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Feudal Tenure and Latin Colonization at Rhodes: 1306-1415 Author(s): Anthony T.

Luttrell Source: The English Historical Review, Vol. 85, No. 337 (Oct., 1970), pp. 755-775 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: Accessed: 08/09/2009 07:28
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Feudaltenure Latincolonization Rhodes: at and

Hospitallersof the Order of Saint John of Jerusalemaccumulated a varied experience of the techniques of colonization on their extensive Europeanestates as well as in the East. They learnedto encouragesettlersby offeringthem both feudal and other forms of tenure, whether to safeguardthe Hospital's possessions in Syria,1 to exploit its rich Gascon lands through the creation of numerous communities known as sauvetes,2or to repopulateand defend the Driven out of Syriaat the fall of Acre in 1291,the plains of Castile.3 firston Cyprusand then, Hospitallersestablishedtheir headquarters after 1306, at Rhodes, where the old problems of settlement and
defence had to be solved in new circumstances.4 By 313 the Hospital had acquired, and needed to protect, a number of towns and castles, taken from both Greeks and Turks on the mainland as well as on Rhodes and the nearby islands.5 The Master of the Hospital Fr. Foulques de Villaret, who had skilfully managed the conquest of Rhodes from the Greeks, was said to have held 'many castles in Turkey' which he had captured from the infidels,6 and his exploits against the Turks won praise from the Venetian Marino Sanudo who was with him at Rhodes.7 Under its Byzantine rulers the Rhodian archipelago had suffered from Turkish incursions, and the campaign which its conquest involved reduced the Greek population even further.8 Men and horses

the two centuries before the conquest of Rhodes the

and o (London, c. I. J. Riley-Smith, TheKnights St. JohninJerusalem Cyprus: loo-3I of 967); see also J. Prawer, 'Colonization Activities in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem', Revuebelgedephilologieet d'histoire,vol. xxix (I95I). 2. P. Ourliac, Les sauvetes Comminges: du itudeset documents les villages sur fondespar les des Hospitaliersdansla region coteauxcommingeois (Toulouse, I947). 3. S. Garcia Larragueta, 'La Orden de San Juan en la crisis del Imperio Hispanico del siglo XII', Hispania, vol. xii ( 952); see also his El granprioradode Navarra de la Ordende San Juan de Jerusalen: siglosXII-XIII, 2 vols. (Pamplona, 957). a la 4. J. Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers Rhodesjusqu'a mortde Philibertde Naillac: 13o10-421 (Paris, 1913); the more recent bibliography for the fourteenth century can be traced through A. Luttrell, 'Intrigue, Schism, and Violence among the Hospitallers of Rhodes: 1377-1384', Speculum, vol. xli (1966). The precise chronology and details of the conquest of Rhodes, which took place between 1306 and 1310, remain uncertain. 5. Text infra, document i. 6. Text (composed by I357) in L. de Mas-Latrie, 'Notice sur les Archives de Malte a Cite-la-Valette,' Archivesdes missionsscientifiques littiraires, i ser., vi (Paris, 1857), et 29. A Turkish chronicle mentioned Christian attacks around Ephesus c. I305-8, which P. Lemerle, L'emiratd'Aydin, Byzance l'Occident: et recherches 'La Gested'UmurPacha' sur (Paris, I957), pp. 25-26, considers likely to have been Byzantine attacks. ineditesou peu Greco-Romanes 7. Istoria del Regnodi Romania,in C. Hopf, Chroniques connues (Berlin, I873), p. 167. 8. Statistics are lacking; L. Livi, Prime lineeper una storia demografica Rodi e delle di isole dipendenti dall'etd classicaai nostrigiorni (Florence, 1944), pp. 81-82, guessed at a population of about Io,ooo for Rhodes in 1306.

and they acquired many fine people who wished to come to Rhodes to increase and augment the place. Paris. which technically formed part of the Christian though schismatical empire of Byzantium. Finke. 1906).c a darmaset . ape. Recueildes Historiensdes Croisades:Documentsarmeniens. 13 2 the Aragonese envoy at the Council of Vienne reported 'que ara hic havia vengudes letres. and afterwards they reduced to obedience several places in Turkey which gave them tribute.v. The acquisition of Rhodes and the nearby islands. this document has hitherto been overlooked. described as a paragium seu societas. which he purportedly gave to the Hospital. On 22 Apr. p. San Juan . 1340:. and to have one other casale of his choice on Rhodes. 2. De itinere Terrae Sanctae. 5v (misdated 'mcccvi)' wrongly gives: m. ii des Papsttumund Untergang Templerordens. to be composed of iooo foot and 500 horse. On Kos and Leros. Vat. homes 3. There is no evidence that these mainland conquests.but Vignolo was to retain the casaleon Rhodes already granted him by the emperor of Constantinople. 37. 67. quels Espitallers della mar havien hauda batayla ab los Turcs e quen havia morts mes de MD dels Turchs e dels Espitallers tro a LXXXV': H. 1907). The Hospital was to hold Rhodes. had originally been the subject of an agreement. briefly held and unidentifiable. fo. Lat. who sported a dubious title to the islands of Kos and Leros and could provide some of the necessary shipping. 27. Deycks (Stuttgart.v." A statute passed at the Chapter-General of the Order held at Rhodes in April I 3I declared ambitiously that the Hospital needed to maintain a force of I 500 men-at-arms. in legajo 7I7. fo. two-thirds of the revenue and produce were to go to the Hospital and one third to Vignolo. Biblioteca Vaticana.c homes cavalet . 13531. Bibliotheque Nationale. 1851). Kos and Leros. 865. however acquired. They began to refortify the castle at Rhodes.fortissimumin Turchia parvumhabentcastrum. F.2 At about the beginning of 1312 the Hospitallers were able to win a naval victory against the Turks. but Ludolph de Suchem. MS. for the defence of the whole island. MS. Les Gestesdes Chiprois. et . 3i36. fo..3 but nonetheless they were in need of ships and sailors as well as soldiers and animals.m. wrote c. and they sought colonists from the West to defend their new territories and to sustain the struggle with the Turks: 'they worked on the said castle and strengthened it on all sides.Arag6n. the collectors being appointed jointly.his powers were to include the right to create notaries. Archivo Hist6rico Nacional. the I. which were explicitly excluded from the paragium.ed. In all the other islands. . and to punish all except brethren of the Hospital with death and mutilation. (Munster. and on the other islands to be captured Vignolo was to be vicariusseujusticiarius. doc. to appoint baillis and other officials. . Madrid. yet there was land to spare and the Hospitallers were naturally anxious to grant it out in order to build up a dependable Latin element as a counterpoise to the Greeks. ii (Paris. were ever colonized. 146.concluded near Limassol in Cyprus on 27 May 1306 between the Hospitallers and the Genoese corsair Vignolo de Vignolo.756 FEUDAL TENURE AND October were scarce. Ordenes militares.

pp. Nor was it a pareage of the type so commonly used to create new settlements in France. Les Hospitaliersen TerreSainteet a Chypre:I10oo-13o (Paris.5 Much of the bull was composed in feudal terms. fos. Lat.4 The Hospital attempted at first to continue the old-fashioned feudal ways of attracting settlers which had been familiar to its brethren in Syria. cismarinispartibus. circulating a magistral bull dated 14 May which was written on parchment and sealed with the Master's leaden seal. and which must have been familiar to many of the numerous French Hospitallers. A statue of 1314 referred to 'le casal qui fu de sira vinhol' (Biblioteca Vaticana. Foulques de Villaret. acting with the assent of the senior brethren of the Hospital at Rhodes. The agreement was not in force for long. fo. . p. 5. pp. A miles who came to settle with his wife and family would receive lands valued at 65 librae. cf. Ibid. A noble who was not a knight would receive a fief valued at 40 librae if he came with his wife and family. towns and fertile lands conquered by the Hospital on the islands and the mainland. he was not heard of again. MS. Venice. and two men.l There was no mention of Vignolo holding these lands in fief or owing any kind of service. It began by speaking of the castles. either a crossbowman (arbalestarius)or a lance (lancearius). 276. 326. and of the need for colonists to cultivate these lands and to defend them against the schismatical Greeks and infidel Turks from whom they had been taken by force. few documents issued at Rhodes in the years following 1306 survive in the original or in copy. or at 30 librae if he came without. In 3 I3 Fr. Some time before June 1311 Vignolo's ship was captured by the Genoese while on its way from Rhodes to Candia3. one of them aptus ad arma. if he came without wife and family the value would be 5o librae. 274-276 n. appealed for colonists from the West. I87aI88v: text in J. 69). each such noble was to maintain a horse and a follower on foot. and was to be measured according to the annual value of the land in librae tournois or the equivalent. Archivio di Stato. Delaville.1970 LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES 757 Order reserving an overall appellate jurisdiction. The paragium was not a feudal contract. Vat.document I). 1904). Vignolo de Vignolo participated in the conquest of Rhodes. 2. fo.2 but when the Hospitallers seized Genoese shipping which was contravening papal prohibitions by trading extensively in Egypt and Syria. Archives of the Order of St. the Genoese reacted with bitter attacks on the Hospital. i. Such a knight and his successors would be obliged to maintain a good war-horse and either a good or pack-horse (ronsinum) a mule. 3. Rhodes. Delaville le Roulx. Commemoriali. John]. 2. [Royal] Malta [Library. What is apparently the only known example of this appeal is in the archives of the Priory of Navarre (text infra. i66v. I. The extent of the fief would vary with the settler's condition. IO-II. 3136. The Hospitallers offered possessions to be held in feudumperpetuumto any who would come from beyond the seas to settle on their side of the sea . cod.

and any knight or noble who needed a horse or other animals to fulfil his obligations would initially be provided with them. would have his fief augmented according to his new status. In the kingdom of Jerusalem vassals were also. apparently. 155-7.. where the constant danger meant that vassals were bound to serve the whole year round. or alternatively of I. J. and an officer or navigator in i. supposed to serve outside the kingdom for a period of time to be fixed in advance. if they were kept beyond the time agreed they had to be paid. 141-3.1 The bull of 3 3 made more generous offers to those who would maintain a ship ready to serve the Hospital. . to be raised to 30 besants when at sea. except ecclesiastical obligations and the naval service owed to the Hospital. and also that they had to follow where the king or his son went in besants of theoretically Rhodes. which the bull said was to be properly equipped as laid down in the Customs of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and Cyprus. or a noble or knight who married in Rhodes. Any settler prepared to provide a galley of from 112 to z20oars. The settlers were to enter a contract with the Hospital by which they and their successors would be bound to serve the Order within the Hospital's lands as often as necessary and at their own expense. FeudalMonarchy the Latin Kingdom Jerusalem: of IIoo to 1291 (Cambridge. They were also obliged to give service outside those lands at their own expense on any expedition which took no more than a day. La Monte. I932). The Hospitallers had been accustomed to somewhat similar conditions in Syria. pp.758 FEUDAL TENURE AND October A noble who became a knight. All settlers who came would be maintained at the expense of the Hospital during the first year. galley-captain (comitus galee) would receive 20 besants of Rhodes a month ad vitam suam. Furthermore a knight or noble who maintained a good packhorse worth 200 gros tournois of silver would have his fief increased to the value of an extra 20 librae annually. Mass. These lands would be free of all other burdens. not just for forty days as in the West. After the barons of Cyprus refused to follow the king to Syria in 1272. but if they served longer than that the Hospital would pay their expenses according to their status. Any settler providing some other armed vessel (lignum armatum)would be recompensed according to the size of the ship and the number of its oars. would receive lands and possessions in turonenses to pheudum grossiargentiperpetuum an annual value of 2.000ooo worth o00 librae -. Any serviens pedes or agricultor who came to settle would receive lands and feudal possessions (tam in terris quampossessionibus to pheodalibus) an annual value of 5 or 3 librae respectively for himself and his successors. To sailors who would settle in the Order's territories A the Hospital offered a non-feudal stipendium. it was established that they were obliged to do service outside the kingdom for four months in twelve.

and when ashore his victuals: suapanatica sue pro substentacione vite. xxvi (1958).while the brothers did homage and fealty as vassals. (I967). Revuede l'Orient latin. Martoni reported wrongly (cf. but was not to be alienated to any outside person: in nullam aliam personamextraneamtransferatur. In fact. tection for their dangerously exposed island by agreeing to hold it as vassals and to owe naval service to the Hospital. and by June 1316 the Hospitallers had abandoned Skarpathos and Kassos. 'Venice and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes in the Fourteenth Century'. p. phrase which may have disguised an intention to establish a feudal type of relationship. i (Venice. Le deliberaZioni ConsigliodeiRogati (Senato):Serie'Mixtodel rum'. 'Pages from the Medieval History of Nisyros: I306-1453' ii [in Greek]. and in 1314 the Hospital proposed a compromise by which Andrea Cornaro would a hold the islands from the Hospital in tenutamet possessionem. . the Hospital also seized the isles of Skarpathos and Kassos. A document given by Fr. 30-38. Years later it was believed that Nisyros had been received by the Assanti of Ischia as the ransom of a Turkish lord they had The Assanti certainly had a pirate captured with their galley de corso. binding themselves and their heirs to maintain a galley of 120 oars permanently equipped and ready to I. The most important single arrangement to follow upon this appeal involved the island of Nisyros and had a largely defensive purpose.2 and if they did secure Nisyros they presumably sought progalley. Cessi . 'Relation du pelerinage a Jerusalem de Nicholas de Martoni. I96-7. The island was to pass to their heirs and legitimate descendants in perpetuity. ed. Foulques de Villaret at Rhodes on I 5 August I316 recorded the enfeoffment of Nisyros to the brothers Giovanni and Bonavita Assanti of Ischia in recognition of their many outstanding services against the Hospital's enemies. Legrand.1 However the Order retained direct control of Kos.I970 LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES 759 ten besants monthly ad vitam suam. Z. Tsiripanlis. which lay to the north of Rhodes. The Venetians reacted sharply. Papers of the British Schoolat Rome. and it secured a position on Nisyros. L. but correctly that Nisyros reverted to the Hospital on the death of Antonio's son. iii (I895). Details and references in A. from the Venetian Andrea Cornaro. this story rings true.395'.The Hospital reserved the superior lordship and the merumet mixtum imperium. At the time Rhodes was attacked in 1306. 762) that it was Antonio Assanti who captured the Turk. the Venetians were besieging Nisyros. Possession of these islands was a strategic necessity to the Hospitallers at Rhodes. Sambin. 5 when at sea. 202. and they were attempting to gain control of the nearby island of Kos. Luttrell. A rubric in the lost Venetian Misti read: 'Per comunes amicos cognoscatur utrum magistrum Hospitalis debeat inducere dominum Andream Cornario in tenutam et possessionem Scarpantiet insularum acceptarum': text in R. situated between Rhodes and Crete. 146. A (naucherius) sailor or oarsman (galiotus) was offered the normal pay of a galley galiotuswhile he was at sea. Dodekanesiaka. 582. 2. infra.P. notaire italien: 1394. The proposal was rejected. I960).

faissant le servize de mer' (GestesdesChiprois. and repeats their errors. one of the brothers was to serve on it in person. 37-41 et passim) most relevant to the present topic is largely derived from Bosio. Subsequently Nisyros passed to Giovanni's son Jacopo and to Bonavita's son Ligorio who held it jointly in feudumpro indivisoas convassalli.2 The various versions of the Assises of Jerusalem and Cyprus seem not to have contained any reference to galley service in return for a fief or to the restorof a galley.200 gold florins. Mollat. That part of Tsiripanlis (pp. known in the kingdom of Jerusalem and elsewhere as restor. Recueil .. the king of Jerusalem granted fiefs. '. who wanted to keep the whole fief in the family and had claimed it as Ligorio's kinsman.3 The exceptional arrangements made at Rhodes presumably represented an adaption to maritime circumstances of normal feudal customs known to the Hospitallers in Jerusalem and Cyprus. to Jacopo Assanti. briefly and some.. 137. 146. 1893). Lois. Rome.asses de Poulains dou port. and in K. he failed to appear when summoned to justice and was deprived of his half of the fief. lost while serving his lord. ii.1 In the contract of I3I6 the Hospitallers undertook that if the galley were lost while in the Order's service. on i July 1341.' This was apparently a special case of the practice. Mollat adds 'L'usage se developpa au XIIIe s.. 361-4 (I316). 2 vols. He had broken his oath of homage. but he cites a sole concession of I199: text in R. qui et que in eo consueverint in concessionibus galearum hujus modi antiquitus observari. (1967). 4. vom Griechenlands Beginndes Mittelaltersbis auf die neuere Geschichte Zeit.4 The pay offered to sailors in the appeal of 313 was possibly I. Hopf and Delaville. 712). 370-3 (134I). in G. 31. .UDAL TENURE AND October serve the Hospital.760 FE. 3. et le roy lor douna fies. 754. though on at least one occasion. Hopf. which was held to have reverted to the Hospital. . Rohricht. i6i.p. Bosio. Texts with further details in Malta. Years later Ligorio was condemned for piratical attacks against Rhodian and Cypriot merchants. Dell 'Istoria della Sacra Religione di San Giovanni ii Gierosolimitano. i (1841). 463. it was not clear who was to provide the crew. and certain other provisions. i. to the poulains douport at Acre. by which a vassal secured the replacement of any equipment. 1629). 613-15. 241-243v.. at a price which was finally lowered to 1. Bosio and Hopf used the terms feudo and Lehen without strict justification. 83. secundum usus et consuetudines regni Jherusalem. 'Problemes navals de l'histoire des croisades'. no. I867-8). cod. printed in Delaville.pp. the king of Cyprus pressed for action against him.. the galley was to be renewed periodically. 148-50. times inaccurately. in 1232. normally a horse. fos. (Leipzig. who served at sea. RegestaregniHierosolymitani: 1097-129r (Innsbruck. 349. Some time later. and the Order promised to provide the bread and biscuit. Cahiersde x civilisation midievale. the Master sold Ligorio's half. These and some of the other Malta documents used below were cited. but there seems to be no evidence for that. Rhodes. presumably in money. 323. 105. (2nd ed. According to M. the count of Tripoli maintained a permanent navy by conceding money-fiefs in return for the service of an armed galley. the Hospital would replace it: 'dare promittimus et debemus unam galeam aliam in restaurum. Except in the case of legitimate impediment.'. qui avoient ne say quans vaisseaus armees. 395. . 2.

Borrello Assanti of Ischia. Richard. while they had to man their own few vessels through a system of compulsory service.tic Chronicle. 3. the document made no mention of his becoming a vassal of the Order. the besant blanc of Cyprus was then also worth about 2 gros tournois: J. was granted the small islands of Kalkia and Piskopia. I 962). who jointly held Nisyros in fief. though Borrello had to provide guard-service according to a contract. the Venetians paid i8o grossi(perhaps 382 silver grams) or even more to a captain. The Hospital reserved the superior lordship. I966). Malta. the falcons of the island for the use of the Master. but would perhaps have enjoyed lower living costs.' Numism. which lay between Rhodes and Nisyros. The Hospitallers always had difficulty in raising a fleet. on 20 May of 366.60 and 4. burgensis Rhodes. and others state that Borrello held his lands in fief. ii. he was to maintain three men to guard it. 1921). but he was not to exact any service from them which had not been exacted by the Hospitallers in the past. the Rhodian officers were to be paid at a lower rate while not at sea. Bertrando de Cantesio. at 200 gold florins a year. i (Paris. VeniceandHistory F. Bosio.' Annuario della Regia Scuola Archeologica Atene. half that to an officer. either party was to be able to revert to galley service at will. 'Light-weight coins of Peter I and Peter II of Cyprus. cod. 242v (I347). Fr. sons of the late Jacopo Assanti. 7-27. fos. Seltman.3 On 7 December 1374 the Master of the Hospital authorized the i. In about I 320.o). to suppress a rebellion against Novello. 'I monumenti medioevali delle tredici Sporadi. The present author is publishing his communication on the Rhodian servitudo marinagiven at the XIII International Congress of Byzantine Studies (Oxford.Milan. cod. while the Order would provide another three. were permitted on account of their youth to commute the service of the armed galley for an annual payment of 200 gold florins.1970 LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES 76I as good as that given elsewhere. in this case. G. Borrello was to begin at once to build a tower with a water-cistern of agreed sizes on Limonia. vi (I966). I6-I 8. Gabriel.imposed on a section of the Rhodian populace. ii. He was to have the right to buy a half of all goods sold by the islanders. the servitudo marina. 266-7. 2. 299-299v (I366). 240-240V. 317. At this time the gros of Cyprus weighed between 4. Nisyros was ruled for the young brothers by Novello Manocha of Ischia. Gerola. pp. ii (I916). who so oppressed the islanders that in November 1347 the Master at Rhodes had to send the Preceptor of Kos. La Cite de Rhodes:MCCCX-MDXXII. Thus the Hospitallers 7 offered 60 gros tournois (perhaps 253 silver grams) monthly to a galley-captain. . Cf. an islet off Kalkia. 319.. Subsequently. (Baltimore. Rodi e di di Malla (Rome . 235. fos.' but the uncertainties and dangers of settling in distant Rhodes probably proved unattractive. who describes a small tower on Limonia di (p. IoS. and the rights of wreck. ser. The turris antiquaon Limonia was in need of repair in 1476: text in A. Such comparisons are notoriously unreliable. 1926).68 silver grams: A.2 On 6 October 1347 Chiqui and Niccolo. pp. I966). Rossi. Storia della Marina dell 'Ordinedi San Giovannidi Gerusalemme. and were usually dependent on hiring Genoese and other galleys. sous Chypre lesLusignans (Paris. and half that to a mate (nauclerius): Lane. E. 9. figs. but in that case the Hospital could demand the money payment again when it wished. 147. The 313 text makes one besant of Rhodes equivalent to 2 gros tournois of silver.

Buffillo and his male heirs were to hold it in feudum nobileat 200 florins annually. Domenico de Alamania. I59-i6ov. 324. one of them very strong. 281. . Rhodes. who was also a Neapolitan.. 2. Fr. passim. Malta. plate I7. 379-80). Subsequently. cf.762 FEUDAL TENURE AND October heirs of Antonio Assanti. Domenico having renounced his rights to Nisyros. fos. cod. fos. spoke of five strong towns. and on the same day he called upon the governor of Nisyros to construct the galley owed to the Hospital and produce it according to the contract. fo. fo.. Riccardo Caracciolo. conceded Nisyros to his brother Jacopo on conditions similar to those imposed in earlier enfeoffments. 323. Juan Fernandez de Heredia licensed the Hospitaller Fr. .' pp. 220 (1382). Descriptiondes iles de l'Archipelpar Christophe ed. I37v-I38v (1386). cod. A few days later. and for a few years at least he paid the 200 florins due. fos.. Rhodes. the Neapolitan Urban VI. de Nicholas de Martoni. 'Relation . and probably they feared resistance at Nisyros from supporters of the Roman pope. 326.3 When Fr.'. I75-175V (I394). 3I-32. on 12 June.p. Schism. i. an arrangement which must have remained purely fictitious. Delaville. versiongrecque Buondelmonti: par un 3. n. 639-40. secured a vidimusof the charters of 13 6 and I341. fos. Legrand (Paris. 328. I87-9. at the instigation of his brother Niccolo Brancaccio. Juan Fernandez de Heredia at Avignon on 30 May I386. cod. the grant was confirmed by Fr. cod. 582-3. he was invested with the pacis osculumand performed homage and fealty. fos. 133-134 (1392). cod. who had apparently not exercised the right to purchase which he had been given in I382. reported that there were three castles. cod. vomited from its volcano. Domenico de Alamania to purchase the island. Ischia was close to Naples.2 A later description of Nisyros in about 1420 again mentioned the figs. The Veronese lawyer Niccolo de Martoni. a cardinal-protector of the Hospital. He mentioned that Nisyros produced great quantities of fruit.1 Nisyros was no mere barren isle.200 ducats a year. 320. On 8 April 1382 the Master Fr. E. who visited it in 1394 and I 395. Caracciolo's act of I386 is in cod. were collected and sold to merchants. 241-242V (1383). 321.pp. 'Intrigue. The Master and the majority of Hospitallers followed the Avignonese obedience in the papal schism. I897). leaving no male descendant of his body. and a year later on 12 April 1383 Bartolomeo Assanti of Ischia. Fantino Quirini was granted Nisyros in 1433. 325. Juan Fernandez de Heredia granted it on 31 January I392 to Buffillo Brancaccio. 3. Fr. Luttrell. and stated that large quantities of sulphur. and that the export of dried figs alone brought in 2. fos. who had succeeded him at Nisyros. By I386 however Bartolomeo himself had died. the son and heir of Antonio Assanti and presumably an Urbanist. 93-93V. to commute the feudal service of the galley they owed for five years. the Urbanist 'anti-Master' Fr. again for 200 gold florins annually. and several casalia. cod. 59 (1374: text in Delaville. anonyme. pp. Nisyros therefore reverted to the Hospital and was granted ad vitam to Fr.. 256.

Nos et domus nostra teneamurprovidere in expensis homini et equo predictis quamdiu servient extra insulam predictam. Fulco was to domicile himself with his wife and children in the island. 242V-243. but his agreement with the Hospital was not altogether forgotten and on 3 January I325 the Master Fr. cod. when Fulco renounced all other claims under the agreement of 306 and bound himself to serve the Hospital: ad defencionem ac custodiam dicte Insule Rodi servire ad expensas suas de uno homine latino et uno Roncino armorumarmatisbonis et sufficientibus infra ipsam insulam et extra in turquiamvel alibi quo ibit exercitus hospitalis quando et quotiens opus fuerit et per nos fuerint super hoc requisiti. paying a yearly cens of four rotula of wax. villeins and so on. phisicus and citizen of Genoa. with its lands.presumably a guard-duty.1 The one fourteenth-century example of a fief on the island of Rhodes itself was a special case. z. though military service was not the only matter at issue.2 The conditions concerning military service were broadly similar to those contained in the appeal of I313. fos. fOs. and in I365/6 the Master referred certain problems concerning the Vignolo fief to three judges at Rhodes. The judges held that the men of the casaleowed no obligations to the Order outside the casale.I97o LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES 763 it was made a condition that he must pay the rusticiof the island who worked the volcanic sulphur their accustomed wage. The Hospitallers' attempts to raise forces for the Alexandria crusade of I365 may have precipitated the question. Malta. Finally the judges ruled on the i. including those punishable with prison or corporal punishment. infeudumnobilein perpetuity. and he and his heirs were to hold Lardos. except in the construction of roads and bridges they themselves used daily. Vignolo disappeared in about I 3 I . The judges ruled that Fulco's heirs had jurisdiction at Lardos only in civil and pecuniary cases involving the men of the casale. slaves. for it involved the family of the Genoese Vignolo de Vignolo who had collaborated in the conquest of the island. waters. near Lindos on Rhodes. were to be punished by the Hospital. Doubts arose later as to their interpretation. Malta. Villani of the casale who failed to do the customary custodia. All other causes. cod. and of those fortifications in which they would themselves take refuge in time of danger.The settlement was finally concluded in 1329. 32. 350. Fulco was to do homage and fealty.6. Fulco was a brother of the late Vignolo de Vignolo and had himself participated in the conquest of Rhodes. which also retained the merumet mixtur imperiumand the power to inflict the pena sanguinis. Helion de Villeneuve granted the casale of Lardos. i86-i87vV . and in criminal cases concerning verbal quarrels and minor violence punishable with fines. he could neither sell nor alienate his fief without a licence from the Hospital. to Fulco de Vignolo. were reserved to the Hospital's courts.

p. 224. 327. fo. and was so wealthy and powerful that in 14I 3 he was described as 'almost lord' of Rhodes. cod.Clavelli had already purchased Nisyros. IIIV (I393). and to do custodiawithin the casale. ire quo placuerit domino. Malta. cod. On 20 May 1393 the Master did instruct that this be done but the decision was apparently reversed. genealogies of the Vignolo and Assanti in Hopf.. di Ghinassi. 332. in Miscellanea opuscoliinediti o rari dei secoliXIV e XV. Viaggio a Gerusalemme Nicole da Este descrittoda Luchino dal Campo.. 326. i (Turin. et si opus fuerit teneatur. Chroniques. I) used these documents inaccurately. and that the man was bound to serve whenever and wherever the Hospital required: quod debent tenere unum hominem latinum. The undocumented p. Yet subsequently Stefano de Vignolo. Clavelli and his descendants were to hold Lardos in perpetuity in feudum nobile. cod. misdated in Delaville. di 2. n. to 1443. 133 (1391). together with a maga. fos. from Buffillo Brancaccio for 5.' Dragonetto Clavelli thus acquired both the Hospital's fiefs. Ferrante was dead by I39I. despite the earlier regulations limiting the inheritance to legitimate descendants. i6i). 326-326V (I365/6). are not reliable. et equum. for on 28 August I402 the rich financier Dragonetto Clavelli was enfeoffed. the sale being confirmed on 29 September I401 by the Master who on this occasion insisted on altering the contract. i. who had inherited them from the late Stefano of whom he was son and heir. 3I9. 224. who held the other two-thirds of the fief. G.' Bosio (ii. fos. armatumprout in privilegio continentur et custodiam facere in Casali de lardo.enumin Rhodes. on terms similar to those of 1329. citizen of Rhodes. et ei fuerit preceptum. by Ferrante de Vignolo bastardus. with the whole fief. 491. except that there was an explicit insistence that the fief should pass only to legitimate male descendants of the vassal. fos. on the usual terms. cod. 2I3. At the same time the Master confirmed Clavelli's purchase of the other two-thirds from Simone de Vignolo. ambiguously. Hopf (ii. 331.p. ed. The judges declared. i86I). cod. In March 1382 one-third of Lardos was held in fief. but on his death the island was to revert to the Order and not pass to his ducats. . 114-15. n. fos. cod. Clavelli became a vassal and dominusof Nisyros. 148) and Delaville (Rhodes. 218 (1382). I27V-I28v.After his death that third was judged to have escheated to the Hospital. and on 6 November I391 the Master enfeoffed it to Nicolino de Lippe.764 FEUDAL TENURE AND October question as to whether the heirs were bound to provide the service of a man and horse in addition to their own service in person: an dictus Condam magister Fulco et heredes de uno homine latino et de equo armatisextra eorum personamprefate religioni servire teneantur. fo. complained that as neposand closest of kin to Ferrante he should be invested with Ferrante's third. Rhodes.2 I. I64V-I66V (I402). I65V-I66V (1401). yet the Master's document of 1402 referred to Ferrante's third passing lately to Clavelli: 'nuper ad vos [readnos?] de jure per mortem ferrandi de vingnolo. that the heirs were obliged to supply the man and horse as agreed in the contract of 1329.

such as existed in Jerusalem and Cyprus. The vassal was not to construct towers or fortifications. I9ov-I92. fos.2 For example. feudal institutions had not really been established on Latin Rhodes. Bosio. iv no. I86i).. and the Assise de Vente:a Study of Landed 5. I5-I6. 350. but there was no mention of military service. fos. 204. 339. I (I95 I).5 When the Master wanted to deprive Ligorio Assanti of his part of i.2 ser. Malta.4 Despite these formal survivals. Dragonetto Clavelli's wealth secured him both fiefs at a time when the Hospital was in financial difficulties following the disastrous crusade at Nicopolis. cod. ii. I9oV. fo. .1970 LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES 765 Lardos and Nisyros were exceptional cases. 167. 78v. The fief was not to be alienated but it could pass to the vassal's heirs of either sex even if they were not his direct descendants. fos. Clavelli held Nisyros and Lardos until his death in.1 Nisyros was in any case due to revert to the Hospital on Clavelli's death. and the legal structures and constitutional theories that went with feudal arrangements in the larger crusading states would simply have been irrelevant in Rhodes. 172-174. cod. but that was not a feudal arrangement. I75V. Economic HistoryReview. or shortly before. but after eighty-seven years it was to lapse. Salacos was still a fief in 1480 when its feudatarius was Gregorio Imperiale of Genoa (cod. (Paris. 96. 346. 4. Malta. and on 8 May 1433 he was granted the island for life at 600 florins annually. whose father Ottobono was a Genoese of Rhodes who had been Governor of Smyrna. became appaltator of Nisyros in 1432. Fantino Quirini. Malta. assises and feudal courts. The document still described the lord investing the vassal cum viretoseu baculoquemgestamusin manibusand the kiss or pacis osculumwhich completed the act of homage. 338. and the fief of Lardos must also have returned to the Order. fos. ii. Histoire de l'ile de Chypresous le de de iii desprinces la maison Lusignan. but on terms which differed from those previously imposed for Lardos and Nisyros. fos. He bequeathed all his possessions to his wife Agnese Crispo. de Mas-Latrie. Master of Rhodes. cod. 148-50. J. Sofredo Crispo alias Calvi. Prior of Rome. while the position of the Vignolo at Lardos derived from the family's special part in the conquest of Rhodes. seems to lack foundation. Cf. Fr. I75. 347. 349. 387. 164-165). 2. January I415. sub-infeudations and ligeances. cod. 3. cod. The contract was to last twenty-nine years and could be renewed twice. He was to pay an annual censusof I50 florins. 242V-243.3 The Order did not altogether abandon feudal forms of contract. Prawer. was enfeoffed with the Rhodian casaleof Salacos. Hopf's statement that regne Agnese Crispo held Nisyros until 1422 through an agent. incorrectly states that Nisyros was granted infeudo. 'The Assise de Teneure Property in the Latin Kingdom'. There was no complex system of feudal tenures and money-fiefs. Philibert de Naillac. Nisyros was thereafter held by brethren of the Hospital under various arrangements. Hopf. cod. texts in L. who sold them to Fr. On 26 October 1422 Antonio Cattaneo. Nisyros was a small island which the Hospitallers were probably reluctant to govern and defend themselves. fo.

cod. The enfeoffments of Lardos in 139I and of Nisyros in 1392 both made the emphasis on the masculine element explicit. for example. nepotibus proex ipse ac illis imperpetuum dumtaxat descendentibus.766 FEUDAL TENURE AND October the fief of Nisyros he took action coramjudice ordinariocurie Rodi while. cod. Delaville. cod. .p. and following his death the Hospital.2 There were casalia held jointly by Latins and Greeks or by Latins and Muslims in Greece and in Syria. of 1329 and of 1341 all referred to heredesand successores without specifying that they must be male. and in these it was the revenue rather than the land that was divided. fos. Ferrante de Vignolo held a third of Lardos in 1382. a small island on which the Hospital was itself the ultimate superior and I. Rhodes. in the absence of a formal feudal court. 332. Cf. that is shared rather than divided. at least at one point in I393. Jacopo and Ligorio Assanti. Subsequently. Both Lardos and Nisyros were held jointly. 3. agreed that his third should pass to Stefano de Vignolo. The Hospital maintained the principle of the indivisibility of the fief. 326-326v. this was a fictional provision since Clavelli also held the other two parts of Lardos. thus the enfeoffment of 316 was pro se suisque et filiis. Malta. while Ferrante de Vignolo was described in 1393 as having been feudatariuset condominus tertia parte indivisacasalis de Lardo. 2. I59-I6ov (I392). J. 325.they were jointly responsible for providing the service of its galley and in 1341 they were termed convassalli. xxx ( 953).vol. I65V-I66V (1402). and other texts cited supra. The colonization of conquered lands through the granting of fiefs to Latin settlers had been common in the crusading kingdoms of Jerusalem and Cyprus where the Hospitallers had been both feudal lords and vassals. who claimed it as nepos of Ferrante and his closest of kin. a legum curieRodi and ajudex Maleficiorum. D. held Nisyros infeudumpro indiviso.1 doctor. and in both cases until about 390 the vassals all came from a single family.Melanges d'archeologie d'histoire. Malta. 3I9.3 Something similar may have been the case with the Rhodian fiefs. he was to pay the four rotula of wax which the casale owed insimul cum aliis condominis dicti casallis. although they were not shared between Latins and other peoples. tonepotibus legitimis. 371. fos. but it expressed the principle that the obligations of the fief were to be rendered jointly. Nisyros had escheated to the Hospital because Bartolomeo Assanti had died leaving no male descendant of his body. the insistence was dropped. Jacoby. Syria.ajudex ordinarius The documents of I3I6. but conditions were different at Rhodes. lxxv (I963). pro When Dragonetto Clavelli was enfeoffed with Lardos on 28 August 1402. omnibus. vol. in the grants of Lardos in 1402 and of Salacos in 1422. 'Un regime de coseigneurie greco-franque en et Moree: les Casaux de Parfon'. fos. Richard 'Un partage de seigneurie entre Francs et Mamelouks: les Casaux de Sur'. and it was granted to Buffillo Brancaccio and to the male heirs of his body. the dispute over Lardos in about I 365 was referred to an ad hoccommission of three.

it was only Italians who were already involved in the East who acquired fiefs. byzantines: 2. Perroy. Cf. in 3. 23-23v (cf. The islands were comparatively poor and their future uncertain. yet the risks of the whole enterprise must have been apparent. . pp.. d'histoireet civilisation vol.3 which the document did not define. Poverty-stricken Westerners who felt clear on the often dubious point of their own noble status. Senato Mar. bureaucrats. II. Presumably they could before leaving secure assurances about their journey and about the value of the lands and the contract they would receive. 'Social Mobility among the French noblesse the Later Middle Ages'.2 or 'fiefs' and owed military service by contract. The ChapterGeneral held at Rhodes in September 335 empowered the Master. Venice. Past and Present. vol. lawyers and priests soon grew up in the port at Rhodes. Their status would have been similar to that of the men of Tinos and Mykonos.2 ser. D. ii (1967). 'Interessi fiorentini nell'economia e nella politica dei Cavalieri di Ospedalieri di Rodi nel Trecento'. Jacoby. although they were to hold per pactum.vol. fos. such as the servienspedes the agricultor and in the appeal of 1313. Thiriet. but few . would have owed offered possessiones pheodales military service without being vassals. two Aegean islands under Venetian control. Archivio di Stato. Thiriet. may have hoped. that they would prosper in Rhodes. 400-I). for example. E. Furthermore. in Rhodes. VII Congreso Historia de la Coronade Aragon: crdnica. In the end. La Romanievenitienne moyenage: le developpement l'exploitation du domainecolonialvenitien(XII-XV siecles) (Paris. storiaefilosofia. I962).4 but the colonization of the rest of the island went more slowly. ii (Barcelona. The method of colonizing land through the installation of vassals had also been used in most parts of Latin Greece and especially by the Venetians in Crete. I959). who held small hereditary pheudaand owed service at sea as crossbowmen. Luttrell. xxi (1962). but possessions' were not considered to be vassals. pp.. au et I. F. A. ponenciasycommunicaciones. The response to the appeal of 1313 was apparently very limited. Annali dellaScuolaNormaleSuperiore Pisa: Lettere.I970 LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES 767 recognized no overlord. while the accusations against the Templars and their dissolution in 1312 doubtless influenced others. but who were not all technically vassals. 4. 27I-9 et passim. if the appeal did reach them. Cf. though the conditions of the Venetian feudati in Crete and elsewhere in the Latin Orient were so unlike those of ordinary Western vassals that the word feudum and its variants came to have very different meanings.1 who were The humble men. 'Les archontes grecs et la feodalite en Moree franque'. Centrede Recherche Travauxet memoires. xxviii (I959). as in the kingdom of Jerusalem. there was no mention of homage.went there. de vol. A cosmopolitan community of merchants. bankers. their service was explicitly stated to be like that of alii vasalli et ceterihabentes They held 'feudal huiusmodifeuda.if any . I26-28. 'Aragoneses y catalanes en Rodas: I350-I430'. it proved easier to attract Latins to the town than to settle them on the land to farm and defend it. The conditions of military service may have daunted some.

280. 4. document 2). no. 3. to be held sub certo censuannuoin emphiteosim perpetuam. and they did not in themselves create an obligation to serve. Prawer. The arrangements for military service at Rhodes were almost entirely non-feudal in character. the hereditary grantee paying an annual rental while the Hospital reserved its superior lordship or dominium. and were not dissimilar from certain arrangements the Hospitallers had made in Syria where in an attempt to colonize their lands they had granted non-feudal tenures.5 Many of these grants in emphyteusis were made in recognition of past services. 317. 37v (I335). see also fos. the Master granted certain uncultivated lands in Rhodes which the Order could not easily till to Domenico de Leone and Manoli of Cosma. the Hospital reserving certain rights: 'laudimio iure prelationis et maiori dominio nobis et nostre domui semper salvis et specialiter reservatis'. For example. fo. 5. notably the jus praelationis which bound the grantee to offer the grantor the chance of buying back the property before it could be alienated to anyone else. 237-254. the grantor's right to one-fiftieth of the value of the property in the case of such alienation. or it was conditional upon the replanting of the land. 300-300o.768 FEUDAL TENURE AND October acting with the counsel of the senior brethren or proceres. Usually the land was granted in emphyteusis to the grantee and his heirs in lease lands: 'possit dare gentibus terras insule sub censu annuo in emphiteosim perpetuam'. cod. Many not easily work the lands involved and preferred to lease them at an annual rent. Malta. pp. for example. fos. cod.Many of the documents mentioned other Roman Law features. 28 (text infra. Malta. Sometimes the grant was for life or for ten years only. 247). 317 contains the earliest series of documents concerning Rhodes surviving in a magistral register. Roman Law conditions under which these grants were made varied considerably. 43 (1337). The brethren of the Hospital stationed in the islands and the various classes among the Latin I. 1087-95. i6. Malta. 317.4 These grants did not involve military service. 1339 (cod. and the laudimia.2 Properties in the town and throughout the island were granted through non-feudal tenures to both Greeks and Latins. Malta.1 Thus on 6 September 1338.3 Lands on the island of Kos were granted in the same way. 52 (I344). cod. and on 22 October 1358 it was decided that uncultivated land there was to be let at the highest possible rent in perpetual emphyteusis. reserving the Order's dominiumand receiving an annual census. a similar grant of 2 Apr. 'Colonization Activities'. cod. and to their heirs and successors. including brethren of the Hospital. The non-feudal. habitatores Rhodes. 2. fo. cod. between i May 1347 and 20 March 1348 over twenty grants or confirmations involving lands of and outside the castrum burgus Rhodes were recorded in the Master's of these grants declared that the Hospital itself could register. 316. . fos.

fo. Malta. 475. Aven. In fact. Archivio Vaticano. cod. 321.pp. 7. such as those on the galleys. military official of some sort who. and this seems to be the only surviving text of its kind for that period. 2. There was the different and possibly rare case of Opetino de Garinbaldis. CCC . 233 (347). 5. LXXXV-NO. cod. in 1351. VOL.8His status was like that established for sailors in the appeal of 1313 in that his stipendiadepended on the continued performance of military service. in the fifteenth century. Reg. and who would have acquired vested interests in the exploitation of the land and its people. The appeal for colonists made in 1313 envisaged a pattern of settlement based on feudal contracts and adapted from the institutions of Jerusalem and Cyprus.6 In 13 I or 1314 the Master and Convent. 210. fos. The provision that Nisyros was not to pass to I. 245V(1409). 318. 317. were normally bound to the Hospital by an oath of homage: subsacramentofidelitatis homagii. cod. a land-holder nor a vassal holding a money-fief. three modiaof wheat and five modia of barley each month. 214v (1381).4 et Each casaleseems a to have had a turcopulus. 322. 233-233V (text infra. this grant was subsequently confirmed by the next Master and. Malta. but different in that the stipendiacould pass to his heirs. 21o (I35I). fo. at Rhodes there was no group of vassals obliged to give service in return for fiefs. fo. 6. a class which had been common in Syria. cod. Malta. 3. fos. 32I.7 This was for past services. i8. at the Hospitallers' castle at Halikarnassos on the Turkish mainland3. 350. fo. fo. who had played an important role in the conquest of Rhodes. 233V (I347). fo. who in return for service to the Hospital was granted a provisioseu stipendia which was confirmed to him and his heirs in perpetuity on 20 May besants of Rhodes a year and four modia 1347. cod. 241v (433). cod. fo. document 3). Malta.5 Occasionally the Hospital granted a life pension in return for services. 8. burgensiset habitator of Rhodes. 317. GestesdesChiprois. apparently. 317. Malta. An early example was the Cypriot Pierre le Jaune. however. received eight besants of Rhodes. 2i8 (I382). acting in Chapter-General. He was not. The Order employed stipendariior mercenaries on Kos. and subsequently the Hospitallers did little to encourage the creation of a class of hereditary Latin feudatories who might have established themselves in castles of their own and been able to enforce the development of feudal rules advantageous to themselves. on 2 May 1323. cod. 284V (1383).I970 LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES 769 and the Greek inhabitants provided military service in one form or another. 864-5. he was to have 50o of wheat a month on condition that he and his heirs remained at Rhodes and performed the service they would continue to owe in marj et in terra. fo. Malta. stipendariiappear only rarely in the fourteenth-century documents. by the pope.1 at Smyrna2 and. cod. granted him 5oo white besants of Cyprus a year for his lifetime from the rents of the Cypriot casaleof Kolossi. The response was poor. the stipendarii. CCCXXXVII 4. 339.

When Antonio Cattaneo was enfeoffed with Salacos in 1422. iii. Argenti.Le moyen vol.770 FEUDAL TENURE AND October Clavelli's heirs. 'La noblesse et le regime feodal du royaume latin de J6rusalem'. Lois. P. dge. Receuil. the vassals were all Italians who were of little importance in the West. David Jacoby of the University of Jerusalem for a number of invaluable suggestions. pp. Wider aspects of this colonization. 1958). J. 4. The Order's periodic attempts to exclude females and collaterals from the succession indicated an anxiety to control the fief rather than to encourage settlement. texts in vol. i. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei (Rome.4 British Schoolat Rome ANTHONY T. The comparative absence of resistance at Rhodes either from the indigenous Greeks or from Latin settlers contrasted strongly with the continual disturbances on Cyprus or on Crete. To a considerable extent the Order could rely for the defence and administration of the islands on its own brethren who.2 In the few special cases in which a fief was created. 235. while the few Latins with country estates did not hold them feudally.. where a feudal framework had been created as a means of imposing a foreign settler class on the Greek populace. . 39-50. lxv (I959). 'La f6odalit6 et les institutions politiques de l'Orient latin'. Chypre. he owed no military service and he was not to fortify his fief. 569-76 et passim. (Cambridge. the Genoese occupied Chios following a pact with the Greeks whose tenure of their lands was guaranteed. ed. and the lapsing of the fiefs of Nisyros and Lardos after I415 were significant. Prawer. Andrew's University. texts of 1432 to I44I. there was no distinction against females. however. the aim was to build up a Latin population and to colonize the land. The Occupation Chios by the Genoeseand their Administrationof the Island:r346-1d66. The situation in Rhodes was more like that at Chios. 3 vols. in Richard. LUTTRELL ed i. Profound thanks are due to Dr. such as the territorial pattern of expansion.. so that much of the land outside the town and the area known as the Kampos immediately to the south of the town was left to the Greeks. and who paid a fixed sum of money in lieu of military service. and increasingly they were successful businessmen and financiers who were investing their wealth in land. in Oriente nel Occidente MedioEvo. Cahen.1 The provision against collaterals ran contrary to the old practice in Jerusalem. late examples. i. could scarcely found dynasties of feudal colonswhose management of their properties would provoke local opposition. where the Genoese also achieved generally good relations with the inhabitants. 2. 1967). though it was the law in Cyprus where. since they took vows of chastity and their lands in Rhodes normally returned to the Hospital on their death. of settlement within the city. a task being undertaken by Professor Lionel Butler of St. and it was eventually done in non-feudal ways. of 3. These policies must have contributed to the general acceptance of the Hospital's government by the bulk of the population. C. 504. still await study in the documents at Malta. the Greek nobility and of the brethren of the Hospital who held lands.3 At Rhodes. the status of the burgenses.

et catholice fidei exaltatione. Ita tamen quod idem i. terras et possessiones que valebunt comuni extimacione in reditibus annuis sexagintaquinque libras turonenses bone monete vel valorem earundem ad monetam curribilem in Insula nostra Rodi. sub modis. Frater Fulco de Vilareto dei gratia sancte domus hospitalis sancti Johannis Jerusalem Magister humilis et pauperum Christi Custos salutem in eo . et ad exaltacionem fidei orthodoxe. ad ipsorum turchorum destructionem et exterminium. et condicionibus infrascriptis. Promittimus siquidem et convenimus bona fide dare et concedere in feudum perpetuum cuilibet militi et suis heredibus qui citra mare venire voluerit cum uxore et familia sua causa habitandi in locis et terris que nostre tam in Insulis quam in terra firma subiacent dicioni. Et si solus venerit sine uxore et familia habebit in Redditibus annuis. que cultu et solacio indigent populi christiani. Quocirca universitatem vestram et vestrum quemlibet Requirimus et Rogamus. legajo 718 (original seal slightly damaged. ac dictorum inimicorum fidei confusione. Universitati vestre tenore presentium patefiat. Archivo Hist6rico Nacional. although these are clearly dubious or faulty in places. et in societate nostra ac procerum domus nostre ipsos dampnificent destruant radicitus et evellant. castra. formis. missing). villas et fortelliccia. de consilio voluntate et expresso assensu fratrum et procerum domus nostre nobis assistencium duximus ordinandum. Nos et domum nostram divina disponente clemencia acquisivisse per vim armorum in partibus cismarinis a grecis cismaticis et Turchis de saracenis inpiis inimicis orthodoxe fidei tam in Insulis quam in terra firma. et Nos ac conventus noster cismarinus de locis et terris predictis cuilibet vestrum talem partem tribuamus. Et de ipsis terris et locis cuique iuxta statum suum et condicionem talem partem conferamus quod honorifice possint vivere prout qualitas et condicio ipsorum cuiuslibet postulabit. ac eis cum vexillo sancte crucis viriliter resistant. punctuation or grammar. ut quibuscumque personis citra mare venire volentibus causa habitandi in locis et terris predictis. Nos itaque ferventi cupientes desiderio et vias ac modos indagantes quibus ipsas villas castra et terras bonis gentibus ac hominibus nobilibus et aliis de ultramarinis partibus oriundis stabilire et populare possimus qui ipsa loca et terras contra predictos turchos et grecos deffendant. ac terras fertiles et in cunctis fructibus copiosas. tam in terris quam in possessionibus feudalibus quinquaginta libras turonenses bone monete vel valorem earundem in moneta predicta. et vos in domino sollicite exortamur quatinus pro acquirendo honore et vestrarum animarum salute.San parchment. Juan de Jerusalen: Llengua de Arag6n.1970 LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES 771 DOCUMENT I1 qui est omnium vera Salus. ad Nos citra mare ex causa predicta cicius quem poteritis veniatis. Madrid: Secci6n de Ordenes militares. ipsa loca et terras in feudum perpetuum concedamus. Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint. The docummnts are transcribed without alterations in spelling. Et si contingerit ipsum in partibus cismarinis uxorari habebit feudum militis uxorati. quod de ea et Nobis ac domo predicta merito poteritis contentari.

Promittimus etiam et convenimus dare et concedere cuilibet nobili et innobili et suis heredibus. Promittimus etiam insuper et convenimus bona fide prefatis militibus et nobilibus... quorum unus sit homo aptus ad arma. unum bonum et sufficientem equm.. ac duos homines pro suo servicio.. et unum ronsinum vel unam mulatiam. tam in terris quam possessionibus feudalibus. Item tamen quod idem nobilis. teneantur et debeant tenere secum continue. Et si solus venerit sine uxore et familia habebit in redditibus annuis tam in terris quam in possessionibus feudalibus triginta libras monete predicte... tam in terris quam possessionibus pheodalibus. et unum servientem peditem arbalestarium vel lancearium. predicta tenebuntur facere [ . causa habitandi in terris et locis predictis.. ac eorum uxoribus familiis et animalibus. unum bonum et sufficientem equm et alia animalia que ratione dictorum feudorum tenere debebunt et habere... Et cuilibet nobili qui non sit miles qui citra mare venire voluerit. qui citra mare venire voluerit causa habitationis predicte. Et quilibet serviens pedes qui occasione predicta citra mare venerit habebit pro se et suis successoribus in Reditibus annuis... valentes comuni extimacione in Redditibus annuis Quadraginta libras turonenses bone monete vel valorem earundem in moneta supradicta. et secum tenere voluerit continue unum bonum Ronsinum de valore ducentorum turonensium grossorum argenti supra terras et possessiones in feudum perpetuum valentes comuni extimacione viginti libras turonenses monete antedicte. Et si nos aut proceres dicte domus vellemus procedere ad eundum longius nos et domus ] ] sumptibus et earum [. et servientibus peditibus et agricultoribus predictis conpetenter et decenter providere aut provideri facere in victu suo ad expensas nostras et domus per totum unum annum continuum et completum. et si contingerit ipsum militem fieri habebit feudum militis quod superius est expressum. quindecim libras dicte monete. vel militis si miles extiterit tempore matrimonii contrahendi. et per unam dietam extra dictam terram nostram suis propriis sumptibus et expensis. quod ipsi milites et nobiles et alie gentes supra expressate et eorum successores debeant et teneantur sequi Nos et proceres dicte domus quotiens opus fuerit in facto armorum per totam terram hospitalis in qua ipsi habitabunt. Volumus tamen quod inter nos et personas predictas per pactum expressum conveniatur et inhiatur convencio. cum uxore et familia sua. et ipsis militibus et nobilibus aliisque gentibus stipendia nostra tribuere iuxta . Tresdecim libras monete eiusdem. necessariis conpetenter providere ad expensas nostras et domus. qui Ronsinum predictum tenebunt. et si in partibus cismarinis uxorem acciperet.. conputandum a die qua pactum et convenciones nobiscum fecerint de remanendo et habitando in locis et terris nostris predictis. et dare seu dari facere puro dono infra dictum annum cuilibet dictorum militum et nobilium qui equos ut supradictum est tenere debent. habebit pheudum nobilis uxorati. ac predictis nobilibus aut innobilibus. et suis heredibus promittimus et convenimus dare et concedere in feudum perpetuum terras et possessiones. et successores sui.772 FEUDAL TENURE AND October miles et successores sui debeant et teneantur tenere secum continue duo animalia videlicet unum bonum et sufficientem equm. Et etiam quilibet agricultor qui eadem occasione venerit citra mare habebit in reditibus annuls et eius sucessores..

.Item quilibetgaliotus qui ad Insulamnostram Rodi very fadedandsealmissing. 28 (originalparchment holesfor seal. ab instanti mense augusti inantea.. Valletta.] nobis et domui facere tenebuntur racione dictorum pheudorumprout superius est prepactum.) Noverint universi et singuli Quod Nos frater Elionus de Villanova dei gratia sacre domus hospitalis sancti Johannis Jerosolimitani magister humilis et pauperum christi custos Et Nos conventus domus eiusdem Attendentes quod nos et domus nostra habemus terras aliquas In insula nostra Rodi que per domum nostram habiliter excoli non possunt que si sub certo censu annuo in emphiteosim perpetuam donarentur esset accomodum nobis et nostre domui supradicte.. DOCUMENT II I97o LATIN COLONIZATION AT RHODES Royal MaltaArchives. ab omni prestacioni juris et servitutis. John. In quorum omnium testimonium et certitudinem Bulla nostra plunbea presentibus est appensa.773 qualitatemet conditionem cuiuslibet ipsorum quamdiuin servicio nostro et domus [. codex with i6.habebit in reditibus annuis tam in terris quam possessionibus feodalibus pro eodem modo et foro quo recipiet dicta galea iuxta ipsius ligni magnitudinem et eius remorum quantitatem.] et unam dietam predictammorabunt eundo stando et etiam tradando.. vel in alio loco terrarum dicte domus habitarevoluerit et esse in servicio nostro et domus pro stipendiis suis quolibet mense viginti bisancios de Rodo..quas terraset possessiones. excepto quocumque jure ecclesiastico. no. terciodecimo. causa habitandiin eadem habebit et recipiat quolibet mense quando navigabit in servicio nostro et domus stipendia que dabimus aliis galiotis. Datum Rodi die quartadecima mensis madij anno domini m. promittimus et convenimus dare et concedere prenominatis personis francas quietas. et liberas. Archives of the Order of St. et quando navigabit pro servicio dicte domus quindecimbisancios. et quando non navigabit habebit continue et recipiet a nobis et domo suam panaticam pro substentacione sue vite.. vel mille bisancios de Rodo.Et quilibet qui tenere voluerit in servicio nostro et domus aliud lignum armatum. Pretereapromittimus et convenimus quod cuilibet qui in locis et terris predictis habitare voluerit et tenere continue pro servicio nostro et domus unam galeam de centum duodecim usque ad centum viginti remos paratamet furnitam omnibus suis ycharriis ac apparatibusiuxta usus et consuetudines Regni Jerusalem et cipri dabimus et concedamus in pheudum perpetuum terras ac possessiones valentes annuatim duo milia turonenses grossos argenti.. eaproptervolentes quantum decenter possumus conditionem domus nostre facere meliorem dominico de leone et manoli cosma habitatoribus Rodi modiatas terre octuaginta quarum viginti quinque sunt culte Relique vero hereme et inculte sitas in dicta Insula nostra Rodi in contrataseu territorio capitis . Et cuilibet naucherio decem bisancios quolibet mense pro stipendiis suis ad vitam suam.ccc. et omnibus aliis [. Ceterum promittimus et convenimus dare cuilibet comito galee ad vitam suam qui in Insula nostra Rodi. de quibus se et dictam galeam valent subsceptare. et quando navigabit triginta Bisancios.

et partibus alijs nunc autemprioremSanctiegidij provisionem seu stipendia. Nec minus quja dudum ut Insule dicte de lerro. tibj et tujs de Consilio et assensu fratrum et procerum conventus memorati per inperpetuum assignavjt per suas litteras opportunas. et de Calamo nostre domuj donarentur locum non modicum tenueras. et quja huiusmodi assignationis littere quas . et modiorum frumenti quatuor pro mense quolibet. de Garinbaldis burgensi et habitatorj nostro Rodj. Supplicationjtue nobis exhibite continenti quod cum propter fidelia grata et accepta servicia. in Conventu memorato. transmarinjs.fratrem Guillermum de Rellanjadomus eiusdem tunc locum tenentem Magistri. Fraterdeodatus etc. Et Nos Conventus domus eiusdem.tricesimo octavo. per Religiosum in Christo nobis carissimum.774 FEUDAL TENURE AND October sancti martinj confrontatasa levante cum ser Petro de Jacob et ascendit et confinatcum bartholomeo de Petra Rossa et ascendit montaneamaquis pendentibus et vadit usque ad locum vocatum vathiurianonet descendit versus ponentemflumenflumenusquein locum ubi sunt canes et descendit usque ad mare Item in contrata predicta in loco dicto yclimaquedes et yacladopi modiatas terre triginta quarum quindecim sunt culte alie quindecim hereme et Inculte confrontatasincipiendo a dicto flumine et vadit versus meridiem per montaneas aquis pendentibus ubi positus est lapis signo crucis signatus et Revolvitur versus transmontanamet venit descendendo usque ad montaneamin qua fuerit scubie sive gayte et ferit ad lentisclos et descendit per crestam montanee et vadit subtus aeram angarie servorum del Salaco et subtus fontem et Remanen dicta aera et fons extra dictos confines et deinde vadit Recte ad quandamcarroblerium et ferit recte usque ad flumen et deinde vadit versus transmontanas usque ad mare et vadit usque ecclesiamsancti martinjet deinde vadit ad mareet ferit ubi incepimus dictos confines Eorumque heredibus et succesoribus in emphiteosimperpetuamauctoritatepresentiumconcedimuset donamus sub canone seu annuo censu centum viginti asperorumper eos et eorum heredes et successoresnobis et nostre domui in festo sancte marie mensis septembrisanno quolibet solvendorum dantes et concedentesharumserie vobis et vestris heredibus et successoribus licentiam auctoritatem et potestatemfaciendi inantea de dictis terris quicquid vobis et eis placuerit perpetuo faciendum dicto canone sive censu asperorum centum viginti ac laudimio iure prelationis et maiori dominio nobis et nostre domui sempersalvis et specialiterreservatismandantesinsuperpresentiumtenore universis et singulis fratribus domus nostre presentibus et futuris quacumque auctoritate dignitate vel officio fulgentibus ne contra presentis nostre littere continentiamet tenorem aliquatenusvenire presumat quinymo illam studeantinviolabiliter observareIn cuius rei testimonium bulla nostra communjs plumbea presentibus est appensa data Rodi sub signo nostri magistri die Sexto Septembris Anno Incarnationis domini M?.ccc?.codex 317. f. Centum quinquaginta bisanciorum de Rodo per annum. Salutemin domino. per nostre prestitaReligionj. 233-23 3v (text copied 'Liberbullarum'). Opetino. DOCUMENT III into theMaster's Royal Malta Library. dillecto nobis in Christo.

que per nos et nostram Religionem prelibatam tibi et eis precipientur et iniungentur facienda. quatuor et recipiendorum. in marj.a. Mandantes universis et singulis fratribusdomus nostre presentibuset futurjs. ut tibi et tujs confirmaremuseasdem prebuerascasualitersunt amisse. et assignationem provisionis et stipendiorumpredictorumtibj et tujs confirmare. data Rodj die Vicesima mensis Maij. tibj et tujs harum serie renovantes.Ita tamen quod tu et tuj tenearis et teneantur habitare et stare in Insula nostra Rodj. cuiuscumquestatus gradus vel conditionis existant ne contra presentesnostras [litteras]renovationem et confirmationemaliquatenusvenire presumantquinymo illas studeant inviolabiliter perpetujs temporibus observare. illas tibj renovarj mandare. Centum quinquaginta per annum.AT RHODES LATIN COLONIZATION 775 I970 nobis cum nostrum hijs diebus non longe preteritiscelebrabamus generale capitulum. Assignationem dictorum bisanciorum. et tractatu assignationis litterarumprescriptarumdicti prioris sancti Egidij inde tibj et tujs concessarum amissione aliquatenus non obstante. et in terra illa certa nostra scientia et specialj gratia dignaremurfavorabiliter annuentes. Quja in dicta tua supplicatione contenta veritatem conperimus continere. . nostris granerio et thesauro. tenore presentium tibj et tujs eredibus per inperpetuum de nostra certa scientia et specialj gratia confirmamus. et modiorum frumenti pro mense quolibet habendorum. tu et tuj perpetuo. In cuius rei testimonium bulla nostra comunjs plumbea presentibus est appenssa. illam ad invicem habito consilio. Anno Septimo. et exequj diligenter et fideliterfacere.