Beside the stative werite- ' sich angstigen ' we have the inchoative zoeritei- ' angstlich werden ' ; the glosses are Friedrich's. The verb is related to Latin uereor, itself an z-verb ; werite- is built on a nominal derivative in -t- (cf. Lat. ueritus), as in the Latin type f a t b i , nitgre, pct@re, and indeed the relation Lat. uert3-i : Hitt. werite- strikingly recalls that of Lat. paene : paenitcri. (14) The derivational set weritema- : weriteb- : zoerite- just noted suggests that underlying wantemma- ' heat ' : wantei' gets warm ' we should postulate an unattested *toante- ' be warm'. For the semantics compare Lat. calcre and OHG heizZn. The relation of this "wante- to the later Hittite wantai' be warm ' (3 sg. pret. wantait) is unclear, pending the clarification of the Hittite verbs in -ai- ; but I suspect that inter alia they represent a reformation of the older morpheme -efrom "-6. similar but independent morpheme replacement A



-6 -+ -ai- (cf. Hitt. dczi 'places' beside IE *dht?-) probably explains the vexed form of the Germanic (or a t any rate Gothic) third class of weak verbs. Note Hitt. gang& ' hangs ' beside Goth. intransitive h6han< *hanh-ai-.26 (15) By the same argument the existence of lalukkima' light ' beside lalukkei- ' grow light ' might entitle us to assume a stative verb-stem *lalukke-. The verb would be a denominative t o the adjective lalukki- ' light, bright ), a reduplicated derivative of Hittite lukk-, IE *leuk-. Cf. also lukkei- ' grow light ', discussed further below. (16) A noun _ha_hlimmai ' yellowness ' is attested in the medical text KUB VIII 36 I 1 18 [ma-a-an an-tu-u_h-ia-an]_ha1 u_h-Zi-im-ma-ai e-e[p-zi] ' If jaundice attacks a man ). From the same base we have also the derivatives inchoative _ha_h?zalei(k)' become yellow, green ', factitive _ha_hla_h_h-, and extended adjective _ha_hlawant- ' yellow, green '. cf. Friedrich, Heth. Wb., 2 Erg. 10, citing Riemschneider ( M I 0 v, 144). Both _ha_hlimma- -emu-) and _ha_hlei(= could have been built on an unattested stative *Ea_hle-' be yellow ' to an underlying adjective *_ha&l~-.~' (17) I n the same semantic area of abstracts from qualitative adjectives we have ekunimai (= -emu-) ' coldness, coolness '. The base is ekuna- ' cold ', but the derivative in -elima- can be explained most easily via an intermediary *ekune- ' be cold '. But a direct derivation, bypassing this intermediary step, is of course not excluded in this or the cases previously discussed, once a composite suffix - e m - has been ~onstituted.~' (18-19) It is curious that the verb given by Friedrich 1952 : 119 as kururiia- ' be hostile ', a denominative from kuyur28 On the origin of the Germanic third class of weak verbs see a forthcoming paper by J. Jasanoff. The result of the replacement -6- + -ai- would seem to be a real diphthong in pre-Gothic, to judge from the feminine PNN (dat.) Lubaini (CIL XI11 3622), Vanaenia (CIL XI11 3624), cited by H. Krahe, IF Ixvi, 1961, 37-39, and plausibly related by him to Goth. Zubains ' hope ' (cf. OHG loben, Lat. lubzre), wanains ' lack '. 27 of. Kronasser, Etym. 178-179, who envisages both possibilities. The fact that bahlimrna- and e k u n i m - are the only two nouns in -ema- clearly derived from qualitative adjectives speaks however for thc existence of stative verbs hahle- and elcune-.




' hostile ), is found only in Old Hittite (ax), and on both occasions with the suffix form -e-. The oldest instance is in the famous ZukraBi-tablet, the first identified as in the special ductus of the Old Kingdom : KBo VII 14 KUB XXXVI 100 Rs. I11 4 n]a-a&-ia-ri-an-ta-ti nu-a-pi-e-a ku-u-ru-ri-e-er ' they were afraid, and these too were hostile '.28 Another is found in the Proclamation of Telepinus : KUB X I I = BoTU 23 B I1 7 KUR-e-ma-ad-ii ku-u-ru-Ti-e-et ' the (following) lands were hostile to him '. For an Old Hittite stative denominative in -iiu- we would expect the middle voice, as in na@ariantati in the Zukraii-text cited. And since the +a- denominatives continued t o be productive in Hittite, there is no very good reason why a kururiiu- ' be hostile ' should be replaced by the paraphrase kurur ei-, the only expression found in the later language of the New Kingdom. For these reasons I assume a stative stem kurure- in Old Hittite, and would transliterate the forms as ku-u-ru-re-e-er and ku-u-ru-re-e-et. The obsolescence of the stative -e- already in Old Hittite would readily account for the new periphrastic form kurur ei- (e.g. Hatt. Rs. IV 59 ku-i-e-ei ku-u-ru-ur e-iir). Beside the obsolete stative, New Hittite shows a formal factitive kururiya&&-' bekampfen, bekriegen ; Krieg fuhren ), (20-22) Another such case is the denominative verb from *&aiiu- ' king ' (logogram LUGAL) given in Friedrich, Heth. Wb. 64, 284 as &aiiuwai-' be king ')which is found in the (Old Hittite) Proclamation of Telepinus. BoTU 23 A I 13 &a-as'-iue-et = ibid. I 2 4 LUGAL-u-e-et. I assume an -e-verb &ais'tc-e-. The same form is almost certainly attested in another Old Hittite text surviving in later copies, the Deeds of Hattusilis, edited by F. Imparati, Xtudi Class. e Orient. 14.40 ff.(l965), and discussed with important comments most recently by 0. Carruba, ZDMG Suppl. I , 1969, 226 ff., esp. 230-234. From the edition of the principal text, KBo X 2 I 3, the available space requires that we restore [_ha-ui-iu-e-e]t.Neither [LUGALu-i]t (Imparati) nor [&u-as'-iu-i]t(Imparati, notes) nor LUGAL-


J'HTi.0. T R A N S .

Or perhaps ' and then 1971.


for ( m - ) n - p i - e - u .



u-e-e]t will fit.29Compare the space required for the similar restoration in the later version KBo X 3 I 1 [LUGAL-u-]e-izz[i-ya-at made by Goetze, JCX vxi, 1962, 24, from which he correctly deduced the sense of the lacuna in X 2 I 3. (Goetze did not give the form of the latter.) For LUGAL-uezziia- see below. This analysis receives an unexpected confirmation from the derivative abstract noun LUGAL-u-e-(ez-)zi kingship , attested only in archaic texts, and replaced by the later LUGAL-uiznatar (Riemschneider 32). It is a neuter noun in 4 (IE *-ti-) of a type old and rare in Hittite, like DUG iipanduzzi wine vessel built on DUG- iipa%du(,wa)- id. (: sipand-, old iipand- make a libation ). An exact parallel t o the Hittite composite suffix -ezzi(stative *-d abstract ti-) is furnished by a wholly isolated form in Germanic, Gothic faheps joy (*-&ti-). The suffix of fahejs was noted in this connection by PolomB, Festschrift Pokwny 8g9, and cf. especially the discussion in Meid, Germ. Xprwiss. 3, 156. Already Wagner, Z-Verba 68 correctly derived this from a Germanic stative *fag& rejoice , and rightly compared Greek Gxdpqv for the semantics. The Germanic stative verb in -d- we see in Old High German fag& cornply).30 The suffix *-&ti-, Hitt. -ezzi- thus appears clearly ancient. From the Hittite noun LUGAL-uezzi- is formed a new denominative verb LUGAL-uizziya- be king with the expected middle inflexion for old stative denominatives in -iya-. This verb (and the even later LUGAL-uiznai-) replaced the earlier LUGAL-ue- (IaSSue-),with which i t is semantically


The scriptio plena instead of logogram is a well-known sign of archaism, and Carruba Zoc. cit. has inatlo the significant point that such graphic archaisms tend to occur, as hero and in relepinns, at the beginning of texts copied from older originals. 30T1iis stative was roplaccd i n Gothic by the secondary derivative in *-in-&faginan rejoice ; on the suffix cf. Cuxnian, Sruv. gram. germ.juz. 4, 196-197. Another derivative in Gothic is fulla-fahjan satisfy . I n all likelihood these are derived ultimately from a lost Germanic adjective meaning happy . The different treatment by Verners law in Gothic fagindw and -fahjun, OHG fuse%, would also suggest an original pattern adjective *fciAaz --+ stative *fag&.

identical. (Neu StBol' v, 109, citing Kamnienhuber, M I 0 ii, 1954, 43lS0). 1 good example is precisely [LUGAL-u]ezz[iyat] 4 above for earlier [&~ddue]t the Deeds of IIattusilis. in (23) I n view of the derivational s e ~ p e n c c _hadSu- ' king ' --f findiue- ' be king ' ---f LUGBL-upzzi- ' kingship ' --f LUGALuizziya- ' be king ', we are probably justified in inferring a parallel is'ba- ' lord ' --f *@e- ' be lord ' --f *i@ezzi- ' lordship ' + idhizziya- ' ubermachtig werden ' (Friedrich, Neth. Wb. 86), ' ubermanrien ' (Kamnienhuber, Heth. 190[Altkleiiaccs. Asp., Hdb. cl. Or.]). (24-25) I n one of the Old Hittite fragments of the palace chronicle (Laroche, cat. 2 5 ) , KBo 1 1 28 = BoTU 10 I1 16'ff., 1 in old d u c t u ~ we ~ , ~ read at-ta-ai-ma-ni bar-ia-tai-i diD-ya meek-ke-es' pa-ap-re-eS-liir Su-d A-BI LUGAL (17') na-at-ta bibii-nu-ud-ke-e-et 'ki-iz-zu-ion-ad-pdt A-Nil SAG A-BI-YA "ID-ya (18') pa-ap-ri-&a. ' Nany proved guilty vis-A-vis (uel sim.) tlie River-God in (the matter of offending) the person of niy father. And the king's father used iiot to let them live. Even KizzuwaB proved guilty vis-A-vis the River God in the matter of Offending the person of my father.' I n the first verb pupredkir m e have the -s'k- iterative t o the verb paprei- ' prove impure, guilty (in the context of an ordeal) ', as in pa-up-ri-is'-zi KUB XI1 3 I1 17 (translated by Goetze, Ancient Near Eastern Texts2 207). The 4%form is sometimes used in Hittite t o express the single performance of a n act by a number of subjects, as here ; i t contrasts with the simple verb without -Sk- in the same tense denoting the single performance of the act by a single subject. I n our passage this is expressed not by puprei- but by the s-less form pa-np-Ti-it-ta. I n accord with the semantics and the preceding morphological patterns I assume an Old Hittite stative stern *papre- (?pelled p p r i - ) ' be, prove impure ' (whence ' guilty ' by ordeal), from the adjective papr-ant- ' impure '. The corresponding factitive papr-alLh- is well attested. Another occurrence of the stative verb *pipre- in Old Hittite is in tho Laws $25, in A of Friedrich's sigla which is in

Kammenhnbci, K Z lxxxiii, 1969[1970], 239-261.



old ductus. KBo VI 2 I 56, 57, 59 pa-up-ri-iz-zi ' is impure ' ( D U G U T ~ L - ~ luliya ' in a water-vessel or a well prenaSm sumably a euphemism for ' urinates '). The verb is intransitive : 57 paprizzi kuiS ' he who is impure ', 59 kuiS paprizzi ' whoever is impure '. The only other instance of the verb is in a Late Hittite text (Cat. 3Ols) from the time of Tudbaliyas IV (111),IBoT I1 103, 12 : 3 pl. pres. pa-up-ri-an-zi. Here the obsolete Old Hittite stative morpheme -e- has been renewed t o the banal -ail-iyatype, as in wantait cited earlier. The inflexional pattern 3 sg. pres. paprizzi (= *paprezzi), pret. papritta (= *pupretta) is noteworthy, in that it precisely parallels that of Homeric 3 sg. pres. act +yA but pret. (impf.) mid. +&o, noted as an archaic feature by Meillet. The ending is not ' Luvian ', cf. E. Neu, StBoT xii, 4820(1970)' it is an archaic feature ; note O-e-da ' came ' in ' the cow with the 1 crumpled horn ', KBo 1 141 XXXI 4,Vs. 18, ed. Otten, Z A N F xxi, 1963, 155-168. Otten describes the ending as ' mit uberhangendem -a geschrieben thus presumably taking it as an active ending, graphic for [-t]. But the Greek parallel suggests rather that we take i t a t face value, as 3 sg. mid. [-ta] < *-to. Note also pa-a-i-ta ' h e went' in the archaic Illuyankas-myth, KBo I11 7 I 1 13, and pccitta cited by Otten, 1 Bi Or viii, 1951, 230. The particular preterite forms pcita and ueda, derived from the preverbs pd and u plus 3 sg. mid. *ei-to beside present paizzi, uizzi from *ei-ti = Gk. E ~ L Ved. &ti, are significant. , I n the Rig-Veda 3 sg. pres. 6ti (eti) occurs 131 times, while the corresponding form with secondary ending, 3 sg. imperfect (augmented) iiit is found only 6 times, of which 5 are in the late tenth book.32 As noted earlier (cf. Watkins, Idg. Gram. 11111, passim), the renewal of the 3 sg. middle ending is *-o -+ *-to 3 *-oto (apophonic *-eto). If beside present *ei-ti we, posit an Indo-European *ei-o, the first renewal *ei-to will explain pcita, ueda, and the second renewal "ei-oto will account


32 Five of the six instances are in composition, including the oldest, &pa prci ait V 30.9 ; similarly Avestan 'sit occurs only in composition.

for both the Rig-Vedic 3 sg. impf. mid. (with augment) Eyata and for the Hitt. 3 sg. mid. iyatta ' goes '.s3 Within the same paradigms, RV 1 sg. subj. ayE (IV 18.2) can also be exactly equated with Hitt. 1 sg. iya&a(ri) ' I go '. (26-67) I n a Classical Hittite text concerned with a riverordeal cited above, KUB XI11 3 I1 16'-17', 30'-31' (tr. Goetze, ANET2 2071, we find an antithetical pair of verbs : papreg- ' prove, impure, guilty ' and parkuei- ' prove pure, innocent ),derived (with stem-truncation) from the adjectives papr-ant- and parku-i-. Beside paprei- we had reason to assume the existence of an older stative verb *papre-, attested twice in Old Hittite in the spelling pupri- : 3 sg. pres. paprizzi, pret. papritta. The parallelism of the stems papregand parkuei- would indicate that we ought to find a stative stem parkue- (parkui-)parallel to papre- (pap&), if the interpretation of the latter is correct. Such a form exists. It is attested twice, in wholly separate literary genres but in the same verbal context, and in the older instance with the same 3 sg. mid. form parkuitta, exactly paralleling papritta. I n the Old Hittite version of the epic tale of Sargon of Akkad gar tamhiri 'king of battle' (Cat. 1, a), edited with the addition of an important new fragment by H. G. Guterbock, MDOG ci, 1969, 14-26, we have the lines (Bo 68/28) 6') [xxxlx-pa(?)LUGAL-gi-na-ai te-ei-h-az phr-ku-i-id-d[u] (7') [nu ?] Lo.MES. SAG ud-da-ar-8e-et me-mi-ii-ki-u-wa-an &[-ais] ' [thlen ? Sargon purified himself from the dream, [and ?] began to relate its words t o the courtiers.' Giiterbock (p. 23) prefers t o translate the verb 'arose', with a derivative of parku- ' high ', citing the identical phrase and verb form in the tale of Appu, which he had discussed earlier in Orieizs x, 1957, 354. But the context of the latter shows precisely that ' arose from his sleep ' (H.G. ' [Ah(?)]8. sich vom Schlafe erhoben hat ') is not possible. I n the text in question (KUB XXIV 8 I 24 ff.), edited by Friedrich, ZA N F
33 This equation and the explanation of Hitt. iyu- (mid.) ' go' was made in Spring 1970 by my student Patrick Hollifield.

xix, 1950, 214 ff., we have the following sequence of actions of the rich but childless Appu, who is seeking offspring : (24) [arlaii-apa IAppu rms"-zu parna-@apait ' Appu arose and went home.' (26) [GISINh-ai Surkuw[ajnza ieik[i]t ' he went to bed with his shoes on.' (29) pnit-as" (30) SAL-za n-aB-za I T T I I A p p waiiuiaza ieikit ' she went, the wife, and went to bed h i d e Appu with her clothes on.' (31) [IAp-lpu-US d-az pcirku-i-yu-ta-at ' Appu purified himself from the dream ', Friedrich ' A. reinigte sicli vom Schlafe '. This leads directly into a passage of what in early Irish literature would be called ' pillow-talk ' : His wife began to ask him, ' Did i t work ? ' Appu replied, ' You are a woman and understand nothing.' And only then have we (38) araii-apa IAppui G1SNh-m ' then Appu arose from the bed.' It is the same bed he has been lying in (with his shoes on) since line 26. The intervening verb purkuiyatat clearly cannot mean ' arise ', but must be ' be pare (of), purify oncself (of) ' as i t was glossed already by Mturtevant, and as i t appears in Friedrich's dictionary. I n form the Old Hittite stative "parkue- ( p a r h i - ) has undergone the same renewal to Classical parluia- that we observed earlier for Old pupre- (pap&), Classical papria-. This interpretation is confirmed by a semantically equivalent but syntactically different, and historically later, expression in Hittite. I n Old Hitt. teibaz parluidcla we have with the ablative noun phrase ' from-the-dream ' a stative verbal predicate ' was-purelpurified-himself '. At a later stage of the language, with the obsolescence of the category of stative verbs morphologically derived from adjectives, the same semantic value is obligatorily expressed by a verb phrase consisting of the verb ' be ' plus the adjective (noun phrase). We have the very phrase in uddannz parkuii e i ' from-the-matter (NPabl) pure (Adj) be (V) ' : KUB XXIX 7 Vs. 11 kinunaz DINGIRLUM ape[z] uddanaz parkuii gangadanzaiia es" ' now, 0 God, be pure and absolved of tha[t] matter '. Likewise KBo XVI 47 Vs. 14' Eilzkiyaz parkuii eitu ' shall be absolved of the oath ' (XVth cent.). The chronological replacement of "parkue- (spelled p r k u i - ) by parkuis" e i - is exactly parallel t o

that of Old Hitt. kurrsre- hy Class. Hitt. k u m r e i - ' be hostile ' noted earlier. We have thus some twenty-seven possible examples of a Hittite stative verb stein in -e-, corresponding exactly both in form and in semantic force t o the Latin and other statives in -6. Nineteen are directly attested in full, in eleven separate texts. The attested fornir are 3 sg. pres., 3 sg. pret. (act. and mid.), and 3 pl. pret. Virtually all the verbs in -e- come from clearly Old Hittite texts, and most are in or resemble old ductus ; the two exceptions ntiyahunte- and werite- are found in the same special genre of texts as the older exaniples, and certainly represent later copies of Old Hittite texts. We evidently have to deal with a category already obsolescent in the earliest period of our docuinentation of the language. Most of the verbs in -e-, both those directly and those indirectly attested, co-occur with inchoative stcins in -pi-, in the manner suggested above. We can therefore supply the hitherto inissing quadrant of the comparison with Latin : stative inchoative *+ (+) *-c;sk- (-&sc-) Latin Hittite *+(-e-) :K-g-s- (-e-i-) Froin the attested forms of the Hittite paradigm the inflexion is clearly athematic : 3 sg. pres. -ezzi < *-&ti. The original inflexion of the Latin, Germanic, Balto-Slavic, and Celtic statives can therefore likewise be assumed to have been originally athematic. Though long divorced from the stative function, the Early Welsh 3 sg. -it, 1 sg. -if faithfully continue IE *-E--ti, *-E-tn)i. We can in fact go even further. In Hittite, as is well known, to virtually every verb in the language can be forinecl an ' iterative ' or imperfective in -%-, the Indo-European suffix *-skelo. The forniation is well attested for verbs in -&- : the interative has the suffix form -eik-. Now i t has been shown that the most archaic layer of derivative verbs in -skelo- in several older Indo-European languages are inflected in the middle voice, even where the base verb may be active in flexion. Compare the discussion in Ivanov, 0bS:c. sist. 139 ff.



and Watkins, Idg. Gram. IIIIl, 72ff. This relation is particularly clear in early Hittite. It has now been pointed out by E. Neu, StBoT vi, 88-89 (1968) that to the active -ei- inchoative statives are frequently formed middle iteratives in -eik- : 'Abgeleitete Verba auf -ei- pflegen, wenn sie in die -3k- Ableitung treten, bei unveranderter Diathese medial flektiert zu werden.' We have thus an opposition 3 sg. act. -ei-zi : mid. -eik-itta(ri)which exactly parallels that in Hittite ui-zzi : ui-ik-itta(ri), pai-zzi : pai-ikitta(ri),or Old Latin pacere : pacisci, apere : apisci. Neu cites the following examples, all with the -8k- form in the middle voice : aiiwanteik- ' become poor ' (aiiwaizt- -+ aiiwantei-) kallareik- ' become unfavorable ' (kallar- -+ kallarei-) makkeik- ' become numerous ' (mekki- -+ makkei-) nakkeik- ' become heavy, weigh on the conscience ' (nakki- -+ nakkei-) pal_heik- ' become broad ' (pa&- -+pa&&) parkaweik- ' become tall ' (parku- -+ *parkawes'-) parkeik- ' become tall ' (parku- -+ parkei-) tepaweik- ' become few ' (tepu- -+ tepawei-) Of these forms, makkeik- and palheik- come from an unpublished text in archaic language (Neu, StBoT v, 111[1968]), and parkeik- is an older form found in Ullikummi, for which a variant has the later form parkaweik-. kalhreik- occurs in an oracle text and nakkeik- in prayers, both of which are archaizing genres. I n view of the general rarity of middle inflexion for the -Bk- forms in Hittite, as well as the clear preponderance of middle -3k- forms in general in the old language, these middle forms in -eik- must be regarded as archaisms.34 They
s4 Neu's explanation of them as secondary (StBoT v, 89) flies in the face of common sense, and scarcely accounts for the existence-which he does not mention-of numerous -eck- forms with active inflexion. " Tritt nun wird diese zwischen das auslautende -e& und die Aktivendung das -s%-Suffix, enge Bindung (-es'-/Aktivflexion) gestort." If -es'- implies active endings, and &- implies active endings, then -es' s'k- = -es'k- will imply active endings. Therefore -es'k- with middle endings is the ancient form, by the principle of the lectio difficilior.

preserve the oldest reconstructible form of inflexion of the Indo-European secondary suffix *-sk-. Synchronically, a t least, Hittite -eBk- is for niorphophonemic {-eB-Bk-} cf. BaB(B)- ' bear ' t haik-, _haB(B)-/_heB(B)' open ' --f he.%-, haBk-. But in view of the history of the genesis of Indo-Euoprean -sk- from -s k- we should assume a historical *-e-sk- (-e-s lc-) built on * - b s - . It is one of the clearest early examples of such a formation. To this set of forms assembled we must finally add the ' factitives ' in No less than six of the statives in -e-

35 The caistence of an Indo-European secondary suffix *-e?,- > *-& is clear. Thc ' factitive ' or ' causative ' transitive value of most of the descendant forms would also seem to be clear. Yet the exact orlginal semantic value of this suffix, and the inflexional pattern which i t originally showed, still remain to be determined. I n view of the respective semantics i t is a t least curious that the STATIVE verbs in -6- are inflected for the most part with athematic active endings (with the exception of papritta, parkuitta, which in the light of Lat. calbur, (mihi) uidetur [note 1 above] may be significant), whereas the so-called BACTITIVES in the earliest Hittite appear t o be inflected as thematic middles, or as active &-verbs, pointing to an earlier middle. It is also noteworthy that in older Hittite an intransitive, virtually stative value appears for a number of -&verbs, both with middle endings and with active _hi-conjugation endings. For the former, compare the forms gathered by E. Keu, StBoT vi, 41, 84-85 and StBoT v, passim, like 1 sg. mid. innarah_hut ' (if) I regained my strength ' (KUB X X X 10 Vs. 18, 19). For the latter, note cases (with -za) like M n - z a SAL arma_h_hi if a woman is ' pregnant ' (ABoT 21 I l), nu-zu namnza G U D W A UDU_HJA DUMU.Lfi. ULfT.LU"Eg 6 - U L armahhanzi ' cattle, sheep, and mankind do not get Ixxiv, 1954, pregnant ' (KUB XVII 10 I 15), both cited by Goetze, JL40S 188. I n the middle -u_h&- forms we have both the 3 sg. ending -ta (plus optional particle), found in both present and preterit, and the 3 sg. ending -a (plus particle), found only in the preterit. This distribution, with -a confined t o the marked member of the opposition pres. : pret., clearly points t o the greater antiquity of 3 sg. -a, which we know in any ease on other grounds (Watkins, Idg. Gram. III/l, 84 ff.). To these forms can be added the evidence of 1 sg. pret. ma[(-ni-ya-a)]_h-~-a_h-_h[u-ti XXXVI 98b Rs. 8 (KUB XXVI KUB 71 I 21) ' I ruled ', from Anittas, our oldest Hittite document (Neu, StBoT v, 112 cites the form but curiously neglects i t ; i t is not mentioned in StBoT vi). These forms point to a primitive paradigm of Hittite -&-verbs 1 sg. -a_hh-ah_ha, sg. -a&h-a, the last later renewed to -ah&. Cases like 1 sg. 3 innaru@at above may well show haplology from *innara_h_h-a_h_hat. The critical comparandum is the archaic Latin deponent type aemulciri, Zaetriri. To the renewed 3 sg. -&ta (*-o?,-to) corresponds exactly Latin



(and -e&) also show factitives in -u_hb-,a percentage notably higher than that of the -&verbs as a whole (Kronasser, Etynz. 425). Compare the Latin sets cited earlier. We can therefore extend the previously noted schema by including the Hittite forms in -edk- and -ah/&- as well : inchoative factitive stative *+s"-&&*& "+ Hittite Latin
(-eal-) -e- p-

(+aa,+) (-ea,-sk-)



4,-6The labels are only to serve to identify the classes. One could of course extend the basic group (in *-E- and *-&) ; cf. Old High German -6,-6-. It was noted earlier that early Latin preserved an archaic Indo-European morphophonemic trait in the deletion of the adjective suffixes -i-,-u-, -ro- before the secondary stative and verbal suffix -g-. We may observe the same in Hittite. The case of u-stems is particularly clear, where we have examples like miu- ' mild ' : miei- ' become mild ', miliddu- ' sweet ' : militei- ' become sweet ', daiiu- ' strong ' : ddded- ' become strong ', and parku- ' high ' : parkei- ' become high '.36 See Neu, StBoT v, 137l, with references. Derivatives like pxrgazued- ' id,', idalawed- ' become bad ' (idah-)belong to a chronologically later level of derivation. I n the i-stems the situation is less clear due t o the ambiguity of the writing system : ,nu-ak-ke-e- (raalcki- ' heavy ') can of course also be transliterated nu-ak-ki-e-. But we have one certain example which
-E-tu(r).To the 1 sg. -a7&a@a (*-o?,-o?,o) could correspond exactly-by loss of both laryngeals and contraction of the three 0's to d-the Latin first coiijugation ending -6, -or (instead of the *-ad, *-aor we would expect phonetically, like -e6, -eor of the second conjugation), as well as the ending of the Old Irish a-stem type 1 sg. marbu ' I kill ' (marb ' dead ') or deponent .?nolor ' I praise '. The Latin endings of the first conjugation might thus owe their shape to the 'factitive' component of the -&verbs, just as those of the second conjugation owe theirs to the stative component of the &verbs. An important problem in Indo-European morphology is here to be investigated. 3s To this list we might add iarku- ' lofty ' --f *;arkei- (iterative J'arkiJk-) ' rise ' ; otherwise Friedrich, Heth. Wb. 185.

demonstrates the truncation of -i- : Ian-ak-ku-Je-ei- (n,akTiuJii' scapegoat ') supra. I n Hittite we have also truncation of the secondary suffix -ant- : cf. innarawei- froni innarawaiat- ' vigorous '. This permits us to note a striking similarity between Hittite and Latin. Hittite shows an adjective _haypinant- ' rich ', from a preform *a,op-en-(o)?tt-. The root appears in Latin ops, opt%, and a further derivative *,a,op-nes- in Skt. dp)ms- ' property, wealth ; work ' and Avestan aftiah-. Already 0. Szemerhyi, Glottn xxxiii, 1954, 266-282 made the interesting coinparison _happinant- : Lat. guleiatus ( o p u h s ) , assuming a (readily acceptable) dissimilation )2 . . . n ("openont-) + 1 . . . n ("opelont-). Now the inchoative from Hittite haFpin-ant is happine$- ' become rich ', with deletion of -ant- ; and with the Same truncation the inchoative of Latin opul-ent(o)- is Opul-Esc-, attested as a hapax in Furius Antias cited by Aulus Gellius 18.11. If Szenierhyi's theory of dissimilation is correct, the formation of the two inchoatives would be necessarily independent.3' But the parallelism is striking, and in some sense Furius' opukscere-even if he himself formed the word-is the indirect descendant of an Indo-European "open-6 ( * M ~ o ~ c w ~ ? , - ) . Probably the most notable Wortgleichung between Hittite statives and those of other Indo-European languages is that with the Indo-European adjective-verb *let&- ' light '. The athematic root furnishes a middle verb in Old Hittite luk(kat)ta (active lukzi is younger, cf. Neu, XtBoI' v, 1101) and a feminine noun in Latin liix. All three stative-inchoative variants are represented in various languages : *leuk-Z- : Lat. l k e t ' it is light ' "leuk-6-s- : Hittite lzc-ke-e-ei-zi ' it grows light ' 38 *lezck-bsk- : Lat. lQcEscit ' i t grows light '.
37 It is of course conceivable that the form underlying the Latin was original *op-el-(o)nt-rather than *op-en(o)nt. cf. Hittite mak-l-ant ' thin ', mak-Z-atar'thinness ' beside *malc-r- in Lat. maeer, Germ. mager, Gk. paKpds. 38 HBo VI 26 + KBo XI11 35 I V 2' (Riemschneicler 22), a birth-omen text showing talckic. cf. also Zu-uk-ke-eGta ' i t grew light ' KBo VI 31 I 1 = KUB VIII 4s I 1 (Gilgamesh), despite Kronasser, Etyin. 385, 401, 406.



The addition of the Hittite evidence for the Indo-European secondary suffix *-zthrows an entirely different light on the geographical or areal distribution of that suffix. Far from being confined to Krahe's-and August Fick's-(non-existent!) Old European ', the basic "-8- (*-ea,) is found in virtually all the branches of Indo-European except Indo-Iranian, Greek, and Armenian (I have admittedly no information about Albanian). It is surely no accident that these three form a separate dialect area also in respect t o other features, such as the augment *e-, and that it is these three alone which unambiguously attest the " Indo-European " thematic denominative suffix type -e-i$/e-j6- (Sanskrit vasnaydti, Greek &A&, Armenian sirem). We have yet another instance of the striking disparity between Brugmann's Indo-European based largely on the agreement of Greek and Indo-Iranian, and the common language reconstructible t0day.3~ It is not even certain that the suffix *-E- was wholly absent from these three languages. Vedic may preserve a trace in the participle sanGydnt- ' altgewohnt ' (RV I 62, 13) if from *sen-&ielo- ; it is tempting to include it in the semantic and suffixal set of OHG altEn, Lat. senzre, OCS vetas'ajo, Lith. sengju, Latv. vec@u, and Hitt. miyabuntezi. Cf. also Ved. YtEydnt-. Armenian might be ambiguous, since the passage of "d t o *i,just as in Celtic, would have rendered the suffix unrecognizable. But the facts are that in Armenian the stative or inchoative meaning is expressed by derivatives in *-& : pres. 1sg. -alzam, aor. 1sg. -ac'ay. cf. lusanay ' it becomes day ', aor. lusnc'aw (from *Eeuk-&sk-), or hnanam, aor. hnac'ay ' become old '. Clearly there has been a replacement here ; perhaps the original factivive became utilizable as a stative-compare Latin nigrtire-under the pressure of a new factitive, as in hnae'uc'anern I make old, cause to grow old '. Greek in any case attests the deverbative stative "-if- in the aorist passive, and the two (denominative and deverbative) must ultimately be the same suffix. The point of contact is

3 8 In this respect I cannot agree with the views of K. Hoffmann on the Bystem of verbal categories in Indo-European, MSS xxviii. 1970, 1 9 4 2 .




doubtless the '(adjective-verbs " like * l e d - , which are very ancient in Indo-European, and of some typological interest as well.40 Note also the several derivatives of the adjective-verb *reudh- ' red ' ; the transitiving, factitive function of the nasal infix in OIr. yoindid ' reddens, dyes red ' is old, and comparable to that of the nasal infix in Hittite, while the transitive force of Gk. 2 p d w is attributable to the thematic active endings. Of the inchoatives, built on the basic "-6by means of a secondary marked present formant, *-dsk- is assured by two languages, Latin and Hittite. "-6s- is hitherto confined to Hittite ; but I believe that another language can be adduced which shows the same. Chantraine, Grawwnaire hodrique 349, notes several Greek -60 verbs apparently derived from s-stem nouns which have, irregularly, futures and aorists in -Tow -7aa. Already Schwyzer, Griech. Gram. 1, 724 (1938) had noted some of these forms, with the cryptic note ' mit -TOW -quai oder nur so belegt [emphasis mine] hom. &ly& dvO& Bap,%o 8 a p o A ~ ~ pia& ~appdw~ e u x d w Chantraine's fuller list points clearly t o the '. greater antiquity of the sigmatic forms in -To- than of the corresponding presents. I list the Homeric sigmatic forms below ; in two out of three cases the present is post-Homeric. 6iyrjaw p'lyyaa ' be cold ' (Iliad) & ;J I 6vOq oa L ' bloom ' (Odyssey) 6VO&LJ edparlaa ' be courageous ' (Iliad) eapa4w (also Iliad) Tdppqarv ' fear ' (Iliad) Tapp&lJ (also Iliad) 8dpfl77ac ' be astounded ' (Iliad) 8app& (Odyssey) y+juw yrj8qaa ' rejoice ' (Iliad, passim) y$hJ (also Iliad) KaTT+rjuas ' be downcast ' (Iliad) KUTT+J 6pdArpE be neglectful o f ' (Iliad 3x) dp&w &rjPTU ' meet ' (Odyssey) dp7)p&
40 See the stimulating forthcoming paper ' Where have all the adjectives gon? ', by R. &I. W. nixon.




' feel pain ' (Iliad) ' have pity on ' (Iliad) ' hate ' (Iliad)



For Schwyzer and with some hesitation Chantraine these are denominatives to the corresponding s-stem nouns. But in the case of genuine denominatives to s-stem nouns we expect a Homeric present in -E (L )W and sigmatic forms in -EU- as with ~ E X ( LorW X o p a L , as they point ) a The chronological distribution is different from those listed above for m v O ~ u a bewail ' (T 225) beside pres. TEVOE~ETOV, '~ also Iliad ( Y 2 8 3 ) . TEvOrjpEvaL (u 174 7 120) is an apparently later Aeolic creation according to the athematic pattern (itself inherited). Hence we can take ~ ~ v 0 tas la~ genuine denominative from the s-stem 7~&Oos, and rrevO$oar. as analogical. The remaining verbs given above thus do not appear t o be denorninatives in their morphological form. They furthermore do not show the predominance of present-tense forms characteristic of -EW (and -aw) denominatives in Homeric Greek, but precisely the opposite ; the present is usually later. These verbs begin their attested history in Greek with the sigmatic aorist and future. Morphologically and distributionally these forms are not denoininatives from substantives in -s-. And semantically, i t cannot have escaped notice that they are without exception statives. The Latin or Old High German translation of most of these would be, significantly, an bverb : cf.Jlorere ( ~ v O E P V ) , uudere (OapmTv ), gaudere (yqOeiv), misereri ( ~ A E E ~ vOHG ), huzz& ( ~ L u E ~ v Chantraine observed this for one of the ). forms, and made the right comparison,: ' pour &yrjuw &qua oh 1'7 a une valeur d' '' &at ", cf. lat. friggre.' But he did not draw the full consequences of his observation. For we have not merely a comparison, but an equation. Just as we can observe the stative forms "Eeuk-&, "leuk-Z-s "leuk-Z-sk- in Latin lucc're, Hittite lukkei-, and Latin l&Esscere, so we have

For the special case of a'prtiw cf. Watlrins, IIiWP ixxiv, 1970, 70.

the stative forms * s r Z g - ~:xs&~-E-s-, , *s~iy-Z--sk- Latin frigzre, in Homeric ,&yqo-, and Latin fr'igEscere. We have a suffix form in Greek -7-0which is identical with that of Hittite -&&.The intervocalic -s- of the sigmatic forms is morphologically restored in Greek in the contract verbs ; the ultimate identity of the sigmatic tense marker -s- in Greek with the -8- and -5 k- of Hittite and the -s c- of Latin is clear from Watkins, Celtic Verb passziim and Ivanov, OhRi;. sist. 139-174, both building on earlier works. It may be noted that equation of Greek );Ly7u- and Latin frigZ(sc)- permits us to reject definitively the derivation of the Greek forins from s-stem nouns. The Greek noun &oc is identical in form with Latin frigus, and the two clearly continue a common form. We have two series of forms : one verbal and stative in function, *wig-&, and the other nominal and an abstract *srig-es-. Their coexistence is a commonplace in Latin (cf. tepzw, tepor, etc.) and we may assume the same for Greek. I n no sense is the verb in *-b- derived from the noun in *-es-. Even more conclusive is Bapqu-, derived with suffix-truncation from the adjective Bapu-v- (Skt. ah?:-u-), since the oldest form of the s-stem noun shows inherited fullgrade vocalism : B4ppoog. The athematic inflexion of -EW (and -a@)verbs in Aeolic, +IXqpl etc., with its clear traces in Homer particularly in the infinitives in - ~ ~ E V C L L , probably an inheritance. inis sofar as the -7- continues the Indo-European stative *-&. What we have in the - E W / - S ~ L / - ~verbs is a conflation of ~ J several original types, including *-&/o- causative-iteratives, ';'-e@fJ6- denominatives, and *-Z- statives. Aeolic generalized (or tended to) tlie athematic stative for the form, and imposed this form on the other types. The same sort of formal conflation took place in Germanic (class I11 weak verbs) and Latin (second conjugation), from partly identical and partly different sources, with the same sort of dialectal variation between athematic and thematic forms as in Greek. It would appear reasonable to suppose that i t is the sigmatic type in -7-0- original statives (in -7-) which has imposed its to



form on the innovated extra-presential forms of the banal Greek denominatives : whence the origin of the declensional pattern +~X7juw E'+lX~ua. Similarly in Aeolic the athematic 42 stative is forinally (though not functionally) reflected in # l A r p just as in Latin the athematic stative is formally (though not functionally) reflected in 3 pl. monent, docent. Although in L itself a new form, the infinitive ~ d 7 j p V a in the Odyssey is typologically old ; an Aeolic * + L Y ~ ~ L E Vis L U perfectly plausible, and would continue the same unsuffixed -& as Latin frigpre, or the Old Hittite verbs in -e-. We may then complete the pattern earlier set forth (p. 86), by including Greek -70-in the empty slot under Hittite -e&. Each of the formal nodes reconstructed, *-F- -bs- -E-sk- -6(*-ea,- -ea,-s- -ea,-sk- -e?,-), can be supported by evidence from a t least two traditions in the Indo-European world. I n all cases we are dealing with, and have reconstructed, a piece of the grammar of Indo-European dealing with secondary not primary derivation : derivation from stems synchronically existing in the language a t any given point in time. Yet this very fact gives an interesting dimension to our reconstruction, and the emergent picture of a language undergoing change. The formation of stative verbs in *-& and ' factitive ' verbs in *-i-from adjective stems was a productive rule in Common Indo-European . The morphophonemics of such forms as "rudh-ro- --f *rudh-E-, *ak-u- + *uk-F-, mark them as belonging to an ancient layer of derivation, in the remotest Indo-European we can reach by reconstruction. But the suffixal process continued productive in a t least some of the historical languages until well into the European Middle Ages ; indeed, in certain Baltic and Slavic languages, to the present day. It is another instance of the remarkable longevity of a rule of grammar. A functional identity, with the common label ' stative ', has been often assumed, tacitly or otherwise, between the verbs in *+, both secondary denominative and primary deverba4 2 On the role of the stative -7in Greek conjngation see especially Chantrain?, RSL xxviii, 1928, 9-39.

tivc, and the classical Indo-European perfect.43 This is an error. While there exists some functional overlapping, (1) -Zis a derivational category, the classical perfect an inflexional one ; ( 2 ) -6 admits contrast with inchoative or otherwise marked *-Fs-: -esk-, while the perfect does not ; (3) the endings of -F- are basically the active ones, while those of the perfect are distinct, with affinities with the middle. The semantics of the variety of labeled stative is still a long way from being fully understood ; compare the work of recent years on this question in senirtntic theory within the framework of generative grammar. It is n problem for the future.44

IInrvnrd University.
4 a cf. c.g. most recently Pcrclmuter, Top. Jaz. 1969.5.15, 19 and the refcrences he cites in the course of his stndy. 4 4 This study will be a part of niy book Hittite a i d Indo-European sttidies, currently in preparation. It was originally written in May-July, 1970 ; a German version was presented a t the Unirersities of Saarbrucken, Bonn, and Koln, i n January, 1951, and the English t o the Philological Society in June, 1971. I have benefited from the discussion on each of these occasions. Research for this papor was supported in part by the Kational Science Foundation under grant nontber GS-2885, which aid is gratefully aeknowlcdged. [Addendum : anothcr Hittite c-vcrb is probably t o be seen in &iC--zi-ebe-en (even if) you had escaped with your lives , Madd. Vs. 12, from the adjective kiLiiu,- alive . For a complete list of the attested form of this archaic verb sec Otten, S t X o T xi, 1969, 12.1