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The Mythology of Holy War in Daniel and the Qumran War Scroll: A Point of Transition in Jewish Apocalyptic Author

(s): John J. Collins Source: Vetus Testamentum, Vol. 25, Fasc. 3 (Jul., 1975), pp. 596-612 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1517023 Accessed: 10/10/2009 11:26
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1973). GUNKEL drew attention to the mythic pattern of conflict between a god and a chaos-monster as a central motif in Jewish apocalyptic. See the discussion with reference to the O. CRoss. 11-30. the sea monster. and again in wars of conquest.4) In the exile Israel had again fallen In a variant of the myth Baal does battle with Mot. for the kingship of the gods. GUNKEL argued for extensive Babylonian influence in Israel. D. Cf. D.Journalfor Theology Warrior in Israel's Early Cult" in Biblical Motifs ed. pp. pp. by F. much of which came in the pre-exilic period. JACOBSEN "The Battle between Marduk and Tiamat"JAOS west Semitic myth. . 3) See especially CRoss "The Song of the Sea and Canaanite Myth" in God and the ChurchV 1968.Rome.eit (G6ttingen. 1973) p.Vetus Testamentum. (= GORDON. lxiii. "The Divine and Christ. 1) H. Schopfung und Chaos in Urseit und End. 4) See P. but it re-emerges strongly at the time of the return from the exile. 1895). The Babylonian myth is not. 1-25. UgariticTextbook. 3 THE MYTHOLOGY OF HOLY WAR IN DANIEL AND THE QUMRAN WAR SCROLL: A POINT OF TRANSITION IN JEWISH APOCALYPTIC BY JOHNJ. JACOBSEN. HANSON. also Is. In the pre-exilic prophets and the Deuteronomistic history this portrayal of Yahweh fades into the background. 1965 129 and 51). but his insight into the importance of the conflict motif has been vindicated. Since the discoveries at Ugarit. GUNKEL'S theory of Babylonian influence has been seen to be exaggerated. Harvard. 2) CTCA 2 and 4. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Harvard. however. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic pp. Vol. GUNKEL.T. 37-59. but which also supplied the figurative language for apocalyptic. 1966) pp. motifs from this pattern are frequently adapted and applied to Yahweh. MILLER. "Zechariah 9 and the Recapitulation of an Ancient Ritual Pattern"JBL XCII 1973. The Divine Warriorin Early Israel (Harvard Semitic Series 5.3) Yahweh's victory over the Egyptians at the Red Sea. Baal does battle with Yamm. XXV.2) In the OT. LXXXVIII 1968.l) Using the Babylonian myth of Marduk and Tiamat. P. Fasc. 104-108. irrelevant. 91-176. ALTMANN(Harvard. pp. as has argued that the battle of Marduk and Tiamat derives from a T. COLLINS Chicago At the end of the last century H. 93. established him as the divine warrior par excellence. M. T. He is victorious in the battle and returns to set up his temple and enjoy a banquet with the gods. In the Ugaritic texts.

6) The practice of Israel's holy war must be understood against the background of the mythology of holy war in the ancient Near East and especially Ugarit. 1969). See especially P. 3. See G. but is also implicit in the Ugaritic Baal cycle.8) Both myths show how the primordial forces of chaos had been reduced to order by the activity of a divine warrior. of the wars of the period of the conquest and judges. This myth was primarily cosmogonic. It is not surprising then that the old mythology of the conflict between god and chaos should again be evoked. I wish to study the difference between the two books in their basic conception of holy war. most recently F. First there was the primordial. the books of Daniel and the Qumran War Scroll are replete with the imagery of holy war. In particular. 7) See especially the works of CRoss and MILLER. VONDER OSTEN-SACKEN. first of all. STOLZ.above n. we think. El also appears as a divine warrior. The Symbolism of Evil (Boston. On the conflict type of cosmogonic myth see in general P. "El the Warrior" HTR LX 1967. but in theogonic rather than cosmogonic contexts. The high point of Jewish apocalyptic came at another period when the order of Israel's history was plunged into the chaos of war and persecution. 112-120. pp. See P. VON RAD. VON RAD'S conten5) 6) tion that holy war in Israel was primarily defensive in character has not been sustained by subsequent studies.7) We may distinguish two aspects of this mythology. as a paradigm for future battles which the god and his earthly people must fight to preserve order over chaos. RICOEUR. CANAANITE MYTH AND HEBREW EPIC pp. paradigmatic. 1972). 40-41. Cf. MILLER.Jahwesund Israels Kriege (Zurich. 1951). especially in the account of Canaanite religion in Philo Byblios. The traditionalmythology of holywar When we speak of holy war in the context of Israelite religion. then. a difference which. 45-49.5) In this paper I wish to discuss the particular ways in which the imagery is modified or transformed in those books. Specifically. 1953) pp. 177-191. D. I believe. in Babylonian myth between Marduk and Tiamat.HOLY WAR IN DANIEL 597 into chaos and required the activity of the Divine Warrior to liberate her. 8) 38 . In the case of Ugarit this was fought between Baal and Yamm or Baal and Mot. This is quite explicit in the Babylonian Enuma Elish. 1969) pp. See CRoss. Der Heilige Krieg im alten Israel (Zurich. Gott undBelial (Gottingen. in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. purely mythical war between the gods. However. This primordial battle served. Also his Studies in Deuteronomy (London. marks a highly important point of transition in the development of Jewish apocalyptic. 411-431.

11) This mythology required some modification in Israel in the light of monotheism. 10) 2 Kgs. 13) Jdg. B. is fused. Cf. D. xxxvii 12.l2) His hosts also fight from heaven against Sisera. . xix 12.13) We may note however that there are also vestiges in the Bible of the more complete pre-Israelite mythology which sees the God opposed by heavenly as well as earthly enemies. "'Attar" in Worterbuchder Mythologie ed. The Divine Warrior. with the cosmogonic myth of the victory of the divine warrior over chaos. or at least the working out of the war between the divinities in heaven. v 20: "From heaven fought the stars. Accordingly we find Yahweh and his host directly engaging Israel's enemies. xiv. "Jewish Apocalyptic against its Near Eastern Environ- ment". 147-176.598 J. xxiv 21 we read that "On that day the Lord will punish the host of heaven in heaven and the kings of the earth on the earth. 156-159. possibly derived from the Ugaritic myth of the revolt of Athtar. 1924).9) In this way nationalism was given a mythological expression. HANSON. Perhaps the clearest formulation of this is found in Jdg. 140 col A) and MARVIN H. 27. HAUSSIG. xviii 33. Chicago. 21-23. xxxvi 18. pp. So in Is. 12) Jdg. The Divine Warrior pp." 14) The nationalistic mythology of holy war. D. MILLER. 39-40. W. D.D. J. 1965). The various nations who are Israel's enemies take the place of the enemies of Baal in the 9) See P. COLLINS The second aspect of the mythology of holy war concerns its relation to actual wars fought on earth. I pp. the earth trembles and the mountains quake. On the march of the Divine Warrior see especially CRoss. POPE. CanaaniteMyth and HebrewEpic pp. v. At the beginning of the battle Yahweh marches forth from Se'ir. Is. v 4-5. RB LXXVIII 1971. 249 f (Stuttgart. 14) Cf. ANET p. This view of warfare can be seen in the question of the king of Assyria to the people of Jerusalem: "Has any of the gods of the nations ever delivered his land out of the hand of the king of Assyria?" 10) The success of the king of Assyria was in turn attributed to his patron god. from their courses they fought against Sisera. the Annals of Sennacherib(ed. 1967) p.vol. UT 49. CTCA 6.pp. Both those passages probably refer to a distinct myth of a revolt in the heavens. ALBREKTSON History and the Gods (Lund. H. also the reference to the revolt of Helal ben Shachar in Is. where battles between nations on earth correspond to battles between their patron deities and their hosts. The wars on earth were conceived merely as reflections." For the stars as members of the heavenly host see MILLER. at least in Israel. P.1 (GORDON 11) Cf. LUCKENBILL.

) Israel'sProphetic Heritage(New York. also Exodus xv. We have seen that these two aspects were combined in Israel. 58-67.g. (New York. "The Lawsuit of God" about 1050 B. ix 4-7. Mountain andtheOldTestament TheCosmic in Canaan (Harvard. lxxvii 17-20. 126. xxxii: 18) "When the Most High gave to the nations their inheritance when he separatedthe sons of men. li 9-10.SeeR. The TenthGeneration. So we read in Deutero-Isaiah: Was it not thou that didst cut Rahabin pieces. particularly with reference to the Exodus where the Reed Sea prompted an analogy with the Canaanite Yamm. 1973)p. 1969) p. In this paper I am concerned primarily with the nature of that mythological background which provided the conceptual framework of holy war. "it definitelydoes not involve any connotationof a goodness". MENDENHALL. 144-155. to G. E. See CRoss. Ps. According G. 1972). 53placesDeut. WRIGHT. WRIGHT. in B. For a later dating see G. TheOldTestament andTheology 17) Cf. although these too were important and remained important.15) Yahweh's victories may also be expressed directly in terms of the old cosmogonic myth. 121-144. superior 18) 16) Is. 13. he fixed the bounds of the peoples in several 15) Thisis evident psalms-e. not because it was morally better than the Canaanites but because he was Israel's God. Ps. From our brief review of the mythological framework in the OT two factors emerge as important. 1962) pp. The criterion for distinguishing order and chaos was primarily national identity. ANDERSON(ed. at least in the Qumran War Scroll. xlvii. Cf. Yahweh fought for Israel.HOLY WAR IN DANIEL 599 Canaanite myth. Pss. E. Hab.ii. J.pp. CanaaniteMyth and HebrewEpic pp. Second is the nationalistic mythology of the conflict between the patron deities of various states. CLIFFORD.xlviii. Rather I wish to single out the predominant features of the mythology which determined the relevance and meaning of holy war. (Baltimore. the Originsof theBiblical Tradition . the waters of the great deep? that didst make the depths of the sea a way for the redeemedto pass over? 16) It appears then that the Israelite concept of holy war must be seen against a full mythological background. I am not concerned directly with the details of practice-such as the rites of purification or the liturgical rituals which accompanied holy war. that didst pierce the dragon? Was it not thou that didst dry up the sea.C. One is the chaos myth-the conflict of the divine warrior with the monster of sea or death. cxiv 1-8.xxxiiin the contextof the fall of Shiloh. Deut. E.17) The theology of holy war is spelled out in Deut.n. iii.

It is quite clear from Deut. we find again the main elements of the archaic mythology of holy war. again. Deut. While the battles go on on earth. lest their adversariesshould judge amiss. 26-27). lest they say "Our handis triumphant. He will come to their aid. COLLINS accordingto the numberof the sons of God. that Israel was the "kingdom of 19) Cf. not because of any moral merit on their part but because he fearedprovocation by the enemy. 42). xxxii that activity of the divine warrior on Israel's behalf does not result from the observance of the covenant but purely from the fact that Israel is his people just as the other peoples belong to the other gods. However. Because he is identified with Israel. Jacob his allotted heritage. (vs. However. the divine warrior "will make my arrows drunk with blood and my sword shall devour flesh" (v. The main difference is that the gods have been reduced to the status of lesser ch. 1. MENDENHALL rightly insists that early Israel was not an ethnic unity and owed its coherence and identity largely to the covenant. God". Here we almost find the polytheistic structure of holy war in the ancient Near East. Even if this was the case the move- . and might on occasion turn his sword against it to punish it. by being defeated by the other nations. 25-26).but from a human point of view they were not primarily wars of moral outrage but the effort of a people to acquire land. it is wrong to infer that Israel was at first a purely religious entity. 8-9).600 J. xxxii goes on to warn how Israel would be punished for infidelity to its covenant with Yahweh. Religious and national identity were inseparable. For the Lord'sportion is his people. Yahweh cannot let Israel perish entirely. The nationalistic element in early Israel is not diminished by the possibility that the invasion may have incorporated a social uprising in ment was basically an invasion of one people by another.19) Yahweh was not simply at the disposal of his people. and the princes of Persia and Greece on the other (x 20-21). J. and the Canaanites who were socially discontented joined the invading people. the Lord has not wrought all this " (vv. Holy Warin Daniel Turning now to the book of Daniel. The wars of the conquest may have been part of Yahweh's plan to punish the Canaanites. the insistence of MENDENHALL. Canaan as MENDENHALL suggests (pp. on the one hand. but ultimately he could not fail to champion Israel against the other nations. The structure of the war is most clearly elaborated in chapters x-xii. the decisive struggle is being carried on another level between Michael and Gabriel.

20)The heavenly combatants are identified by the nations they represent. EMERTON. Cf. CLIFFORD. 118-119. 225-242. Opposition History under the Roman Empire" ClassicalPhilology 1-21. 148-175. 1972) pp. TWNT VIII 1969 pp. pp. 25) A. In this way the mythical structure emphasises the political nature of the struggle rather than the religious questions which were involved.ANET 3 p. . xxxii 8-9 (now supported by a Hebrew text from Qumran) Yahweh allotted the other nations to the sons of the gods but kept Israel for himself. also the Persian Bahman Yasht. W. BENTZEN.TheCosmicMountain p. FLUSSER. CAQUOT.25) The judgment setting is definitely biblical.HOLY WAR IN DANIEL 601 heavenly beings. "The four empires in the Fourth Sibyl and in the book of Daniel" Israel OrientalStudiesII 1972. 20) The figure of Michael must be seen as a development of the prince of the host of Yahweh who appearsto Joshua in Jos. Media ruled over Persia but its dominion never spread to the west. where a number of monsters are in league with Yammu. 418-422. STIER. CRoss. The beasts are symbols of chaos and the chaos is reduced to order by the elevation to the kingship of one like a son of man. 137). The old Canaanite type myth of the conflict with the forces of chaos emerges clearly in Dan. So Michael. 23) See J. 56-73.22) On the other side the figures of the "one like a son of man" and the "ancient of days" are most satisfactorily explained against a background of Canaanite imagery. COLPE. 415-419. "The Theory of the Four MonarchiesXXV 1940. 1952) pp. The fact that the schema of four empires and a fifth was current in the Near East in the early second century B. CTCA 3. In fact Dan. Michigan. vii and viii. is the heavenly warrior who fights for Israel. pp. -TDNT VIII (Grand Rapids.3 UT 22) (GORDON CAnat. "The Origin of the Son of Man Imagery" JThS IX 1958 pp. A. those are not the features which determine the form of the presentation. The Persian origin of the schema is guaranteed by the presence of Media among the four empires. was first pointed out by J. 1934).23) The important point however lies not in the particular motifs but in the structure of the vision. f Cf. 59. However. The analogy with the sea monster of Canaanite myth is obvious. 2 21) See the commentary of A.21) The adversaries in Dan. lxiii 9 denies that any 'prince' or angel led IsraelYahweh himself did so. not Yahweh. III. vii are four beasts who rise from the sea.W. XVII 1967 pp. vii and viii draw particular motifs from very many sources. The pattern of four kingdoms derives from a Persian schematisation of history.C. Daniel (Tiibingen. Is. "Les quatre betes et le fils d'homme". In general see F. 24) See D.24) The choice of those particular beasts probably derives from the signs of the zodiac. Gott undsein Engel im AT (Muenster i. In the Septuagint of Deut. See R.. v 13 and of the angel of the Exodus.hohuiostouanthropou. CanaaniteMyth pp. SWAIN. J. Semitica 35-71. col. C. We should note that the tendency to substitute this figure for Yahweh met with some opposition in Israel.

30) The concept 'nation' is difficult to define precisely. 8. 29) On the figure of the son of man see JOHN J. 27) Cf. The schema of the four beasts does however serve the nationalistic ideology of holy war. J. By contrasting Israel with Greece and Persia. . who as leader represents both Israel and the heavenly host. vii however. pp. all the four beasts are kept alive until the judgment. COLLINS. represent the various nations who are enemies of Israel just as the princes of Greece and Persia represent them in Dan x-xii. 5. vii-xii serves a purpose which may be described as primarily nationalistic in the sense that order is identified with the triumph of the nation Israel and chaos with Israel's enemies. 194-214. "The Understanding of History in Jewish Apocalyptic" in The Laws in the Pentateuch and OtherEssays (Philadelphia. It cannot be strictly limited to either geographical or ethnic boundaries or to the official political boundaries of any given time.602 J. JBL 93 (1974). The beasts. Yet it is clear that these factors are involved in every definition of a nation and at least one of them is always relevant. religion was also closely bound to national identity but religion was assumed to coincide with 26) E. and most directly refers to Michael. M. In all other representations of the schema of the four empires 26) they succeed each other in chronological order-each one disappears when its successor arises. COLLINS It is particularly interesting to note how the Persian motif of the four empires is subordinated to the chaos myth. p. In Dan. 213: Daniel is concerned with "the mutual confrontation of world-history as a whole and the kingdom of God. IV and in the Persian Bahman Yasht. Daniel is not concerned to show that each period of history is pre-determined 28) but that all enemies of Israel are agents of chaos and as such will be destroyed. The triumph of order over chaos coincides with the elevation of the one like a son of man over the beasts or the triumph of Michael and his people over the princes of Greece and Persia and their peoples. III. This indicates that for Daniel the four beasts which come out of the sea collectively take the place of the sea-monster in the Ugaritic myth.27) The Persian schematisation of history plays very little part in Dan. vii and is omitted entirely in the largely parallel chapter viii. all four are judged together.29) The mythology of Dan. See FLUSSER. 50-66." 28) This however might be said to be the purpose of the four-fold schema in Sib. Histories. "The Son of Man and the Saints of the Most High in the book of Daniel". 1967) pp. and the Jewish Sibylline Oracles IV.30) In the ancient world.g. NOTH. I argue that the "one like a son of man" is not merely a collective symbol for Israel but also for the heavenly host which fights for Israel. esp. Tacitus. Velleius Paterculus 1: 66. pp. symbols of chaos. Accordingly. 156-162. 2. Bahman Yasht col. the mythology suggests that Israel is an entity of the same order as Greece or Persia and may be defined in political or ethnic or geographical terms.

Daniel (London. xi 32-33. An Introduction (Oxford. N. xi 33 the wise are referred to as masktlecamwhile in i 4. and does not coincide with any national identity. Again in the final outcome of history.32) There is wide agreement that Daniel refers to the Maccabeans in a derogatory manner as "a little help" in xi 34. the apocalypticist makes a distinction within Israel between those who sin against the covenant and the wise ones of the people. O. 35) Cf. and a "sectarian" religion where the group is defined purely in terms of religious practice or belief. Further.35) but also the two-storey structure of the war and the intermingling of Israel with the heavenly host. VONDER OSTEN-SACKEN. 1969). On these features of the War Scroll see Y. Yet we find no reflection of this in the mythological framework of Daniel. PORTEOUS. 168. In Dan xi 32-33. The reference was already sonsof Light againstthe Sonsof Darkness(Oxford. The Scrollof theWar of the . The author still uses the traditional imagery of holy war. in the resurrection. ix. In Dan. See especially P. 31) 32) 33) 34) interpreted in this way by Porphyry. The Old Testament. 529. and we may reasonably suppose that he is the paradigm for the 'wise' of Dan. There is reason to believe that the group to which the author of Daniel belonged did not wish to identify with the nation Israel either in a political or ethnic or geographical sense. The possibility is again left open that a distinction must be made between good and bad within Israel. Holy War in The War Scroll When we turn to the War Scroll we again find extensive material which reminds us of the Canaanite and Israelite traditions of holy war. 1965) p. We may distinguish between a "nationalist" religion. in which the party aided by Yahweh is identified as the nation Israel. those who are raised to life are not identified with the nation Israel.31) little attention is paid to the history of Israel.34) The material includes especially the details of armament and liturgy. We can probably infer from this that there was as yet no conscious rift between the group of the "wise" and the nation at large.33) The author may be said to have an incipient sectarian attitude in so far as he identified with "the wise" rather than with the nation Israel. apart from the prayer in Dan. Cf. EISSFELDT. On the other hand the book is dominated by the visions of the wise Daniel. When we read in col. where religious and national bounds are assumed to coincide. which is probably secondary. 17 and ix 22 Daniel is a maskil. 38-228. YADIN.HOLY WAR IN DANIEL 603 political or ethnic boundaries. 1965) p. 1962) pp. Gott und Belial (G6ttingen.

183-216. When we find in the Qumran scrolls a concept or motif which is paralleled in a Persian source which can be dated to pre-Christian times. Offenbarung "Reitzenstein and Qumran Re-visited by an Iranian" HTR LV 37) R.D. pp. FRYE. 25-26. xii 1-3 and Dan. even at this point the difference becomes obvious. J. Persianinfluence Before we proceed to discuss the significance of this transition something must be said of the legitimacy of positing Persian influence. and the dominion of Israel amongst all flesh". say philosophical principles of Philo can be derived from the Psalms (or Genesis)". pp. See the excellent study by D. MessiasundMenschensohn Johannes(Giitersloh 1972) pp. 262. we have valuable information of undoubted antiquity in classical authors. andthescrolls. J. On a more superficial level. neither the Psalms nor the Avesta are quite so vague as FRYE asserts. then we must seriously consider the question of Persian influence. N. FRYEhas sought to preclude the possibility of discovering such influence with any accuracy by arguing that "the basic Iranian sources for deriving influences are the ninth century A. Cf. Even when the motif in the scrolls can be explained as the development of a biblical idea we must question whether the development has in any way been shaped by the Persian parallels. N. Further. The War Scroll does not derive its basic structure from the Canaanite chaos myth. VON DER OSTEN-SACKEN p. DEMENASCE. VT VI 1956. vii. In view of the long close contacts between Jews and Persians we cannot simply dismiss the possibility of Persian influence. can be dated back to Achaemenid times but dismisses their usefulness by asserting that "Philosophical or theological ideas can be derived from it (either the Gathas or the Young Avesta) as easily as. An influential Iranian scholar. of Persian influence in a footnote." History of ReligionsV 1966.36) However. of the term "naxcir". Iranian influence in the War Scroll is shown in the use "Iranien Naxcir". 213-214.38) undin der inJiidischen Apokalypsen 36) See U. P. Pahlavi books. Cf. COLLINS XVII. R. 38) 1962. especially the Avesta. but from the Persian dualism of light and darkness. Apocrypha and Qumran. 7 that God exalts "amongst the angels the authority of Michael. 81 who dismisses the possibility Bible. we have a conception closely parallel to Dan. the syncretic nature of which can easily be imagined. MUELLER. p. WINSTON.604 J.37) However." FRYE does not deny that some of the Persian books. "The Iranian Component in the .

The] skirmishing so as to bring about battalions-their hearts shall be melted while the might of God strengthens[the heart of the Sons of Darkness. Then Hades will pass away and the god who brings this about will rest. The Hymnsof Zarathustra (London. VAN DER PLOEG. de Iside et Osiride Les Mages (Cardiff. in turn (ana meros)and for another three thousand years they will fight and destroy each other's possessions. different ways. has compared it with the Manual of Discipline cols III-IV (the treatise of the two spirits). finds the secondary recension . it has never to my knowledge been directly applied to the War Scroll. So A. 43-50. I and XVXIX. BECKER. 19-22. 1972) p. and are probably later additions to the core work. who wrote in the third century B.42) The remaining columns supply details of armament and liturgy. The passage is of particular relevance for the War Scroll. MICHAUD. VAN DER OSTEN-SACKEN.39) and shows how Zoroastrianism was perceived in the west. pp. 8-XIV are closely related to XV-XIX but various scholars see the relationship in in VII-VIII. DUCHESNE-GUILLEMIN. The essential authenticity of this account is supported by various references to a final conflict in the Avesta.40) It tells of the conflict between Horomazes (Ahura Mazda) and Areimanios (Ahriman/Angra Mainyu) of whom the one is born of light. 70-72. The fact that passages which are closely parallel in X-XIV and XV-XIX regularly show a longer form in X-XIV argues for the priority of XV-XIX. 137-147. H. 8 are largely independent of the rest of the book. Yasna 44. Hellenisis II (Paris. II-VII. 15. XIV. DUPONT-SOMMER sees XV-XIX as a secondary recension of X-XIV. 42) See the analyses of J. Le Rouleau de la Guerre (Leiden.HOLY WAR IN DANIEL 605 In particular. J. "When the two hostile armies meet. 42-62. J.C. In three lots shall the Sons of Light prove strong so as to smite the wicked. 13-15: "On the day of their battle with the Kittim they shall go forth for a carnagein battle. CUMONT. I.Gott und Belial pp. For three thousand years one will prevail and the other be vanquished. 1971). FRYE neglects the account of Zoroastrianism found in Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride 45-47. 71. and in three the army of Belial shall recover the withdrawalof the lot [of Light. Plutarch's account was probably derived from Theopompus. VII. BIDEZ and F. The text can also be found in J. 43) Cols. the other of darkness.] but in the seventh lot 39) See the commentary of J. VON DER OSTEN-SACKEN. P. 40) Amazingly. 1959) pp. Plutarch. Cols.Gott und Belial.43) The structure of the war is clearly stated in col. 1964) pp.41) Turning now to the War Scroll we find a striking similarity between the basic structure of the war in the two documents. Das Heil Gottes (G6ttingen. 1938) pp. "Un mythe zervanite dans un des manuscripts de Qumran" VT V 1955.g. GWYN GRIFFITHS. to which of the two will you give victory". The basic structure of the war in the Scroll is found especially in cols.. 41) E.

the schematisation by which the war is divided into six periods. LXXX 1955. 20-27. 45) 47) YADIN has attempted to harmonise this structure of the war with what we find in col. 9-17. II. BECKER. XVII. COLLINS the great hand of God shall subdue [Belial and all] angels of his dominion. I the battle with the Kittim is the absolutely decisive battle. The division of the war into six periods followed by the intervention of God in the War Scroll might at first glance appear to be merely another instance of "sabbatical eschatology". W. The fact that Belial is granted equal success with the Prince of Light. RosT. 23. the order for the first attack.p. We find in col. YADIN. Cf. This harmonisation however is impossible. 43.Z. has argued at length that cols.16-the second attack (=third lot. 1958). p. La Reglede la guerre(Paris. 1970) pp.48) However. 9 ff .606 J. CARMIGNAC. XVII. and third the leaders of the two factions. sabbatical eschatology does not allow for a period of victory by Belial.46) This pattern of six periods in three of which Belial is victorious. In col.the counterattack of Belial.45) but in col. 16-counterattack of Belial.Heil Gottes. 9-IX. In YADIN'S reconstruction it is followed by 33 further years of warfare. YADIN pp. I the six phases of the war take place on the same day. The next two lots are missing because of a missing portion at the bottom of the manuscript. L. J. XVI. We must conclude that cols. I take to be the basic structure of the War Scroll. 9 show 46) VON DER OSTEN-SACKEN a structure of the war identical to that found in I. 3-8.47) There are a number of obvious similarities between the War Scroll and the passage in Plutarch. 37). 205. 48) Cf. The war will last forty years including five sabbatical years and twenty-nine years of fighting (The Scroll of the War. 50-55). 37. pp. "Zum Buch der Kriege der 'Sohne des Lichts' gegen die 'S6hne der Finsternis' " Th. 16). see G. J. second the imagery of light and darkness. On "sabbatical eschatology" TheConsequences of theCovenant (Leiden. fourth lot. before One-third of each column is missing at the bottom. YADINpresumes that they take six years. XV-XIX. I and II were not originally parts of the same document. . In fact cols. p. and for all men of [his lot thereshall be eternal annihilation]" 44). 11-14 and XV-XIX. but significantly omits the counterattacks of Belial (Gott undBelial pp. col. VII-IX tell of a three-fold attack which is probably based on the later passage. 44) Trans. VII. This pattern is elaborated in cols. XVI. There we find another pattern. In col. 260-262. XVII. L. BUCHANAN. XVIII we find the final intervention of God. Three of those concern points which are of basic importance to both accounts. 10. First.

Die Begriffe'Licht' und 'Finsternis'(Oslo. The terminology of light and darkness also had a biblical background. an area where the Persian myth coincided with Jewish teaching and so made possible the acceptance of the novel elements by the Jews. the battle is not purely mythological. until the time of God's final intervention. suggests that it had a background in holy war traditions. Second. W. Needless to say.pp. 9). In each case the name is Hebrew. AALEN. 1969) p.49) In fact its use in Amos v 18. The sons of light are represented on earth by Israel.HOLY WAR IN DANIEL 607 God's intervention. The War Scroll has in effect substituted for the Canaanite chaos myth another myth in which the world is divided equally between the antagonists. It is modified and adjusted in terms of the traditional mythology of holy war. 81. independently of any Persian influence in the book of Daniel. Belial probably contains a reference to the underworld. The novelty here lies in the manner in which they appear as equal adversaries in the battle and are defined with reference to each other-prince of light. HUPPENBAUER. However. The obvious source of this new dimension can be found in the Persian myth recounted in Plutarch. "sabbatical eschatology" provided a point of contact. 73-78. .51) has shown that the name also had a backVON DEROSTEN-SACKEN ground in holy war. nowhere in biblical tradition do we find the opposing sides designated in terms of light and darkness. 125.50) Here again we have a natural point of contact for Jewish and Persian religion. 52) VON DER OSTEN-SACKEN. 1951). The biblical terminology is here given a new dimension of dualism. Finally the figures of Michael and Belial owe something to Persian influence. 50) Cf. where the day of Yahweh is said to be a day of darkness and not light. PrimitiveConceptions 51) See NICHOLAS J. see H. ultimately to the Canaanite Mot. following CROssand FREEDMAN.52) Michael appears. "Belial in den Qumran Texten" Theologische Zeitschrift XV 1959. at least for a period. is quite without parallel in the holy war traditions or in earlier biblical eschatology. 81-89. VON DER OSTEN-SACKEN p. In this way the foundation is laid for a thorough-going dualism. of Death and the Nether World On Belial in the scrolls (Rome. The Persian myth is not merely adopted in the War Scroll. TROMP. and the sons of darkness by the Kittim and the 'nations' 49) See especially S. The novel element was that the battle was equally apportioned between the angel of light and the angel of darkness. prince of darkness. First the six thousand year war of the Persian myth is condensed in the scroll into one day-the day of Yahweh (I. pp.

The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism (New York." following BIDEZ-CUMONT. J. 13). 2. The novelty lies not just in a few motifs but in the structure of the world-view. In Daniel. This means that evil has a place in the constitution of the world. biblical. 193-210. C. Israel's enemies have their heavenly counterparts not in the patron deities. However the end-product is a novelty in Israelite religion. but as an everpresent factor. ZAEHNER. as we might expect. The heavenly counterparts of the beasts are the patron deities of specific nations and so the extent of their power is confined to the dominion of those nations.608 J. but is not explicitly stated and may be considered unlikely. and its novelty can be directly attributed to Persian influence. the power of Israel's enemies appears as a temporary distortion of the order of the universe. other scholars date the rise of Zervanite religion latere. The intervention of a higher god in the Persian myth is possible. R. This indicates that he has an equal power with Michael up to the time when God intervenes. MICHAUD. Third the battle is finally resolved by the intervention of God who is above the two warring figures of Michael and Belial. 1961) pp. Chaos is therefore identified in political terms. The chaos is only a rebellion after which the true order of nature will be restored. COLLINS (XV. however. then. Despite the listing of the four kingdoms as beasts there is no suggestion that the chaos they represent is inherent in the order of creation. In no case can the endproduct be described as simply Persian. interprets the myth in Plutarch as Zervanite-therefore . as in the old chaos myth. In the War Scroll. The implications of this remain constant despite the reduction of the time span from six thousand years in Plutarch to one day in the War Scroll. however. is a combination and modification both of Jewish traditions and of Persian myth. The majority of the motifs are. However. In the War Scroll. In Daniel. not merely as a chaos which occasionally erupts. 53) H. "Un mythe zervanite. Up to the time of God's final intervention evil as well as good has a grip on the universe. The significant point is that the period of struggle is shared equally by the two spirits. Belial wins the alternative phases of the battle. but in the figure of NYBERGand BENVENISTE implying a higher god.53) What we find in the War Scroll. There is no suggestion of a cosmological or superhuman principle of evil which is unrelated to ethnic or political identity. the heavenly counterparts of Israel's enemies are identified as the patron deities of specific nations.g.

92-109. (XIII. an angel of hatred. 1. under the influence of Daniel. 7). Scrolls" Palestine Exploration Quarterly LXXXVIII 1956. or the cosmic principles of light and darkness. The implications of this new language and of the dualistic Persian myth from which it derives are not fully realised in the War Scroll. 11-12).1 who says the name was applied to all islands and most maritime countries. All the spirits of his lot. The language of the War Scroll thus opens up a possibility radically different from the traditional nationalistic conception of holy war which we still find in the mythological framework of Daniel. in turn. his [dominion] being in darknessand his counsel to renderwicked and guilty.HOLY WAR IN DANIEL 609 Belial. I. Michael. He is the "prince of the dominion of wickedness" (XVII. 21-25 (who identifies . Belial himself is described in ethical or cosmic terms. pp. The Scroll of the War pp. the earthly sons of darkness are identified in political terms as the Kittim and the nations. In view of the lack of specificity it is most probable that the scroll simply accepted the traditional idea that Israel's enemies would be destroyed in the eschatological battle. All agree On the Kittim see YADIN. The traditional nationalistic language still predominates but the new language of Persian dualism has also been introduced to express a new world view which has not yet clearly emerged. The use of this language suggests that ethnic or national identity does not necessarily play a part in the eschatological battle. Ant. He was made "to corrupt. Josephus. This ambivalence which we find in the War Scroll-by which a nationalistic opposition of Israel and the Kittim' is used side by side with an opposition of light and darkness which transcends national that the War Scroll was written at a point of boundaries-shows transition. 54) them here as the Romans) and H. Rather. The primary distinction made in the War Scroll is not based on nationalistic or ethnic language but rather on the moral forces of good and evil. but rather the Prince of Light (XIII. is not explicitly called the prince of Israel as he is in Daniel. Belial is not confined to any nation and is not identified as the prince of any country although his earthly host includes the Kittim and the traditional enemies of Israel listed in col. ROWLEY"The Kittim and the Dead Sea that the term Kittim can refer to either Greeks or Romans-cf. 10).6.54) Although Michael is not explicitly described as the prince of Israel his dominion in heaven corresponds to the dominion of Israel on earth (XVII. In the Hellenistic and Roman periods Israel's outstanding enemies could be appropriately summed up as Kittim. It is difficultto assess how far the War Scroll had specific enemies in mind.and unto it shall be their desireall together". H. angels of destruction walk in the boundaries of darkness. 6).

SEGAL IV 1965. III-IV. T. FEVRIER. Milhama aus Holhe 4 von Qumran" ZAW LXIX 1957. H. COLLINS The particular combination of traditional language with new Persian imagery which we find in the War Scroll is thus probably indicative of the place of the War Scroll in the history of the Qumran community.col. the rem(nant of Thy people)" and "the rem/ains of the people of Israel)"..610 J. 138-143. The radical dualism of light and 55) See especiallyRosT.pp. in the doctrine of the two spirits.55) We find no indication in the older section of the War Scroll (cols. RosT'smain arfound gumentsare that the WarScrolllacksthe terminologyof the community showsno sign of a breakwith the temple. When we read in col. cols. in the Manual YADIN a militantattitudeas opposedto the quietismof the Manual. ATKINSON. HUNZINGER. It is worth noting however that the parallelswith Roman practice are not unambiguous. 53-59. 57) On the relation between the Manual and the War Scroll see voN DEROSTENSACKEN. XIV. "Fragmente einer alteren Fassung des Buches . 206. pp.56) The sectarian implications of the dualistic myth are much more clearly seen in the Manual of Discipline. "The Historical Setting of the 'War of the Sons of Light with "La the Sons of Darkness'. 116-122. J. Now there is considerable probability that at least the earliest stages of the War Scroll were written before the Qumran community crystallised as a sect-i. M. pp. "The Qumran War Scroll and the date of its CompoFurther M. 56) See C. J. and strategy of the Roman army. 272-297. YADIN'S which are largely independent of the rest of the book and could well be a later addition. This doctrine is obviously another facet of what we find in the War Scroll as can be seen not only from the terminology of light and darkness.-G. as has been shown by comparison with a fragment of another copy of the Scroll from cave 4. pp. but also from the statement that God has apportioned periods to each spirit and will eventually destroy the spirit of darkness." BJRL XL 1957/58 pp. The dualistic myth in a Jewish context was essentially sectarian as it introduced a criterion for the self-identity of the group other than that of ethnic distinctiveness. 8-9 "we. before the people who formed the community realised that their basic group identity was not the political. H. tactique hellenistique dans un texte de cAyin Fashka" SemiticaIII 1950 pp.e. 131-151. the main scene of the battle has been transferred to within the hearts of men. Other scholars have found parallels to Hellenistic practice (K.andreflects of Discipline.57) However. national Israel."Zum Buch der Kriege". I. we are dealing with a secondary recension. XV-XIX) that the author saw himself as part of a remnant or elite within Israel. accepts the Roman parallels sition". ScriptaHierosolymitana but points out that Jews could have been familiar with Roman military practice from the early second century BC. 244-246 with the weaponry arguedfor a datein Romantimeson the basisof similarities data are drawn mainly from cols II-VII.

J. 163-177. pp. the typology of ideas provides a substantial argument. J. 60) The Manual is not without echoes of biblical and Ugaritic myth too. . then we must assume that the borrowing was made at a point where Persian and Jewish traditions were closely similar. See H. pp. T. MILIK. pp.HOLY WAR IN DANIEL 611 darkness in this way departs far from the nationalistic framework of Daniel. 296-316. The influence of the dualistic type mythology in the form of military conflict can also be seen in other works at Qumran. DUPONT-SOMMER. "Die Sektenschrift und die iranische Religion" ZTK XLIX 1952. 105-106. A. VAN DER WOUDE.59) Since the Gathas co-existed with the eschatological myth found in Plutarch there is no reason why the Manual could not co-exist with the War Scroll. 1965) pp. pp. 62) M. 61) J. New Testament Essays (Milwaukee. KUHN. 105-107. DE JONGE and A. 118-130. The affinity of the Manual of Discipline. III-IV with Persian dualism has been widely recognised. However. the Persian borrowing is more obvious. Yasna 30. several considerations suggest that the War Scroll is the earlier work. "11Q Melchizedek and the New Testament" NTS XII 1965/66. 1954). H. In particular. and the roots in Israelite tradition less prominent. 301-326. G. T. BROWN. "Cosmological reference in the the Qumran Doctrine of the two Spirits and in Old Testament Imagery"JBL LXXXII 1963. S. 77-97. 1-14. noted by ROST. G.'2) The shift from a chaos-type mythology to a dualistic type which we 58) See K. cols. E. WILDBERGER. "Milki-sedeq et Milkiresacdans les anciens Jcrits Juifs et Chretiens" JJS XXIII 1972. The Jevish Sect of Qumran and the Essenes (London. and may be considered an important milestone on the road to Gnosticism.58) The closest parallels are found in the Gathas. 95-144. "4Q Visions de 'Amram et une citation d'Origene" RB LXXIX 1972. pp. MILIK has argued that Melchizedek and Melchi-rasha' were alternate names for Michael and Belial. "Der Dualismus in den Qumran Schriften" Asiatische Studien I-IV 1954 pp. pp. We cannot automatically assume the priority of the War Scroll in date. DUCHESNE-GUILLEMIN. Such a point was provided by the eschatological battle. The Hymns of Zarathustra 59) Especially pp.61) This is of particular importance with reference to the eschatological role of Melchizedek in 11 QMelch. In the Manual. R. We have seen how closely the two traditions could be intertwined in the War Scroll. If we grant that the dualism of the two spirits shows Persian influence.60) The more clearly sectarian character of the Manual supports the view that the more traditional War Scroll was written earlier. Apart from the lack of sectarian character. MAY.

In this way the myth of the fallen angels (Gen. 79-81. 78-80 = TDNT II 1964. T. Naphtali iii 2. vii 1. T. The outstanding example of this is Rev. B6CHER. By providing a criterion other than national for the identity of a religious group. T. This shift in mythology was basic for the Qumran community. and the deterministic allotment of the periods of the final battle. Cf. 63) The 'ancient serpent' may of course also refer to the Genesis story but a reference to the Ugaritic Lotan or the biblical Leviathan cannot be excluded. Asher i 8.612 COLLINS. "diabolos" TWNT II 1935 pp. xviii 12. it potentially opened the way for a universalistic religion. On the other hand its rigid dichotomy of light and darkness must be seen as a gross oversimplification of the human condition and potentially open to bigotry and intolerance which have always been as typical of sectarianism as they have been of nationalism. Dan vi 1. xii where the adversary of Michael is described as "the dragon" and "the ancient serpent" terms clearly reminiscent of Ugaritic myth and of the mythical figures of Rahab and Leviathan in the bible. T. Issachar vii 7. vi.T. Benjamin ii 7. also T. although it had this connotation in the tradition inherited by Daniel.Cf. see W. T.64) Any evaluation of this shift in Jewish apocalyptic must note that it was a mixed blessing. Derjohanneische (Giitersloh1965). I Enoch vi-xiii and lv-lvi) is transformed into an ongoing dualism. Dualismusim Zusammenhang desnachbiblischenJudentums. Benjamin iii 8.63) There was no intrinsic reason why the Caananite chaos myth should be bound to nationalism. the contrast of light and darkness in T. Judah xxv 3 . Dan v 10-11. On dualism in the N. Even where the dualism of Michael and Belial remained we can still find a return to the chaos myth. 0. HOLY WAR IN DANIEL have traced here was not absolutely irreversible. FOERSTER. Levi xiv 4 and the prophecy that Beliar will be destroyed. In 4 Ezra the dualism is completely internalised in the form of the good heart and the evil heart. The more distinctive contribution of the Persian myth was the cosmic emphasis of the antithesis of light and darkness. T. L. . pp. T. Its impact on Jewish apocalyptic was enduring in its portrayal of a dualistic universe and of Belial as a cosmic figure beyond the range of nationalism. 64) Dualism figures especially prominently in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. In Jubilees x 11 one-tenth of the fallen angels are allowed to remain with Satan on the earth to tempt mankind. T.