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Journal of Philology, Vol. 113, No. 3 (Autumn, 1992), pp. 359-385 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/295459 . Accessed: 05/04/2012 16:53
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CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE: FANTASY, ROMANCE, AND PROPAGANDA Shortly after the marriage of Ptolemy III Euergetes to Berenice II of Cyrene in 246 B.C., the king received word of imminent danger to his sister, another Berenice, who had been married to the late Antiochus II. When he marched into Syria in a vain attempt to save his sister's life, his bride vowed to dedicate a lock of her hair in exchange for his safety. Upon his triumphant return from campaign, the tress was dutifully shorn and dedicated to all the gods, only to disappear by the following day. The court astronomer Conon then announced that he had discovered the lock in the night sky, appearing as a new constellation between Virgo and Leo. In a poem honoring the queen Callimachus provided further details of the event, that the lock was carried off by Zephyrus at the command of Aphrodite who then placed it among the stars. At some later point this Lock of Berenice, as it is conventionally called, was rewritten to serve as the final episode in Aetia.2 For centuries it survived, apart from some few phrases, only in Catullus' translation (C. 66), but substantial portions of the Greek text (frag. 110)are now known from two partially overlapping papyri, published, respectively, in 1929 (PSI 1092) and 1952 (POxy. 2258C).3 Scholarly assessment of Lock has been strongly influenced by two factors: its original availability only in Latin translation and its nature as court poetry, which long meant that it was scarcely classed as serious (that is, "sincere") verse. Wilamowitz, who knew only the Catullan version, spoke of the poem's "courtly flattery" in explaining why it contained "wit and no feeling."4 After the discovery of the first papyrus fragment, Pfeiffer sought to counter this prevailing view of the poem by
'The principal ancient sources for the story are schol. Arat. 146; Hyg., Astr 2.24; Nonnus ad Gregorii Orat. contra lulian. 2.2 = Migne, PG 36, 1037 (A. Westermann, Mythographoi: Scriptores Poeticae Historiae 363). 2 Its place in Aetia is evident from Diegesis v. 40; see Rudolf Pfeiffer, Callimachus (Oxford 1952) 123. 3G. Vitelli, "Frammenti della 'Chioma di Berenice' di Callimaco," SIFC 7 (1929) I. 3-12 and Papiri greci e latini 9 (1929) 148-52; E. Lobel, ed., The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part XX (London 1952) 69-107. 4Reden und Vortrdge I (Berlin 1925) 198; cf. Hellenistische Dichtung2 I (Berlin 1962) 216-17.
American Journal of Philology 113(1992) 359-385 ? 1992 by The Johns Hopkins University Press
see Nino Marinone. appearing in the double form of the lock's separation from its mistress and the queen's longing for her absent bridegroom. who convincingly refuted Pfeiffer's belief that Catullus translated Lock as a mere "technical study." CW 81 (1988) 387-90. and Epic (Princeton 1982) 87-88. cc. "On the Arrangement of Catullus' Carmina Maiora. "Catullus' Callimachean Carmina. invita (39-40) in Aeneas' words of farewell to Dido: invitus. reprinted in Catullo e i suoi modelli (Naples 1964) 14. especially the long poems. Clausen (note 7 above) 92. Berenice da Callimaco a Catullo (Rome 1984) 58-70. reprinted in Essays on Latin Lyric. and discrucior (76). Most." Philologus 41 (1932) 218. the simplicity and clarity of his syntax. ed. A. 8Putnam (note 7 above) 223-28. J. 110 Pf. For thematic connections with other Catullan poems. 86-91 argues that 79-88 was Catullus' own supplement. King.ina. Clausen. Michael Putnam. "Catullus and Callimachus. Catull c. For refutation of these assumptions. G.360 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER praising Callimachus' technical proficiency-the light flow of his verse. "Die Locke der Berenike. 6Pfeiffer (note 5 above) 218 (142). see also D. who points to Vergil's telling imitation of Catullus' invita.7 It has been argued as well that Catullus added one or possibly two passages absent in the Greek version in order to intensify thematic connections with his other poems. 141). reprinted in Kallimachos. Puelma further argues that. He even asserts that for Catullus the content of the poem was "h6chst gleichgiiltig" (218. A. tuo de vertice cessi." Antichthon 4 (1970) 40-41. Patzer (Wiesbaden 1975) 153-62 has made the same argument for 15-38. "II carme 66 di Catullo e la Chiorna di Berenice di Callimaco.8 But Mario Puelma's important study of Lock has now shown that Catullus must have been attracted to the Callimachean poem because of its erotic undertone and its theme of separation from a beloved. concludes "the Roman poet makes a distinct effort to personalize the story and heighten the emotion" (225. Aristoxenos Skiadas (Darmstadt 1975) 141-42. dominae (76)." Philologus 125 (1981) 119-20." See also W. tolo de litore cessi (Aen."6 In pointing out that Catullus shaded his translation with the language of Latin love poetry." in Dialogos. Spira. Kidd. "Some Problems in Catullus lxvi.5 Reevaluation of the poem's contents began primarily among Latin scholars." CP 55 (1960) 224-25. argues that Catullus' version is "una vera gemma di geniale rielaborazione. Ricardo Avallone." HSCP 74 (1970) 90-91. . "Catullus 66. far from being a minor poem appealing only to the tastes of the Ptole- 5"BEPENIKH FIAOKAMOY. regina. 88). o reg. 66 und Kallimachos fr. K. Festschrift H.75-88. some scholars have even asserted that the emotional and romantic qualities of the poem were Catullus' enhancement of a more subdued Callimachean text. 6.460). Elegy. 65-116. 7In discussing the emotional import of such words as laetor (75)." Euphrosyne 3 (1961) 24.
gekiinstelter und lebloser" than any of his other poetry. relative surtout a la dynastie et dont la signification exacte se derobe souvent a notre comprdhension. Rassem (Berlin 1982) 13-30 has argued that in this and other court poetry Callimachus was creating a mythology to legitimize the dynastic cult to the Greek inhabitants of Egypt. On Lock itself H. responding to a woman's vision and yet arising 9"Die Aitien des Kallimachos als Vorbild der romischen Amores-Elegie. first and foremost.9 Yet. in spite of more favorable assessments of the poem's quality and a greater appreciation of its historical significance. Wormell. his version is still a good guide to the general substance of what Callimachus wrote. . Callimachus' Lock is yet to receive a literary analysis free of the Catullan context. I" MH 39 (1982) 221-46 with "Vorbild. Konrat Ziegler. Although Catullus did omit references that would have no meaning to a Roman audience and did color his translation with emotive language indicative of his own temperament. perhaps rightly: "La piece ." while D. "Kallimachos und die Frauen. et al. ." 121 have found only obiter dicta on this aspect of the poem. the court of Berenice II created through art. "Kallimachos und das Zeremoniell des Ptolemaischen Konigshauses" in Aspekte der Kultursoziologie. qu'il faut tacher d'elucider. Hauben. I shall argue that Callimachus' Lock was composed as part of a program of imagery reflecting above all the concerns of the queen. ed. and cult a public image of her royal marriage that had a special appeal to feminine tastes. Gelzer. T. Van 't Dack. weit hergehalten Ubertreibungen" and called it "steifer. chaque 6pithete comporte des sous-entendus. E. his young compatriot from Cyrene." Antike 13 (1937) 37 spoke of the poem's "frostigen. Chaque r6efrence mythologique. given the fact that we are still dependent on Catullus' text for important sections of the poem. our focus will be on the rhetorical strategies devised by Callimachus to propagate a fantasy arising from female experience. i T. chaque m6taphore. II" 285-304. (Louvain 1983) 120-21 claims. . Aufsdtze M. In analyzing the poem. Lock had a seminal influence upon the development of Latin love elegy.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 361 maic court. "Catullus as Translator" in The Classical Tradition (Ithaca 1966) 195 speaks of Callimachus' "enhanced admiration and appreciation of feminine beauty.'2 it is these. et truffde de symboles et d'allusions.10 Such an analysis must. "Arsinod II et la politique extdrieure de l'Egypte" in Egypt and the Hellenistic World. But enough of the Greek text survives for us to comprehend the tone and character of Callimachus' original. " Following the example set by preceding Ptolemaic monarchs." Even in a study of Callimachus' female characters. wit. take account of the court environment in which the poem was written. Ciresola." RIL 91 (1957) 485 speaks of "un vivo senso della femminilita. literature. "La Chioma di Berenice di Callimaco e la poesia etiologica. 0lThe objection may be raised that such an analysis is not possible. and charm.
Beiheft 12 (Berne 1980) 182-83 suggests that a faience figure pulling out her hair may represent a later queen. 4Some evidence to support this contention can be found in the artistic and literary record. For a discussion of the political importance of the Demetrius affair to Ptolemaic interests. king of Cyrene. to the son and heir of Ptolemy II Philadelphus. he had only shortly before become sole ruler of Egypt. P. Arsinoe III or Cleopatra . She had been betrothed by her father Magas.14 Although certain ancient sources '3The source for this story is Justin 26. the stabilization of relations between Egypt and Cyrene-all called for the creation of a court myth that would give these events an appealing shape in popular imagination." BCH 111(1987) 350-51 has explained certain seals showing Berenice with short hair as depictions of her sacrifice. the lock's catasterism came to serve as the foundation myth for the new era initiated by the marriage of Ptolemy and Berenice. to marry her daughter and rule the Cyrenean kingdom. Berenice arranged for assassins to be admitted to her mother's bedchamber.3. see Andre Laronde. His recent accession to the throne. sent for Demetrius the Fair. that lend the poem its unusual and even revolutionary character. Pantos. while Dorothy Burr Thompson. "Berenice II Demeter. his union with Berenice after the long delay caused by the Demetrius affair. A. but upon his arrival he directed his attentions to the queen rather than her daughter. With popular support and military backing. whose loyalties lay with Syria and Macedonia rather than Egypt.362 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER from a man's perspective." AK. Hellenistic Queens (Baltimore 1932) 102-224. "More Ptolemaic Queens. But upon the death of Magas her mother Apame. Meeting these requirements. a half-brother of Antigonus Gonatas. A modern account of the lives of the Ptolemaic queens can be found in Grace Macurdy. Let us begin with the circumstances of Berenice's marriage to Ptolemy.13 He accepted eagerly. When Ptolemy III made Berenice his bride in 246. By this act of daring she effected her marriage to the younger Ptolemy and brought Cyrene even more securely under Egyptian overlordship. where Demetrius was murdered but Apame spared on Berenice's orders. Such a myth should stress continuity by connecting the new monarchs with their dynastic predecessors while yet identifying certain unique qualities as the hallmark of their reign. Cyrene et la Libye hellenistique (Paris 1987) 380-81.
110. frag. which accords with the testimony in Hyg. n. Fraser (note 16 above) 197. 17For Ptolemaic patronage of the cult of Aphrodite. ad 8. 2. Astr. 16In choosing this site. cupiens inire gratiam regis.. 15Hyg. engineered the catasterism of the lock. Huxley. Sarah Pomeroy has shown that Aphrodite was worshipped as a goddess of marriage and so as the patron of I. Berenice II dedicated her lock of hair in the temple at Zephyrium sacred to Aphrodite-Arsinoe. see L. M. Zwierlein. Cerfaux and J. Le culte des souverains (Louvain 1957) 196-200. multis . . an attempt to flatter his monarchs. cunctis . Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford 1972) I 729-30. pollicita est. Cat. The dedication of the lock surely functioned as a celebration of Ptolemy's successful Syrian campaign. 110.2 = PG 36. 66.. . ad 65-68. Marinone (note 8 above) 49-50. Greg. 1037: KvCov ." CQ 35 (1985) 61-62. .9-10. see Pfeiffer I (note 2 above) 112. "Berenice comam ie Icav0eic dedicavisse videtur." though he adds. '6General opinion long held that the lock was first dedicated at a Pantheon in Alexandria (zaoav Ei0. 2." GRBS 21 (1980) 241-42. divis. West. the subterfuge is clearly based on the pattern of earlier cult practices in which the romantic lives of Ptolemaic queens were openly celebrated in order to legitimize their joint rule with their husbands. she was laying the groundwork for her own identification with Aphrodite. rather than her male courtiers. 0. dearum ..15 it is much more likely that the event was staged with the knowledge and consent of the court.24. G. Tondriau.17 In explaining this initially surprising choice of the goddess of sexuality as the deity most prominently connected with the Ptolemaic queens. . Berenice I. but the very nature of the act focused attention on the personal life of the queen in her new role as bride and monarch. Astr. "at nullum adhuc testimonium Panthei Alexandrini. . . Fraser.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 363 suggest that Conon's discovery was his own invention. 239-40. contra lulian. Orat. Some lines describing the astral location of the Coma from a poem by a Diophilus or Diophile have been preserved by the schol. 33) before being carried off to the temple at Zephyrium and catasterized from there. "Venus Observed: A Note on Callimachus fr. S. II 1023. 105. 2." But the climate of opinion has now come around to the simpler view. The reference to the king in the former account and the queen in the latter suggests that we are not dealing with a reliable tradition." RhM 130 (1987) 275-80. reenacting Berenice's sacrifice. Qxog xoXaxeaxcv catlTg (BEQevIxng).24: Conon mathematicus . on the model established not only by Arsinoe II but also for the earlier queen. "Arsinoe Lokris. . Although we cannot know whether Berenice herself. "Weihe und Entriickung der Lock der Berenike. .rxeOeoig.8. the wife of Ptolemy Soter. L. see P. but with suppositions of commentators.
"Les souveraines lagides en d6esses.364 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER the sexually passionate wife. first and foremost. As justification for the sharing of monarchic power by husband and wife.. Studien zur Ikonographie und Gesellschaftlichen Funktion hellenistischer Aphrodite-Statuen (Bonn 1982).Since Theocritus' Encomium was written under . Page. Pomeroy 51-55. '9On the identity of this queen. L. "Princesses ptolemaiques comparees ou identifies a des deesses.20 There we are told that the god8 Women in Hellenistic Egypt (New York 1984) 31-38. That hypostasis as Aphrodite suggests. The Greek Anthology: Hellenistic Epigrams II (Cambridge 1965) 143. See Tondriau. see A. Gow and D. oLoTotgav.'8 What has not been sufficiently emphasized.77 = Asclep. a condition of royalty customary for the native Egyptians but radically new to the Greeks. power of erotic persuasion over the king is indicated by the divine honors paid to the mistresses of Ptolemy II. L. F. "Two Mistresses of Ptolemy Philadelphus. and Hauben (note 11above) 111-14.. see Wiltrud Neumer-Pfau. Bradford Welles (New Haven 1966) 198-202. 9). Fraser (note 16 above)) 1 197." On Aphrodite-Arsinoe as the patron goddess of the Ptolemies' maritime empire. "Princesses ptolemaiques" (note 18 above) 14. 39 G-P) Theocritus' Idyll 17 is an important source for filling out the significance of Berenice I's likeness to Aphrodite." GRBS 31 (1990) 294-95." BSAA 37 (1948) 31. A. Robert. Cameron. Gabriella Longega. that Aphrodite's marine aspect was more important to the Ptolemaic queens than her sexual aspect. "Sur du decret d'Ilion et sur un papyrus concernant des cultes royaux" in Essays in Honor of C.. This is a statue of Cypris-if I hesitate to say which one it resembles more. the Ptolemies promoted through their various forms of imagery the novel concept of a marriage based upon mutual desire. Amat. Pomeroy 30 also states that "the most practical reason for selecting Aphrodite was that she was the only major Greek goddess associated with territory under Ptolemaic control. see L. is the political importance of the Aphrodite cults in legitimizing for Greek subjects the power and prominence of the queens in the Ptolemaic dynasty. 20Nonliterary evidence for the identification of Berenice I with Aphrodite during her lifetime is not strong. (AP 12. Eixobv-(Q' L6d)[t0ca[tf BEErviXtgTL. however. eds. An epigram by Asclepiades or Posidippus remarks on the resemblance between Aphrodite and one of the Berenices. Sblato'o) joiTEg rjq 6t we're not looking at Berenice. Tondriau. most probably the wife of Soter:'9 &6' KuxQ@6otog. See J. S." Etudes de Papyrologie 7 (1948) 2-3.-C. au IIIe siecle avant J. Arsinoe II (Rome 1968) 106-8.w Plut. the best-known example being the temples and shrines dedicated to Aphror dite-Bilistiche "because of the king's love" (61' egoWa TO palctokg. however. I see no reason to believe. for Aphrodite as the model of womanhood in the Hellenistic era.
a deity often attended by Desire and Persuasion. suggests that Berenice I. 5 Pf. A fragment of a poem by Theocritus entitled Berenice. tEyV O EO S 6L601 no0ovTIt E[Qivag. again. Arsinoe's own participation in the establishment of the cult is made more likely by the recent redating of her death to 268 instead of 270. For other evidence of Arsinoe's identification with Aphrodite in cult. xou(p4ag Arsinoe II's linkage with Aphrodite was popularized. see Tondriau (note 18 above) 16-17. This.51-52). Berenice had come to Egypt in the retinue of Eurydice. pp. was identified with the marine Aphrodite. perhaps only retrospectively by the new queen. 17. Arsinoe was divinized during her lifetime and the Zephyrium shrine built for her by the nauarch Callicrates before her death. Though Eurydice bore him several children.. = 14 G-P. Callicrates of Samos (Louvain 1970) 42-46 with notes. Powell. like Arsinoe II. Du calendrier macedonien au calendrier ptolemaique (Basel 1990) 103-12. for the controversy. but. Though fulsome in its flattery. It was a love match.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 365 dess pressed her hands upon the fragrant bosom of Berenice (36-37): "Therefore. U. when Soter took that lady as wife. she "tenderly breathes gentle passion into all mortals and grants light trials to those in love" (Jraotv 6' TLtogf6e PQoTolg[takXcxoivg ie@Tcag / jrtoojnvEEL. by the shrine at Zephyrium. In her role as Aphrodite's ornvvaog. I suggest. 21 It is mentioned a number of times in the literature of the age: Callim. the passage yet gives a true picture of the marriage of Ptolemy Soter and Berenice I. then. in which a fisherman sacrifices a white fish to "this goddess" (frag. see Erhard Grzybek. Nor did the goddess' protection cease with the queen's death. Ptolemy set her aside in favor of Berenice. But other scholars have argued otherwise. Hedylus 4 G-P. Fraser (note 16 above) I 238-40. A hymn apparently addressed to Aphrodite-Arsinoe as mistress of the sea and guardian of marriage has been found on papyrus (J. is the underlying meaning of her resemblance to Aphrodite. see Hans Hauben. As Theocritus tells us (17. Theocr. Posidippus 12 and 13 G-P.. she in turn loved him even more" (38-40). Aphrodite carried off the dying Berenice and placed her in her temple to share in her divine honors.5 G-P) suggests that Arsinoe was alive at the time that his epigram on the shrine was written. they say that no woman is as dear to her husband as Ptolemy's wife was to him. but through her own powers of erotic attraction.22 The devotees who came the patronage of Arsinoe II. that queen may have been responsible for projecting an interest in Aphrodite back to her predecessor. Epigr. Berenice's position as queen of Egypt came about.21 In all likelihood. Hellenistische Dichtung I (note 4 above) 193 pointed out that Posidippus' use of the title paoaLXoo'Yg(12. 82-84). cf. . 22Wilamowitz.46-50). 3). Gow-Page II 491. A Macedonian with three children by another husband. Id. not through arrangements made by her male relatives. most conspicuously. Collectanea Alexandrina.
Adams and E. Borza (Washington 1982) 197-212. As perhaps the dominant partner in that marriage. "the cult is so brilliant a conception. Ptolemaic Oinochoai and Portraits in Faience (Oxford 1973) 120 has remarked on the worship of the divinized Arsinoe. see Edouard Will.366 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER there worshiped Aphrodite not only as goddess of the sea but also as patron of women's sexuality.23 Yet the marriage of Arsinoe and Philadelphus was less certainly a love match than was the marriage of their parents. Ptolemy set up an obelisk one hundred and twenty feet high in the Arsinoeum as a sign of his love (munus amoris). As Dorothy Burr Thompson. Arsinoe had been twice married. W. S. that we would like to ascribe the creation to the genius of Arsinoe herself. E. It is harder to doubt Arsinoe's part in creating the religious imagery of the dynasty. Histoire politique du monde hellenique2 I (Nancy 1979) 149-50. the Halcyon. As an epigram by Posidippus (12 G-P) tells us." in Philip II. 24Although it was represented as such. see Claude Meillier." PP 42 (1987) 424-25 argues against the view of older scholars that no sexual attraction could have existed between Arsinoe and her brother. The poetry of Theocritus written during her reign is our best evidence for the image Arsinoe created of her marriage. more cautiously." . offered shortly before marriage. Alexander the Great and the Macedonian Heritage. it is her sexual relationship with Ptolemy that is 23Callimachus' epigram (5 Pf. Carney." The prayers of these young women were. although worship of the queen herself was promoted even more strongly after her death than before. According to Pliny (NH 36. Hauben (note 11above) 107-27. "Arsinoe II Philadelphos: A Revisionist View. In his Encomium to Ptolemy. so strangely feminist. where Arsinoe is compared to Hera as wife of Zeus in order to justify her incestuous marriage. ed.25she seems to have reworked the erotic relationship of Berenice and Soter to serve as a formula for her joint rule with her husband-brother. "The Reappearance of Royal Sibling Marriage in Ptolemaic Egypt. Gutzwiller. Recent examples include Longega (note 18 above) 131 and passim and." forthcoming in CA (1992). 221-22. D. Callimaque et son temps (Lille 1979) 210-17 and K. "The Nautilus. and had independently ruled a number of cities when she found refuge from her political troubles in the north by replacing her brother's first wife to become queen of Egypt.67-68). based on various divine and mythical prototypes.24 Approaching forty years of age. But others have minimized her political role. and Selenaia. had borne three sons. the goddess at Zephyrium answered the prayers of fishermen and the "holy daughters of the Hellenes. in all likelihood. 25Scholars have traditionally asserted that Arsinoe dominated Philadelphus both intellectually and politically. L. Burstein. = 14 G-P) on the dedication of a nautilus shell by Selenaia at Zephyrium also reflects Arsinoe's concerns with women's sexuality. N. they may well have been praying for happiness based on the kind of mutual affection exhibited by the Ptolemaic couples.
28 the process of projectingthese politically favorable 26For Arsinoe's identification with Helen. describingthat festival Theocritusnames Arsinoe as "the daughterof Berenice. Donzelli. Halperin. 18.26 Epithalamium Helenthe of chorus asks Aphroditeto grantthe brideand bridegroom"equaldesire for each other" (Id. not male.128-30). The Gardens of Adonis.probablyconcernedwomen'sfantasyof satisfyingsex. Sussex. desire. 27The Reign of the Phallus (Cambridge 1985) 23-30. 15. loving deeply her brotherand husband"(Id. and G. B. It is not surprising.27 When Arsinoe remade this festival into a state-supported extravaganza. 15.106-11)." Hermes 112 (1984) 306-16. that the Ptolemaic queens associated themselves with Aphroditeas a deity who promotes mutualdesire between husbandand wife. Koenen.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 367 highlighted:"No better wife embraces her bridegroomin their chamber. Janet Lloyd (Hassocks. as Eva Keuls has suggested. she lifted the concept of shared desire between lovers from its previousplace of nearinvisibilityinto publicprominenceas a modelfor her subjects to emulate. 1977) 63-66 with 99-122 and John J. L. The principalreason that Berenice I and Arsinoe II were attentive to this goddess may well have been gratitudefor divine assistance in effecting their royal marriages.51-52) and then bids them to "sleep breathing love and desire into each other's breast" (54-55). and. Theocritus at Court (Leiden 1979) 86-91. that we findin Theocritus'descriptionof the Adonis cult the same emphasison mutualityof love: "The Cyprianembraceshim. 17. Frederick T. tr. era was a privatefestival celebratedonly by women.Helen was of course the mythical prototype of the sexually desirable and unfaithful wife. David M. 28The influence of Egyptian religion in forming these images should not be ignored.110). then. Griffiths. then. Winkler.128). See also Marcel Detienne. see Elizabeth Visser.to excuse Berenice's displacementof Eurydice and to palliate the incest of the In Philadelphoi.110). but under the Philadelphoiher marriageto Menelaus was reIn vampedas a model of maritalhappiness. The Constraints of Desire (New York 1990) 188-209. like to Helen" (Id. 15.But the image of shared affectionbetween king and queen was also useful politically. It is evident. "Arsinoe simile ad Elena (Theocritus Id. while the The Adoniaof the classical rosy-armedAdonis embracesher" (15.Gratitude for Berenice's deificationwas the ostensible reasonfor Arsinoe's establishmentof an elaboratepubliccelebrationof the Adoniain Alexandria In (Id. "Die Adaptation Agyptischer Konigsideologie am Ptolemaerhof" in . Gotter und Kulte im Ptolemdischen Alexandrien (Amsterdam 1938) 19-20. One Hundred Years of Homosexuality (New York 1990) 133-37 points out that the Greeks considered erotic reciprocity to be characteristic of female.
This was. The pattern of male domination and female subjection which certainly characterized Athenian marriages of the fifth and fourth centuries was replaced by an image of reciprocal desire between husband and wife. since these matters are beyond my competence. see J. a decade older than the average Egyptian bride. "Le roi Magas. 17. While the Soteres had emphasized the legitimacy of children born to loving spouses (see Theocr. see E Chamoux. Although Hellenistic monarchs continued to marry off their daughters in accordance with dynastic needs. But others place Magas' death as late as 250 and therefore argue that Berenice was much younger when she married Ptolemy. see Edwyn Bevan. Berenice I and Arsinoe II had managed to free themselves of male control in accomplishing their Ptolemaic marriages. Herwig Maehler and V. "Reines Ptolemaiques et traditions Egyptiennes" in Das Ptolemdische Agypten. Zabkar. 30For the traditional chronology of Berenice's engagement (ca. as between parent and child (cf." RH 216 (1956) 22-24. 259) and marriage (246). was. on the Egyptian model. Id. ed. Hymns to Isis in her Temple at Philae (Hanover 1988) 12-15. her plot against Demetrius reaffirmed the marriage as an act of her own choosing. 380.29 The likeness of this marriage to that of the Soteres and the Philadelphoi was evident. Recherches sur le mariage et la condition de la femme mariee a l'epoque hellenistique (Paris 1970) 70. at least in part. Philopator and Philometor). Quaegebeur. Strocka (Mainz am Rhein 1978) 24562. the Ptolemaic monarchs were promoting a new concept of romantic love that can scarcely be found in classical times.368 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER images. a distortion of actual circumstance. The House of Ptolemy (London 1927) 73-74. Louis V. that which guaranteed the condition of the state and dynastic continuity.30 she had also demonstrated her freedom from pa- Egypt and the Hellenistic World(note 11above) 158-68 has pointed out that Arsinoe's love for Philadelphus mimicked the love of Isis for her brother Osiris and that the love between royal husband and wife. but the royal couple needed also to distinguish themselves in some way. 89-90. Although Berenice II had originally been betrothed to Ptolemy III by her father.40-44) and the Philadelphoi had emphasized the bond of affection between siblings. 29On the legal aspects of her marriage without parental control. This romantic vision reflects a genuine leveling of the power hierarchy within royal marriages. Laronde (note 13 above) 362. But.. I confine myself to the significance of the new Ptolemaic images for their Greek subjects. Le culte d'Isis dans le bassin oriental de la Mediterranee I (Leiden 1973) 27-45. The later dating of Magas' death has the advantage of eliminating . see Claude Vatin. See also Franqoise Dunand. Berenice was probably about twenty-seven when she married Ptolemy. For worship of the Ptolemaic queens in Egyptian temples. the third dynastic couple chose to stress the passionate attraction of young bride and groom.
Sommer(note 31above)2106-7 andHaar in Religion(note 31above)27-28.11. in a novel But concernedwith the purityof marital love. For the dedication of boys' hair to rivers at the time of see puberty.Achilles tells how his father had vowed that his son wouldofferhis hairto the riverSpercheiusupon returnto his homeland. chus represents her as a young girl leaving the shelter of her parents' home to marrythe man of her dreams(15-32). 32Eust. n." CE 55 (1980)242. Marinone(note 8 above) 19."BderniceII. et l'offrandede la boucle. The decision to sacrifice a lock of Berenice's hairreflectsthe same program myth making. RE VII 2109s. G. of for the ritual act of hair cutting normallymarkedthe transitionfrom childhood to adulthood.usually to Apollo (Rhianus 8 G-P = AP 6.On the age of Egyptianbrides. . Catullus'depictionof herreluctanceto leave herparentsis clearly a misrepresentation historicalcircumstance. 31 LudwigSommer. II Scholars usually find the primary model for the dedication of Berenice's lock in a passage from the Iliad (23. iLact eL XELpetv atuiTv EYXWQLootg Toxactoig.156). Puelma(note 9 above)234. one specificut the gap of over a decade between the betrothalof Berenice to Ptolemy III and her But marriage. may simplybe modeledon the famoussacrifice of Berenice's tress. WilliamH. "Haaropfer". Miinster1912) 79-81.3'When cutting his hairover the funeralpyre of Patroclus.Anothersuch dedicationof hair is made by Anthiato Helius on behalfof her husbandin Xenophon'sEphesians(5.But Eustathiusassociates Peleus' promise with the customaryfirst cuttingof hair by youths on their entranceto manhood32-an interpretation likely had appealfor readersof the third that century B. ArsinodIII. see Pomof eroy (note 18 above) 107.Youngmen. Euphorion 1 G-P = AP 6. Berenice's sacrifice resembles the one promised by Peleus to the extent that both seem to involve payment for fulfillmentof a prayer.C. Nachtergael.140-53). Several Hellenistic epigrams concern the dedication of hair at a point of transitionto adulthood.6).v.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 369 When Callimarentalcontrol by the murderof her mother'sparamour.66:otl 0o0 V TeqRctv x6[trv TO. Theodoridas 2 G-P = AP 6. Rouse. thatact.g vEouVg[t?X1 x(al &x[tIg. he is distortingrealityin of accordancewith the chosen program the court. who sometimes dedicatethe firstshavingof theirbeards.279. 35a. even so. 1292. In two other epigrams young women who are still jzag0evoL their hair for Artemis. cf.278. "Das Haarin Religionund and der Aberglauben Griechen"(Diss. also offerlocks of hair. Greek VotiveOfferings(Cambridge 1902)240-41.
38. At Delos both young men and maidens. or the Fates. dea Syr. 1423-30. In cult and myth. Another well-known sacrifice of this type took place in Troezen." TAPA 103 (1972) 416-19. J. Likewise. These hair-cutting rituals are connected with a wide-spread group of myths in which a maiden is sacrificed or otherwise violently separated from her companions just at the point when she is ready for marriage. Lucian. the foundation myth for the Brauronia. 1. the institution was established by Artemis to perpetuate the memory of Hippolytus. 1. 645). propitiation of a hero or heroine who failed to complete the transition that the worshippers themselves were undergoing. According to Euripides (Hipp. girls on the threshold of marriage made a hair sacrifice to Iphinoe. girls regularly dedicate their hair to Hera. Paus. In another version of the story (schol. cf.32. the practice can be documented in various parts of Greece. at Megara. offered their first clipping of hair to Apollo. Lys.33 Although these epigrams are all a bit later than Berenice's dedication. departing from boyhood. involving sacrifice of a maiden in propitiation for a bear. Haar in Religion (note 31 above) 34-44. cf.276.4).60). Damagetus 1 G-P = AP 6. a hero's daughter who died a rcaQe0vog (Paus. where prenubile girls performed a bear ritual to appease Artemis. 5.1) reports that Theseus cut his hair at Delphi in accordance with the custom whereby young men.43. Reckford.43. where maidens who were preparing to marry cut their hair for Hippolytus. see Sommer. Plutarch (Thes. For full discussion of hair sacrifices by girls. in addition. A prime example of such a maiden is Iphigeneia. 2. who was brought to Aulis to be sacrificed on the pretext of marriage with Achilles. and Aphrodite. the custom itself is much older.. .370 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER cally in connection with her impending marriage (Antipater of Sidon 51 G-P = AP 6. Ar. see K. their offerings were placed upon the tomb of the Hyperborean maidens who died there (Hdt. Paus. has a clear re33According to Pollux 3. dedicated locks of hair in the Artemisium. "Phaethon. Hippolytus.4). the latter just before marriage.34 This series of examples shows clearly that hair sacrifices were commonly made by girls just and by boys at on the point of becoming married women (rt6Cy&[5tov) the ritual often involved the time of admission to manhood. 4.277).34. 340n the connection between Hippolytus' death and the loss of virginity in marriage. Artemis. Iphigeneia was sacrificed at Attic Brauron. whose chief heroic trait was his refusal to abandon his chastity for the rites of Aphrodite.
although it has been suggested that she was inspired by Isis' cutting of a lock in mourning for Osiris (Plut. 14. Ar. G. 23. not a deer. et Os.. 104 Allen) where it is reported that Artemis saved Iphigeneia to make her immortal and left a deer to be slaughtered on the altar. Rite of passage and grave offering are thus combined in the immediacy of the mythical moment.. the lock was given to be a companion of a prototypic hero or heroine who had perished at this time of danger. Nachtergael. see Dowden (note 35 above) 49-69. For the connections between these myths and the initiation rituals performed by Athenian girls. 292-93. 645. According to the schol. Death and the Maiden (London 1989) 9-47.38 The sacrifice has no precise parallel because it is in fact a mythical model for the institutional offering of an initiand's hair to a heroic prototype who has perished. in place of the girl who was becoming a wife. 'Arktos e Brauroniois'. primos . 645 and Suda s. see Angelo Brelich. see schol. The Best of the Achaeans (Baltimore 1979) 33. Paides e parthenoi I (Rome 1969) 24079. "La chevelure .35The transition to married life was a time of great anxiety and so of perceived danger. p. Lys. De Is. Achilles offers his long hair to accompany his OeQa&jov whose death has substituted for and foreshadowed his own. Ar. see Gregory Nagy.253-56. rather than 35For the Brauronia myth. 36According to Stat. 38For Achilles as an initiand. Lys.36 The myths accompanying initiation rituals record instances in which the deity's anger was not averted. 37That the lock was conceived as a companion to the hero or deity to whom it was offered is indicated by Achilles' use of 6ojTcaaLC (II. in which her sacrifice was to appease a deer killed by her father. . girls at Argos sacrificed their maiden hair to Athena. 39Berenice's act clearly follows the tradition of Greek hair sacrifices.2 G-P = AP 6. 2. . For an illuminating discussion of Patroclus as Achilles' Oap@tcjv. with the resulting death of a maiden.37In this light it becomes easier to understand Eustathius' assimilation of Achilles' sacrifice to a commonplace practice. Theb.39 Her sacrifice took place shortly after.356d). Ken Dowden... Pierre Brule.v. La fille dAthenes (Paris 1987) 179-283.2). The locks of hair that were commonly offered substituted for the life of the initiand herself. when the anger of the powerful deities who protected youth and chastity could easily be aroused. excusare toros. The deer motif in the Iphigeneia story goes back to the Cypria (Proclus. the substitute was a bear. Berenice's dedication of her lock also involved a modification of the normal ritual. Instead of shearing his locks by the Spercheius in the normal fashion of the initiand.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 371 semblance to a well-known myth about Iphigeneia.151) in reference to the lock given to Patroclus and the use of the same verb in one of the epigrams in which hair is offered to Apollo (Euphorion 1.279. In denying the connection.
Arsinoe. In the context of an offering by a rragu0vog. the safe return of her husband.g TOVOE kXEOLJT xo6ai AQolvo6] Ov6ev Ita'' &avaxToQov HITokealtcov i jTaQOEvo. Berenice's act itself bears little resemblance to the Greek practice of cutting hair as a sign of mourning.. Arsinoe III's fiance and brother. not the dangers of transition to married life. the court (at least so one may assume) decided upon the d'Isis. That Berenice's dedication was a purposefully contrived reworking of normal practice is supported by an epigram of Damagetus in which an Arsinoe. rather than in anticipation of some future happiness. sacrifices a lock of her hair while still a maiden: 'AQTetL. To6ca actovocaxcta&kxflVTCagOloTOU.372 KATHRYNGUTZWILLER before. But nothing in the poem suggests that her ritual shearing was anything other than the customary offering of maidens to the goddess who superintends their transition to womanhood." AC 50 (1981)584-606 has shown that Isis' gesture was not an offering at all but an external sign of mourning. as Marinone (note 8 above) 18-19 points out. Gow-Page argue that Artemis is here called upon as a warrior goddess to aid Ptolemy IV Philopator. Berenice's was a calculated deviation from the norm. And. the maidendaughterof Ptolemy. (1 G-P = AP 6. iLEQTo9 xelQat[tevrT nox6dtov. But we should keep in mind that our understanding of the lock's shearing comes only from Greek sources. Her dedication modified the traditional hair sacrifice to make it concern. wielder of bow and painfularrows.40 If so. In order to draw additional attention to the queen's sacrifice and so to increase its value as propaganda. in the battle of Raphia. . The offering was made in fulfillment of a specific prayer.277) To you Artemis. as we find in the epigrams. grantsthis lock of her own hair in your fragrantshrine. Arsinoe's sacrifice follows the usual practice. not to Artemis alone. marriage and was presented. likewise. Arsinoe would be mimicking her mother's sacrifice. Could the court have presented another interpretation for its Egyptian subjects? 40Gow-Page ad 1. who is almost certainly Berenice's daughter. the reference to Artemis' arrows suggests not her warrior quality but her potential to destroy women through disease or difficult childbirth. Thompson (note 25 above) 61 and Nachtergael (note 31 above) 240. but the joys and fears of a loving couple already yoked by marriage. ooi JTr6xovoixelc. but to all the gods in a temple of Aphrodite-Arsinoe. shorn of her lovely tress.
. the event that would define Berenice's identity as queen of Egypt. 388. As an object given life through both deification and the poet's imagination. The opening six lines contain a description of the range of Conon's astronomical knowledge-the constellations.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 373 ploy of the lock's disappearance and claim of divine intervention. probably now in his sixties. see Pfeiffer ad frag. the rising and setting of the stars. Pfeiffer. Ernst Howald. This wealth of scientific 41 In the 270's he had written an epithalamium for the marriage of Arsinoe and Philadelphus (frag. III At the time of Berenice's marriage to Ptolemy. 321 and Gelzer (note 11above) 19. see R. the lock could serve as a conduit through which the poet himself would speak or just as easily assume a characterization from which he stood apart. 228). It was perhaps." Antike 2 (1926) 16174. But how was the scholarly poet to celebrate this charade so pleasing to his monarchs without appearing himself to accept the patently fallacious discovery? And how was the aging Callimachus. eclipses and seasonal variations. which may have been written when she was still a Cyrenean princess. he decided upon a cluster of stars that Aratus had a few years earlier proclaimed nameless (Phaen. and Gelzer. to treat with decorum the joys of the queen's wedding night? The solution was to speak through the voice of the lock. 146). Callimachus had been the virtual poet laureate of the Ptolemaic court for some thirty years. "Arsinoe Philadelphos in der Dichtung.41 with the ascension to the throne of a queen from his native Cyrene. the darkening of the moon romanticized as a lover of Endymion. Conon's part in this hoax was simply to find a suitable place for the lock in the sky. with more than a sense of duty that he assumed his obligation to issue a literary treatment of the lock's catasterism. On Callimachus as court poet. 392) and later composed a lyric poem describing that queen's apotheosis (frag. 388). his continuing influence at court was assured. Der Dichter Kallimachos von Kyrene (Erlenbach-Zurich 1943) 90-95. By allowing the voice of the lock to slip back and forth between the two poles of poet's persona and distinct character. Callimachus had the more difficult task of fleshing out the myth in an appealing literary form. p. Callimachus could present all the romantic and fantastic details of the catasterism while yet maintaining his own stance of bemused scepticism. then. There survives a fragment of an elegy concerning Berenice and her father Magas (frag.
5." 44Grief for Arsinoe II was expressed by her apotheosized sister Philotera (frag. the learned allusiveness that seems to emanate from Callimachus himself is counterpointed with a different-more naive and emotional-style of speaking that seems to represent the character of the lock.&k.. 51) who were grieving for its absence when. Marinone (note 8 above) 103-6. sometimes claimed as a special feature of the Catullan version. then. but a lock of hair dedicated by Berenice to all the gods.42 in the one surviving line of Greek text) surely suggests the persona of the scholarly Callimachus. But. The lock assumes the role of the chaste youth in whose memory a maiden's hair was sometimes dedicated. From this point forward. 43The feminine characterization of the lock has been little commented on or. comments. Van Sickle." even (n. when noticed. newly shorn." TAPA 99 (1968) 499. J.44 I suggest that. 260). To impersonate the voice of such a maidenlike creature surely offered a challenge even to the poetic ingenuity of Callimachus. somewhat tempestuous (feminine) character of the speaker. it was carried off from its place of dedication.43 The lock . "About Form and Feeling in Catullus 65. B.). 66. cobelongs to that group of "sister tresses" (x6oal . in pointing out that arX6xa[tog is a masculine noun. since the usual compensation for incomplete transition to adult life. The particular characterization that Callimachus chose to give the lock was that of a maiden. a lock of hair.26). speaking objects of dedication are given an individualized personality (Epigr. but seems to make a great deal of the gossipy. Cat. 2. 56 Pf. 57) "eine Art Kammerzofe. to discover in the fourth couplet that the speaker is not the poet at all. in lambi. we hear the voices of the dead Hipponax . a6e) . mae . sorores. in certain of the epigrams. . 228). for whom impersonation of unusual voices was not a new technique. 6oog and yattct. an intimate companion of Berenice from the time she was "a small girl" (a parva virgine. birds converse in Hecale (frag.105-112." But Puelma (note 9 above) 240 states unequivocably that the lock is personified as "ein lebhaftes junges Madchen. The idea of characterizing the lock as a maiden must have occurred to Callimachus as a clever extension of Berenice's modification to the customary practice of hair sacrifice. looking to earlier literature for a 42See Pfeiffer ad 1.374 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER and mythical allusion (note the technical astronomical terms. was not a suitable gift for an entity that was already a lock. Phthonus and Apollo exchange comments in H. Berenice's tress asks for libations of the perfumed oils that it failed to enjoy as a companion of her maidenhood (75-92). . "Catullus' Latin is not only less common about gender. The reader is perhaps surprised.
The Death Rituals of Rural Greece (Princeton 1982) 74-85. since there too the lock has suffered a double separation.11 = 28 G-P) and later held up as a forerunner of Callimachean poetic principles. Like the lock. and by Erinna's Distaff. two statues of Hermes (7. Callimachus found a voice for his lock in the tradition of women's laments for lost companions. having heardfrommother.45 Although Erinna's poem shares with Sappho 94 an enumeration of the pleasures once enjoyed with the departed girl (cf. the Trojan Women. Skinner. John Rauk. The double separation in Erinna seems connected to the "bride of Hades" theme. on the paradox of the metaphor. on which see R.322 = 9 Antiphanes in Gow-Page. 94. [ &oo' E.the reader of Aetia is addressed not only by the lock but also by the tomb of Simonides (frag. T.1223 PLF with 401. kXca. "The Tragic Wedding. see AP 11. Loring Danforth." GRBS 30 (1989) 110-16 has recently sought to connect Sappho frag.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 375 model that he might adapt.[ heart]. Bacrx (XLka- ] 'A(Qo6iT. 9).15-28 SH).. 94. . 97). 45Distaff was admired by Asclepiades for its brevity and polish (AP 7. 94. probably by marriage. the lock resents Aphrodite's effect upon Berenice: (1). 94 with laments. 96 PLF) containing tender reminiscence for a girl from whom she has parted. The Greek Anthology: The Garland of Philip I (Cambridge 1968)." JHS 107 (1987) 106-30 and.." CW 75 (1982) 265-69. and Erinna.. and so with Distaff. and the tomb of Connidas (11). The remnants of this tradition are represented by several of Sappho's poems (16. a fourth-century hexameter lament for a friend named Baucis (401-2 SH).28-30) But when [you came] into his bed you forgot everythingthat .dearBaucis. [ eXekaoo ]6xa jT&vT' ] atQog axoocaag. Erinna is resentful of her companion's happiness in marriage and her forgetfulness of their earlier life together: kC &vcxa8' kFexo.. "Briseis.. see M. Aphrodite[placed]forgetfulness[inyour .a(401. a laurel and olive (4). first the cutting that resulted from Berenice's love for her husband and then placement among the stars. "Erinna's Distaff and Sappho Fr. Likewise. it differs from Sappho's poems in that Erinna assimilates separation by marriage to separation by death. tjTlaCo. 64) and a Pelasgian wall (frag. Seaford.46 In this respect Distaff resembles Callimachus' poem. by arguing that "a farewell addressed to women who married might have been a recognized type" (116). B. 46For similarities between Distaff and Homeric laments....
Callimachus had to effect a reversal in the reader's sympathies. clearly distinct from the voice of the poet himself. but more nearly a source of amusement. the voice of the lock falls away from the voice of Callimachus in inverse proportion to its closeness to the voice of Sappho or Erinna. In this respect the lock bears resemblance to both mourning maiden and maiden mourned. a distancing that is easily ironized. He does this by making the voice of the lock. Arthur. or from the tradition in which it was situated. The result of Callimachus' adaptation of the female poet's voice to his own poetry was this distancing of the internal narrator from the implied author. While the narrating voice heard in women's poetry is hardly to be separated from the implied author herself (so much so that practically everyone has assumed Erinna was indeed nineteen when she wrote her poem). was not so much a scenario of action as a personalized narrating voice capable of conveying intensity of grief. as the implied author. What Callimachus took from Distaff.31-32) Whatgod is powerfulenoughto havechangedyou?Oris it because lovers don't want to be far from the body of their beloved? Although no clear echoes of the surviving portions of Distaff have been identified in the Greek text of Lock. Yet Callimachus' imitation of these women's laments involves a partial reversal of roles. Although the lock grieves for a lost companion as does Sappho or Erinna. who points out that Erinna "could have transposed herself back in time in order to compose the poem as a recreation of the experience she was describing.47 the feminized persona narrating Callimachus' poem is easily kept separate from the male author who projects it. I know of no other poem in Greek literature that provides so close a parallel in situation and sentiment. its lament is never pathetic. B. as the internal narrator." . it is also the one who has entered a new realm of being-transported to the region above as Baucis to the region below. which are not now directed to the maiden who grieves but to the happy bride.376 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER quis te mutavittantus deus? an quod amantes non longe a caro corporeabesse volunt? (Cat. "The Tortoise and the Mirror: Erinna PSI 1090." CW 74 (1980) 56. In fact. In using the voice heard in women's laments for the changed purpose of celebrating the companion's marriage. 66. With an exaggerated sense of its own importance (and an echo of the 47A major exception is M. Because of our awareness of Callimachus' ironic view of the lock.
50 The emotional complexity of the lock's character is obliquely suggested near the beginning of the poem by the allusion to Selene's love for Endymion (5-6). when such mountains yield to iron?" (47-48). aoXka T xev QE eatuL. 51-68) and then tells of its reaction to that event (15-32.cf. I shall show that the lock undergoes a gradual change from resentment to acceptance. 39-50. 51-94). In each of these the lock first describes one stage of the events leading to its catasterism (1-14." 6otv6o fpaitooaav BeoEVixT]v. 1).649-51. the lock's willingness to speak truthfully about its dissatisfaction with the catasterism despite the hostile reaction of the other stars (71-74) strikes a humorous cord because a human response is here granted to inanimate constellations. Likewise. 49Pfeiffer.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 377 Iliad)48 the lock compares its shearing to the Persians' cutting of a channel through Mount Athos: "What are we locks to do. 40).49 loses its ability to move us because the head has a literal as well as a synecdochic reference here. caput. ad loc. from jealous longing for the queen to admission that it misses the pleasures of marriage. the central event that is being celebrated in the poem. 4. Yet the relationship between Callimachus and the feminized voice he creates is not simply one of distanced irony. If the reader hears in the opening couplets the voice of the scholarly Callimachus. n. We should perhaps remember that Ptolemaic 4811. then this mythical periphrasis for eclipses of the moon seems designed to flatter the queen by mirroring her passion for Ptolemy. its passionate declaration that it unwillingly departed from the queen. . and IIAOKAMOS (note 5 above) 184 (105) finds a variation on the "K6nigseid. But it is also a condition of mind that is fundamentally in opposition to Berenice's marriage. OEog bta JTiVTitaTEevta. 33-38. where Agamemnon excuses his action in dishonoring Achilles by attributing it to the divine force of aiml. 19. 33-50.90. The lock thus pays the ultimate compliment to the marriage it so deeply resents. Callimachus managed to deal with this paradoxical circumstance by giving the lock a characterization so subtle that it borders on inconsistency: while the lock jealously resents the queen's erotic attachment to her husband. it also seems to long for the kind of happiness that she has obtained. 69-94). 501 divide the poem into three sections (1-32. because the lock's longing for Berenice is an emotional response with which we are meant to engage. Od. Marinone (note 8 above) 45-46 gives a somewhat different structural analysis of the poem and discusses those of earlier scholars (47. sworn in the name of the monarch herself and her "head" (x&gnv. So too.
she rallied the troops and saved the day. The lines suggest that Berenice excuses her distress. however. usually as a love charm (known as early as Ar. 52The story of Selene's love for Endymion is first known from a reference in Sappho (199 PLF).378 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER queens identified themselves with Selene as a Greek form of Isis.51 But if the passage is read as a reflection of the internal narrator's state of mind. See Tondriau (note 18 above) 14-15. Fordyce. this interpretation is favored by Pfeiffer I 112-13 ad 26 with 321-22 ad frag.54 But here that image is brought up only to be 1. ed.26). Cat. Catullus (Oxford 1961) ad 27 points out that a reference to the Demetrius story is more likely because the act reported by Hyginus "could not have assisted her to attain her regium coniugium." Marinone (note 8 above) 144-45. C. Even the lock's reference to the (feigned) brother-sister relationship alludes to the (fictionalized) private reality behind the public facade (21-22). however. The lock's distressed reaction to Berenice's vow of sacrifice in lines 15-32 is Callimachus' stratagem for portraying the queen as a sexually passionate wife. knows the truth. the moon's abandonment of her orbit to visit Endymion provides a clear parallel to the lock's desire to leave the heavens to be reunited with its mistress.24) assumes. when Berenice's father was put to flight in battle. by attributing it to the more conventionally acceptable concern for a brother. Callimachus manages as well a flattering reference to the queen's handling of the Demetrius affair when he has the lock attempt to recall her to her previous stoutness of heart (magnanimam. Callimachus leaves open the possibility that the romantic allusion may reflect. the lock's desire for a male lover. a reference to a story that. had its propagandistic value in the image making of the court.53 The lock's preferred image of the queen. 388. 749-50). 66. unavoidably made public through the vow. 20. on some level of consciousness. as an Amazonlike warrior. who reviews the scholarship. The effect is of course to reveal Berenice's inmost desire without stripping her of her public modesty.52 Yet in choosing a mythical parallel that involves heterosexual love. 54In opposition to the feminine image of Berenice given in Lock. we find the counterimage of her as a woman pursuing traditionally masculine endeavors at the begin- . 29-30.. the lock. the lock is in a position to reveal the most intimate details of her personal life. As a confidante once bodily attached to the queen. an image that Berenice herself could scarcely promote in her own public demeanor. Callimachus here assimilates the myth to the magical practice of calling down the moon. Cleopatra VII called herself Isis or Selene and gave her children by Antony the names Helius and Selene. 64-66. Nub. identification with Isis or Selene goes back to Berenice I or Arsinoe II. J. 31 and Thompson (note 25 above) 57-59.. that she weeps for her abandoned bed. argues for a reference to both events. 53Hyginus (Astr 2.
its unwillingness and helplessness (39-50). 371. 56As Huxley (note 55 above) has explained. his interpretation is now supported by the reasoning of G. who were also inventors of metal working. 45). Boreas) as the "descendant of Theia" (44). the "mother" of Berenice (rtlTxQ6ooeo. on these see Pomeroy (note 18 above) 3-11. . ." (note 5 above) 187-89 (108-11) argued from a gloss in the Suda that the correct reading in the Greek was &avvatov OErTlg. see P. "Callimachus: Victoria Berenices. The last section of the poem details the lock's abduction and catasterism (51-94). But Pfeiffer ad 44 and IAOKAMOX "Bovu6oog 'AQaoivvo6.. Th. L. 17). Berenice. the mountain was associated with Arsinoe as a symbol of her northern connections and was called fBovUr6ogbecause its shadow sometimes touched and seemed to skewer a statue of a cow on Lemnos. Callimachus Hesiodicus (Berlin 1976) 391-93. In the middle section of the poem the lock reports the queen's fulfillment of her vow upon Ptolemy's return from Asia (33-38) and recalls its own response to its dedication.55 the obscure reference to Mount Athos as the "bullpiercer" of Arsinoe (45)..7-8. referring to Boreas. 2. 66.57 Yet even in the midst of this baroque extravagance the lock's character as a maiden sacrificed to forces larger than itself remains intact.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 379 rejected in favor of the suggestion that Berenice's coup was motivated by her love for Ptolemy. 378-80). JHS 100 (1980) 189-90. 57The lock's curse on the Chalybes bears a certain resemblance to Callimachus' own address to the Telchineis (frag. Astr." ZPE 25 (1977) 49. 55 Bentley identified the progenies Thiae as Helius. On the symmetry between Victory and Lock. who is named the son of Theia in Hes. Parsons. Cat. Callimachus there celebrates Berenice's victory in the Nemean games by telling of Heracles' founding of the contest. We again sense the persona of the scholarly Callimachus in the passage's cluster of allusions-the Hesiodic echo in the description of Helius (or.24: Berenicen nonnulli cum Callimacho dixerunt equos alere et ad Olympia mittere consuetam fuisse) Berenice was following the tradition of Macedonian warrior queens.. thus setting a heroic prototype for the queen's own victory (254-68 SH).56the curse on the iron-working Chalybes (4850). While scholars have recently clarified the astral impli- ning of Book 3 of Aetia. Although the lock believes that some god has changed her from her former forbearance (31). By recalling Athos' association with Arsinoe. Huxley. . Th. the grandson of Theia as the son of her daughter Eos (Hes. 1. Discussion in Hannelore Reinsch-Werner. In her love of horses (see Hyg. quo regium adepta es coniugium. the lock seems to oppose the masculine world symbolized by the military exploits of the Medes or the metal working of the Chalybes to the feminine bonds connecting Arsinoe.27-28) as for her longing for her absent husband. and itself. facinus. Callimachus intends us to understand that Aphrodite was as responsible for her heroic deed (bonum . possibly.
. . 378-79 reports the fraternal relationship of Boreas and Zephyrus as sons of Eos and Astraeus. 16. The impregnation of mares by Zephyrus is reported by Arist.35: Psychen . which took place in September of 246 B. the description of Zephyrus as the horse of Arsinoe refers metaphorically to his function as her conveyor.10.62 The suggestiveplayful phrase OXvg. It is modeled on the apotheosis of both Berenice I (by Aphrodite) and Arsinoe II (by the Dioscuri. see Dieg. cf.&aTrlqg.58 the significance of its abduction by Zephyrus has not been fully appreciated.59 While the violence of the cold north wind was imaged in Boreas' rape of Oreithyia. But the lock's characterization as a maiden makes it hard to ignore the mythical association of winds with the abduction of maidens who are ready for marriage. . mitis aura molliter spirantis Zephyri . artistically he was represented as a winged young man upon whose shoulders the goddess traveled.see Pfeiffer ad frag. 60For Boreas' rape of Oreithyia. 55-56) bears a structural resemblance to Euripides' description of Artemis' abduction of Iphigeneia (IT 29-30. see Lobel (note 3 above) 94.: 229c-d. II.2-5). 548 and IAOKAMOE (note 5 above) 196 (118-19). cf. 4... the traces vcL &a]aoTr0fva[L] of Callimachus' text. 6i6 6be XajQor6v aiOet a EtpaotVa 't tV6' g T O(XLOEV Taucwov X0ova). Hom.. which is suggestive of sexual abduction. x. 3. on the sexual potency of winds emblemized as stallions. Hes. West (note 16above) 61-66 imagines that Conon supported his fiction by pointing to the heliacal rising of the Coma close to the planet Venus in Virgo. 6. Building on this line of interpretation. Callimachus' further language (61' . see PI. ness of the abduction by Zephyrus points to a certain twist that Cal- 58Huxley (note 16 above) 242-44 argues that the Aphrodite who receives the lock is to be understood as the planet Venus. Brule (note 35 above) 291-301 discusses Oreithyia as a prototype of the lost maiden connected with Attic initiation rituals for unmarried girls. We may compare as well Zephyrus' snatching of Psyche on the command of Cupid in Apul.60 Callimachus may allude to the wind god's male potency by calling him the "horse of Arsinoe" (54. 518-25. Hes.. G. will not accommodate i[grc]aoe.266-83. As Zwierlein (note 16 above) 284-90 has shown. 228). 59The scholium ad 54-57 seems to paraphrase the text of 55 with the phrase.. Th. see Pfeiffer (note 5 above) 197-98 (120-121) and.150 where he is said to have fathered the horses of Achilles)6l and by the "fertilizing breeze" (53). see Brule (note 35 above) 309. however. Phd.. el0g i0rlx?. 62Explained by the scholiast as 6]ta To y6ovl[ov jr]voOg&aiaX6g. 61 For references to winds as horses. . HA 572a and Verg.C. ad frag. the gentleness and fertility of the warmer seasons were concretized in the belief that his brother Zephyrus impregnated mares. while recalling as well the birth of Aphrodite who was conducted from the sea-foam to the shore of Cyprus by the "moist strength of blowing Zephyrus" (H. suo tranquillo spiritu vehens paulatim per devexa rupis excelsae.pa 6' vye6v eveixcg [KjrcQ]og Ix6knovr . .380 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER cations of the lock's journey to the heavens. vallis subditae florentis cespitis gremio leniter delapsam reclinat.. TOVZ[e](tOgov. Op. Met.
46-48. 2258. which comes in the final lines of the poem to indicate more concretely its readiness to make the transition to adult sexuality.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 381 limachus gives to his characterization of the lock. "Die Haarole der Berenike" in Kleine Schriften (Munich 1975) 423-26. together with a change in meaning or corruption in 77-78.. Lys. a symbol of a married woman's sexuality64 (especially beloved by Berenice as by Arsinoe II before her. the precise reason for this longing turns out to be the loss of those perfumes she now uses as a married woman. 'perfumed oils'. yuvvcalxeCLv 6' ovx arnEictavuo [WQ@0ov. (75-78) This (my home among the stars) does not charm me as much as I am distressedthat I no longertouch thatheadfromwhich. jraQ0eviLr [e/v OT' ?IVEiT. reprinted in Kallimachos 195-98 (note 5 above). the lock reveals that it chafes at the condition of perpetual maidenhood determined for it by its catasterism. 'simple oils'. Although in Callimachus' version the lock does claim to long for its former mistress. 5. see Hans Herter.63 By regretting the absence of these perfumes.13-30 where Athena is said to prefer simple masculine oils to the scented oils used by Aphrodite. ntecTnxa r5g aio. when she was still a maiden. Catullus' enhancement of the pathos of the lock's regret in 75-76. 15. JTOkXht Xlctx. . The lock's growing acceptance of its astral condition becomes evident in lines 71-74. This passage is absent from the Greek text found on POxy. see Ath.689a). 64For the use of perfumes to arouse a lover.. 938-44 and Plut. Detienne (note 26 above) 61-63 and passim. has tended to obscure for interpreters the very different rhetorical import of Callimachus' text: o0 TC6E pOl ToocrIV6&E (CE OOOoV EXEiVT] X6@QLV aOLXXd) xo0Ou@ ig o0xnXt it6oe?vog.I drankmanyunscentedoils but had no enjoymentof women's perfumes. He compares Callim. Cf. 529-30. H. But the suggestion that Catullus invented the 63On the difference between XLTx. see Ar. and uQcta. There follows in the Latin version a ten-line description of a ritual in which brides offer scented oils to the lock before the consummation of their marriage (79-88). it worries about the gossipy resentment of its new companions if it openly expresses its unhappiness in being separated from the queen. Now viewing itself within the community of the stars. Putnam (note 7 above) 87 stands almost alone in attempting to understand the nuances of the Callimachean lines.
the lock insists upon the importance of these gifts to secure it a place of respect among the stars: sed potius largis affice muneribus sidera cur iterent. The arguments in favor of this theory are fully set out by T. Coming to desire libations offered by brides (or by Berenice herself) as a substitute for the perfumed oils anointing the queen. 66Proposed by Pfeiffer (note 2 above) I 121. If the lock were simply a divinized symbol of maidenly chastity.it provides a further indication of the lock's acceptance of the catasterism effected by that deity. "Le due redazioni della Chioma di Berenice di Callimaco. perhaps at the time it was placed at the end of Aetia. (92-94) 65Worship by young women in the cult of a Ptolemaic queen finds a parallel in the devotion of the "daughters of the Hellenes" at the Zephyrium shrine sacred to Aphrodite-Arsinoe (Posid." proximusHydrochoifulgeretOarion. "utinamcoma regia fiam. 112).66 Although the additional lines are not crucial to Callimachus' final characterization of the lock. .67 not the perfumes used by brides for purposes of erotic arousal. they certainly support it. for the absence of these lines from the papyrus is that this text represents the first edition of the poem written before the establishment of the brides' ritual.65 The most likely explanation. tXTrl Tex?Eot. these lines were apparently excluded in favor of an epilogue suitable for the larger work (frag.382 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER is a'iTLov unconvincing. if indeed the queen were planning to use the catasterized lock as a surrogate for direct worship of her own person. 12.7-8 G-P). then. The offering of libations in such a cult is known from Thompson's study of the numerous faience oinochoai that bear depictions of the Egyptian queens.II xxxvii. she concludes (note 25 above) 117-22 that these were used by loyal citizens in the worship of the Ptolemaic rulers." RIL 91 (1957) 123-36 and "Poesia etiologica" (note 12above) 483-504. a description of the practice was then added by Callimachus to a later edition of the poem. X[aEle]. Traces remain in POxy. 2258 of a final couplet (94a-94b) missing in the Catullan translation. The readable portion. Ciresola. it would likely request offerings of childhood emblems. that seems a strange way to conclude the poem. Although the ending of the poem is often read as the lock's final expression of resentment toward its astral condition. see Rouse (note 32 above) 249-50.II xxxvii. 67For such offerings on coming of age. Instead. the final lines indicate the lock's acquiescence in its new status. because the ritual is just the sort of cult practice that we would expect the Euergetai to establish in order to perpetuate the myth of their romantic marriage. is a farewell addressed to Arsinoe (see Pfeiffer II 116).see Pfeiffer I 121. When the piece was reworded for inclusion in Aetia.
(aELvo . has supported the cataclysm theory. Harrison." Let Orion shine beside Aquarius.43. Catullus: The Poems2 (London 1973) ad loc.CALLIMACHUS' LOCK OF BERENICE 383 But ratherthroughyour abundantsacrificesgive the stars cause to say repeatedly.92-93. as a scholiast remarks in comparing it to the Pleiades. g 72Aratus emphasizes the brightness of both: Hydrochous is called zyau6og (392). . may have expressed more clearly the non-reality of the combined brightness of the two if they were to stand side by side. two of the brightest constellations in the sky. F Simpson. so that the lock is often thought to be praying for a divine cataclysm and its own return to the queen's head. "would that the stars should crash!"). Catullus' compressed Latin should. which I prefer to read as the lock's final assertion of pride rather than a continuation of the other stars' wish. 70In this I depart from the interpretation of Kenneth Quinn. 71Schol. ad 65-68: talc 6Eb t6 To IXk6aol q)nolv EolxeVacL IHX6xaRov xctTax oxlXta btaIO v TQLy(vO a&tauoo1 ~' aoTQoagc xEloOaL. brightness in the heavens. for the reference back to 73.59. . "Catullus LXVI. the ministrations of the queen. see E.69 The queen's libations will turn the resentful stars of 71-74 into jealous admirers of the honors given to the lock.68 But the transmitted text provides a perfectly intelligible meaning. A major impediment to this interpretation has been difficulty in understanding line 94." CR 4 (1890) 481. namely.92-94. then. (586-87). although the latter does express misgivings (ad 92ff.71 The lock implicitly acknowledges its own dimness when.). and Orion is said to be evfieyyng (518) and o6/&v a&Etxig.. 69For arguments in favor of the transmitted text. and one that links the end of this section with its beginning." In the end. in offering liba68Among these editors are Pfeiffer and Fordyce (note 53 above). who accepts as I do the reading of the ms. longer than the Catullan by one line. while no other stars are JTQoOrQeOgoTea 0roacelo0at (325)." CR 37 (1923) 57-58 and.72That Orion and Aquarius are not in fact neighbors. The Coma Berenices is a faint constellation. But the Callimachean text. Many editors have distorted the meaning of the lines by accepting Lachmann's emendation (sidera corruerint utinam!. be paraphrased as follows: "Let Orion flash even if he becomes neighbor to Aquarius. "Catullus lxvi."Wouldthat I were a royal tress.70 The meaning becomes clear if we consider what determined (in Callimachus' imagination) relative status in the lock's new community of the stars. it dismisses the gleam of Orion and Aquarius. taking pride in the imagined envy of the other stars.akX' . but stand about 100 degrees apart.
to flatter the queen through the lock's longing for her person.384 KATHRYN GUTZWILLER tions of her beloved perfumes. finding a model for its feminine voice of longing in the tradition of women's laments for departed friends. As further promotion of the image. the suggestion that the lock misses not only the queen but also the pleasures of married life was contrived to enhance the desired image of the monarch as a sexually passionate wife. That his poetic technique was immediately successful is indicated by the later placement of the poem at the conclusion of Aetia. not to mention the establishment of Coma Bere- . Guided by the myths associated with such hair sacrifices. Following the patterns set by her predecessors. then. the court invented the story of the lock's catasterism by Aphrodite and later instituted worship of the new constellation as a divinized surrogate of the queen. My analysis of Lock of Berenice has shown that the rhetorical strategies employed by Callimachus in molding an image of Berenice's royal marriage were predicated upon the queen's own interests and experiences as a woman. Callimachus avoided direct narration with its overtone of sycophancy by impersonating the voice of the lock itself. induced the queen to sacrifice her lovely tress and moved Aphrodite to compensate the victim with catasterism. The lock finally accepts its role as a symbol of the erotic devotion that. to appeal to the queen as a reader by presenting a feminine perspective on her marriage. to reveal intimate details essential to the dynastic myth of the Euergetai while yet preserving Berenice's dignity and modesty. reconcile the lock to its new status by making it feel. Berenice sought to legitimize her new position as queen of Egypt by adapting a hair-cutting ritual commonly performed by maidens to serve as a symbol of her erotic devotion to the man who was already her husband. as we are to believe. Even if the lock's sadness over the loss of girlhood intimacies was designed to touch some core of feeling in Berenice herself. more noticed than would be the combined brightness of these two constellations. its long-term success is evidenced by the number and lateness of the papyri preserving it. a variety of purposes: to distance himself from the fantastic events reported by the feminized character. Confronted with the formidable difficulties of treating these events in poetic form. he characterized the lock as an abandoned maiden. Callimachus' impersonation of the lock served. dim as it is. Yet Callimachus' differing purpose required that the reader's sympathies be deflected from the one who grieves to the married companion.
We should also note that Callimachus' impersonation of a feminized voice was of major importance to the history of Latin poetry.CALLIMACHUS' LOCKOF BERENICE 385 nices as an astronomical term. we should not overlook the essential part played by Callimachus' need to celebrate and win the support of the powerful woman who served as his queen. came in this way to have its influence upon the tradition of literature composed by men. Catullus' translation served as a catalyst for the voice of grief and longing heard in the Roman elegists. As Puelma has shown. deriving from a genre that had been the prerogative of women poets. KATHRYN GUTZWILLER UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI . If a feminine voice.