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The Aragonese Crown and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes: 1291-1350 Author(s): Anthony Luttrell Source: The

English Historical Review, Vol. 76, No. 298 (Jan., 1961), pp. 1-19 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/557055 Accessed: 08/09/2009 07:19
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THE ENGLISH HISTORICAL REVIEW
NO. CCXCVIII-JANUARY
I96I

The A4ragonese Crownand the Knights Hospitallersof Rhodes: 1291-13yO
of hospitality and medical care for Christians in Jerusalem, but early in the twelfth century the Order was reorganized on a military basis and, while never abandoning its charitable activities, later devoted itself primarily to the recapture of Jerusalem and the defence of Syria, fighting in crusading campaigns, building and garrisoning castles. Behind this activity lay a great work of recruiting men, raising money and administering the wide estates with which the Order had been endowed in Europe. The international nature of the Order and its theoretical independence of any sovereignty except that of the pope produced serious conflicts of allegiance and privilege, for its rights, exemptions and duties cut across, and even endangered, the interests of the realms in which its possessions lay. In Spain the position was further complicated by the Order's participation in the reconquista, the crusade against the Moors. During the first half of the fourteenth century, after the fall of the Holy Land and the effective conclusion of the Aragonese the reconquista, Hospitallers of Aragon continued to owe money and service to the Order but the crown, in perpetual conflict with the government of the Order at Rhodes and with its sovereign, the pope, persistently struggled to acquire control of these resources.1
1 J. Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliersen Terre Sainteet a Chypre,IIoo-i3io (Paris, I904); Les Hospitaliersa Rhodes jusqu'a la mortde Philibertde Naillac, 13o10-42I (Paris, 191 3) (henceforth Delaville, Rhodes); and Cartulaire generalde l'Ordredes Hospitaliersde S. JeandeJirusalem,4 vols. (Paris, 1894- 906) (henceforth Cartulaire). For the history of the Order in Spain, S. Garcia Larragueta, El granprioradode Navarra de la Ordende San JuandeJerusalen:siglosXII-XIII, 2 vols. (Pamplona, 1957) (henceforth Garcia, Navarra); its excellent bibliography for all Spain covers the fourteenth century. For the sources used here see J. Delaville le Roulx, ' Les archives de l'Ordre de l'H6pital dans la Peninsule des et Iberique ', in Nouvellesarchives Missionsscientifiques littiraires,iv (1893) (henceforth Archives); Cartulaire, i, pp. cxxxv-clvii, ccxiii-ccxxi; additional information in A. Luttrell, ' A note on the Archives of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in Spain', in Melita Historica, ii, no. 3 (1958). The material for the period in the Royal Malta Library (Valletta), Archives of the Order (cited as Malta, cod.), is scanty but valuable. There is a considerable amount in Archivo Hist6rico Nacional (Madrid), partly in the Registros de la Castellanfade Amposta, i-iv (Secci6n de C6dices, 599. B-6oz. B) (cited as Reg. Amp.), partly in the six-volume CartularioMagno de la Castellanfade Amposta (ibid. 648. B-65 3. B) (cited as Cart. Mag.), and partly in legajos(bundles) in the Secci6n de Ordenes militares; Orden de San Juan de Jerusalen, Lengua de Arag6n (cited as

original function of the Knights of St. John was the provision THE

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Longmans Green & Company Limited and Contributors, 1961 VOL. LXXVI-NO. CCXCVIII

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cf. Gufade la Seccionde Ordenes militares. S. No attempt has been made to discuss the place of the Order as a social and economic unit in the lands of the Aragonese crown. thanks to the initiative of Fulkes de Villaret. While the Order lingered ineffectually in Cyprus the criticisms of those who envied their power. from the Registros de Cancilleria (cited as ACA.' Their rivals. de ' La epoca del patriciado urbano '. The Spanish Hospitallers were as much administrators. These had survived.iii (Florence. A. represented in the royal council. ii (Barcelona.and. especially in Catalunya and Aragon. But the acquisition of the Templars' lands increased the hostility towards the Order in Europe. Miret y Sans. J. S. . From the time of its foundation the Order received extensive grants of land in Spain. Calatrava and Alcantara. off the Turkish coast. They developed their own organizaor tion of Priors and comendadores. Runciman. Javierre Mur and C. 'The Decline of the Crusading Idea'. were attacked by Philip of France. dedicated exclusively to the reconquista. R. I957). and in 1312 Pope Clement V dissolved their order. The archives of the Priory of Catalunyain the Archivo de la Corona de Arag6n (Barcelona)have been en utilized by J. I95 5).. and the Hospitallers were in real danger of suppression. their Master since 1305. Hospitalers. and possessing strong castles and important privileges. in Historia socialy econdmica EspainayAmerica. Sobreques Vidal. or were genuinely concerned at their laxity and ineffectiveness as crusaders. Archivo HistdricoNacional (Madrid. but see Garcia. above all.). in Castile the crown turned to the creation of the national orders of Santiago. and established the Order there as an independent power ready to use its resources in the defence of Christendom against the Turks. followed by the number on the legajoand numbers referring to a former arrangement of documents). In the kingdom of Aragon the military orders were powerful political and social institutions. less enthusiastic as crusaders. acquired a new point. 1949). Catalunya and Valencia. ed. Vicens Vives. Navarra. but an enormous number of documents remain unpublished and only a small selection. and lived in houses as often as in castles. who by 1310 had captured the island of Rhodes. the Knights Templars. chaplains and serving brethren as fighting men. and chief among its opponents was Jaume II who in i29z had become ruler of Aragon. The royal and papal documents in the Archivo de la Corona de Arag6n are the basis of almost all the works cited below. and the Hospitallers there were probably more interested in the resettlement.19o10) (henceforth Miret. Gutierrez Del Arroyo. Leg. have been used here. giving its lands to the Hospitallers. Les CasesdeTemplersy Hospitalers Catalunya (Barcelona. 1 Cf. commanders. cultivation and exploitation of these estates than in the struggle with the Moors. richer and more corrupt. wealth and privileges.2 THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January With the expulsion of the Latins from Syria in iz29 the Hospitallers' traditional function as defenders of the Holy Land ended and they became entirely dependent on their European resources. Miret. Hospitalers). and by I171 with the appearance of a Grand Commander in Spain their original dependence on the Prior of Saint Gilles in Provence had ended. The monies AHN. in Relazionidel X Congresso di internaZionale scienrestoriche. the lands of the Aragonese crown.

in z292 this peculiar situation was explicitly recognized in a statute of the Order which permitted the Grand Commander in Spain to create knights without the Master's permission. in Historia social. 104. Navarra. the Hospitallers and their vassals served for the crown against the Moors as the pope had instructed. All this does not detract from the general validity of the thesis in Garcia. Zurita. I 59v. pp.1 There were excellent opportunities for advancement in Spain. flourishing on estates often far from the frontier. 127. ii. The Chronicle of James I. 3958-9). As this expansion ended late in the thirteenth century there was no more land to give and the Knights. p. Storia della Costitu:ionedel SovranoMilitare Ordinedi Malta (Rome. though it is often not clear how many followers the Master of the Order had with him. 3827. Gofii Gaztambide in Hispania Sacra. The crown. where distinctions between social classes were exceptionally fluid and entry into the Order was open to the knightly class and the bourgeoisie. 216-22. and their receipt is not necessarily proof of military activity by the orders or their vassals. 1927).2 But in Aragon. the Convent. . et passim. and how much money was really sent is not clear. or in Castile. 4). King of Aragon. i5ov.I96I HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES: 1291-13 50 3 drawn from their great estates theoretically went to the Holy Land but the Aragonese Hospitallers' contacts with the as responsiones. no. Regestade letraspontificiasdel Archivo de la Coronade Aragon (Madrid. Bracketed dates are those of the document referred to. had no crusade so close to hand.3 This activity distinguished them from Hospitallers elsewhere who. burgesos y homens honrats de viles '. now some way from the frontier. J. et passim. to the military orders which populated and defended them. except in Eastern Europe. 1668). trans.no. i-ii (Zaragoza. J. 2 Sobreques. nor does it justify the bitter attack on it by J. more than in Navarre. I948) (henceforth Letras pontificias). lands were granted for colonization and defence. were never very close. chs. ix (I957). 3727. together with extensive privileges. I49. For example. 95-7). et passim. Barbaro di San Giorgio. central government of the Order there. the Master of the Aragonese Hospitallers arrived in Mallorca with fifteen Hospitallers after it had been conquered but was nonetheless granted lands there (Chronicle JamesI. The orders were also summoned to serve against the Catalan rebels at Balaguer in I280.4 the During the reconquista crown gave large tracts of the lands conquered. or whether they were Hospitallers or merely his vassals. 461-4. of 4 Cartulaire. shows that the Hospitallers and Templars played an important part in the wars against the Moors in Valencia.no. Anales de la Coronade Aragon. 4194 (1292). 98-I02. that the Order's activity was primarily of an economic nature. It attempted to gain control of strategically important castles and possessions and 1 M. against the Moors in i283 and i287 (Cartulaire. cf. ' lo stat militar e dels ciutadans. 4259 (I294). (London. i. I56-7. Forster.nos. turning from the expansion of its realms to their consolidation. tried to recover these excessive alienations and to reduce the orders' privileges. I883). Miquel Rosell. 3 Papal bull of I250 in F. and against the French (infra. chs. the administration of their properties tended to become an end in itself. The statutes passed against specific abuses during the fourteenth century reflected the corrupt state of the Order in general. became reluctant to serve there. cf. which had its own orders. 2 vols.

5 In the following year Acre was lost by the Latins and in Aragon Jaume. R. 3903 (I285). (1290). 208 (I3 Nov. The Aragonese Hospitallers.3 vols. 4081 ACA. Since the men and money which sustained it in the East came predominantly from its possessions in France and Italy.4 THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January quarrelled with the orders over jurisdictions. fo. 2 H. complained in a letter commencing. only relenting later to allow Hospitallers to depart if summoned by the Master. et . 8i. military service and taxation.. 4007 (I288).3 Pere's successor. 193-7 (I309). Staat undKirchein Katalonien Aragonwdbrend Mittelalters und des (Miinsterin-Westfallen.6 and it was the pope who 1 J. I931). 5 Ibid. 3898-9. The turning point in this process. no.1 Jaume II claimed that the orders' tenths. I908-23) (henceforth Acta Arag. which provides the central theme in the conflict between the crown and the Order at this time. Jaume feared and resented the power and immunities of the orders. Jaume wanted the merumimperium cumhostibus cavalcatis. Acta Arag. autonomous corporations owing allegiance not to him but beyond his realms. et Deo ac Cesari reddere quod debetur '. 41 (1297)..4 and in I 290 he threatened to seize the Order's possessions if men. (Berlin. nos. no. 3826 (I283). the Order was identified with the Angevin cause and the great Franco-papal 'crusade' of i285 against Aragon. I290). 4Ibid. Vincke. iii. Alfons. i. Finke. took up the struggle which was in reality to be fought with the pope. salutem.2 Imbued with the ' lay' spirit of his time. a clerical tax usually granted by the pope to the crown. that the Order in general was assisting the French by land and by sea and persecuting Aragonese knights who were friendly to him. 4I. 3 Cartulaire. money or supplies were sent to Syria while the French war lasted. It was to the pope that Jaume made in 1297 a proposal involving the surrender to the crown of the Order's tenths and of important privileges concerning its jurisdictions and rights of military service. i. the effective arbiter of the Order's affairs. while the service of the Templars and their vassals was alleged to amount to 300 men. Acta Aragonensia. and during his long reign he schemed persistently to secure effective control over the Aragonese Hospitallers. The crown's success was only achieved gradually in a series of intrigues and quarrels which lasted throughout the period and which demonstrated the determination of the Aragonese kings to be masters in their own domains. 'Nobilibus ac religiosis viris marascallo et conventui sacri domus Hospitalis Jherosolimitani. however. previously King of Sicily. apparently obeyed Pere of Aragon's summons to resist the invaders. and by the middle of the century the Master at Rhodes had lost much of his power over the Hospitallers and their resources in Aragon. represented one third of the whole ecclesiastical tenth of his dominions.). came with the attack on the Templars and their suppression in 1312.

146 (1306). The CatalanCompany. 90-I. 4866. 5 Salavert. ii June. Acta Arag. 207. 4 Cartulaire. but he did not give permission for the Hospitallers to serve in Granada. Jaume had summoned the Order to serve in Granada in 1304 4 and.. to conclude certain negotiations. 2 Cartulaire.8 Relations with Villaret. Acta Arag. Clement granted indulgences for those who took part in the Granada war similar to those granted for the Hospitallers' campaign. 4841 (27 Jan.no. Ii4. European Powers.6 but soon after he complied with the requests of Pope Clement V and recognized the Order's exemptions. in the balance. 22 Oct. Archives. 340 (5 Mar. 767-7I. 4860. 1309). 352. Bums. 3 Cartulaire. Jaume followed suit and in March 1308 he sent an envoy to the Master. 25 Mar. remained good and in 13II Jaume permitted the Order to export sixty-four horses and sixteen mules. 158 (1303-6).no. Rhodes. I 311). with the Templars' property in his possession.9 His reluctance to offend Jaume was possibly among the reasons why Villaret ignored papal instructions to intervene against the Catalan companies in Greece at this time. But Villaret was now preparing an expedition to the East and the pope refused to allow Jaume the use in Granada even of those resources not required by Villaret. 1309).no. 94. 10 Delaville. Villaret. . 1309).2 When Philip of France launched his attack on the Templars late in 1307. 49. in the hope that the birth of a son would give to Aragon the reversion of the crowns of Cyprus 1 V. cf.no. after Villaret's expedition had been postponed.1 Jaume's relations with the Master of the Order were cordial. 6 ACA. 7-7v (I8 Mar. 8 Acta Arag. in 1302 he invited him to visit Aragon and in 1306 even tried to borrow money from him.6. Burns.3 perhaps these concerned the affair of the Templars. I308). nos. 4573 (1302). perhaps intended to press his claims against the Hospitallers. I297ii (Madrid. I28-9. nos.7 In November.10 Not only was the fate of the Aragonese possessions of the Templars. in Speculum. or projects in Greece or Cyprus. I309). but the Order was negotiating Jaume's marriage to an elderly princess of Cyprus. 'The Catalan Company and the xxix (1954). who in 1309 planned to raise seven ships in Catalunya. 195 (3o Aug. 4656 (i6 June I 304).I96I HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES: 129 I-I3 50 5 refused to permit Jaume to finance his 'crusades' in Granada and Sardinia from the Order's tenths or its responsiones. 4883 (04 May. 1309). nos. and of the Hospitallers. the Granada war. ii. 1309). 308. ii6. et passim. 72. iii. 7 Cartulaire. to allow the or Hospitallers to serve in these campaigns. I98-9 (I7 Mar. de de Cerdenayla expansidnmediterrdnea la Corona Aragdn. while continuing to negotiate for its assistance. iii.no. 9 Cartulaire. misinterpreted in Letras pontificias.5 In 1309 Jaume did summon the Hospitallers to serve in Granada. despite Jaume's accurate prediction that the Hospitallers would do no more than establish themselves in their own interests at Rhodes. Salavert y Roca. fos. 764. 332 (26 Feb. 1956). iii. Cerdena.p.I (4 Nov. R. Marie de Lusignan. R. 4793 (2zi Mar. 1305-1311 '. 1309).

Delaville le Roulx. as in Portugal. I959). Mateo de Laodicea. M. 113.1 The attack on the Templars precipitated the question of the military orders in Aragon. He needed a standing army for it was often difficult to obtain feudal service. Castellan of Amposta (as the Prior of Aragon was entitled). and owe no temporal allegiance outside it. Alart. (Barcelona. Aragonesie Catalaninel Mediterraneo (Palermo. 'La suppression des Templiers'. while Jaume handed over to the Hospitallers the Templars' possessions in Aragon and Catalunya.2 and in 1312 he secured its exemption from the papal decree uniting the Templars' lands to the Hospital. 1907). In 131 he declared that the Templars' Aragonese property should never pass to the church. accept a compromise negotiated with the Order. z vols. later he proposed the creation. thus permanently implicating Aragonese strength in the eastern conflict. The Order of Montesa was founded to defend Valencia with the property of both Templars and Hospitallers in that kingdom. 126-35. I99-274. but with the provision that the Castellan should personally do homage before entering into administration of the Order's temporalities. 1 J. 2 Salavert. ii. 390-1 (io June I317). visiting Rhodes on the way. Acta Arag. I0-I3. Papsttumund des 2 Untergang Templerordens. and. ii. 282-310.nos. i. and. left to act as proxy in the marriage. (Munster. F. now John XXII. Commander of Cyprus and Prior of the Convent of the Order. iii (1926). 13 11). and for Jaume's fears. J. Giunta. but the prolonged resistance of the Templars' castles had given him good reason to fear the existence within his domains of an overmighty power which might be controlled by a hostile pope or by foreign enemies. to Rhodes and Cyprus to sound the way through his brother. but Maria was unattractive and childless and Jaume had already lost interest in her and in the East when she died in 1322. A. In August I 312 Jaume sent the Aragonese Hospitaller. Jaime II de Aragdn: su vida familiar. above all.xlviii (i890).6 THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January and Jerusalem. which must have feared the loss of all its Aragonese wealth. iii. Martfnez Ferrando. Privilegios realesde la Ordende Montesaen la Edad Media (Madrid. 3 See B. no date). The Order even guaranteed part of the dowry with its Aragonese possessions. See also Miret. Javierre Mur. ii. . Hospitalers. Jaume's half-brother Sancho d'Aragon.3 I948). and he considered that the Aragonese Hospital should serve the crown which had endowed it. Universidad (Zaragoza). Letraspontificias. doc. 333-7 (I4 May 13I7). Jaume used his occupation of the Templars' possessions to gain concessions from the Hospitallers. in Revue des questionshistoriques. to the Hospitallers or to a foreign prince. i. Finke. At first Jaume claimed these lands for himself. Us6n y et xv Sese. also a Hospitaller. esp. vols. ' Aportaciones al estudio de la cafda de los Templarios en Arag6n'. ' La suppression de l'Ordre du Temple en Roussillon '. 433 (6 Nov. of a new order which would use them under royal direction to defend the kingdom. no. followed in 1313. Cerdena. in Bulletin de la Societe agricole. (I867). if expedient. Juan de Laodicea.scientifique littiraire des Pyrienesorientales. 368-85. Only in 1317 did the pope. and in 1314 Martin Perez d'Oros. through Villaret himself. H.

esp. see Cart. 523 (24 Aug. Cardinal Napoleone Orsini. 1344). see Miret. no. ii. 1318). I02 por (13i8). 8i8-20o. "1Ibid. J. Cart. Hospitalers. 54 (I330). 83 (i 8 May 13 8).5 the question of the Aragonese Hospital took its place among Jaume's perpetual quarrels with the pope over Mallorca and Sardinia. 59-60. 7 A. 84 (27 Oct. 336 (I4 May 1317). 1321).12 Although the Master needed men and money he had to accept the Order's participation in the Granada campaigns. no.8 a threat which must have influenced papal policy. La de Conquista Cerdena Jaime II (Barcelona. fo. The homage was (henceforth Documenta). ACA. 4 Infra. ii. in Historiasocial. 276-276v (Apr. nos.3 As contacts between Rhodes and Aragon became more restricted 4 and the pope's influence in the Order grew. 25-7. As John XXII realized. fos. 1936) nos. 4081 (1290). . rents and persons of the Knights. whose intervention was often ineffective and whose 1 ACA. The Order now possessed 'la casi totalidad' of Southern Catalunya and extensive lands in Aragon (Sobreques. under Helion de Villeneuve. tenths. the Prior of Catalunya is henceforth referred to merely as Prior. suggested that since the Aragonese Hospital was in a scandalous state and not fulfilling the crusading functions for which the crown had endowed it. Rhodes.10 and prevent men or money leaving the kingdom. Mag. was occupied in establishing itself at Rhodes. such as pluralities. Master from 1319 to I346. Letraspontificias. Documenta selecta mutuas civitatis Arago-Catalaunicaeet ecclesiaerelationes illustrantia (Barcelona. 3 For this and details of the commanderies and their rents. Mag.7 and in I325 Jaume's champion at Avignon. pp. Rhodes. II6-i9 (I322). . 3728 (1280). 104 (I239). 36I (9 Mar. 12 Delaville. 347 (I7 Nov. iii. 244. in the Aragonese Hospital. These were valuable achievements but it was not until the capture of Smyrna in 1344 that the Order was engaged in any notable crusading action in the East which justified its existence and strengthened its moral position in the West. The king could countermand the Master's orders. Vincke. reorganizing its administration and stabilizing its finances. 2 Archives. Arag. He could only exert pressure on the crown through the pope. 82 (12 Aug. 13I8).pp. the crown was in a powerful position. i-ioo. 1952). I319). Part of the Castellany was actually in Catalunya. 75). it could proceed against the lands. 1317).6 There were several proposals for the confiscation of the Aragonese Hospitallers' lands. Jaume could justifiably take back its temporal possessions.1 which was to be a valuable weapon to him. ii.pp. 397-400. 388. . et passim. 8 Acta 9 Documenta. I6-17. 258-260. Arribas Palau." At this time the Order.9 exclude or expel his visitors.no. 6 Acta no. sed non ratione . 4225 (1293). 54I. 10Cartulaire. ii. pp. nos.2 which had now become so large that in 1319 the new Priory of Catalunya was formed. no new situation. and also to reform abuses. shows this was Arag. et passim. R. R. John XXII intervened with equal promptness to ensure that the settlement was carried out. provisions and the creation of an Aragonese cardinal. 5 Delaville.1961 HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES: 192z1-1 3 50 7 Jaume immediately took measures to secure the fulfilment of the provision concerning homage. bonorum ratione persone.

' John declared that the crown had no jurisdiction in the county and summoned Pere to Avignon. for R. for example.4 The crown judged cases in which the Order was involved. Although Ramon had just been deposed from the Priory of Catalunya against Jaume's own wishes. no.iii-iv (I294-131 ). i6 July I326).2 But soon the pope realized that he must give way and Pere retained the county. no. 9. 3V (27 Nov. ii.5 and periodically confirmed its privileges. I65V-I66 (I9 Sep. including the great castle of Monzon. Mag. Sanchez (Madrid. 55 (290). M. ii. 313-I6. catalanes Visionarios.8 but every subject had a right of appeal to the crown.7 It could also promulgate local codes of laws. Albareda y Herrera (Madrid. 6 Archives. ACA. in Monzon. it had the alta jurisdicidnand the meroy mixto imperio. infra. This became apparent in 13z3 when John XXII vetoed a project. M. On 15 January 1326 Jaume's envoy reported from Avignon that the Master was anxious for a settlement but that. 7 Cart. ii. vi. ed. iii.10 But in 1320 the Order refused 1 J. 506-7 (05 Jan. and Elfuero de Alfambra. Delaville. through his own alleged hereditary rights. 308. d'Ampurias.ed. 40-2. for the conditions of homage. 539. I915). as the Castellan was reminded in I329. 8 Constitutiones baiulieMirabeti. Visionarios. ed. Pou y Martf. Jaume forbade him to go and Cardinal Orsini accused the Order of fabricating the case and declared that the pope would never insult the Kings of England or France with such a summons.pp. I326). 1327). R. Documenta. I896). 'El cardenal Napole6 Orsini i Jaume II d'Arag6'. I930). i926). G. 263 (23 Jan. 2 Acta Arag. for the crown to acquire by purchase or exchange various possessions of the Templars. for its part. granted by Jaume to his son Pere after its reversion to the crown on the count's death. i (Madrid. 329). 0lo Supra. 3 Pou. which included exemptions from a large number of taxes. . pp. 8I8-20 (I325). fos. fos. 830-4 (15.9 The Order. claimed for the Order. 9 ACA. negotiated with the Order..pp. iv. for example. in I327.beguinosyfraticelos (Vich. 311-1 3. 4Documenta. 5 Many examples in Cartulaire. pp. Estudis universitaris catalans. R.3 The Order's relationship with the crown was exemplified in the homage paid by the Castellan and Prior and their presence at the cortes. the Catalan county of Ampurias. 3-4. R. passim (summonses from I309 onwards). Willemson. Rhodes. 64-6 and Acta Arag.8 THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January intransigence at times baulked the Order's efforts to compromise with the crown. ACA. 522. C. nos. 94 (I30I). 98. John XXII strode from the room. the Castellan was summoned to the coronation of Alfons to do homage. i98-200. 347 (I319). In 1325 a Hospitaller. confirmed not by the king but by the Master. xi (i926). on hearing Jaume's case. passim. Ramon d'Ampurias. See also Cortesde los antiguosreinosde Aragdny de Valencia principadode Cataluna. y Real Academia de la Historia. Io6-7. I331). cf.6 The Order enjoyed the widest jurisdictions. passim. pp. was expected to serve against the crowns' enemies as it had in times past. so anxious was John XXII to obstruct Jaume that he supported Ramon's claim.

nos. 3 (3 I8). 54V. I84V. 2 (I333-4). and by difficulties with its own vassals who claimed that they owed service only to the crown and evaded service to the Order by appeals to the royal courts. Documenta. Jaume also sent complaints to the Master. 5 Cart. i6. I72v-i77v (I3I9-21). de de 0 AHN.2 During the Granada campaigns from 1329 onwards the Hospitallers served only reluctantly." and probably never paid in full the responsiones due. 42v.ooo sous promised from the Archbishopric of Tarragona and 300. (I329-33). I29v-I30. 154-6 ( 340-I). Miret y Sans. R. vii (Barcelona. it agreed to give I50.5 Later. 334. I83-6.g. 3-5.000 sous paid for his coronation. fos. fos. I8. Coleccion documentos de ineditosdel Archivo General la Corona Aragdn. 48 (3 July 1332). fo. p. no. no. P. R. pp.000 sous to be sequestered from it. 527. Documenta. for example. and later provided considerable sums for Pere's wars in Castile and elsewhere. pp. The Castellan gave way and provided the service.I96I HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES: 291I-I350 9 in 1342 (Documenta. and the Prior's service was finally commuted for 30. IIo knights were demanded . Cerdena. 38-4I. 2 no. R. Leg. ' Negociacions diplomatiques d'Alfons III de Catalunya-Arago ab el rey de Franga per la croada contra Granada. 8. 21 (I3 May I343). i. in 1322. 6 Infra p. Reg. i63V. 8. Amp. 416 (4 May I325). R. no. 482 329). 1328-I332 '. 529. Leg. gave an aid for the conquest of Mallorca in i 343.7 The crown's attempts to secure the tenths and responsiones date back at least to i277. 2o7V-208 AHN. the Order provided less than thirty knights where once IOO had served. I70. 57. the Order regularly served the crown in Roussillon and Sardinia and on the Castilian frontier. " E.8 In 1330 Alfons asked the pope for permission to use them in Granada. Documenta. 54I. no. 8 Vincke. 17-I8. I29-36.3 but later accepted money in place of service. Leg. infra. 2i6. in Anuari de l'Institut d'Estudis catalans. Leg. no. fos. 29 (II July I329). 536.1 But Jaume continued to complain that.pp. no. 75V-76. 124-7. cf. 284. 46v-47. protested to the Master. pp. and in 1340 Pere wanted them for the same reason. R. but the 1ACA.000 from the rich city of Barcelona. 535. fos.000 sous.6 The Order made little trouble about granting ordinary aids to the crown. passim'. and supra.ii (1908). 5i6). Ramon d'Ampurias. i). n.9 Despite its debts the Order promised a subsidy in I340. 228 (13I9). infra.10 The Aragonese Hospitallers were continually struggling with debts. the crown took reprisals against the Order's property and responsiones. Mag. AHN. 9 J. p.no. demands that eighty knights should be sent to fight on the Granada frontier and Jaume ordered goods to the value of 76. even with the Templars' resources. R. no.4 The Order was impeded by debts. 57V. 7. 7 Arribas. but the Prior. In 1329 the Order's privileges were confirmed by Alfons in return for 250. Leg. dated infra. de Bofarull. I85 ). as the war in Granada came to an end. a sum which even if it was not all paid compares impressively with ioo. 4 ACA. Staat undKirche. 2I8 (I320). 3 ACA. 309. with frequent refusals and withdrawals. AHN. 308. I2. ( i-iii (I340 onwards). 43. vi.000 sous for Jaume's Sardinian campaign. 539. 419 (I326. 176 (8 May I340). n. 13. 3I0.

489. cod. fos.2 For some reason neither the Castellany nor the Priory appear in the two lists of dues drawn up for the chapter general of the Order in i33o. Amp.658 florins (Malta. fos. fos. 490 (1331). in these and two years the treasurerin Provence received only part of the Castellany'sdues. 6 ACA. in Malta. ii. I26V-I27V (1352). i. ACA. whose nomination he could easily revoke. i6. 525. amounting to 4.000 florins annually should be the limit. in Melita Historica. no. 317. but there is insufficient evidence to decide the important question of how much money reached Rhodes. fos. 1124. nos. the annual responsiones of the Castellany and Priory should be reduced to 2. cod. fos. In the thirteenth century Jaume I claimed. an expedient allowing him to claim the income from a theoretical 1 ACA. Leg.000 florins annually. AHN. for the year I363/4. Letraspontificiales. 548. 397-8 (1322). I03 (1350). nos. Helion de Villeneuve. In general the Castellany owed more but paid less than the Priory. 280. fo. Documenta. fo. In 329 Alfons proposed that. 7 Martinez. 522.IO THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January crown's anxiety to obtain these shows that the sums sent to Rhodes were not negligible. but other monies may have been sent to Rhodes: see J. Nisbet. 3812 (I283).000 florins as part florins respectively. II9v (I335). 121 (I349). 334.5 horses 6 and ships 7 continued to leave for Rhodes but the scale of the Order's contributions in men and money must have been increasingly restricted by its part in royal enterprises. and threatened Alfons forbade the Castellan to pay his responsiones to confiscate the Order's property. nos. 6 (13I9). 552 (133I-2). 2 Malta. of 95. pp. The earliest surviving accounts. fo. R. R. fos. in I 375/6 it paid a total of 4. ii. There is some evidence for the collection of responsiones for Rhodes. In I374/5 the Priory paid 274I florins of and responsiones a further 2. 490 (1331). i6. for their transfer. 228V-229V (4 Dec. Amp. in Reg. i.4 If not to the same extent as previously. 42-42V (1330). 99-101. i.900 were for responsiones the rest special taxes. fo. 12V (I35). 280. 63 (346).8 According to the Order's rules provisions to the Castellany and Pricry were reserved to the Master. fo. 5-6. for their receipt. 121 (I349). 8 Chronicle JamesI. 3 Malta. Jaime II. ' I had made this En Huch de Foylalquier Master of the Hospital in my domains after asking leave of the Master beyond the seas '. 91 (i35I).9 In fact. 2 (I957). R.in 1331 Alfons declared that 3. I20 523.1 In 1319 the Priory paid 1. transcripts of this and several other documents from Malta were kindly provided by Professor Lionel Butler). and supra.660 for arrearsand a special subsidy. 4-5v (1330). 9 Malta. 38 (i349). R. ch. Reg. John in Rhodes'. in Malta. Malta. they were a matter of dispute and compromise. iii. 318. fo. . the Priory and litigating against the Castellany. R. 349I (I273). Reg. 52.500 and 2. Amp. no.668 florins of which 2. fo. 317. 1329). and a compromise was sought. no. fo. Master from 1319. 8 (133I-2).3 In this year the Master attempted to ensure the receipt of the monies of the Mallorcan commanderies by having them paid directly to the Order's Treasurer instead of to the Prior. 112-II3V (1348). 20. no. no.000ooo of its responsiones. 98V-99 (I347). and in 1347 the Prior owed 5. Documenta. cod. resorted to the device of appointing lieutenants. 2IV (1330). cod. cod. cod. fo. 5 Cartulaire. (1331). in view of their debts and their commitments in Granada. show the treasurerin Provence receiving 700 florins from 4 ACA. cod. ii.no. ' Treasury Records of the Knights of St.

and a trusted counsellor of the king. R. 4408. 46I7. Hospitalers. E. 280. 6. 3236. fo. the troublesome Ramon d'Ampurias. 36-40 (i7 Oct. Anales. cod. Miret. d'Oros. and Bonifacio de Chalamandracen. i4v). pp. and after his death in I346 was succeeded by another royal nominee so that. Zurita. 283. Bayoles and Mallorca. 4 Malta. A later Castellan. and paid homage to Jaume as the Master's lieutenant in the Castellany in 1325. 9. Castellan since 1276. 4007 (1288). d'Arag6n. . cod. (I935). the crown continuously enjoyed the cooperation of the Castellan. 3422.9 In 1325 Jaume asked for his term to be extended.8 The crown was less successful in Catalunya of which Ramon d'Ampurias became the first Prior in 1319. Alquer and Perestortes. 4282.4 In I291 the foremost Aragonese knights were Ramon de Ribells.pp. d'Arag6n.p. p. supra. A. Alquer and Perestortes. and esp.6 Martin Perez d'Oros. 9 Delaville. Admiral of the Order in 13I4. present in Rhodes as Prior of Messina in 1312. ii (Lucca. where in I323 he was killed.412 (I325). whom he had sent to Cyprus and Rhodes in 13 3. infra. supra. p.I96I HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES: 1291I-I3 50 II vacancy. pp. Cubas i Oliver. He ruled the Castellany for over twenty years. d'Olms.3 Bayoles and Mallorca being in the Master's gift. P. 280. 3 E. these had often held the Mallorcan or Roussillonaise commanderies of Masdeu.5 I298. Later the ' 2 Infra. 5 Cartulaire. the two latter belonged to the Priory of Messina in I330 (Malta. and served the crown in Granada and in Sardinia. d'Ampurias (in Cyprus I302: Cartulaire. 66. but the Master deposed him and made Sancho d'Aragon temporarily his lieutenant in the Priory. Sancho was Prior of Messina in I319. except for one brief and unsuccessful intervention on the part of the Order. Jaume first refused and then accepted homage from him. ' L'infant hospitaler '. Rhodes. in AnalectaSacra xi Tarraconensia. 406 (13I9). 4177. 4513. he guided the Aragonese Hospital through the difficulties following the Templars' suppression. S. 1737). Rhodes. Paoli. replaced him as Castellan and led the royal mission of 1314 to Cyprus. 36V (1336).g. ii. supra.7 Jaume clearly hoped to control the Castellany through his uninspiring illegitimate half-brother. iii. 4586. as counsellor and for his death.1 He tended to appoint knights who had served at or visited Rhodes. for Granada. 4573). 53. Sancho d'Aragon. I2-I3.p. as Admiral see Acta Arag. Codice del diplomatico sacro militare ordineGerosolimitano oggi di Malta.2 often favouring those with Sicilian connections. E. d'Oros. 1312).g. was deposed in about 314 but resisted his successor until 13i7. 6 Delaville. 8 For 1313. 65-6. 6 (1314). An experienced warrior. 7 S. for the rest. I3-I5. S. perhaps in the hope that their allegiance would be to the Order rather than the crown. nos. no. fo. Grand Commander in Spain from I295 and Grand Preceptor of the Order in I303. P. a relation of the king who was Grand Preceptor from 1266 to 127I and Grand Commander in the West from I29I to both supported the crown against the Angevins in I285.

accepted his homage 12 but in May 1340 forbade him and the Castellan to export the Dec. 522.6 and considered the creation of a separate Priory in the kingdom of Mallorca. 8 Documenta. cod. 541. 39v. He also complained about the affair of the Mallorcan monies. 89V-90 (9 Jan. 58-58v (9 Oct. 501. 498 (i Nov. R. I99 (6? May 1332). fo. I331). Commander of Mallorca and Bayoles. who succeeded. ACA.1 Jaume died soon after and Alfons. fos. 10 Documenta no. 527. 1325). . Commander of Masdeu and Drapier of the Order. 84(27. 76-78V (I3 Apr. fos. 3o0 no. 64 (24 Apr. 249. and thus prevent them from exercising their temporal powers. 6 ACA. fo. complaining that the Master would not do for him what he did for other kings. 503 (30 June I333). I33I). making Pere Alquer. (30 May 1332). 419. 525. 280.2 Instead. I329). his lieutenant in the Priory. R. In January 13z6 Jaume. 1331). R. scorning Jaume's alternative candidate. fo. 2 ACA. Alos. But Alos and Sancho d'Aragon were only lieutenants of the Master and Alfons at once renewed the demands that they be constituted Prior and Castellan with full titles. 487 (14 Mar. 5 Documenta. R.9 although Alos continued to serve on the frontier. I332). fo. demanded their reduction. 280. I56v which shows that Villeneuve nominated May (29 I337).10 By October 1337 both Castellan and Prior were considerably in debt to Rhodes. I337). 524. refused to accept homage from a mere proctor and demanded a properly constituted Prior. asked for the use of the Order's responsiones Granada. R. Alos was deposed and excommunicated for disobedience and for alienating and dissipating the Order's property. I331). 490 (26 Sep. 584. 1326)." The new king. 555 (1331-3). 69-70. nos. 227v-229v (4 Dec. 3 Documenta. fo. Documenta. fos. I20 (30 Nov. and in finally prohibited their payment to the Convent. otherwise he would refuse to accept their homage.43V-44(26Aug.7 Under papal pressure Alfons finally gave way 8 and by April 1333 he had accepted Olms as Prior.no. fos. 1 Malta. R. to succeed him. 1336. no. and forbade him to respond to the Master's summons. seals. R. R.4 Alfons continued to recognize Alos. a proposal which Alfons considered a threat to his sovereignty over that kingdom. fos. 519. 492. no. 12 ACA. 526. Pere IV. 487. Letras pontificias. in 133o. I330). 2-2V. 9 ACA. cod. 1325). 'ACA. 1325). royal documents about this quarrel. I333).a candidate of the Infant Alfons. nominated as his proctor in the Priory Arnau d'Alo6s. an undated document similar to the last is in Documenta.fos. fos.12 THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January Master.5 Villeneuve now withdrew the Priory of Navarre from the Castellan's jurisdiction. 236-240 7 ACA. 22 (I330). 42V (i6 Oct. and Villeneuve had replaced Olms as Prior. I328).3 while the chapter general of the Order elected Arnau d'Olms. (both 26 Sep. declaring that he had been victimized for his services and expenditures in Granada. R. 4 Malta. and Documenta 490 no. R. powers and emoluments. 525. Alquer on 25 Oct. naturally accepted his own nominee. I56 (25 Oct. There are a large number of no.

the meaning of the document is obscure. i. in general. 2 Malta. I27. 38-41. Amp. I339). 13 A document of 12 June I341 is calendared with others referring to Heredia as a ' carta de mandamiento que fr. Mag. Rhodes. Juan Ferndndezde Heredia. for Sancho d'Aragon was old and his term of office due to expire in June I34I. 7 on 14 April he presented to Sancho a summons from the Master. 9. formas dialectales. Commander of Raissac. 45 (6 Aug. Cod. Johan (Heredia?) que fincas de part del maestro ' (Cart. i48-i48v) is. 17 (4 Dec.doc. 1341). Juan Fernindez de Heredia. ii. 1jj7-i196 (Milhausen. fo.2 These troubles developed into a struggle for control of the Castellany. i. 437. For iii Heredia also see Delaville. ' 4 J. 3 (12 Aug. 10 AHN. 134I). I8. p. 9 Malta. Leg. 2. fo. 280. badly misread in Serrano. 9 (9 Apr. i878). Juan Ferrandezde Heredia. I05 (8 May 1340). 5 Reg. i. however. 444. 148. Io56.12 Probably in June. confirmed by the documents. 14-15 (1340). the young and forceful Commander of Villel and Alfambra.' in Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia. I 913). K. and the Provengal Fulkes de Chaudeyrac. Leg. 11Vives. Mag.1 In August suspended them both and nominated visitors to visit the Priory and Castellany and collect the monies due. I341). Mag. no. Pere presumably hoped to acquire a closer control of the Castellany through Heredia. Prior of Navarre. 6 AHN. .8who must have been won over to Heredia's side. Heredia. 1340). 45v (6 Aug. no.1961 HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES: 1291-1 3 50 13 340 the chapter general at Rhodes responsiones. Serrano y Sanz. Guillem de Guimeta.1l Meanwhile the visitors nominated as their proctors Guimera. gran maestre de Rodas: vida. 5. Commander of Caspe. brief M. Heredia.3 By December I339 Pere was supporting the intrigues of Juan Fernandez de Heredia. p. 7 AHN. Anales. 22-23 1341). 12 They are named in Vives. a younger son of an Aragonese knight. but by 9 January 134i he was back in Barcelona and on i February he summoned a chapter of the Castellany. Heredia wrote to Sancho late in March (Cart. p. 280. 5. 6-20. 1340).gran maestrede la Ordende San Juan de Jerusalen(Zaragoza.Grossmeister desJohanniterordens. his contemporary and lifelong friend. i. (I927). R. Sancho d'Oros. Vida y escritosde D. Heredia was to become Castellan and Terencio de Orta. and the unreliable. n.13 Heredia requested 1 ACA. who in I340 was at Rhodes. i8o (12 Aug.5 On 4 April he summoned Heredia to the chapter to pay his responsiones. Heredia was still in Aragon on 10 June 1341 (Cart. fos. 1340).4 Sancho d'Aragon spent most of I340 negotiating about his debts with the Master's representatives in Avignon. (i Feb. de Guimera?) fizo a fr. Mag. Herquet. and accused him of his commanderies corruptly and attempting to administering leave the Castellany without licence. 3 According to Zurita. 437. note). cod. fo. Leg.9 where the Master provided him to the commandery of Monzon. p. Heredia. esp. ii. i.doc.6 Heredia denied these charges and announced that he had been summoned to Rhodes. 8 Cart. G (G. Vives. 20-21 (9 Jan.10? Sancho arrested Heredia but on 17 April Pere ordered his release. was to assist in the plot and to receive the Priory of Catalunya. possibly by a Catalan Hospitaller. and by Zurita whose account of this affair (Anales. they elected Heredia as the Master's lieutenant in the Castellany. no. 447). 447) and may have been appointed on 12 June. obras. 446.

1059. The Order's castles of Miravet. fo. R. i. 7 Ibid. Heredia is simply ' de ordine hospitalis Sancti Johannis Jherosolimitani'.2 Pere complained to Rhodes that Heredia was causing scandals and conspiracies and that Guimera had been illegally coining money. I38. 445) were still free on I Jan. i. 4 On i and 23 Sep. Leg. fos. 1342. 11 Bofarull. iiI6. 1341). R. Leg.4 and prepared to use force against Heredia. 4-5 v (20 Jan. 9According to Zurita. fos. 34V-35 dated in Vives. Azcon. of 10 Jan. fos. on o10January he instructed Sancho to take charge of their commanderies. 1057. 4. i8o (16 Oct. Heredia. no. 1 ACA. 1341). I84 (I2 Aug. fos. i6. Heredia (AHN. i. 4. Amp. i. no. 1342). 138. 134I. n. 4 (9 Oct. doubtful of the legality of the election. 12) and Cart. 342). summoned the proctors to his presence on i August.9 The Master had already accepted their downfall. 67V (i8 Nov. 38-41. who was of royal blood. 127. 445). 8 ACA. 6 (I7 Oct. 1343).8 and later had Heredia and Guimera arrested. 3. I8-i9.1 They ignored his summons and Heredia took possession of Miravet castle without doing homage. on i September. 1341).p. 3 ACA. 10AHN. p. no. i. ii. responsiones i.3 took further action against Guimera. Leg. 446. Guimerlaclaimed that he held Monz6n from the Master and therefore owed no obedience to Sancho: see AHN. 4. . 128.6 Heredia continued to resist. 20-22 (I340-1341). previous instructions. Cart. Coleccidn. Leg. Mag. R.10 Heredia's disgrace did not last long. ACA. 38-4I. to 1342). Ulldecona and Orta were in the County of Tortosa. fos. R. 1341. now the Master's nominee. 501. 1341). 12 ACA. For Guimera's quarrel with Sancho see Reg. Leg. or his visitors'. xxx (i866). Anales. no. he declared the visitors' and Heredia's actions illegal and ordered the Aragonese Hospitallers to obey Sancho. p. to i Jan. Guimera and d'Oros held 5425 florins of (Cart.p.7 In January I342 Pere sent a new protest to Rhodes. p. on 15 November he had a magistral letter in his favour made public in Zaragoza. 445. Heredia. Leg. 5-6. 1115. further complaints in ACA. In Sep. 2AHN. 4. R.14 THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January Pere to accept his homage but Pere. mis- Guimera (Cart. 1341). complaints in AHN. Mag. Mag. no. p. 148. fos. Mag. I058. in November 1343. doc. 445 (Jan. 38. 1342). p. I3. 1341). confused the whole story by misdating the first letter. In December he was with Pere at Valencia 11 and later some sort of reconciliation took place. probably considering Sancho d'Arago6n. 22. Sancho d'Aragon was old and. 6 Vives. which also shows Sancho acting against Heredia in June 1342. 138. I341 Sancho complained that Guimera owed him money (ACA. Marquis of Tortosa. fo. and on 21 January ordered Heredia to give way despite his own. R. Vives. 13 (21 Oct.12 while Pere needed to be assured of the Order's support against his half-brother and enemy Fernando.5 on 22 October the proctors provisionally re-appointed Sancho as Castellan. R. 1342. to be more trustworthy than Heredia. i8o (i Sep. 133V-134). ill. Heredia. 4v-5v (20o Jan. Pere was annoyed at the way the plot had developed. no. II0v-I I (Ii Sep. 1115.

540. In mid-i 344 a settlement was arranged with the Master by which Heredia was restored to the commanderies of Villel and Alfambra. 6 ACA. ii. whose services as a royal captain 1 Fernando was also senor of Albarracin. 34 (22 May 1345).p.9 He also protested to the Master that their action represented an intolerable danger to him.I96I HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES : I29I-I350 I5 and. 8s ACA. Commander of Bayoles.5 On 25 June Heredia was acting as the Master's lieutenant in the Castellany. Leg. R. 2oV). see AHN.p. 3 On I5 Dec. 128. R. I46. See Vives. and requested that Perestortes' commanderies be given to Guimera. 1124. by Heredia's brother Goncalvo: see ACA. to 85-85V (I33I). fo. R. 8iv). fos. JaimeII. R. Fernando's brother. xxxi (1866). 2). Once again the crown failed to repeat in the Priory its success in the Castellany. Miquel incorrectly inserted Heredia's name in his Letraspontificias. fos 9o-9oV (0339). 5 Before 27 Jan. the home of the Heredias. 29 (June-July 1344). 88i.amposta e del priorado de cathalunya '. no. and was assured of the Order's support in the coming troubles. R. R. fos. no. 23. 412. 1345 Pere wrote to Heredia. despite Heredia's connections with Fernando. presumably hoping eventually to control them both through Heredia. 432-3 (25 May I344). . and given that of Cantavieja ad vitam. no. 35-35v). ACA. n. I344). R. asked Pere to secure the vacant Priory for Heredia.2 Soon after Pere almost certainly promised Heredia the succession to the Castellany. as was the castle of Rodenas held.7 and by June 1347 he was also the Master's lieutenant in Spain. When Pere Alquer died in December 1345 the Infant Jaime. refers to the Castellanbut leaves his name blank. under Fernando's tutelage. San Celoni and Barbarano. 7 Vives. Heredia.6 by December the news of his nomination had arrived from Rhodes. Heredia. Serrano. Coleccidn. Pere ordered the Prior. III8. 4I4. fos. 33I) and in 1346 Garcia Lorenzo de Heredia was Fernando's camerero mayor(ACA.3 Sancho d'Aragon died in January 1346 4 and Pere at once asked the Master to nominate Heredia as Castellan. and Delaville. ' bien creemos que. if not the union of the Castellany and Priory. Heredia's commanderies of Villel and Alfambra were close by. he explained that Jaime's request was ' contrario de lo que fue dito entre nos e vos ': to Jaime he wrote that Heredia could be well content with what had been arranged (ACA.no.us membra de las paraulas que entre nos e vos fueron ditas sobre. Heredia's father had acted as mayordomo Fernando's mother Eleonor (Martinez. Bulas. 45V-46 (25 June 1346). In I344 Pere Arnau Perestortes. 4 Sancho was still alive on 13 Jan. p. 6 (4 Aug. fo. Heredia. fos. R. Alquer. Leg. but instead Pere requested the Master to unite it to the Castellany. 145. Leg. 1299. probably exchanged for Cantavieja. 44. 9 Bofarull. Palau and other castles of the Order in Roussillon in support of Jaume of Mallorca against Pere. 24. fos. I9.20. Hospitalers. I346 (ACA. 1127. to replace them with loyal subjects. Heredia.l feyto de la castellania d. I. Commander of Masdeu.8 Pere had secured the acceptance of his nominee. 68v. 7. by August he held that of Zaragoza. Vives. 88I. all contain serious errors about the end of Sancho's Castellanship. 1124. I346 (AHN. passim. Miret. for Zaragoza. 437. no. and Guillem d'Olms. 129. fortified Masdeu. fo.1 Pere apparently decided that it was better to have him on his side. Rhodes. 627. I42. 1121. 5. 2 ACA. n. R.

i45). Io8. 143). R. Coleccidn. 433-4. inflicted a defeat on a Turkish fleet. 70v (I335).9 But he was a lonely figure at Rhodes. 13 E. xxxi. io8 (1350). 46. 1347). Amp. By 1 3 7 the Master had provided him to the Catalan commandery of San Celoni. 1127. and in the same year he was summoned to Rhodes. as Captain of the Order's galleys.g. 4 Malta. R. 317. fos. 439-40 (1343-4). cod. he may have had Sicilian connections. II24. in 1348 he provided for a hospice there for Catalan knights so that they should not have to beg for lodgings as he had had to himself. I28 (I5 July 1347).7 and Pere had to accept Perestortes as Prior.3 but in January I347 the Master nominated Perestortes.I6 THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January in Roussillon had won him a return to Pere's favour. (I1347). In I330 he belonged to the Priory of Messina. In I347 he became Prior of Catalunya and. 280. fo.2 On Alquer's death in 1345 Pere attempted to secure the union of the Priory and the Castellany. 70. cod. cod. 3 Letter of 15 Dec.4 Pere at first accepted him 5 but in December 1347 he refused to ratify the nomination and demanded that of Galceran de Fenollet. cod. cod.pp. 536. Delaville. the Castellan. then at Rhodes. and they were mainly Catalans.p. 1340. I348).1 The Master did not grant this request.'0 Contacts between Aragon and Rhodes. 9 Malta. Reg. Sometime before 24 Mar. 10Malta. 8 Archives. Amp. iii. 408. Hospitalers. I344). where French and Italian elements predominated. previous to 1353 Gomez de Penya Aguda was squire to the Commander of Kos.11 but only a few went to Rhodes or held office there. no. fo. I I 8. Later he acquired the commandety of Masdeu which he defended against Pere. ACA. ii. were now infrequent. while it was on the Fenollet family that Pere relied for the control of Roussillon. 11Malta.13 eight were summoned in 1348 1 ACA. 103. 98v-99 (io Jan. fo.p. 2 Miret. 317. 99ggv-ioo (20 Jan. 7 Malta. as Prior. Pere had already requested Monz6n for him on 6 June I 344 (ACA. fos. cod. 3I7. I I-I 3. 317. fos. R. 1348 the Aragonese Hospitaller Pedro Martinez d'Arcanya also possessed a hospicium Rhodes at (cod. 396. fo. 1345 to the Master (ACA. 39. fos. while the Catalan Pere de Castrosancto held this commandery previous to July 1362 (Malta. fo. an island north of Rhodes (Reg. 42 (I337). 5 ACA. fos. 528. Rhodes. I42-I42v (30 Sep. pp. 45V (I340). fo. 3 I19. 195 (I 350). 245v).8 Perestortes was the only Spaniard of importance in Rhodes at this time. 1059. IOoV (I Jan. fo. R. i9V). But the Master would do no more than create Fenollet Commander of Masdeu ad vitam.fo. Aragonese Hospitallers attended chapters general in Provence. p. and Perestortes and Olms retained their commanderies. I347). fo.6 Probably he distrusted Perestortes since there was still danger from Jaume of Mallorca. he was still there in 1340. . I4v (I330). R. for instance. 12 Supra. I6. Prior and six commanders were at Avignon in 1321. 6 Archives. However the Aragonese Lop de Pomar was nominated Commander of the Duchy of Athens on 6 Aug. 226v-227). I95 (4 Dec. 207-8. 13 (June I321). I348). 280. for Guimera's servicessee Bofarull.'2 Undoubtedly some did leave Aragon for Rhodes. cod.

99V. 640). for the Master of Montesa.4 In 1347 Pere's troubles came to a head in the revolt of the unionesof Aragon proper and of Valencia. fo. proof of a journey. fos. Javierre. and F. He mobilized the Order's men and money and played a leading part in the royal council. cod. 4. 2. increasingly involved in royal enterprises. Guimera in 1340 (supra. Leg. for Heredia became the dominant figure in the Order. iii8. fos. ii2V (Feb. For Heredia's part. He supported Pere when the Catalans were forced to leave him in Valencia. the Master of Montesa and the comendador mayor of the Order of Santiago in Aragon. 627 (I345). or were forbidden to. nos. I348). 20-3. i-2 (Feb. 135 I). cod. Leg. 317. of course. fos. R. Soldevila.1 but in general. ACA. Already in August I347 the proctors of the Order's towns of Miravet and Azcon had reached Rhodes with complaints that Heredia was allowing the crown to raise 80. summonses are not. I79V (1346). R. 344-50. LXXVI-NO. VOL. first as its lieutenant in the West and then as its Master.g. i2. but without effect. Heredia. among the few who firmly supported the king were the Castellan of Amposta. 318. R. 5 See Zurita. they preferred not to leave. He and the Master of Montesa stood by the king's side at a dramatic moment when the mob invaded the royal palace in Valencia. I87v-234. ii. took part in the subjugation of Aragon.-Mar.g. I42). pp. AHN. an essentially reactionary protest against the ascendancy of Catalunya and the increasing power of the crown. 5-6). 19I (I349) and ACA. 38-41. I934). only to lose it when the Master withdrew his support (Letraspontificias.i.ooo sous by taxing the Castellany without their consent and against their privileges. 7.I96I HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES : 129I-1350 I7 and in i35 i. 1064.no. cod. 4 ). royalty. 95V.pp. I 3-14). Montesa. fos. and in 1345 receivedthe commandery Monz6n of through the Master's intervention (AHN. 7. 3 E. and Fernando d'Arag6n. fo. who was in Rhodes in I344 (ACA. 5V. I85-7. I76. Malta.-Mar.no. Io6o. 2 For prohibitions see supra. it was too valuable to him. 414. for the I35 political events.pp. Letras pontificias. Histbria de Catalunya. In 1351 there were further complaints against his exactions and some 1 Malta.pp. since no extensive interpretation of this revolt against its social and economic background has been attempted it is difficult to estimate the extent and importance of the Order's role in it. I02 (3o Apr. CCXCVIII B . R. I5-I6. Anales. E. R. nobility and people. Heredia was one of the very few who consistently supported Pere in the long and difficult campaigns and negotiations necessary to re-establish the royal position. (Barcelona. and he did not abandon his alliance with the crown as his wealth and influence increased. fo. It was a striking vindication of the crown's policy towards the military orders that in a revolution of all classes. nos. I130. and had illegally attempted to prevent their appeals to Rhodes. 28 (I349). An investigation was ordered and Heredia summoned to Rhodes.2 If they did go it was often only to secure their own advancement 3 or to make complaints. see especially Serrano.5 Pere had chosen well. and even acted as royal Chancellor. 91-94v (Apr. 1349). I 1132. fo. 318. led by the Infants Fernando and Jaime and the nobility of Aragon.

pp. Documenta. I352). 565. for while Pere obtained invaluable political support in discontented Aragon.p. it provided the Order with justice and protection. The crown received homage. Leg. Heredia overcame all opposition and the extensive resources of the Castellany were made to serve both the royal wars in Roussillon. which he claimed had benefited rather than damaged the Order. Archives. nos. for Heredia's exploitation of them. p. 195. I85-9I. no. 3 ACA. no. 38-4I. 72-78. 4 See Delaville. 38-41. nos. Delaville. in effect the Aragonese Hospital had become a national order. 92-92V. 9I-94v (Apr. nos.and Herquet. whose scandalous activities the Master was unable to prevent. AHN. I350). fos. Rhodes. i-ii. Amp. i2 (Feb. the crown and Order resisted together and both emerged strengthened from the conflict.5 Pere demonstrated his confidence in his control of the Order and in Heredia when. pp. 107-110 (8 Aug.607. and for his nepotism. Priory. passim.. Reg. including Guillem de Guimera. 374-5. R.pp. fos. Pere secured the rights of the crown and supported Heredia. 317. 1353). Javierre. at the time Heredia became Castellan and again several years later. and AHN. When. 2 AHN. cod. 22-23. resented its superior obligations. nos. 171-2. Heredia.pp. 6o04. 677 (i Feb. Delaville.4 The Aragonese Hospital had always owed a limited amount of service to the crown. but the kings feared its power. Montesa. 3io. 3I8. 1134.I8 THE ARAGONESE CROWN AND THE KNIGHTS January kind of rebellion amongst the Aragonese Hospitallers. 2 Nov. 1351). I364-5. 6 Letraspontificias. fos. see Delaville. service and subsidies. the powers and privileges of the crown were threatened by a jealous nobility. 1350). at least of the Castellany. Leg. I347). see Documenta. Castile and Sardinia. 633 (2I May 1346).3 Supported by Pere. based on a community of interests in Aragon. for the Order's services for the period 1349-58. 2IV-22V (3 Jan. 553. 239-42. fos. and Heredia's ambitions. Yet the strong bond between the Castellan and the crown. 8. the Master continued to receive at least part of the Hospitallers' responsiones and resources from where he never lost control of the nomination to the Catalunya. iv. in 1347. he proposed that the Order of Montesa be united to the Hospital. Heredia. and determined to gain control of it. Leg. I89 (7 Oct. if not a tacit compromise.2 Pere excused Heredia's harshness by emphasizing the horrors of the crimes committed during the revolt and extolling the Castellan's services. The Master was faced with an alliance of the king and the Castellan. Rhodes. Rhodes. Rhodes. for royal privileges to the Order. 5 For quarrels over the Priory.1 Two knights concerned in this had already been condemned to death for their part in the rebellion against the king. 1 Malta.passim. 559. Serrano.6 thus reversing Jaume II's policy of weakening the Order. . 66. But between the king and the Master there was also a balance. cod. Reg. i6. Amp. Jaume II broke the Order's resistance in I 3I7 and from that time the crown's influence over it grew until with Heredia's nomination in 1346 it had acquired an indirect control.

i96i HOSPITALLERS OF RHODES: 1291-1350 19 and to a lesser extent the continual pressure of the popes and Masters. and if Heredia was as unscrupulous as any his administration was efficient. part in the Order's history. The institutions and resources of the Hospital in Aragon were thus preserved until the times.Pennsylvania ANTHONY LUTTRELL . enabled the Aragonese Hospitallers to play a significant. the experiment with Sancho d'Aragon was not repeated. and at times dominant. in centuries to come. It was in the crown's interest that the Order should not become corrupt and undisciplined. did much to maintain the stability of the Aragonese Hospital and give it a continuity of command and development free from the strife and decay into which the Castilian orders fell when they came to be treated merely as sources of wealth and influence for royal favourites or bastards. and later at Malta. when a renewed alliance between the crown and the Order at Rhodes. SwarthmoreCollege.