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INTRODUCTION:

In 1993, the man we now know as "The President of 9/11" was just plain old Rudolph, Giuliani. He is a
weirdo, a crook, a wannabe warmonger, and a profiteer off the tragedy of 9/11. But back then, he was just a
weirdo, a crook, a cousin-marrying draft-dodger, and a racist.

He knew these facts about himself, and commissioned some folks to write a study which would spell out
some of his vulnerabilities that might be exploited by his political opponents. That report arrived in our
email inbox just yesterday, and we're making it available for you now.

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YourLeaders.org

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RUDOLPH W. GIULIANI
VULNERABILITY STUDY PREPARED FOR
GIULIANI FOR NEW YORK

APRIL 8, 1993

“The art of war teaches us to rely not on the likelihood of the enemy’s not coming, but on our readiness to
receive him; not on the chance of his not attacking, but rather on the fact that we have made our position
unassailable.”

Sun Tzu, The Art Of War

Prepared By: Christopher M. Lyon Ronald A. Giller

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This vulnerability study was completed to assist Rudy Giuliani, his campaign staff and consultants in their
preparations for his 1993 campaign for mayor of New York City.

The analysis focuses on the former federal prosecutor’s political, professional and personal weaknesses in
order to point up areas of vulnerability that, in all probability, will be exploited by Mayor David Dinkins’
campaign.

The readers of this vulnerability study are urged not to dismiss or take lightly any of the negatives discussed
in this document. Taken together, the negative issues presented in this study offer a compelling argument
against electing Giuliani mayor.

Rudy Giuliani has plenty of “inoculating” to do on several fronts. Most notably, Giuliani is vulnerable on his
Republican Party affiliation, his participation in the police rally, his flip-flops on various issues, the reversals
of many of his major convictions and his reputation for overzealousness.

This study is tough and hard-hitting. It pulls no punches. It is not intended to shock or offend, but to prepare
the candidate and his staff for the kind of no-holes-barred assault they should expect starting in earnest in
September.

Unlike the Democrats, however, this study examines another aspect of Giuliani—his positive
accomplishments. This study is not wholly negative. Each vulnerability outlined in this work is followed by a
rebuttal strategy.

The rebuttal strategies contained in this study offer suggestions for answering the attacks of the opposition—
and more. Many political opportunities created by Giuliani’s record are presented as part of the rebuttal
strategies.

Maximizing these political opportunities is the first step in defining Rudy Giuliani and defending against
attack.

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REAGAN REPUBLICAN

CHARGE: RUDY GIULIANI IS A REAGAN REPUBLICAN. HIS RIGHT-WING


REPUBLICANISM MAKES HIM PHILOSOPHICALLY AND TEMPERAMENTALLY UNFIT TO
GOVERN NEW YORK, A CITY RAVAGED BY THE REACTIONARY REPUBLICAN POLITICS
ORIGINATING IN WASHINGTON.

CONTEXT:

David Dinkins never discusses Rudy Giuliani without mentioning his Republican Party affiliation. In 1989,
according to Dinkins, Giuliani was a “Reagan Republican.” Now that Ronald Reagan’s been gone for over
four years and Democrat Bill Clinton is in the White House, Dinkins’ partisan attacks are more general:
“Giuliani was a tool of the reactionary Republican administrations that ravaged cities and urban centers.”

Rest assured, the Dinkins re-election campaign will continue its attacks on Giuliani’s partisan affiliation. In a
city were Democrats outnumber Republicans by about a five-to-one ratio, they’d be foolish if they didn’t
exploit this vulnerability.

Giuliani is a lucky man, though. He has John Kennedy on his side. According to Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. in his
book on the Kennedy presidency, A Thousand Days, JFK once said when discussing a particular
Massachusetts political race: “Sometimes party loyalty asks too much.” Kennedy offered even harsher
criticism of the Massachusetts Democratic Party of that time, “Nothing can be done until it is beaten—badly
beaten. Then there will be a chance of rebuilding.”

Before the 1992 presidential campaign really started, George Bush foolishly said he would do “whatever it
takes” to win re-election. Throughout the campaign, the Clinton people used this quote to inoculate the
Arkansas governor against Bush negativism. The Giuliani campaign similarly should use the words of JFK to
blunt the Dinkins campaign’s appeals to party loyalty. Instead of allowing the electorate to think Giuliani is a
“Reagan Republican” the Giuliani campaign should encourage the feeling towards David Dinkins that
”sometimes party loyalty asks too much.” (See Appendix F-7).

REBUTTAL STRATEGY:

There is not a minute to waste in inoculating against the Reagan Republican moniker. If you assume
everything has remained equal since the 1989 campaign, then Giuliani needs only to convert small numbers
of liberal voters to pick up the two-percent he must win to get over the top.

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The rebuttal to the Reagan Republican charge must follow these guidelines:

JFK’s comments about party loyalty and the Democratic Party should be used repeatedly as an
inoculation device and rebuttal to Republicanism attacks. If the Giuliani campaign does its job
correctly, David Dinkins’ appeals to party loyalty should backfire; translating into a pro-Giuliani
message—“sometimes party loyalty asks too much.”

The Giuliani campaign should follow the example of John Lindsay’s first campaign for mayor. Like
Lindsay’s campaign—Fiorello LaGuardia for that matter, too—Giuliani is ”fusion” candidate for
mayor, not the Republican candidate for mayor.

In 1965, Lindsay faced the same problems Giuliani does today with his enrollment in the Republican
Party. Like Dinkins, the Democratic candidate for mayor that year, Abraham Beame, tried to exploit
Lindsay’s Republicanism. However, Lindsay answered this charge well.

Since Lindsay had also received the Liberal Party endorsement, his campaign always referred to his
campaign as the “fusion campaign” and Lindsay as “the fusion candidate.”

No Republican candidate has won the mayoralty in the Twentieth century without fusion backing—
Giuliani should not attempt to become the first; such arrogance only makes a difficult task
(overcoming a 5-1 party registration disadvantage) even harder.

The Lindsay campaign never used the word Republican in any of its public statements or media
releases. The Giuliani campaign should follow this model. If the Giuliani campaign wins the Liberal
Party nod again this year, “fusion” should replace “Republican” in every possible instance.

The Giuliani campaign should begin an outreach program to Democratic elected officials. Democratic
elected officials crossing party lines to endorse Giuliani will drive a stake through Dinkins’ calls for
party unity and loyalty. Giuliani’s success in winning over Democratic elected officials also will show
marked improvement from the 1989 campaign when Giuliani received few Democratic endorsements.

The Giuliani campaign should emphasize its candidate’s independence from traditional national
Republican policies. Especially useful in this strategy is Giuliani’s role in overturning a Reagan
administration attempt to throw disabled people off the Social Security rolls, his prosecution of
Republican elected officials—especially his authorization for calling his boss, Attorney General
Edwin Meese III, a sleaze, and his un-Republican views on many social issues of concern to New
Yorkers, like abortion, gun control and bias protection for homosexuals.

The Giuliani campaign should also emphasize its candidate’s role in cleaning up the International
Brotherhood of Teamsters. When Giuliani initiated a civil RICO action against the mob-controlled
union, many said Giuliani couldn’t win. By 1991, organized crime had been run out of the Teamsters
and the first democratically elected Teamster president, Ron Carey, a Queens reformer, had been
elected. Another result of Giuliani’s taking the Teamsters away from organized crime and giving it
back to the rank-and-file members: in 1992, for the first time in forty years, the Mafia-free Teamsters
endorsed the Democratic
candidate for president. Just think, all these good things – done by a ”Reagan Republican”…

Giuliani’s Teamsters action also connects him to his early political hero, Robert Kennedy. Kennedy
began what the media labelled the Justice Department’s “Thirty Years War” against the Teamsters.
Kennedy started it. Giuliani finished the job. And when Giuliani announced the Teamster action, he
paid homage to Bobby Kennedy’s crusade. The Teamster case should be a centerpiece of Giuliani’s

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campaign for mayor in 1993. Ron Carey, who has been kind to

Giuliani in the past, should be contacted by the campaign about a possible endorsement, etc.

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ANTI-WOMAN

CHARGE: RUDY GIULIANI IS ANTI-WOMAN. HE CANNOT BE TRUSTED TO


PROTECT A WOMAN’S RIGHT TO CHOOSE.

CONTEXT:

Rudy Giuliani’s difficulty with the abortion issue four years ago was among his greatest missteps
during the mayoral campaign. After the Webster decision, abortion became a cutting-edge issue—and
Giuliani started out on the wrong side of the blade.

By the time Giuliani got it right on abortion, it may have been too late to win back the women voters
offended by Giuliani’s earlier pro-life issue.
Now that Giuliani has been consistently pro-choice for at least four years, the abortion issue should
not present the same degree of trouble it did in 1989. However, the campaign should expect David
Dinkins to raise doubts about Giuliani’s commitment to protecting abortion rights.

REBUTTAL STRATEGY:

Simplicity is the best response to questions about abortion. Giuliani’s answer to abortion questions
should always be succinct and to the point. Giuliani is pro-choice. He supports public funding for
abortion. He will continue city funding for abortions at city hospitals. Nothing more, nothing less.

In 1989, Giuliani stumbled on the abortion issue because he felt it necessary to explain to people how
his abortion position was different than
Mario Cuomo’s. Nobody cares. He wanted to tell people how he came to his position on abortion.
Nobody listened.

Instead, most voters seemed to think all the explaining by Giuliani meant he was just another pro-life
male politician trying to explain how he wasn’t anti-woman.

This time, Giuliani should do much better. All indications are Giuliani has learned the abortion lesson
from 1989. However, this much more he can do to win over undecided pro-choice activists.

The most effective way to make conversations on the abortion issue is to present Giuliani’s record as
a prosecutor. When Giuliani was U.S.
attorney, he prosecuted an abortion clinic bomber. The bomber went to jail and Giuliani helped to
keep abortion safe and legal.

Secondly, the campaign should make every attempt to emphasize Giuliani’s pro-choice position
during the campaign. David Dinkins will not be able to raise questions about what Giuliani will do
about abortion if there is no question in voters’ minds that Giuliani is pro-choice. In fact, if the
campaign effectively explains Giuliani’s pro-choice position on abortion to voters, attempts by David
Dinkins to distort Giuliani’s record could backfire on Dinkins.

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ANTI-WOMAN

DEFENSE: GIULIANI IS PRO-WOMAN AND PRO-CHOICE. HE FIRMLY SUPPORTS


THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN, INCLUDING THE RIGHT TO AN ABORTION. HE ALSO
SUPPORTS PUBLIC FUNDING FOR ABORTION. HE POSITION ON THIS ISSUE IS VERY
CLEAR. ANY ATTEMPT TO DISTORT GIULIANI’S ADVOCACY OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS
OR REPRODUCTIVE ISSUES IS UNFAIR AND HAS NO PLACE IN THE CAMPAIGN.

Giuliani’s position on abortion has been consistent.

“Giuliani’s position on abortion may be unpopular, but it’s a bad rap to accuse him of being
inconsistent.”

-Newsday, 7/14/89

“See, I don’t equate abortion with murdering a child, which I guess puts me in conflict with the
teaching of the Catholic church. Catholics in public office
often make the mistake, a subtle but important one, of saying they agree with the teaching of the
church, but because I’m in public office, I have to put conscience aside and enforce the law. They
haven’t thought out the implication of what they’re saying. If you agree with the church, there’s no
difference between murdering a one-year-old and eliminating a fetus—it’s the same act. There is a
moral consequence to the elimination of a fetus, but it’s not the same thing as murder.”

-Rudolph Giuliani, New York, 5/25/87

The 1989 abortion defense—it’s a non-campaign issue and an attempt to frighten women.

“But Charles Perkins, Giuliani’s spokesman, said Giuliani would continue the abortion funding
despite his personal beliefs. Said Perkins, ‘The mayor is spreading disinformation[sic] to try to
heighten the fears of women.’” “Abortion, he said, ‘is not a mayoral issue.’”

Associated Press, 7/7/89

“The mayor has no power in such areas abortion and the death penalty, but candidates’ positions on
these issues have been viewed as a litmus test by interest groups and political parties in this
campaign.”

-Newsday, 7/13/89

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“’He will carry out the law,’ Perkins added, and not just the letter of the law. ’The intent of the law is
to make abortion available to women and he will continue to provide the funding.’

“But Giuliani will not lobby the Legislature one way or another on abortion, Perkins said. “He wants to
lobby the L;egislature[sic] on issues the mayor has some control over, that directly impact his job as
mayor, such as crime and corruption. He does not want to go lobby about at an issue that is a very
personal issue and a moral issue,’ Perkins said.”

United Press International, 7/5/89

In 1989, Giuliani was firmly pro-choice.

“’I made a terrible mistake on abortion last time,’ Giuliani allowed. ‘I should have said I was pro-
choice and stopped. But I spent so much
time explaining the ideology and theology of how I reached my position, nobody understood what I
was saying.’”

Jack Newfield, New York Post, 3/3/92

“He has a cosmopolitan view of abortion, opposing it personally but saying that politicians should not
impose their moral views on others.”

Spy, November 1988

Giuliani prosecutes abortion clinic bomber. (See Appendix F-11)

“A 37-year-old fireworks expert was sentenced yesterday to seven years in prison for his role in the
bombing of abortion clinics in New York City.

“In a two-hour hearing the man, Dennis J. Malvasi, said he would not take part in such bombings
again because of his loyalty to the Roman Catholic Church and to John Cardinal O’Connor.

...Elliott B. Jacobson, the assistant United States attorney who prosecuted the case, said Mr. Malvasi
often brought small handguns for himself and other ‘individuals with records’ and supported himself
by committing robberies.

“’God knows how many he has committed,’ Mr. Jacobson. “Judge Griesa, who reported receiving
many letters advocating a harsh sentence, said he had considered several factors, including ‘a clear
effort and intent to avoid killing or harming other people’ and Mr. Malvasi’s strong religious beliefs.”

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New York Times, 9/3/87

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MARRIAGE/DIVORCE

CHARGE: GIULIANI’S PERSONAL LIFE RAISES QUESTIONS ABOUT A “WEIRDNESS


FACTOR.” GIULIANI WAS MARRIED TO HIS SECOND COUSIN FOR FOURTEEN
YEARS. ALTHOUGH THE MARRIAGE LASTED A LONG TIME, GIULIANI HAD THE
UNION ANNULLED ON THE GROUNDS THAT HE DID NOT GET PROPER
DISPENSATION FROM THE CHURCH FOR THE MARRIAGE. WHEN ASKED ABOUT
HIS PERSONAL LIFE, GIULIANI GIVES A WIDE ARRAY OF CONFLICTING ANSWERS.
ALL OF THIS BRINGS THE SOUNDNESS OF HIS JUDGMENT INTO QUESTION—AND
THE VERACITY OF HIS ANSWERS.

Rudolph Giuliani’s marriage to his second cousin (the daughter of his father’s cousin) Regina
Peruggi, has been raised in the media as an extremely
bizarre event. In reviewing the news stories describing this event and others in his private life, there
are numerous inconsistencies and questionable circumstances about how long the two were married,
whether Giuliani knew he was marrying his second cousin, whether he dated other women while still
married, and ultimately, how consistent he has been about his personal life.

The Dinkins campaign, understanding the problem its candidate may have with character issues,
might leak negative personal information about Giuliani early in order to neutralize the issue. The
Clinton campaign was effective using this strategy, leaking damaging personal information about
President Bush, in order to pre-empt GOP criticism of Clinton’s personal life. (See Appendix F-18
and F-19).

He grew up with her, vacationed with her, married her, then divorced her and had the marriage
annulled.

“After law school graduation in 1968, Giuliani married Regina Peruggi, a woman he had known since
childhood. She was the daughter of his father’s first cousin and they had shared vacations as small
children at a summer house his grandmother rented in South Beach, L.I.”

“After eight years of marriage, he and his wife had decided on a trial separation. (Neither Giuliani nor
his wife would discuss the marriage or separation.)”

emphasis added, Newsday, 10/22/89

Despite their time together building sand castles out on Long Island, Giuliani claimed, first, he
knew, and then didn’t know, Gina was his second cousin. The confusion about the degree of their
relatedness allowed Giuliani to get an annulment in 1983.

“We were second cousins. We’d never gotten the proper dispensation when we got married. So under
church rules, we were able to get it annulled.”

Rudolph Giuliani, New York, 5/25/87

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“Giuliani had filed for a legal separation from his first wife on Aug. 12, 1982. At the end of 1983, he
obtained a church annulment on the grounds that he and his first wife as second cousins had not
received a proper dispensation from the church when they were first married. Giuliani has said that he
had
thought at the time of his first marriage that he and his first wife were third cousins, and therefore, did
not have to request a dispensation.”

emphasis added, Newsday, 10/22/89

“And if parity is in order, why, The Amsterdam News, a black weekly newspaper, asks in an editorial
today, has the ‘white press’ rummaged through Mr. Dinkins’s personal life and financial records,
while overlooking questions about Mr. Giuliani’s private life, such as the annulment of his first
marriage to a second cousin? ‘Giuliani’s life must be laid out before us, as he has demanded the
exposure of David Dinkin’s,’ the editorial says.”

New York Times, 10/26/89

Is this plausible?

“But one friend who remembered the blood relationship between Giuliani and Regina is Alan Placa,
now a Roman Catholic priest. ‘She was always the little cousin.

”’She was only a few years younger than us but she was always the little cousin. I dated her before
Rudy,’ Placa was quoted as explaining in a story in the New York Post that appeared on May 2, 1989.”

Amsterdam News, 10/28/89

Because of disparate newspaper accounts, the length of their marriage has come into question.

“His first marriage ended before he was 30 after six years, ‘through my overwork,’ he says.”

Hong Kong Sunday Morning Post, 3/9/86

But by other accounts...

“Q: How many years were you married the first time? ”A: Let’s see. ‘68 to ‘82 ... twelve to fourteen
years.”

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New York, 5/25/87

and...

“While it’s nice that The New York Times announced the appointment of Regina Peruggi as the new
president of Marymount today,
what they failed to mention was her relationship to Rudy Giuliani. She was his first wife and second
cousin. You know - the one he was
married to from ‘68 to ‘83.”

Newsday, May 1, 1990

Giuliani would soon afterward settle down with current wife, Donna Hanover.

On April 15, 1984, Giuliani and Hanover, an anchorwoman on WPIX-TV in New York, were married
in a Catholic ceremony at St. Monica’s Church on the Upper East Side. They moved into an
apartment in the neighborhood and now have two children. His mother lives next door.”
emphasis added,

Newsday, 10/22/89

Again, news accounts report different dates for a Giuliani wedding.

“In December, Rudy will wed WPIX-TV reporter Donna Hanover, whom he met while she was
working in Miami and came to interview him.”

emphasis added, Barron’s, 10/24/83

However, he appears to have been still married when his courtship of Donna began.

“Friends said Giuliani’s divorce or annulment of his marriage to ‘cousin Regina’ was not finalized
when he proposed to his present wife, Donna
Hanover, a television correspondent with whom he has two children.”

Amsterdam News, 10/28/89

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By some accounts Giuliani may have engaged in extramarital affairs. Renee Syzbala, a young
associate working at Patterson, Belknap, Webb and Tyler when Giuliani arrived, tells the story of a
wild evening out she, Rudy and another partner had...while he was still married.

“She had been out late at a disco with Giuliani and another partner from the firm. ‘The next morning,
Rudy did not show up to work and it was kind of a macho thing to get into work in time,’ Syzbala
said.”

Newsday, 10/22/89

This raucous social life eventually raised the concern of the Attorney General.

“His personal life too caused acute discomfort in the upper ranks of the department, where rectitude
was the order of the day. Giuliani had divorced his
wife shortly after being appointed. Then he had begun dating his secretary in the department, a
subject of much gossip. He was now engaged to a television personality. By contemporary standards,
it was pretty innocuous stuff. But it deepened the gulf between him and his more staid superiors.
‘Smith worried that Rudi[sic] was out of control,’ recalls one of the Attorney General’s aides at the
time. ‘He thought that Giuliani was going through some kind of mid-life crisis.’

”Giuliani says he never had the slightest indication from any of his superiors that his personal life was
the cause of any concern. He confirms that he dated his secretary, as well as other women, during the
three years between his divorce and his engagement.”

emphasis added, James B. Stewart, The Prosecutors, pp. 131-132.

Three years? There would appear to be only ½ years between his marriages (August
1982 and April 1984).

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MARRIAGE/DIVORCE

DEFENSE: ANY ATTEMPT TO QUESTION THE LEGITIMACY OF THE OF GIULIANI’S


FIRST MARRIAGE OR HIS FIDELITY SHOULD BE DEFLECTED AS A SHAMELESS
ACT OF NEGATIVE CAMPAIGNING BY A DESPERATE CANDIDATE UNWILLING TO
DEFEND HIS OWN RECORD OF PROFESSIONAL MISMANAGEMENT AND PERSONAL
IRRESPONSIBILITY.

The facts are, Giuliani was married to his second cousin, once removed, for 14 years. As he has done
in the past, it is recommended that Giuliani refuse to discuss this issue out of respect for Regina’s
privacy and because it is highly personal and has already been discussed at great length in the media.
Note that in undertaking the ”personal defense” strategy, the campaign will find it exceedingly
difficult to attack Dinkins with personal charges of their own.

The previous Giuliani defense: “’I will not respond to your question because it is personal,’ Giuliani
told Dominic Carter.” “’This is something I keep private because Regina does. I have great respect for
her and I care about her a lot,’ said Giuliani in published reports.”

”The Republican candidate continued, ‘Regina is a very private person and she hasn’t want[sic] to
talk about our 14 year marriage and it
seems to me I should respect her wish.’”

Amsterdam News, 10/28/89

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DRAFT DODGER

CHARGE: GIULIANI RECEIVED SPECIAL TREATENT FROM A FRIENDLY FEDERAL


JUDGE TO AVOID MILITARY SERVICE DURING THE VIETNAMWAR WHEN
THOUSANDS OF LESS FORTUNATE PEOPLE WERE DYING. THEN, AS A MEMBER OF
THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT, HE HYPOCRITICALLY PROSECUTED DRAFT-
DODGERS.

While many of his classmates and friends were risking their lives on foreign soil, Giuliani used his
connections to obtain an occupational deferment. After serving in the ROTC until being rejected for
physical reasons, Giuliani sought a deferment in 1968 and was rejected. A year later, the draft board
received a letter from federal Judge Lloyd MacMahon, and Giuliani received what experts
consider a rare occupational deferment. (See Appendix F-18)

“’The appropriate answer is no military service,’ Giuliani said.”

New York Post, 6/11/89

The history:

June 1963 -- Received 2-S classification for a student deferment.

Oct. 1963 -- Received 1-D, while in Manhattan College Air Force ROTC.

Mar. 1967 -- Reclassified 2-S, while at NYU Law School.

Oct. 1967 -- Received same deferment.

July 1968 -- Graduated law school, received 1-A, “available for military service.”
Nov. 1968 -- Received another 1-A.

Mar. 1969 -- Received 2-A classification—civilian occupational deferment from an Appeal Board.

Mar 1970 -- Reclassified to 1-A, received number 308, not called.

“Giuliani did not attend the war in Vietnam because federal Judge Lloyd MacMahon wrote a letter to
the draft board in 1969 and got him out. Giuliani was a law clerk for MacMahon, who at the time was
hearing selective service cases. MacMahon’s letter to Giuliani’s draft board stated that Giuliani was
so necessary as a law clerk that he could not be allowed to get shot at in Vietnam.”

Jimmy Breslin,Newsday, 10/1/89

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“Until 1968, Giuliani had been able to obtaineducational deferments while he attended college and
law school.

“The Post said federal records showed Giuliani was then classified as ’available’ for military service
and applied to his draft board for an
occupational deferment.

“Such deferments were granted in the main topeople in essential jobs such as police officers and
public officials.

”The local draft board turned him down, but Giuliani, who was 24 at the time, appealed the decision,
the newspaper said.”

United Press International, 6/11/89

And of course the letter was destroyed.

”Selective Service records that would include the letter of Judge MacMahon wrote for Giuliani have
been destroyed, according to the
Selective Service System in Washington. “And Perkins, who insists it was common for federal judges
to write letters to draft boards for
their clerks, said Giuliani no longer has MacMahon’s letter.”

New York Post, 6/11/89.

So while Giuliani kicked back in his Lay-Z-Boy... “The special draft status came in a year in which
more than 14,500 American

servicemen lost their lives in Vietnam.”

United Press International, 6/11/89

While Giuliani avoided military service, others his age died. His excuses are just that—excuses!
“’Judge MacMahon wrote a letter
for all the clerks in his office. Ask other judges - they all did it.’

”But former Manhattan federal Judge Marvin E. Frankel, who was on the bench during the Vietnam
era, flatly contradicted Perkins. “’Not by
any means was a law clerk automatically deferred,’ he said, ‘I don’t remember ever writing a letter for
any of my clerks.’ “Asked if it was
common practice for federal judges to write letters to draft boards for their law clerks, Judge Frankel
said: “’Not so far as I know.’”

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New York Post, 6/11/89

“That statement was utter nonsense and also was delivered with the kind of haughtiness that gets you
maimed in anelection. “The halls of justice sure wouldn’t have collapsed if Giuliani took two years
for military service. At that time, at age 24, he would have been taken quickly. Many were being
killed in Vietnam - 14,589 Americans died in 1968 alone. “Giuliani himself has never said anything
that would cause question about the deferment to disappear.
Let me be the first to tell him: The judge’s letter is brutal, if you want to be mayor.” “In 1969, the first
year David Dinkins didn’t file his tax return, Rudolph Giuliani filed a letter from a federal judge that
kept him out of the service during Vietnam. Giuliani then went to a job in the Justice Department in
Washington at a time when there was a great crackdown on Vietnam War resisters.”

Jimmy Breslin, Newsday,10/1/89

“Giuliani had been turned down in his bid to obtain an occupational deferment for his work as a law
clerk before the judge wrote to the draft board in 1968, the newspaper said. “Spokesman for the
Republican mayoral candidate told the Post such occupational deferments were routine, but experts
informed the paper they were almost never granted to law clerks.”

emphasis added, United Press International, 6/11/89

Giuliani’s draft deferment: A “one in a million occurrence.”

“But more than a dozen draft experts and lawyers knowledgeable on the Vietnam-era draft told The
Post an occupational deferment for a law clerk in 1969 was almost unheard of. “One leader of a
veteran’s group called it a ‘one in a million’ occurrence.”

New York Post, 6/11/89

Ironically, after avoiding the fighting, Giuliani worked in a department supposed to punish others
who did the same.

”The Justice Department is preparing to prosecute young men who fail to register for a draft, top-
level officials disclosed Tuesday.

"The government has formulated guidelines for prosecutors to use indeciding who should be
prosecuted. The guidelines will be sent to local U.S. attorneys around the country for their use.

“’The attorney general made the decision that we are going to prosecute these cases. Now it’s a
question of how we are going to prosecute,’ Associate
Attorney General Rudolph Giuliani told United Press International.

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”’Our intention will be quite clearly to enforce the law,’ the official said.”

emphasis added, UPI, 9/8/81

“Six years after Judge MacMahon wrote his letter, Giuliani took a top-level Justice Dept. job in which
he helped carry out the strictest part of President Ford’s policy on dealing with suspected Vietnam
draft-dodgers.”

New York Post, 6/11/89

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DRAFT DODGER

DEFENSE: GIULIANI DID NOT AVOID MILITARY SERVICE. IN FACT, HE JOINED THE
AIR FORCE ROTC PROGRAM, BUT WAS PROCESSED OUT BECAUSE OF AN EAR
PROBLEM. GIULIANI WAS SERVING HIS COUNTRY WHEN HE RECEIVED HIS
DEFERMENT AND WHEN HE FINISHED HIS WORK AS A LAW CLERK HE ENTERED
THE DRAFT LOTTERY.

“I was in the Air Force ROTC, but I got washed out of flight training because when I was young, I
punctured two eardrums. It caused a minor hearing problem. I was very disappointed because I
wanted to fly. I had student deferments during school, and then when I entered the draft lottery, I
pulled number 300, 306, something like that.”

Rudolph Giuliani, New York, 5/25/87

The campaign defense in 1989:

“Giuliani’s campaign spokesman, Charles Perkins, called it ‘a standard deferment that was automatic
for law clerks.’”

Jimmy Breslin, Newsday, 10/1/89

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ANTI-GAY

CHARGE: LIKE A LONG LINE OF REPUBLICANS BEFORE HIM, GIULIANI SUPPORTS


A RANGE OF POLICIES THAT ARE INSENSITIVE TO THE CONCERNS AND NEEDS OF
THE GAY COMMUNITY.

CONTEXT: In 1989, Rudy Giuliani was repeatedly called anti-gay by gay groups and Mayor Koch,
primarily because of his opposition to Koch’s order to give paid bereavement leave to homosexuals
and his opposition to licensing gay marriage. Giuliani was also attacked because of his association
with individuals—like Bob Grant and Roger Ailes—considered insensitive to gay concerns. This time
around, while openly courting the gay vote, Giuliani will be
vulnerable for his participation in the St. Patrick’s Day Parade and the distribution of free needles.

REBUTTAL STRATEGY: Giuliani already has done much to soften his image with the gay
community. The outreach strategy initiated by the campaign seems to have borne results. This type of
activity needs to continue. Giuliani is pretty good on most issues of concern to gay and lesbian New
Yorkers. Gay marriage really is the only issue where Giuliani opposes the gay agenda.

The campaign needs to finesse the Rainbow curriculum issue. Many gays incorrectly view Rainbow
as teaching tolerance in public schools. The campaign must make clear its interest in teaching
tolerance, but that tolerance is not the real purpose of Rainbow. Politically speaking, the campaign
should utilize Massachusetts Governor William Weld as a surrogate on gay and lesbian issues.

Like Giuliani, Weld is a former federal prosecutor, Justice Department official and liberal Republican,
committed to increasing the civil rights and legal protections of gays and lesbians. Ultimately actions
speak louder than words. Dinkins’ support for gay and lesbian issues merely amount to rhetoric.
During the campaign, Giuliani should look for the opportunity through his actions to show that he
will be an advocate for tolerance of all people.

RUDY GIULIANI:

PRACTICING THE POLITICS OF RACIAL POLARIZATION

CHARGE: RUDY GIULIANI IS A RACIST. HE RAN A RACIST CAMPAIGN AGAINST


DAVID DINKINS IN 1989. HE IS THE RACIAL POLARIZER WHO PARTICIPATED IN
THE COP RALLY WHERE OFF-DUTY OFFICERS VICIOUSLY ATTACKED THE MAYOR.
AS U.S. ATTORNEY HE FAILED TO BRING CIVIL RIGHTS CASES AGAINST BRUTAL
POLICE OFFICERS AND RUTHLESS VIGILANTES.

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CONTEXT: Rudy Giuliani is vulnerable to charges of insensitivity toward racial minorities. On the
most basic level, any white candidate running against the first African-American mayor in the city’s
history is going to have problems in the minority community. But as a Republican and a former
prosecutor, Giuliani’s difficulties are even more acute.

Look for David Dinkins to drive deep wedges among minority voters over Giuliani’s leadership of the
Reagan Administration’s Haitian detention policy. Giuliani’s campaign for mayor four years ago was
viewed as racist by many in the minority community. Giuliani’s exploitation of the Dinkins-Jackson
relationship in the Jewish community was viewed by many as racist.

Dinkins may also take Giuliani to task for racial slurs uttered by former Giuliani campaigner Jackie
Mason. Further, Giuliani’s performance at the cop rally troubled many New Yorkers, none more than
African-American and Latino New Yorkers. Giuliani’s support of the police and “police issues”—like
the all-civilian complaint review board, 9-mm. service pistols, and the death penalty—does not help
dissuade minority voters that Giuliani is sensitive to their concerns. The “Son of Brinks” case also
might be racially exploited.

Simply put, Dinkins won’t have to work hard during painting Giuliani as a racist... Unless Giuliani
reaches out and softens his image. Giuliani is in an enviable position. “Sensitivity” expectations for
Giuliani with minorities are so low that a little effort could go a long way. Thus even small outreach
efforts by Giuliani this year could have broad implications. Rudy Giuliani can—and should—be
redefined for all voters, but especially minority voters.

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REBUTTAL STRATEGY:

In order to reintroduce Giuliani to voters, the campaign should embark on an aggressive outreach
program that includes some of the following tactics:

The campaign should reach out to minority leaders and attempt to establish at least a cordial
professional relationship with as many as possible. When bombs start flying, a few of these “friends”
may provide some air-cover.
The campaign should schedule more events in minority neighborhoods. Minority voters will have a
more difficult time hating Giuliani if they see him in their
community on a fairly regular basis.
The campaign should aggressively market Giuliani’s record on prosecuting corrupt cops as an
inoculation against the charge that Giuliani wants a police state to arrest all minorities.

Winning over large numbers of minority voters will always be a difficult task for the Giuliani
campaign. Expectations for this inoculation strategy must not be
overexaggerated. However, outreach to predominantly minority neighborhoods could produce more
benefits than just improved relations in the minority community—white liberal voters can be won
over just by softening Giuliani’s image on racial issues.

Most importantly, the campaign must understand that if Rudy Giuliani is to govern effectively after he
defeats David Dinkins, he must go out of his way
to establish, at least, good working relationships with leaders in the minority community. As mayor
Giuliani will have to bring New York City together.

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PARTY REGISTRATION FLIPFLOP

CHARGE: GIULIANI IS A MAN WITHOUT CONVICTIONS. HIS POLITICAL


OPPORTUNISM DROVE HIM FROM MCGOVERN
DEMOCRAT TO REAGAN REPUBLICAN. HE WILL DO WHAT ANYTHING IT TAKES
TO GET WHAT HE WANTS.

CONTEXT: In many ways Rudy Giuliani is a political contradiction. He never really fit the mold the
typical Reagan administration political appointee. He doesn’t really fit in with the Republicans. Too
liberal. Giuliani has troubles with the Democrats, too. They have problems with his aggressive pursuit
of criminals and worry about his view of civil liberties. Too conservative.

If the Giuliani campaign ran smoothly in 1989, Giuliani would be viewed today as the perfect non-
politician politician. A man above party labels.
However, the Giuliani four years ago did not run smoothly. The candidate was derided by his
opponents as a flip-flopper, not revered as a statesman. Giuliani’s travel across the political system
was used effectively by two Giuliani opponents—Ronald Lauder, from the right, and David Dinkins,
from the left. Giuliani’s lack of consistency on major issues, like abortion, also reinforced criticism
that he would do anything to get himself elected. (See Appendix F-2and F-3).

REBUTTAL STRATEGY:

The party affiliation charge is best countered pro-actively. The campaign, as part of its program to fill
out the Giuliani biography, should place special emphasis on why the Democratic party captured
Giuliani’s interests as a young man and then why he left it. At all times, explanations of the party
switch shouldbe well thought out to provide the best possible political spin.

For example, Giuliani might want to describe his exodus from the Democratic Party as a result of his
disgust with New York City’s corrupt clubhouse brand of politics. This answer enhances Giuliani’s
image as a reformer. Giuliani might choose to explain his party switch as more philosophically
driven.

Giuliani left the Democratic Party because of the free-spending policies that would bankrupt
government’s and make social welfare programs obsolete. Whatever course the campaign and the
candidate take on the party switch issue, all should be aware of a basic rule of politics: define yourself
before your
opponent defines you. Giuliani must address questions about why he switched parties. If Giuliani

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doesn’t do this, Dinkins will answer these questions and the inferences Dinkins draws about Giuliani
will not assist the Giuliani election effort.

In 1973, Giuliani claims he became an Independent to help him remain free from political
constraints as a federal prosecutor. In 1980, he lost this moral conscious and registered
Republican.

“He changed his registration to independent in 1973, partly because he thought it was best to be
unaffiliated politically as a federal prosecutor. In 1980, he
registered as Republican.”

Newsday, 1/29/89

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