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Yves Cougar, O.P.


traditional date of the beginning

is h eri 1054, the Papal Legate placed on the altar of

of the Oriental Schism


Santa Sophia the Bull of Excommunication of Michael Cerularius, the Patriarch of Constantinople. In this book,

Congar shows that the seeds of


formal break were sown
turies before




as a

when the creation of BySecond Rome, the Crown-

ing of Charlemagne as Roman Emperor, and the knife-thrust of Islam divided

East and West politically. Further, in
the course of the centuries,

East and

West had developed each





intellectual milieu: divergent

ways of thinking, a

vastly different un-

derstanding of the nature of The Church and an ever growing distrust and disdain.




of the

Crusades further aggravated the wounded feelings of the East, so that there

a comgrew up an "Estrangement* plex of suspicion, distrust and separa-

tism between the


parts of Christen-







of this

Estrangement that Fr.


finds the

essence of the Schism.



toward the





by Pope John XXIII in the EcuCouncil he has announced

must be taken




continued on backfldp

3 1148 00458293?


2 3 193

270*3 C74af 66-11902 Congar After nine hundred years ' 1 ' 'i ..'*' ? -..*'!!<!:' . .


.BY THE SAME AUTHOR Divided Christendom: A Catholic Study of the Problem of Reunion. 1939 Christ. Our Lady and the Church 1957 1957 Lay People in the Church.


L'figlise Les tglises EDITIONS DE CHEVETOGNE. originally published as part et of 1054-1954. BELGIUM. IMPRIMATUR C.A Neuf cents Translation of ans apres. J. Francis Cardinal Spdlman York Censor Librorum Sept. D. Goodwine. of New The Nihil is obstat and Imprimatur moral are official declarations that a book or pamphlet free from doctrinal or error. Archbishop 26. \ 1959 FORDHAM UNIVERSITY PRESS Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 59-15643 . NIHIL OBSTAT John A. No implication is contained therein that those who have granted the Nihil obstat and Imprimatur agree with the contents opinions or statements expressed.



P. if for the reconciliation of Eastern and Western we were to assist in making available in an English translation the masterly study of Father lished in 1954. a date between which for long has been accepted as that of the break Rome and Byzantium. cul- vn .PREFACE On still January 25. Patriarch of Constantinople. His Holiness Pope John XXIII. in the opening months of his pontificate. 1959. first pub- We were fortunate in receiving the enthusias- approval of Father Congar for the project and he has been kind enough to supplement his original text with considerable up to date the already abundant bibliography and copious notes of the first edition. As a result of his long and studies profound of the relations of East and West from Father Congar has seen. the the earliest days of Christianity. tic Yves Congar. The year 1954 marked the ninth centenary of the excom- new material and to bring munication pronounced by the legates of the Holy See against Michael Cerularius.. and exposes with luminous clarity." it seemed to us would be an excellent preparation Christians. many political. made known to the world his intention of convoking an Ecumenical Council which would be "an invitation to the separated Christian It Communities that to find unity. O.

J. long before 1054. which in French its is so rich and suggestive in the conciseness of carefully translated into English. for its Ignorance it and disdain lasting that each other. closed men's minds and. oblivious and unaware of the in the acceptance of this estrangement that Father finds the real Oriental Schism. the original work. reconciliation If. and ecclesiological influences orable date. Even after that memtural. to respect and to love one another. each for what they are. unfortunately. caused serious breaches of charity. has been Paul Mailleux. Through the collaboration of the staff of Fordham Univ- ersity Press and that of the Russian Center of Fordham University. inevitably brought about went own way. resulting from deeply-rooted psychological prejudices. It is centuries. under the guidance of the Holy to take place. VIII . S. Congar was Separation growing in it the minds and hearts of men before took place in the pages Spirit. it a is will surely begin and grow under the warming rays of Divine Charity and men will learn to understand.which have tended. thought. to bring about an estrangement between the Oriental and the Western Churches. he shows us the numerous occasions when a lack of mutual understanding. of History.

De IX . pace divisi. junctifide. St.i. et qui nobiscum sunt noliscum non sunt.Graeci. III. Bernard of Clairvaux Considerations.

.Figures in the text refer to notes beginning on page pi.

is a fact. 1789. cannot be put down beginning of the "Oriental Schism. rather generally acccepted 1 today. this date is more a symbolic than is historical one. those two words can with justification be placed within quotation marks. the Oriental schism. canonically unfortunately." or "the beginning of the French Revolution.CHAPTER ONE THE CENTURIES-OLD ESTRANGEMENT OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES The year 1054 of the Church. Not that the words do not express something very real: historically. an indeed a memorable date in the history However. and theologically." If our rough outline is accurate. such as are the dates of October 31. The following pages will once again illustrate the thesis. from which we are accustomed to date "the beginning of the Reformation. 1517. It can be defined according to the . that July." pretend to bring any new information to the historian familiar with the events called to mind: marking the These pages do not as he will more is likely be inclined to correct and complete what a certain but a rough sketch revealing the limitations of the non-specialist. 1054. or July 14. Only number of facts and significant references have been marshalled here for the purpose of suggesting to theologians and churchmen some thoughts on the nature of the "Oriental schism." respectively.

When is a dispute concerns a church or an ensemble of chur- ches and not merely an individual or individuals. criteria which. the "Oriental schism. or even in a consistent manner. for she. we accept unequivocally. Those criteria are simple: they with the Apostolic See of its primacy as coining from Christ and the Apostles. the schism of Cerularius.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS canonical and doctrinal criteria of the Catholic Church. and many others without the use of quotation marks. Legitimate authority can act while being also a local church which wrongly: yet one may not separate oneself from it and the final wrong lies always on the side of those who cause separation. autonomous and decisive value. In the light of these. is Rome. that it was not completed after the latter's time and was not concluded all this is so. The separation may likewise be attributed to any one of the local churches with the exception of the Church of a local church. the problem becomes far more complicated." most important of which we ing pages. we can determine quite accurately when may be summed up as the union of Rome on the basis of a recognition and where schism has occurred. needless to say. shall try to suggest in the follow- borne out by the fact that the break-up had begun before Photius and Cerularius. We would speak of the schism of Photius. something else too: as she has an belongs to the union of the Universal Church. at stake is when what an historical situation which involves the complex reality of 2 collective rather than individual responsibility. not so with the The latter cannot be put in the same it former: the with presents an original problem category with elements and values involving other considerations. in the various Eastern . is That at once.

On the other ity. 5 moreover. Many instances by of existed4 even after the rejection of the Council of Florence by the Eastern churches a date which. modifies the category and becomes qualcannot consider 217 years of separation in 506 years of history without realizing that this does not mean normal union simply interrupted by accidents. One hand. To present it as a declaration of war to which a date can be assigned. some- . best chronological reference would be the of mark for the true beginning the schism. there would As has were numerous breaches between Rome and self. This time. or by exceptions. carried to a certain degree. the instances of union are so numerous between the year 1054 and the Council of Florence.THE ESTRANGEMENT churches. that it is even less correct to speak of total separation merely punctuated some happy union still accidents. or as a state of hostility inaugurated a single by and definable act even though followed by tem- porary but complete and satisfactory reconciliations be a fiction to which the facts do not correspond. Cerularius and even before Photius him- According to Marxist dictum. union was not rejected at once and 6 immediately everywhere. Very often. or even with Rome. There were many differences and many inconsistencies existing from place to place. never has been totally carried through. however. quantity. often been said before. The fact remains that this "Oriental schism" which began before Cerularius. before Michael 3 Constantinople or another portion of the East. the instances of union were sufficiently exceptional to warrant speaking of them as fortuitous happenings. in a sense. was not completed with him and. were it absolutely necessary to indicate a beginning. local churches broke the union with other churches.

if I applied. to Christian com- .AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS times. would it suffice to define the sin which destroys. and Church separated from Rome. From this viewpoint with as a homogeneous. far as from having always been well. they maintained union among themselves and with Rome. The indivisible character of old ecclesiological principle. 7 5). find themselves and in relation to the unity to in relation to each other be promoted. or broke relations away from. attempting to give a theological interpretatheological analysis of the notion of schism can be considered to have been made and rather well. namely. but even tion when The of it. the It would be relatively simple and easy. of schism and the unity But when one passes from the sin of schism personally and formally committed. while they either remained in communion with. An essential fact emerges from all this: the "Oriental schism" extends over a long period of history. of concrete situathe one under discussion the "Oriental schism" tions such as and the situation in the Oriental which the Roman Catholic Church. not only when recounting its history. various churches that had different the among one communion is an canon of the it is another. but a further task interpretation must be undertaken. sanctioned by but a first Ecumenical Council (Nicaea. the theological of the great facts of history. however. at least since the Fourth Century and even before. in many respects it is coextensive with the very history of the Church. the "Oriental schism" cannot be dealt may say so. and entity. monolithic. It is in this framework and according to these dimensions that the "Oriental schism" must be interpreted. Can. If nothing more than task the analysis of the notion of schism were involved.

munities in a state of schism, the thing becomes rather complicated. In this connection, Monsignor Journet has



aftd extremely interesting study,


which remains,

made how-

the plane of a theological ever, presentation of typical cases or typical circumstances. Would it not be desirable to


extend the

effort to a theological interpretation

of history


of the


reality implied by the words "Oriental schism ?"


in the theology

of schism per


the one




away is absolutely in the wrong, here the wrongs are not on one side, as Humbert of Romans remarked long ago. 9 The aim of these pages is to suggest to theologians a few
elements of an interpretation of the historical reality of the "Oriental schism." Briefly, the "schism" appears to us as
the acceptance of a situation

by which each

part of Christen-



behaves and judges without taking notice one of

the other.

We may

call it

geographical remoteness, provin"state

cialism, lack

of contact, a



reciprocal ignorance,"


12 The by the German word "Entfremdung."


word "estrangement" expresses all this quite admirThe Oriental schism came about by a progressive

estrangement: this is the conclusion to which the following analysis seems to lead us.

For several reasons
treatment in



restricted the extent

of our



would have

necessitated a

by omitting developments which more thorough elaboration of
that the present account


to questions; secondly,

does not pretend to be exhaustive; third, and principally, to indicate the tentative, quasi-hypothetical character of our

what we have




really in the

realm of

basic research.


thus consciously accept the risk of being

reproached for schematization,

when we

frankly merely


and the various aspects, causes, or manifestations of the global continuous fact of this estrangement, and likewise give unequal development to the different respective sections which


sometimes limit to simple notations, even when they deal with quite important points. shall begin by examining the outward the historical framework, and then


proceed to the core of the question by examining, in
order, the political, the cultural,


and the

ecclesiological factors.






division of the

Roman Empire





had already been the Tetrarchy of Diocletian in 292. However, the split that is here under study, the seed of which was indisputably planted by Conperhaps inevitable for there
stantine, finally

had an


on the Church





it is

important that
this act


understand the cause and the

consequences of

of Constantine, of creating


capital in Byzantium.

not to be found merely in the fact of a new capital in Byzantium, in the early years of the Fourth Century, but in the vast complex of ideas and practices which linked




of the Empire with the essential realities of the Church: an identification of the center of the Church
the essential

with the center of the Empire, a joining of the highest ecclesiastical reality of the Church to the highest civil reality

of the Empire, which united the whole life of the Church to the Emperor and to his authority. It was a concept of a

Church within the framework of the Empire, to become as it were, the Church of the Empire, much more than a mere

as they would say a "symphony. 3 The quasi-sacerdotal role of the Emperor and its effect on the theological concept of a universal church. something else and more. The thesis of Am. there can be absolutely no doubt about his religious But it still is the old pagan sincerity and his Christian faith. According to this system. try and still is. tion. of the two powers. of the pagan system giving the Emperor the matters as well as in civil of Sovereign in religious The separation of powers it was unknown characteristic in antiquity." 1 Such is the Christian interpreta- according to which the best men of the Church. But Constantine achieved it something else and he has transmitted through many cenIt turies to the Christian world. the role in the matter of worship. consists of some very extensive elements quality affairs. but became an acquisition of the Middle Ages. 2 But the of Gasquet's thesis remain solid and are corro- we borated by the studies of others.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS parallel existence in the East. The intentions of Constantine are not in question: the Oriental Church canonized him. or. especially in the West. espeto line up the facts. system which became Christian only in the person of the Emperor. cially the popes. mysteries and preached the Emperor had a sovereign Not that he celebrated the word of God as do priests al- though the Byzantine Basileis often delivered veritable ser- . the Christian ideal. and which was transferred in large part to the shores of the Bosphorus. Gasquet needs to be rewritten in the light of new knowledge about Byzan- tium which indeed general lines have only recently acquired. through the action of the papacy. Such has been.

make these attributes practically Imperial." should be accepted. for the organization of the Ecumenical the Empire") exercised his Church ("Ecumenical" "of and for the regulation of her life. and above all gave the value of Imperial law decisions in our opinion the essential point. was. them closed. "Bishop from with8 out. in an Established Church. . his sov- ereignty. meaning in the episode of the words. ecclesiastical. It could perhaps be debated whether such an interpretation of the famous declaration of Constantine. convoked Councils. was simultaneously coercive exercised in matters of religion and was therefore bounds of State. the power of the of confining itself to the temporal order. meaning the Patriarch Nil wrote in an act of 1380: "The is of real historical literal authority of the Basileus regulates by law exterior and visible while the Church is experienced in the things within. 6 Thus. the Emperor 7 Seen in authority conjointly with the bishops. we should be inclined to do so for what there rather than for the When things. had a was more sacred. in effect.POLITICAL FACTORS mons and was more of the intervened in dogmatic questions 4 : his situation to be compared to that of Elizabeth of England according to the syth of the Basileus XXXDC Articles. this perspective. It but kept itself within the power. however. created or modified the ecclesdistricts and the episcopal Sees. declared to their supervised the proceedings of their deliberations. The charge of the Emperor. It is well known that the Emperor appointed the instead patriarchs iastical But of Constantinople. almost 5 episcopal character. there was the danger that the juridical attri- butes of the Church. but the person quasi-sacerdotal. the aspect of authority and coercion that she bears as a society would. and not Apostolic. this power existed and was exercised in the domain of the Church.

Perhaps. thereby provoking a unity.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the things of the soul (of the rog)" 9 he was giving a theological formula one may of the situation created by Constantine. even so. and litical unity: the cult of the refused. and it in- volves a whole complex of thought. an entirely mystical idea of the Church. In Divided have advanced the idea that the Byzantine ecclesiology had. was same perspective of a the actions of Constan- a means toward into this policy of unity for the Empire that tine may be fitted. as V. At thesis this point also 13 of Jalland. cannot refrain from mentioning the This writer has placed the question of we the papacy and the Roman primacy in the framework of the problems posed by the need for unity unity for the Empire. and thanks role played by the Emperor in the Church. through Constantine. It is promoted poEmperor which the Christian very serious persecution. before Diocletian. along with the legislation that stemmed to the from the "Edict of Milan. to begin with. unity for the Church. Lossky has rightly remarked." Thenceforth. we must not forget "the stupendous wealth of canonical tradition of the Orthodox Church. 10 Christendom. the unity of the 10 . was more or less a federation of cities and provinces. and refused to develop its juridical aspects. then and above all. Diocletian organized it it. The Empire. a certain incapability of perceiving how the "visible" and inability parti- "exterior" are themselves of the Church an 12 cularly felt in the Slavophile systematization has its origins in the sequence of events that we shall try to retrace. But hesitate over the ecclesiological implications of both Constantine's invention and the Patriarch's formula." 11 aside from the properly theological treatises. we The question is certainly more intricate than that. Moreover. dividing into two great administrative domains.

that flowed from an Apostolic law. a fraternity or a union of local churches. taking account of the delays permitted and the circumspection observed in regard to a mortally-wounded paganism. They insisted. a veritably was to become decidedly acute when Rome. continued to present a grave problem for the Church. it is of supreme authority in the Universal the divine prerogative of Rome to exerendemic one after Nicaea. in these cases. tion as Jalland shows. thinks Jalland. that Empire had become Christian in the person of the Emperor. This entire evolution.POLITICAL FACTORS Empire was sought within the Christian framework. especially a unified pire. particularly in the case Church. politically eman- cipated from the Empire. could more independently assert the right to regulate the canonical life of the Universal Church In this respect. In an Empire that was provincial. the Church. ii all without appeal. one properly ecclesiastical. The crisis. the Church had existed as something of a federation more exactly. necessary to eleborate her ecumenical organiza- and her theory of ecumenical authority. from then on part of the ecumenical life of the Emfound it But in a unified Empire. or will it be the dogma of the Emperor?" The persistent theme of the Popes' opposition to the Basileus and the Patriarch of Constantinople was their refusal to accept the idea that any exercise of juridical part of the Church in power on the the Empire derived from some po- litical it or imperial statute. A great many happenings of the Fourth and Fifth Centuries become clear. such a sit- semi-clandestine regime adapted itself rather well to the uation. the events which were . which cise. 14 if we interpret them in the light of this question: "Will the ecumenical authority in the Church be the Apostolic institution and tradition.

based on the institution . and had its own of a unified Church. These and other data which reveal the ecclesiological history social and of the West. which Baumstark 15 stresses. mentally an ecclesiological concept. and the establishment of the Normans in the southern part of Italy to the direct injury of Constantinople. did not erect against her the barriers of a Christianity that already as a center and even as a a secular culture existence. she was likewise favored by various factors that were both political and natural: the Roman genius. but was fundadico-political aspects (Illyricum. the Donatio Constantini.of Our Lord and on the presence of the Apostles Peter and Paul. as was clearly noticeable at the the Sixth Century). to which we will refer later on. the ideological and sentimental heritage of Imperial Rome. a life finally. Among these events were: the Church more effectively conversion of the barbarian kings and peoples upon the whom end of Church depended in the West (a fact that was resented in Constantinople. she obeyed her profound vocation.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS to render the independent of Conhave their ecclesiological stantinople and the Basileus were to and canonical repercussions. in the peoples who unique She had complete freedom to realize. which was Latin and. Thus the relations between Rome and Constantinople have often represented so many occasions for a struggle and a competition wherein the point at issue sometimes had jurithe Bulgars). Rome followed the logic of a Universal Church centered round its primacy. provided the 12 . In this. that in a West occupied by the barbarians Rome appeared source of civilization. the emergence of Pepin the Short and Charlemagne. a step which provided the context for the affair of Michael Cerularius. and the fact. Roman.

and the Byzantine Church thus became a national Greek Church. to begin with. the whole is posited. had not the least chance of finding favor in Eastern thought. according to the extent that (and this Constantinople extent varied according to political destinies). In the East what is first envisaged are the local chur- ches. ecumenical rise in that sense. then the particular communions are conceived of as parts of this whole. on the contrary. while the existence of local churches. however. 16 triarch The of the authority of the Ecumenical Pa- (authority de facto stronger than authority de jure]. Baumstark notes with subtlety 1 8 that the West approaches ecclesiastical reality in an analytical way. ran the grave risk of being seriously tinged with Latinism and juridicism. 17 The idea of an organization of the Church on a universal plane. This ecclesiology. with the ecclesiological risks pointed out above. authority displayed an independence towards the Basileus. In the West. with an appropriate hierarchical court of appeal. Christianity developed from the beginning in various regional and very ancient cultures. which prevailed. had from the beginning oriented people's minds towards the idea of a communion or fraternity of churches. dominated There. one prays for the unity ofjiie 13 Church ("pro . with own liturgical language and their autonomy. "took place within the their framework of the Imperial Moreover. it was the idea of a Church of Empire. then the exigencies of their communion are postulated. In the East. even in the times.POLITICAL FACTORS ecclesiology of the Universal Church with every chance to take hold in that part of Christianity. (more numerous than is often thought) this when idea. the aggressive contact with Islam made Byzantium consolidate herself as a nation confronting other national powers.

in the East. "ne respicias peccata mea. has played a smaller part in this half of Christendom. quam pacificare. The pagan concept of the Roman Empire and as the Byzantine ideal of the Emperor God's representative. separation all the more kind of amputation which mutilates the body. in the East. which has unceasingly inspired Eastern thought. a is the total unity.". the ecclesiological significance of the local Church. 20 and still For sitions all these reasons others. as a family reunion can be a reunion in which many things can. rather long interruptions of communion. una cum famulo tuo papa nostro. likewise universal and apostolic in origin) have remained foreign to the East. prevent one or the other member from taking part.").AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Ecclesia tua sancta catholica. in the East. On the other hand. adun- are et regere digneris toto orbe terrarum.. concrete given fact local diversity. custodire.. as a scandal.. is it is the felt In the West. at one time or another. sed fidem one prays "for the prosperity of the holy Churches of God/' 19 In the West. centered on the mystery and the sacrament.' The politico-religious thought of the Emperors and the people 14 . die first and Ecclesiae tuae. The position taken by Constantinople in regard to Rome was largely fostered by the powerful Roman ideology that had been transferred to Constantinople. unity is regarded more as an ideal. among the Eastern Churches it is impossible not to be struck by a certain lack of any uneasiness or discomfort in the midst of multiple and often. the ecclesiological acqui- of the West (an ecclesiology of the universal Church and a hierarchical court of appeal. the 'New Rome. In fact..

since by argument ad hominem. moreover. If there had been a transfer of Empire. New Rome was not of Constantine himself.POLITICAL FACTORS was to be affected first. presents the dignity of Peter and his successors and the privileges attached to that of an Emperor position as emanating from the political power 27 institution. but it devolved from his action. and not from the Apostolic Byzantium retained all the more the logic of her positions 15 by retorting with her . has often been emphasized by the com22 23 It was inevitable." We will return to this later in our comments. which betrayed the very cause of Rome. that the idea of Constantinople as New Rome should entail ecclesiological and canonical consequences. there had conse24 quently also been a transfer of ecclesiological primacy. Rome regarded with coolness. the Donatio in seeking to check an Emperor. from the Eighth Century onward. this. and the transference of all the rdgis of ancient Rome to Byzantium. the canonico-theological thought affected later.loq Byzantine). Needless to say. the especially in the actual very ones that are generally and quite simply classed under the heading "ambition of the Patriarchs of Constantinople. there was in Byzantium the consciousness of continuing the Roman Empire. (P(DfjLa. affected to ignore. mentators. 21 of the Patriarchs and clergy was to be The idea of Constantinople as the Along with the immense prestige of Rome. Rome made use of the famous Donatio Constantini. it was reasoned. The theme has been treated in many publicathat tions. in order to hold back the spread of this idea. 25 Likewise. too. or rather the idea of Constantinople as a New Rome. = and ideological framework of a Church of Empire. 26 It was a weapon. one of the most harmful pieces of forgery known to history (and not merely to the history of Rome).

the influence of Eusebius cannot be exaggeris in the image of the Heavenly of Heaven. According to this government and the terrestrial order of things imitate celestial government and the celestial order of things. under the authority of the Emperor. a thesis could be developed on the idea of sovereignty which resulted from it. it covers the whole world and ated. and by relying v upon the Donatio to affirm that Constantine had transferred all the rd^iq to Constantinople. politeia unique order. all the aspects of life. by right at least. It embraces in a and of the Kingdom. This "unitarian" ideology reigned in Byzantium. idea. of which the custodian is the image justice.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS own argument from the Tenth Century onward. passing through Philo Ju- daeus down to Eusebius of Caesarea. 28 The transfer of the ideology of Rome to Byzantium constituted for the East and for a Church of Empire a principle all the more powerful in that it was reinforced by what we may call the "unitarian" ideal or idea. It also prevailed in the West. By right. one power. The origins traced29 from Aristotle (whether in the original text which ends the Metaphysics or in the "plato nizing" text found in De Mundo). the thinker who it has expressed the idea most theologically ly to the Christian by applying precise- Empire of Constantine. one truth. terrestrial therefore. there can be on earth but one order. Despite his weakness in theology. 30 Christian society thus the Byzantine Basikis affirmed their right to the obedience of the barbarian and pagan kings themselves. 31 Indeed. to one God in Heaven. beyond the frontiers of the Empire. one sole one monarch corresponds on of these ideas have been earth. including that of making decisions in ecclesiastical affairs. and representative of God. at least from 16 .

A great many things in the part history of Christianity may be explained if one keeps this "unitarian idea" in mind. the visible was not applied Church were concerned. in as far as very structure." And. then rather of the Pope not without claims asserted on the of the temporal monarchs. which we will try to understand in its origin and development. 32 Besides. first of all to the profit of the Emperor (from Charlemagne to the profit to Gregory VII). The instances are almost innumer- Here we need interest ourselves in these themes only from the viewpoint of the estrangement. have completely betrayed the Byzantine 17 . but this transfer was more im- perial than ecclesiastical. progressively expressed in occasional assertions of power. but it remained in the order and social features of the entirely mystical of prayer and sacraments. opposing the Emperor and finally confronting any monarch claiming to be the sovereign head of the Christian world. able. in the Thirteenth Century and dogma. For opposing the Byzantine Basileus there arose another "Emperor. there was not merely one "unitarian" order but two: therefore. the pope raised a higher claim. one too many. The idea that the unity of the Kingits dom should be reflected in the Church. Rome But many under barbarian rulers: treason oj the ideal episodes in the history of Western Christianity ideal just defined. It might not go beyond the facts to state that vailed the idea of a transfer Byzantium there preof the universal sovereignty of in God to a "unitarian" order. considering the total Christian world. first in Canon law in the Eighth to Eleventh Century finally in then in theology by the Vatican Council.POLITICAL FACTORS the Eighth Century onward.

happened in the Eleventh Centshort. and as no longer expressing the Roman idea. but in reality so far Germanic and barbarian: Pope John XIII was to go as to write in 967. The two worlds do not accept each other. the West fell the domination of the barbsgigns and was captured. which continued only in Constantinople. spiritually dominated Apostolic and Papal Rome. To begin with. Rome the West and Rome itself "went over to the barbar- ians" in the sense that ation. an betrayal by creating Emperor supposedly Roman. lacked an historical sense. But it is evident that the West was the more at fault regarding the Roman under idea transferred to Constantinople and the "unitarian" ideal embodied in the Empire. the Empire for example. if we may use a modern expression. Thus. 34 Ozanam expressed in his famous declarThe Romans allied themselves with the enemies of as. barbarian Rome could be considered as no longer a part of the Empire. and by the Latinized barbarian world. In while rendering momentary homage to the Byzantine idea and to the legitimacy of the 35 the West completed its unique claims of Constantinople. Better itself still. they did not accept the West for what it was. Rome does not accept Constantinople. and were too prone to assume an attitude of contempt.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS We generally blame both sides in this betrayal. Con18 . it has also been said that the Basikis lacked a feeling of solidarity with the West which they abandoned to its destiny save for a few 33 They also attempts such as the grandiose one of Justinian. ury with the Normans. that there was "an Emperor of the 36 Scqgks" and "an Emperor of the Romans"! Here the estrangement is between two worlds simultane- ously political it and is cultural: the Byzantine world which affirms that the legitimate continuation of Rome.

commerce and Roman-Byzantine sea. toward the elements.West. from the Italic and Provencal regions. a unifying agent between the two parts of the Christian world. and the consequent interruption of free exchange. Apart from the economic consequences that have been adduced. and. the Carolingian epoch lags in comparison with the Merovingian epoch. to say. which Imperial. says Pirenne. and the retreat of the West within a closed domain. What happened. that were still in contact with the Greek world. mercial point of view. within the West.aiid. maintaining the 19 . From a com- Mohammed and Charlemagne. was the conquest by Islam of the Mediterranean shores and the islands of Crete. although the "idea of way Rome" had for Charlemagne.POLITICAL FACTORS stantinople does not accept the that this least as West as it is. theory explanation of spiritual factors with an' examination of economic factors. Sicily and Malta. and rather feels West of has betrayed "the Roman idea is of unity." at considered in Byzantium. Roman. the Mediterranean had become a Mohammedan domain. It territories inhabited by Germanic was in this sense that Mohammed prepared the Thus. existed until the Seventh Century despite barbarian invasions. a dis- placement of the economic and cultural life of the Sputh towards the North. essentially. in the sense THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST CAUSED BY THE SPREAD OF ISLAM Let us in his now his consider the famous thesis of Henri Pirenne 37 In his wonted sweeping the combines manner. this decisive Instead of being a event brought about two great happenings: a breach betweenJEast.

Moreover. and eventually of Antioch. the series of Oriental Popes that mark the last twenty years of the Seventh Century extended to the middle of the Eighth Ceninto play. the national character of the Greek Church became In any case.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS unity and continuity of the that provoked the split cient world and the beginning ojthe Middle Ages. the barbarian invasions in particular. intensified. the patriarchs came the hope of the populations subdued by that conquest.Christians. in Rome. the Mohammedan conquest finds a place among the causes of that estrangement which in so great a measure caused the "Oriental schism. as well as relations with the East. with Rome. it empire. 38 and some Byzantine scholars have adopted been seriously questioned. and every armed victory of Byzantium was to the advantage of her Patriarch. it was Islam which marked the end of the an- Roman or suggested In recent years. the Mohammedan itself. 39 Navigation and commerce continued. other than those of Byzantium. minimized by Pirenne." 20 . seem to have been expansion had imIt Be free that as it may. however. and tury. but its economic facts themselves have considerations. There is certainly some truth in this thesis of Pirenne. portant consequences in the East prevented the comnuimcation^pf Eastern . many other factors came the causes of the alienation already at work before Moham- med. it has analogous drawn some very strong criticism and not only its deductions and explanations. both political and of Constantinople quite naturally tried to regroup under their authority the remnants of Christendom spared by the conquest 41 Byzantium beecclesiastical. 40 It brought about a consolidation of Byzantium. and so.

if not thfL& cited sian of the separation. the dispute over the empire and the various political questions that may be attached to it. 43 The importance of the coronation of Charlemagne ideas are also whose struck more than one Latin writer of medieval times. Ever since the fall of the Empire of the West. the Emperor of Byzantium held a protective of the West a rather theoright over the Christian regions retical guardianship which he in no way exercised. honorable mention to the remarkable report drawn give up by Humbert of Romans for the Council of Union in 1274. no doubt more enlightened as to the ins and outs of the question. though in a style less violent and bombastic. Very realistically. in a Rusof the end of the Sixteenth polemic Century which We has been Krijanich. find this stated. even 44 Here let us so. Humbert places first among the three causes of discord between the Greeks and the Latins. for example. For a long time the coronation of Charlemagne has been by Orthodox writers or controversialists among the Orthodox as one of the most decisive causes.POLITICAL FACTORS THE CORONATION OF CHARLEMAGNE: A REPUDIATION OF THE EAST. have already mentioned in regard to Constantine: the legitimacy of the succession of Constantinople to Rome as the seat of Empire and "ins The and outs" are those which we the unity of the Empire. nevertheless recognize the decisive importance of the coronation of Char46 lemagne. 45 Modern historians. but which 21 . made known 42 to us by "the father of Panslavism" echoed in more than one page of modern writers. to say nothing of the views of Joachim of Flora who. is narrow and unjust towards the Greeks.

a Church of Empire was sarily a rival as to be constituted in the West. The fore Basileus of Constantinople was there- no longer the true Emperor. But Byzantium was careful not to betitle stow upon them a which would have cast a shadow on the Imperial monarchy. necesInstead of appearing to that at Byzantium. an arbiter. declared that there could be but one Emperor. The who were must be Roman. and that Emperor canonical authorities. In addition. a present- day Catholic historian has gone so far as to write: "The contitle upon Charlemagne therefore marks on the part of the Pope. sharing the same "unitarian" ideology with the East. the coronation on Christmas day of the year 800 was ferment of the Imperial a veritable betrayal. the popes no longer dated their acta in accordance with the reign of the Emperor of Constantinople. as there was but one Orbis. the Latin world." 49 Already in the years following 781 when the papal state was established by Pepin. which assimilated them to the hierarchy of the Empire at least as avid as Bonaparte was in later centuries to be trian crowned by the Pope and to espouse an AusArchduchess.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS existed nonetheless ces themselves. then the authors of juridico-political theories. after the year 800 they dated them from the reign of Charlemagne. since he was in schism. 47 and was recognized by the barbarian prinThese barbarian princes were also avid of Byzantine tides. 48 As regards Byzantium therefore. From then on. exposed to many acts of violence. from tinople as pope. 50 22 . the intention of breaking with the Empire of the East. be regarded by Constan- an adversary. would suffer from the eleventh-century breach consequences of apparently fearful dimensions in the direction of estrangement. the this would. time onward.

views are often interesting. that he had no imperium. 51 Still others were more conciliatory and pointed out that for the sake of peace. The facts are known. of the question and the depth of feel- was all still treated as bitterness the ing of estrangement which the coronation of Charlemagne fostered.POLITICAL FACTORS He showed himself incapable of ensuring his function as defender of the (Roman) Church. created situation. but they would have to work in much more difficult conditions of and the darkening of the atmosphere would in great part be due to the Crusades. an almost irremediable Up to then. There would still be men of this stamp afterwards. as well as in the pontifical bulls. AND WEST. two Emperors could be allowed. the Basileus 53 In these details can be sensed Emperor. dates whose historical the schism from stantinople the Crusades. 54 In fact. 52 Actually. the capture of Con- by "the Franks" Emperor the same who had already given themselves an during the Fourth Crusade. there had been men of substance in the East who deemed the schism capable 55 of being remedied and they were working toward union. no authority existed outside the Church. THE CRUSADES WIDEN THE BREACH BETWEEN EAST Fleury. in the practical steps taken in the transactions to bring about and in the treatises such as that of Humunion. therefore the Empire had been transferred to the Germans. They have been studied very predistrust their relation to the anti-Latin controversy cisely in and the 23 . theological bert of Romans. Some people even declared that since he no longer had the authority.

he accepted the event and saw in it a means. peror Alexis Comnenus had the rear tacked even before he reached Constantinople. Innocent III Christian name. ?11 publicly disavowing hostile projects against the Chrisat the insti- tian Byzantines. of which Venice was the evil genius. the burning of an entire section of the town in the midst of which the Crusaders had found a mosque. And there was no Semeias to raise his voice and say: "Do not wage war upon your brothers !" 57 However. 58 Unfortunately and against the interests of Venice all Christianity. there was pillage. saved the honor of the papacy and of the Before the enterprise.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS growth of of Latins in Byzantium. to re- union and to group the Christian forces against the Turks* But he emphatically disavowed the outrages establish committed against the Byzantines. There was the double capture of Constantinople. The Emguard of Bohemund at- On that oc- casion. 56 From the first Crusade on though this was undertaken to aid Byzantium and doubtless as a result of its appeals the Latins were redistrust garded as people to fend off and to be avoided. In short. providentially allowed by God perhaps. after the capture of the city gation of the Venetians. The acts of hostility on the part of the Byzantines continued during the Second and the Third Crusade. he condemned it. there was territories as fiefs the hatefulness of an armed occupation. the installation of a Latin Emperor and of all a Latin patriarch to the and the distribution of Byzantine Latin nobles. the Norman warrior responded by an act of clemency and had the Greek prisoners released. relentlessly pursued an imperialistic policy which. going even to the extent of poisonings. Then came the Fourth Crusade. in the territories of the Near East where she had estab- 24 .

we enter in a period when the Latins in their turn displayed a similar exclusiveness. caused Latinism of the narrowest kind to reign and ruined for a long time the chances of union. 60 which saw the development of ecclesiastical power. strength. which comprised its deprived the Latins of the of rite." 64 These examples might 25 . which could have been a reunion demanded a rigid and unconditioned agreement with the Latin viewpoint on the two unsettled questions of the Filioque and azymes. the Bulgarian and Greek clergy to complete their ordination by. With the Fourth Crusade. the anointing with their rite.POLITICAL FACTORS lished the centers of trade of her dominion. themselves. and of Scholastic philosophy. Innocent IV desired the Greeks to speak in future of Purgatory "in conformity with the traditions and authority of the Holy Fathers. and more especially of Cerularius. as contrary to true Christianity. 59 The Latinization was a natural result of the able to assert Crusades It wherever is the Latins were this period. and even of doctrine. the lack of an historical sense and of curiosity towards clear that at other men and it other worlds gave Western Christianity that self-confidence hand. the East re- had likewise hardly shown an attitude of tolerance in specting legitimate differences. 62 oil. 61 of canonical tradition. though it is not a part of At this Gregory IX to the same epoch the apocrisiaries of Pope Synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1233. feeling On the other di- of legitimate versity in the matter of ecclesiastical organization. the controversy of the epoch of Photius. council. of canon law. True. as much as he could. was largely based upon a condemnation of Latin usages differing from Byzantine practice. 63 At this time also. This was the epoch in which Innocent III compelled.

intensified and hardened the schism by bringing about the decadence of science and letters in Byzantium. This was a withdrawal which oc- curred everywhere in the Near East as the result of the conquest of the Turkish regime that followed. by causing a kind of contraction and withdrawal into a national Church. the Latins that. in a way. even though ring to it Their responsibility should be understood.) it was the betrayal by the Orthodox is in the Fifteenth Century. The actual measures of subordination of the Greeks to the Latins such as one finds formulated by Innocent III or Innocent IV. a heavy We are refer- another capture of Constantinople. The Greeks began to think. Thus the contact between the East and the West. and of the Church Fathers. they frequently denied the existence and macy of and of an Eastern Church. long before that of Francis (in allying himself with the Turks. This too. "If there was a betrayal I of the Christian cause. The schism was 26 . a tradition. resumed on the by representatives occasion and by the fact of the Crusades. when native officials are allowed some jurisdiction but are supervised of the dominating power. turned into a new and very grave cause of estrangement. rather lamentably recall the situation created by colonization. in the spiritual historical sense atmosphere or toleration of their tradition of the time considered to be the tradition. with little differences. their formulas to be those of the very Apostles. Today the memory of the Crusades still remains in the Greek mind as the mem66 ory of Latin aggression. 65 It is evident of the Crusades. "Better the turban than the tiara! Anything rather than Rome." This feeling in the end influenced their behavior. that in 1453. that legiti- by their deeds.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS be multiplied. of a rite it is clear as well." 67 one.

. of course. To list give a complete the acts of true and therefore a one should Christian fraternity. contacts with the Easterners as Christians. political. 69 were the But this not our theme. and finally archy as the heads of national communities. for contacts between Greeks (Orientals) and Latins did not cease after 1453. sympathy and patience as well as the benefactions which the Latins brought constantly to the Near East in hospital. human and commercial just picture. cooperation. and actual as Real events as all this of a which may be cited as convicting the Easterners lack of gratitude. there is another very serious factor: the separated Easterners. while discrim68 inating against the Latins. was. also. They speak of the pride velling of the Latins and of the Popes and their taste for domination and power. who willingly treated with the Orthodox hieritself. school and charitable works of all kinds. The list of politico-religious causes of the alienation is not yet ended. There were.POLITICAL FACTORS intensified. contacts. CONTACTS BETWEEN EAST AND WEST: MUTUAL ACCUSATIONS OF PRIDE AND ARROGANCE. by the isolation in which the Orthodox world found by the policy pursued by the Turks. as well as in scientific is and other endeavors. Roman Catholics for having ceaselessly exercised towards Orthodoxy a le70 unchecked and proselytism. 71 The Orthodox reproach the Catholics for what they call their proselytism a vague word which lends itelf to the expression of many unreasonable rancors. there were as well. or shall we say the Orthodox. reproach the Latins and more precisely. moreover.

there is an approximation of truth a serenely objective which would not stand up before exam- ination. much better to become aware of the are brought against us. the lightest causes of annoyance. It is this condescension of ours. with which we light are reproached. this "colonization psychology. and still less we trying to accuse others. are seized upon as a justification for all the cherished motives for remaining apart and continuing the war* 72 28 .AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS In all these reproaches. there are many exaggerations and also quite a few candid alibis for a serious examination of conscience. of approaching them as second-rate Christians who must be won. enterprises of the Thus. the end result of the all this. to know that they exist. the con- they have had with the West and Latins. there is no complex more especially when it is grafted on an by standard the least sign of weakness. so that we may bring to them riches of which they do not have the equivalent. de corps and serves to justify the feeling of being different. ever since the separation. that. especially on is Orthodox and their attitude towards us. But we are not trying to justify ourselves at are all costs." this barely veiled desire for power. it is No matter what the circumaccusations stances. rendering every effort toward reconciliation ineffective. it is in the of these views rightly or wrongly. secretly fed by all the unreasoned violence of an instinct of self-preservation. since this Now. the part of a complex of distrust. the Eastern Christians have regarded the presence tacts of the all Latins. On the other hand. esprit This invalidates the clearest and soundest explanations. instead of considering that are We the separated Orientals as brothers whose particular gifts should be respected. accused of using methods of force and. powerful than distrust. or rather conquered.

contact becomes impossible. came from the Neapolitan region and Sicily. there were al- ways men especially in Rome who understood Greek. latter were scarcely better informed as to the Greeks. Thus. and from three points of view. unfortunately it is a fact that the Christian world split in two to the according to a line that practically corresponded linguistic were amazingly and the lacking in curiosity regarding the Latin Fathers. the question of language is important to us here. 1 that there little Yet. the use of Latin was restricted to administrative and 2 In the West. an instrument of communication. in Constan- tinople. Where there is no under- A standing. since Become a classic question is which has been studied so thoroughly more to be said on the matter. thanks to the monks who juridical formulae. The Greek Fathers a situation was an obstacle to the true unity that lives by . for has long. language is.CHAPTER THREE CULTURAL FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE ESTRANGEMENT THE DIFFERENCE OF LANGUAGE "* We shall not stress it the importance of language as a cult- ural factor. and this language of prime importance for the sources of tra3 But dition was studied by numerous scholarly churchmen. Such boundary. to begin with.

4 But language is not merely the symbol of ideas which would exist of themselves: language is also shapes ideas. the English worship. to the very formation of the mechanics of thought. it really constitutes the climate It is which is called "the mind. We will Language a highly critical way in which Latins and Greeks mutually viewed each other. is not of the very of communion. The toll exacted by linguistic provincial- ism was bound to be. and to the formation of that kind of inner mirror wherein our perceptions are "refracted". and also in worship and pressing one's faith of organizing the of the Church. before the thought expressed. symbol of culture and it plays a great part in the esteem civilizations have 'for each other. merely from the viewpoint of language itself. In was bound to bring about a serious lessening if of the of communion and of the likelihood. the French 30 For example. Mysteries. the Greeks themselves if felt a certain condescension. a certain provincialism in thought. It contributes. sooner or later. how do we . translate any other language the German Gemut. and feeling. a certain narrow separatism in the theological short. and conceiving intellectually the Holy of exlife other ways. not a kind of contempt. it spirit and canonical tradition. although the Latins were anlater return to the noyed by what they considered an excess of subtlety in Greek. of the existence of ways other than one's own for approaching. But. possibility. equally legitimate. perspective and judgment.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the exchange of ideas and by the awareness thus acquired." 5 a fact well known is to translators that for a great many words and phrases which conviction. there are most expressive of profound into no exact equivalent in another language. for the Latin language.

all the Russian sobornost ? Historians of dogma. hypostasis substantia. after having translated juerdvoia tentia. on the other hand. the fact that the 8 word and faction" practically does not exist in Greek. This language difficulty has much to do with the conditions unity. There selves are linked are also minor instances. by poeni- the Latins have often joined poenitentia with poena and developed their thought in the direction of the idea of acts of penance and satisfaction. hence of Their consequences lead once level again to estrangement understanding. There are the wellknown instances of prosopon. the fact that the word atria 7 signifies "to proceed as from the first principle". actu- the Greeks' quibbling and they often complained about 31 . equally decisive. the difficulty of achieving an exact understanding of them is likely to have serious theological and ecclesiological consequences. and that in 6 Greek there no equivalent the Latin word "satis- vicarius. and those working for union.CULTURAL FACTORS carrefour. on the of thought and mutual VARYING DEVELOPMENT OF EASTERN AND WESTERN CULTURAL IDEALS. the fact that the Greeks and the Russians have libility" generally expressed "infalsignifies by the word avapagrrirog is that also "impeccability" (infallible or in Russian for nepogresmyi). The ally Latins considered the Greeks inordinately subtle. even with the possibilities of union. while their translation is quite clear. that. 9 These are but a few instances of many expressions that could be mentioned. are likewise well aware that many of the difficulties between the Orthodox and our- with questions of language and that this was so in the past as it often still is today.

so its schools and its culture perpetuated those of Antiquity without a break. great advantages from this. the question includes other aspects which are not as positive but have their bearing on the process of the gradual estrangement which we are analyzing. 10 It was the Greeks. and in a way as a consequence. as was done in the West. after being overrun by the barand resuming life with them. accused the Latins of barbarism and lack of culture. Without overlooking the counter-argument of "caesaropapism. there always existed in Byzantium a 14 a corps of literate imperial functionaries. 13 barians Whereas the West. However. let us note at this point a very important fact which 32 . they 11 said. 15 for which Fleury as sets the Twelfth Cen- with Arnold of Brescia. for their part. no doubt. a beginning in Western Europe. clergy to modify certain impossible points in traditional ecclesiastical discipline. was in great part ignoits rantwith Church erate culture being preserved its centers while secular population by monks in small was often illitcultivated laity. the one pointed out by Fleury (not without a hint of gallicanism): in Byzantium the laity were more or less with ecclesiastical matcapable of preoccupying themselves for the there it was ters. the East experienced neither the exaggerated increase of ecclesiastical power. who had inHad not the vented all the heresies.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS their perfidy." of which we have already spoken and which so many Catholic writers stress. Besides. The Greeks. nor the bitter secular criticism and anticlericalism which followed and tury. not the least Byzantium derived of which was. West been overrun by the Fifth the barbarians since the beginning It of Century ? 12 has often been noted that just as Constantinople perpetuated the Roman Empire.

to characterize adequately the content tures. the Germans entered the Church.CULTURAL FACTORS has been particularly studied 16 by Baumstark. with its ancient culture. in the and a recent culture stemming entirely from Rome. bringing with them a new vi- brought nothing into the Church but rather impelled the Greek world to withdraw into itself with its national Church. a phenomenon of. and a undertakings. with youth and a free field. Christianity as 17 then on figured traditionalism. there had been an invasion of new people. but under very different conditions: in the West. there were barbarians tirely different historical presuppositions: in the East there was a millenary culture. based simultaneously on Rome and on the Germanic world. feeling of profound differ- . we of will be content here to say a rite few words on the to take subject a subject which we hope up again one day and study more thoroughly and to point up the differences between East and West which occurred in theological method. West and East. Hence. in the East the Arabs. In both. faith. and from a force of the past. It is was held in check by Islam. of those cul- Restricting ourselves to the viewpoint of the Church. professing another in the West. In the East. In both the East and the West Christianity had encountered some enWest. result of youth. especially in this limited space. We shall suggest a few a resulting shall recall a few moments when 33 major differences.. It would be less easy. tality. Christianity figured hesitate to plunge into new as such Scholasticism. The West even recognized the possibility as a mounting force and did not of creating a new law. thus strengthening its easy to determine relatively the different general conditions of the development of civilization in the East and in the West.

the other hand. "rite" would be nothits more than an external system. It has been shown how. a kind for a long time the people and the clergy maintained of profound spiritual liberty in regard to rite. even in the second half of the Sixth Century and beyond into the beginnings of the Thirteenth. Now. collectively way and which own personal. one passed easily from the East to the West and vice versa. communal manner of expression. On we can understand the notion of "rite" in deeper sense. We shall devote DIFFERENCE OF UNDERSTANDING OF "RITE" Considered in ing its most limited sense. celebrating the mass with the people of any particular place. caused in the long finally note the deplorable solidification run by so many differences. a certain conviction.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS shall even oppositeness. a section to each of these. considered as existing in itself and universally valid which could be transferred indifferently from one linguistic group to another. Such a transfer would involve no more than a substitution of another language. and lives its Christian faith. We the deep consciousness of these differences. creates for organization of the ecclesiastical and religious Fundamentally then. perceived and felt in a particular itself its it is the Christian life itself. In that case. from one different rubrics "rite" to another. in their 34 . It is much wider and then not merely a collection of liturgical rubrics as but includes the theology well as the whole life manner of of a people. and at least in the East by ence. no matter what con- tent. "rite" encompasses the totality of forms and symbols by which a community gives complete expression to. a and ceremonies. was particularly marked.

18 language and according to their rubrics.

"In the Sixth

Century in


writes Brehier,


a child

was brought

to the baptistery, the acolyte asked: 'In

what language does

he confess our Lord Jesus Christ?' According to the answer, he recited the creed in Greek or in Latin." 19 Surely this

of things can be considered a wholesome


was, however, spoiled after the Fourth Crusade as a result of Latin domination in the Orient, and the wholly Latinizing policy of Innocent III and Innocent IV.

O. Rousseau, the Council of Florence fully recognized the existence of the Oriental rite and at the same time laid down the principle of an air-tight partition
According to


between the Greek and the Latin
that a study


In truth,



of the usage of the word ritus leads to the followconclusion which, far from going counter to the findings ing mentioned above, only serves to sharpen them. Before modern times,


a concrete ritual, a

manner of


brating the liturgy, the concrete expression of one's faith.

The Council of

Florence with precisely this meaning uses








can say




became an

abstract reality, a thing


itself; it

became a

separate entity

and one begins to speak


the Oriental




change came about by the very reason of
the Latinization, the creation

the separation:

by reason of

of the Uniate Church, the reaction of the Orthodox and the methodical arrangement they made of their differences in
the course of ten centuries of controversy, and finally in the

Nineteenth Century.
itual liberty

Today we have

lost the

kind of



with respected in other fields,


the variation in the

manner of

celebrating the liturgy


formerly treated. Tke question of rite has become identified with the very question of Church.


the other hand, the East makes


or no distinction


In Greece, the same word, dogma, Westerners are inured designates the one and the other.



to analysis




conceive of faith as a


of truths which,
to reality.

in themselves,

are susceptible

different expressions;

we have

studied the* relation of



Easterners see a



union between
faith in action.

the two: the ritual symbol


them but

Therefore, different expressions should
think, to different faiths.


so they



of someone




rite that

he has changed

faith. 21

a very well-

known fact that in the list of grievances made by
against the Latins,



kinds of minor variations of rite and

custom have been mingled with points that are properly
dogmatic, although a
distinguish these


such as Photius

knew how






this is

an important fact, in the East the Church is felt to be less an object of conviction of faith and the resulting choice, than as an actual community of peoples of which, as a Christian,




all this it



follows that although in the West the word taken in the narrow sense, it is understood in a

broader arid deeper sense in the East. 22
type of piety that is

This brings about a very simple and yet very deep, not analyti-

developed in logical deductions and practical applicabut continually vitalized in the services of the Church,

of piety in which the meanings of the rite, the and the Church are united in a single living attitude.
a type
this involves


some weaknesses;


may not

perhaps respond


points to the needs

of the modern world



through the ages; but it seems still more certain that such a type of piety lends itself to an exaggerated "absolute interpretation" of rite, identified with what may be held to be most absolute. In our opinion, only the reestablishment of

unity and


could restore to Christians the liber-


a kind that apparently reigned in the first six or eight


In the present state of separation, there


an ex-

aggerated tendency to "absolutize" things
important, but just

which are


as certainly

not absolute: in the West
administrative and juridical

the organization, with

involvements; in the East, there




At any

rate, it is in the light

of these



or even prejudice to other influences perhaps less sublime so conscious, that the Orthodox peoples severely criticise

every attempt at reuniting them by giving to a Catholicism imbued with Latin spirit the mere aspect of an Oriental rite.

Let us reread these lines by Father George Florovski: "There is a fatal mistake here: rite either remains merely 'ritual',
incapable of bringing about reunion, the rite itself changing, becoming transformed or even degenerating into rubricism,

and losing meaning; or else it is accepted in its the bounds of Western or reality, in which event,
consciousness must inevitably be broken.

case as

In the one In

in the other, reunion


not accomplished.

does not possess any of the 'Oriental rite/ What is involved is not 'rite* but the living reality of a non- Roman






to say,

there can be

no Oriental

except the Orthodox. A rebuttal of such an assertion would require some distinctions. In a few words we can say that if "Orthodox" here


irrational rather than rational. ceptions are other factors to be considered. and in which Apostolic its Chris- tianity in Oriental form. it is quite certain that many sentimental complexes. has been felt by the separated Eastern Christians as a veritable betrayal. In our opinion. anticipations. since it neglects the possibility of veritable catholicity which could be realized within the Roman Catholic Church. as a lack of respect towards existence of Uniate Churches the East. the as the presence of Benjamin with Ten and of a persevering effort of Rome to organize them. Theological method and major differences in doctrinal conWilmart. it it is a fact and one that would be wrong not to take into serious consideration Uniatism appears to the Orthodox as being. 25 are. all this. Dom 38 . in the intention of Rome and often in reality. the assertion may be accepted. preparations for this: a kind during the schism of the Judah a was of the Tribes. somewhat reunion to come. by its profound 26 presuppositions. as a refusal to take seriously ability to take seriously or a congenital in- their reasons for not aligning them- selves with a Latinized Catholicism: in short. SCHOLASTICISM IN THE WEST AND THE DIFFERENCE OF THEOLOGICAL METHOD. The Uniate Churches of promise. the very caricature and contradiction of unity. could co-exist with an Apostolic Christianity of Occidental tradition and form. promise However. are intermixed with However. to take seriously the reasons for estrangement that the present study is at- tempting to analyze. This disposes of signifies the subject a little cursorily. and according to its tradition. in fact and historically.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS only Apostolic Christianity according to its Oriental tradition. under the primacy of the cathedra Petri.

in some are respects. Christian matters still today what they were then and what they were in the West before the end of the Eleventh Century. the transition from a predominantand exemplarist outlook to a naturalistic one. verse of exemplary causality. a decisive turning-point was reached in the West. It was a time characterized by . with the idea of returning elsewhere to it some day. we will not now treat this immense and fascinating subject as a whole. It and fortuitous coincidence. without however. It is concerns precisely the moment when indeed very the schism asserted itself in a up to now. This profound alteration of view did not take place in the East where. sometime between the end of the Eleventh and the end of the Twelfth Century.CULTURAL FACTORS a profound student of ancient texts. it is much more likely that we have come to the very core of our subject. but merely from the theological point of view and to begin with. The great break occurred in to the other century.several transitions. 27 the transition period from the one This change took place only in the West where. supplying detailed and elaborated proofs. has written that a Christian of the Fourth or Fifth Century would have felt less be- wildered by the forms of piety current in the Eleventh Century than would his counterpart of the Eleventh Century in the forms of the Twelfth. ly essential There was first. Perhaps. everything was somehow transformed. in which the expressions of 39 . This was a transition from a uni- an interest in existence. from the actual state of theology. for it one knows the facts. This is a statement that becomes clearer the better serious. In the period between the end of the Eleventh Century been without a true remedy seems impossible that this be a purely exterior way that has and the end of the Twelfth. However.

talents. and an ananot against this analytical Basically. it seems to the esis The difference between the two worlds the difference between the attitude quest of the relation of the parts lytical attitude." 28 or. transition Secondly. to which so many us. from a synthetic perception to say an inclination for analysis and "questions. as one might the beginning of Scholasticism. to a universe of efficient which the mind seeks for the truth in things and in their empirical formulations. The East followed the road of tradition. and we have shown one of the principal differences among the various peoples of the Orthodox faith is in fact that they are not trained. 31 The Latin theo- logians. as are the Latins.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS thought or of act receive their truth from the transcendent model which material causality in things imitate. of synthetic perception in to the whole. The times had greatly since the period when the Greeks treated the Latins barbarians. have often been baffled at seeing the Greeks refuse to yield to their compelling argu- ments from reason. in the Nineteenth Cenattitude 30 tury? Another transition was that from a culture where tra- and the habit of synthesis became ingrained. now the so-called barbarians had created a 40 ." Here we have a to dialectic. there was the "from symbol with greater precision. and analysis the normal result of study. inured to Scholasticism. how by the schools. to an academic milieu where continual questioning and redition reigned search was the norm. is scholars have devoted their sential point. 29 This. but instead taking refuge in the realm of Patristic texts and conciliar canons. was it of Catholics that the Slavophile religious philosophy aimed its criticism of Catholicism. as Humbert of Ro- mans very changed as 32 pertinently remarked.

on the other hand. nor a "scientific" theology. where our great schools arose. but all three combined. the West has evolved towards a type of analytical knowledge fluences that which. 33 and was to experience neither the Reformation or the i6th-i8th-century rationalism. the teaching and study of theology. the dominant type of teaching or study had been of a contemplative or monastic nature. Genevieve. that In the East. it needs to define the exact shape of things. the first half of the Thirteenth Century. of an academic and rational nature which was soon to take the place of the former. the East remained foreign to the three in- shaped modern Catholicism. 34 It was not only among the Slavophiles that the idea of an integral and living knowledge was proposed. there was added a new incident to is go to of Abailard leaving the cloister of Notre-Dame Mont Ste. and even of philosophy. Until this time. or rather at a slightly time. to see them independently of one another.CULTURAL FACTORS new science. As far as we know. In other words. kept its religious status. in sum. this may it- be a general characteristic of the Byzantine philosophy 41 . linked with the liturgical life of the abbeys type of teaching and study. Therefore. Here the significant or cathedrals. within the epistemological structure in which love and moral uprightness meet and 35 join. It was only in the neo-Orthodox school of which Fr. full dern world. Serge Bulgakov was the most accomplished representative. In the period that later have been studying. is rational. that saa separate philosophy nor a piential knowledge was neither pure mystique. a new we kind of theological teaching and study appeared and established itself in the West. Now. But of developments which have made the mothis remained foreign to the East which its knew no Scholasticism of own.

even the beliefs Mary 37 this respect. is be it they hold in common The example of the Assumption of the Virgin noted. decided in the Orthodox East and are. which has the calling and charism to especially effect this so the Orientals feel the need not to define: not to define. which may tive value. We must all the as a 42 . it is in a climate of living knowledge and in general feel the need to define negation. cover the tradition. 36 The Orthodox them Slavs have a distrust. of course. con- "extrinsic" or "worldly" (the famous Russian not be entirely fortunate or of posivnesnost'). the Ordefinitions already accepted thodox churches could admit the in our Church. They spirit will. if for the "rational/* the "Euclidean. road in the continuity and of Orthodox but be brought a little closer to us. Jugie felt that he could deduce from this that reunion should be easy since. and indeed still occasionally upheld there." as sidering not contempt. in the state of doctrinal uncertainty in which they find themselves. It is possible that half a century of the Marxist in one bound to the regime will bring Russian Orthodoxy seven centuries of point which we have reached through analysis and rationalism. perhaps Orthodoxy will thus For the moment.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS self. One cannot means of union that which precisely straightaway employ constititutes one of the obstacles to union. sometimes even the Catholic position. significant in It is a fact that many points of doctrine have not been that various positions were. do not want them at all. Just as the Latins Rome. Dostoevsky says. definitions which have for us the force of not treating the Orientals predogmatic ? For the point is not exactly cisely as if they were Latins that they do not have definitions. the point is rather that is law. 38 But this they do not need them. with us.

In studying Eastern thought in least its expressions diversity and ramifications. and again. Catholic apologists are fond of quoting and using these favorable texts. their pietas. or has come from men who were favorably disposed toward reunion. This has happened especially in moments that were favorable to reunion. representing cannot be defined and which. This indeterminate state of things is. close to it. but not in the East. the Western in a thoroughly Catholic sense. however. has happened that theologians and Churchmen of the East have sometimes expressed themselves in a manner widely divergent from. are analogous to culture true that. we might say. and they are right to do so. 39 we personally have been amazed to note that there is a broad and deep domain of ideas wherein the East and the West cherish a fundamentally common tradition. 43 their secret design . valuable from the viewpoint of reunion. malleable and retains possibilities a favorable position towards it reunion. or very position. however. ac- cording to a famous remark.CULTURAL FACTORS more take into account the ethos of the Oriental Churches. would be folly to all from the outside. to so whom many things that much. on a reif it is is this word means so ligious plane. area it where definitions exist among In the apparently vast us. or at on a certain ject number of things as important to union as the sub- of Purgatory or the Roman primacy. if not totally opposed to. a position which. Yet we would no longer follow them if. recalling the similar case of the Anglicans. culture what remains when we have forgotten everything else. once again. and Jugie's idea involves a great truth to which we Orthodoxy has kept itself which might crystallize into force its should pay careful attention.

) (The question of the Filioque is On the other hand. we cannot risk the choice of deepening on the level the estrangement instead of achieving a rapprochement a and profound unity on the basis of the famous pronouncement of St. to the advantage of Latin Catholicism. a very important point to we would like to stress which we will return in our conthe "estrangement." 40 Everything is fundamentally is common to the East and the West. possible that it could become complete to reunion. and the of thought one followed in historical without. Cyprian: "licet. salvo jure communionis. even where the fundamental positions are iden44 . of course. faithful to to be the truth. we might halt the total schism and work towards what we hold a healing movement toward of the wound when- ever. we seek and find of thought and then on the level of formulae. not been brought to completion." has It is clusion to this study: the schism. consequently. diversum sentire. any technical or Aristotle. explained intelligently.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS were to abolish any and all differences between the Eastern and the Western tradition. and yet everything these differences different. the West. a great many of may be due to the platonic line aristotelian followed in the East. loosely speaking. 41 But we trust no dependence on either Plato or us to insert at this point a chapter on comparaone expects tive symbolism. an acceptable view which tends towards reunion. if we were to push to the limit the dif- ferences which. THE SOLIDIFICATION OF DIVERGENT WAYS OF THINKING These cultural and religious differences are very important. We have elsewhere suggested that. On the other hand. could smooth the path a case in point. Understandably.

that tradition for example quite a natural tendency to mistake "accepted" ideas ! for tradition 45 . Lossky.CULTURAL FACTORS deal. Christian tradition." and mean by We this say "a part of the its not Western form its schoalone but a period of or medieval or baroque period. the danger of practically identifying part of the Christian tradition with that tradition as a whole. is On the Catholic side. Divided Christendom. which we have since taken into account. is still almost everything is different because differently interpreted. 43 We wish that all Catholics would become aware of these factors and we wish they might and enter into a sympathetic patient consideration of the of the East and. how this danger is not merely imaginary. the danger presents itself in different ways in the East and in the West. or similar instances. and this in matter of piety and theological thought. slightly Moreover. since we must face it. ing criticism raised The extremely by Vl. there the danger of reconciling there is a Latinism in fact with a catholicity of intention. expressed and experienced. but not elevate them to an absolute. the spirit of spirit their importance. This is the main reason why we have welcomed a number of works on the Slavophile movement into our French collection. felt. Orthodoxy. or its period of lastic It is administrative centralization. That interest- why we have given so much 42 space to these elements in our book. imperative that we do is We have seen in the matter of rite. It it is not a question of abolishing these differences. Unam sanctam. construed. and which are likewise the convictions of some excellent experts and friends of the East. has not shaken our actual convictions confirmed since by so many facts.

talking to an times. have felt the unconscious all tude of one ceptions who has a fixed point of reference for his per- and which could be explained is like this: what is is Western Eastern insipid. profound. As the late lamented Dom word Clement * Lialine said. pure.'" In Russia. whom a they have been The consequences have been strengthening of national characteristics and the hemming-iii within national and ethnical of Christianity boundaries. where this has played a smaller part. be identified with the conscience of the East East. and the Orthodox Church has been closely and almost inextricably linked to the national life. . living. the Church not only the Orthodox. when atti- Orthodox. Besides.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS On dox.' so the 45 Orthodox could be accused of 'rock-like incuriosity. as such. or more precisely the Orthothe clanger lies in identifying true Christianity with Orthodox Church. it is in the have preserved their national pecularities Church despite the various invaders and conquerors to subject. what profound. mechanical. by definition. Slavoa whole people the Russians 46 . the Slavophiles of the Nineteenth Century systematized with remarkable profundity the sentiment of identification between and true Christianity. Many I and blessed holy. the continuity has been so strong that even the Bolshevik regime has not succeeded in breaking it. interior. The conscience of Christo tianity tends itself. but also the Nestorian or Monophysite is that they has represented a national refuge. 44 by God. superficial. not only dogmatically but with its national and Eastern forms as such. For a great many peoples of the Near East. making a play on the French pierre (rock=Peter). "Just as the Catholics have been accused of rock-like insensibility. and the becomes. exterior. . the the part of the Orientals.




the contributions of

German RomanVolksgeist,


and Idealism, of the German idea of a

which the Slavophiles transposed into a highly spiritual theology of the Church wherein the people themselves the

Orthodox Russian people




of truth and

seems clear to

us, at least, that the Slavophiles

have erected into absolutes the Eastern and national elements, at least as they are conceived by them and highly idealized.



of Soloviev


to a great extent well founded. 47

Every reader of Dostoevsky knows that in

writings this

has been carried to the point of an idolatry

of "Russian

48 It was towards Christianity" and of "the Russian God." the end of the Nineteenth Century and following the new

peculiarities were sytematized. Prince Eugene Troubetskoy seems to have been the first to do it with scope and penetration. 49 Aside from a whole literature

ways opened by the ferences and religious

Slavophiles, that



on "the Russian




this has

had the




creasing and crystallizing the consciousness of being quite different from the Westerners, and in many respects has

even widened the breach.

clear that such




and cul-

of one day reuniting the separated communities into one communion. Assuredly, the accentuation of cultural peculiarities has been
tural elements

would destroy

both the cause and the


of schism.







perspicacity the

analyzed with great theological in which it was the fatal cause of schism.

chosen to be the people of God, was not noted for

high culture;

men were

called to unite themselves (eccle-


in pure faith in the


in the pure grace of Jesus

Christ, in short, they




to adhere to a supra-

human, supra-rational, supra-cultural plan. The divisions resulted from the fact that elements of a cultural and human
order were brought into religion, such

Hellenism, Latin

temperament, Scholasticism, and



point of

view, the schisms are linked together one might say that the schism of the

as in a



Sixteenth Century there not been the schism had have occurred would not

of the Eleventh Century, and that the latter in turn would not have occurred had there not been the first breach, the

one by which the Christian Church left the human poverty of the people of God for the human wealth of nations.

work of

indeed, could be said


this subject.

It is


to visualize, as


have done

in Divided Christendom, the

unification being carried out within a truly


framework and

with an amplitude that would admit

the possiblility of contributions from all peoples and all cultures. At least the problem has been stated in all its force.









selves ever since the

worlds, a duality, have asserted themtime of Constantine if not from the
as Pope St. Simplicius was to trace the development of this du-

very beginnings: "uterque orbis,"
to write. 1

we were

ality in this state

of mutual ignorance and estrangement, the

acceptance of which really constitutes the schism, we would have to rewrite the whole history of the two churches. Here

can only stake out the terrain, indicating significant landmarks rather than give a complete documentation. In the

year of 342 "the first great manifestation of antagonism between the two halves of Christiantiy" 2 took place during
the Council of Sardica




that the Council

was purely Western in composition, as it has sometimes been said, but it remained on the periphery of the two worlds, within the area of Western obedience: at the Council,

Latin was spoken, the acts were


drawn up

in Latin,

but their Greek translator significantly enough, transformed or toned down the implications of the canon which cited





Not only were



doctrinal po-

sitions in opposition

of the Westerners being saner but two groups of church leaders and two ways of conceiving

Basil to find a unanimity under the aegis at the of Rome. sanctioned Rome. when the Council of Rimini and that of Seleucia Trachea were held simultaneously. and the quarrel aroused by Arianism gave both the East and the West the opportunity to note that they did not have the same preoccupations. the East and the West were separated. or between 337 and 843. long interruptions of communion ensued. and discordant councils were held at Constantinople and at in 382. It was in the atmosphere of this latent rupture that the complicated and interminable episodes of the schism of Antioch took place 5 in spite of the noble attempt of St. since a given see sometimes remained in communion with either of two churches parallel in schism with each other. What was of bottom of this affair ? Questions of personalities.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the canonical regime of life or of Church union were op- posing each other. often only partial and not always continuing. the second its official and canonical existence. personal qualities misunderstanding as to the way of conceiving ecclesiastical discipline ? In any strictness in case. There began to be held two parallel councils as at Sardica: so. for instance. 6 Even if we do not stress the indications. As we have seen from the number of periods during which Constantinople and Rome broke off communion between the years 323 and 787. it is clear that a kind of "separateness" had become a kind of habit. a or. or in matters concerning as Cavallera thinks. It was in this rather unfavorable Rome atmosphere that the name of "Constantinople. In short. And once again. in 359." acquired by the Coun- of Constantinople in 381. cil 50 . matter of orthodoxy. the same way of The crisis reasoning.

during the last third of the Fourth Century. Before and especially after the Council of Chalcedon. his Rome. of a marked anti-Western trend on the part of the Eastern Church in this case the Syrians there remains the fact that the "relations between the Church of the East and the Church of the West. On the part of the one and the other.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS with Cavallera. The resistance to the condemnations of the Three Chapters desired by Justinian (Theo- show itself more favorable West always wanted to save. the East was prone to react in the Alexandrian way. had already crystallized as strained. and Illyricum. a church of prayer with exigencies of especially its less attention to the militant and its itinerant state. to toward Monophysitism. there were misunderstandings. in liturgy In the Orient there developed a rather sumptuous liturgy." sacramental. The West. that is to say." The West reactions were often 8 different in the East and the in regard to the 5th-century heresies: Pelagianism and questions of grace. Italy the acts of his humanity. the other celestial realities on a line of descent sensible from were to the midst of the word bound to have correspondences or consequences and ecclesiology. 9 The different ways of approaching the unique mystery of Christ in the East and the West the one putting a more lively value on dora) unified Africa. and Monophysitism. the if one may so express it. the portion of the Nestorian truth consecrated by Chalcedon. Christological difficulties. Nestorianism. held to a more sober liturgy which was aimed at the edification of the individual and moral . disagreements and lack of sympathy despite a sincere desire 7 for concord. imbued with the Holy Mysteries and the It was a church essentially idea of "Heaven on Earth.

moment when Prankish protection was ofit fered to the papacy and brought to its the material basis of independence of the Basileus. the quarrel was intensified and the politico-religious breach widened. 10 This was a church much more that effectively marked by the sytem of militant action and the spiritual-celestial authority human expression of the Christ. of Peter and that of At a time when Rome was more and more finding and accepting a co-existence with the Western. submitted to an Occidental . Through all this. Eighth in Greek Illyricum. However. 13 This occurred at the of controlling the Church. Dvornik has noted some significant indications of this fact. We aclius (610-641).AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS needs. 12 Following the Iconoclast crisis in the mid-Eighth Century. the disaffection and estrangement of the two orbis became tragically complete. language but obedience. 11 at the councils of the Roman in patriarchical Seventh. the barbarian powers. in the course have already pointed out that. Constantinople was becoming more and more and following). particularly in observing which churches were represented and Ninth Centuries. after Herof the concentration and ren- ovation undergone by the Byzantine Empire in consequence of the Arab lenization there took place a more complete Helperil. the iconophiles who had found support in Rome from Pope Gregory II and had partially triumphed thanks to his support. was conspicuously absent from them. that is to say. The Emperors used Iconoclasm as a means (The Ecloge of the Emperor Leo III in 776 opens with a declaration in which he applies to himself the text of John XXI. whose influence creased. and nationalization of the Church under the rule in- of the Patriarch of Constantinople.

held the position which was to be that of many Orientals: legitimacy of the doctrine. a formula which the Council of Florence was to recognize as possibly equivalent in meaning to the Filioque. He then caused to be engraved and placed before the tomb of St. 15 53 . Peter two silver placques bearing the text of the Creed. thus giving for a long time credence in the Greek mind to the idea that the Latins allow two principles of the Holy Ghost and that the formula of several Eastern Fathers. the other in Greek. It is true 787. Pope Leo HI. was in reality opposed to this it. Charlethis chance for ruined unanimity (The Libri Carolini magne. Unfortunately. For it was likewise the period when he imposed the Filioque upon the churches of his empire and went so far as to refuse the per Filium in the Libri Carolini. Khomiakov and the Slavophiles date 14 ! from period the "moral fratricide" and the beginning of the rupture to the which they I attribute entirely West Yet Pope Adrian defended the Seventh Ecumenical Council against the Libri Carolini as well as the procession of the Holy Ghost "a Patre per Filium". without the Filioque. confronting the envoys of Charlemagne. the that the Acts of the Seventh Council had been transmitted to Charlemagne in a poor version and that the Pope had delayed approving them by reason of the caesaropapism which was mingled in them. illegitimacy of the addition of the Filioque. Charlemagne was also guilty of having deepened the mutual distrust. the one in Latin.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS Council the Canons of the Seventh Ecumenical Council the last which East and West held in common of the year new protector of the papacy. Thus. and the Council of Frankfurt in 790 and 794).

a his- is regarded as the most decisive tory often retraced since it and causes of the schism itself. Treves. the Metropolitans increased their influence and developed what many WestIt is ern historians call their pretensions or ambitions. for their part. Photius. the history of just a few episodes. which was called "new Rome" in the poetry of the time of Charlemagne? 18 This pretension of Constantinople is inscribed not only in the events but in the canonical texts. Aries. sein Leben. or Aix-la-Chapelle. It seems hardly debatable that thenceforth an implacable logic drove the Church of Constantinople towards an autonomy independent of any other ecclesiastical metropolis. that they had been. responsible from the moment that there could be constituted a Patri- archate of Constantinople in a national Church. seine Schriften und das griechische Schisma with the founding of Constantinople.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS THE LOGIC OF EVENTS CAUSES THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSTANTINOPLE AS AN AUTONOMOUS PATRIARCHATE Throughout an entire history of which we have recalled but which is. and towards (1867-69). imperial residences. begun for the schism. playing a dominant role in the Eastern portion of Chrisother cities argued at one time or another tianity. 16 chapter in the preparation Certain Orthodox historians. in order to claim an independence: so. and why Milan and Aquilnot Ravenna. eia (Roma secunda). The sequence of 54 . coextensive with the political jurisdiction of the Emperor. for example. indeed. or still were. admit that the ambitions of the Patriarchs of Constantinople were partially 17 The schism had. Significantly enough. Moreover. as a whole. HergenrSther commences his authoritative work. of Constantinople gradual estrangement.

privileges equalling those of the ancient imperial Rome. the 150 bishops have new Rome. which now has the honor of being the decided that seat of Em- pire and of the Senate and enjoys. Leo's reaction was on the subject of the 28th Canon: "In irritum mittimus et per auctoritatem cassamus. known that we may first be excused all. Leo rejected primacy. 22 But. and that it was for other reasons The reaction of the Pope had its effect." 21 B. Nomocanon in the Ninth Century expressly omits our Canon 55 the ecclesiastical order to the political one. if we do not go into There was. since the Slavic it. on the civilian plane. because Constantinople the new Rome. His Holiness Pope Pius XII noted that the 28th Canon of Chalcedon did not fundamentally go counter to the Roman that St. shall have the same privileges in the ecclesiastical order. It was with justice indeed that the Fathers had granted to Old Rome the prerogatives it enjoyed because that city is the place where the Emperor reigns. and be second only to Rome. decree and accord equally the same prerogative (rrsgt raw nQeapefov) to the Holy Church of Constantinople. as . being of the same mind. we also. the said canon having been read. the new Rome. generali prorsus definitione Thus the Pope reacted against the has well principle that assimilated Wuyts shown (see Note 20 supra). the Moved by the same considerations. of the Council of Constantinople in 381: That the Bishop of Constantinople holds primacy of rank fiela is ( Ta xoea- rf^ Tifitrj~) after the Bishop of Rome." 20 We know what St. 19 the famous canon 28 of the Council Then we have Chalcedon in 451: Following in zing the all of things the decrees of the Holy Fathers and recogni- Canon of the 150 bishops beloved of God.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS the latter is so well detail. Petri apostoli. he especially reacted in the name of the ancient tradition establishing the ecclesiastical order of itself on the canonical plane (Canon 6 of Nicaea).

545) . with the Apostle herself flourishing and strong. accepted this idea only reluctantly it and without giving to the exact meaning it had in By- while holding out against the pretensions of the Patriarch. the Apostolic principle and the correlative theory of regrettable bluntness. 24 The Metropolitan of Constantinople to whom Rome vision of the Apostolic regime for a long time avoided even giving the tide later refusing to recognize the title of Patriarch. of Trullo Rome. unceasingly pursued the struggle against those And Rome. 56 . animated the crises Roman attitude in the course fatal date of the numerous her in opposition which. 25 of "Ecumenical Patriarch. independence. and real influence over all churches of the Byzantine Empire. beginning Peter. 27 28 The legal texts con- tinued after the Council of Chalcedon. however. 26 that is. set to Constantinople. setting Apostolic principles against the politico-religious principle in the conception of the life of the Church. of the Emperor. Though sometimes expressed with and a lack of preciseness in wording and even by the use of formulae that were themselves debatable. 23 Practically. no or to the attention was paid in Byzantium to this reaction way its in truth. such as Novella 131 of Justinian (March 29 18. Leo's refusal to sanction it. until the of 1054. or the Second Quinisext Council One might say that the idea of the Patriarch (6p2). zantium. rather debatable in which Rome constructed of the Church. of Constantinople ranking immediately after the Bishop of ancient Rome was fixed in the consciousness of the East. the distinction of powers as Pope Gelasius defined them. for her part.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS because of St. "principal" or perhaps "imperial" contin- ued to increase and affirm the primacy of his rank as well as his prestige.

which became acute in the Eighth Century during the Iconoclast dispute. they brought about a truly irreconciliable opposition when political interests The or questions of influence became entangled with reli- gious questions (as in usages affair (as in the and liturgy). and to the point of the estrangement of two worlds* two orbis. as communication of the 57 through the . or points of dogma such as Iconoclasm or the various imperial heresies. was to be carried through to ultimate conclusion. men before it entered into events and formal we must now. case for the question since This was particularly the of Illyricum. before describing the final episode main lines of the separation. trace the of a secular opposition to the canonico-theological concept of the organization and administration of ecclesiastical life. But since the schism was realized in the minds and hearts of declarations. Constantinople had accomplished domain of the Empire.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS painful points are familiar: as always. and later. TWO It THEORIES OF THE CHURCH FOUNDED NOT ON DOGMA BUT ON CANONICAL TRADITION. 30 Thus. first of on the dogmatic level. when Constantinople annexed what remained of the province. that to the claim of an independent and therefore sovereign authority. [886-912]). canonical matters of the fourth marriage of Emperor Leo VI the Wise. The its her aim of making her ecclesiastical domain coincide with the political and cultural logic is. must be what level the is two theories all. when the Bulgarian difficulty added fuel to the conflict between Photius and Rome. clearly specified at differ. of the Church The difference is not. a latent irritation ever the Fourth Century. There an idea of the Church faith as the body of Christ.

very soon. both in the West East. The clash was all the more irremediable since. The of the mystery of the Church. supremely the Eucharist. This point of view expressed in the canonical declarations. in both the in the East East and the West. this idea is the same in both the East and the West. 32 for example the conceptual differences of the cause of the breach ? ecclesiologies as the Doubtless. the mystery of the Church is fundamentally the same in both the East and the West. This identity of belief extends to the sacramental and hierarchical structure of the Church. the author professes a "neo- orthodox" theology of the Church. a "polity" theology and in the of the Church. although the mystery of the fundamentally the same in the East and the West. Briefly. and perhaps he unduly Century." or shall we say precisely. Church yet is Now. based on the study of the ment of results ecclesiology. to the respective positions of the priesthood and the 31 faithful in regard to the sources of sanctification.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS catechism and baptism. Slavophile. the canonical determinations involved a certain theological interpretation and outlook as to the Church 58 . developed independently two different canonical traditions and in the West. is it right to see. Therefore. they were in opposition to each other and clashing. and with ever greater 33 force. may be summed up as a point of view on the constitution and administration of the Church. traces this concept back to the Tenth Let us study the question more closely: here is our hypothesis. as it was called in the Sixteenth is and Seven- teenth Centuries. a theology which some would call "modernist. especially in the developWest. a study the historical of which we hope some day to present elsewhere. as Zankov two does. then of sanctifying grace through the other sacraments.

This was especially decisive question so in the West. that decisive estrangement. it all present the develop- ment of the Eastern Catholic position.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS and so. is Such. and We refer the reader to those studies that will here merely give the argument in outline. since even a summary would require a whole volume. the drama that we will have to unfold in this section. 59 . these then that of the Roman and that. The East: misunderstanding of how Primacy. We will first of tradition. Here again it is impossible to give a full account of the two exist34 positions. but much more widely admit. It is the West conceived the a fact that the East recognized the primacy of the Bishop of Rome. in a few words. this where the principal and of practical ecclesiology the primacy and infallibility of focal point the Roman See became the of ecclesiology and finally received a formal dogmatic definition. but must be remembered his- two developments were concomitant and pro- duced that progressive alienation. they took on dogmatic value. we repeat with some qualification represents the very which reality will be given in our last chapter of the schistn. the acceptance of which. Doubtless not entirely with the meaning and to the degree that we are led to believe by certain Catholic writings. torically. than the Orthodox today their determina- are willing to These present-day members of the Orthodox faith are apparently held back by and consequences of the primacy as developed by the Roman Church and by their refusal even to admit what is historically and categorically tion not to admit the modalities attested.

35 that the very forceful texts 398). 38 and there remain the St. 36 remains that Pope Julius I (337-352) voided a Council held in the East. subscribed the schism of Acacius. Origen did not submit his orthodoxy to Fabian alone. but to other bishops as well. In affirmations of the impressive mass of writings and facts assembled to demonstrate that the East recognized the by Jugie primacy. Let us admit the debatable point. Gregory the Great which the Patriarch John IV ("The Faster") and Cyriacus admitted. of Pope Siricius. let us recognize that a addressed to the Pope alone. of Pope Zosimus (417and of Pope Boniface (418-422) are aimed directly at the East. handed down by appeals To begin with. On we see Rome affirming her primacy throughout the centuries without this causing the East to break off communion or denounce an abuse. for instance." were often not The the Basileis. Roman 60 . Leo (440-46i) 37 and of there remains the famous Formula of Hormisdas unconditional claims of Gelasius. (3 84- 418). (515) to which the bishops of the at the end of East. other than the position of the prima of which there never was any question. or the laws is particularly true of the "appeals to Rome. and that Athanasius subfact this The mitted to judgment. of Pope Innocent I (401-417). (See note 26. although the Pope reprimanded them strongly. Again. John Chrysostom addressed himself to Milan and Aquileia as well as to Rome. the other hand. there remain the universal and St.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS good number of facts proposed as proof demonstrate no more than This the Orthodox of today would not -refuse to admit. supra). perhaps unwillingly. and the Emperor Leo VI sub- mitted the question of his fourth marriage to the other Patriarchs as well as to the Pope. the appeals sometimes presupposed nothing sedes. St.

who addressed himself to Rome in the midst of the of culties of the schism of Antioch but they provide us with universal primacy said no theological statement right. Their writings show that they considered recognized the primacy of the Apostle Peter. for examBasil diffi- John Chrysostom and of St. Theodore of Studion (f 826) famous. Nicephorus. John Chrysdo not find texts in the East as strong as those in the West. John Damascene.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS a great number of them which concern the Fourth and Fifth Centuries. in particular the Great Councils of the period. Gregory Na- zianzen. We St. 43 The same can be of 42 St. so by the Universal Church. 41 However. that they regarded the See of Rome as the prima sedes playing a major part in the Catholic ple. there had never been a formula on the universal primacy by divine right. the it must be confessed that the consciousness of the tra- Roman primacy was not expressed in the East at period when that primacy became classically fixed in dition. St. do not offer us any more evidence of the primacy. II Basil. 44 St. Gregory of Nyssa. In the great councils held in the East. and that of his contemporary. Many of the Eastern Fathers who are rightly acknowledged to be the greatest and most representative and are. deserves to be no less so. the rescripts of Theo- dore and of Valentinian and Valentinian 61 III concern the . 39 The testimonies continued Seventh Century: that of is after the St. the writings communion St. at least not with a clarity that alone could have avoided schism. Patriarch of Constantinople. if indeed the texts cited by our authors will bear the sense attributed to them. St. on the of Rome by divine ostom. 40 They even continued to a certain degree after the schism. seem to be conclusive. moreover. St. we are recalling.

and to our mind the most important point it Rome. Rome is an authority of singular grandeur. Batiffol has I summed up all this very well: believe that the East had a very poor conception of the it is Roman saw and of the primacy. but in these writings It is not considered so by divine right. of the Bishop of In the writings of the great Eastern Fathers. East has never understood this perpetuity. regrettable thac so fundamental an issue was not settled by full it is discussion and by an ecumenical council. there existed the question on which they were beginning of a very serious estrangement bearing upon the decisive element of the ecclesiastical constitution and the rule ognized the primacy of although the East recdid not imply by this of communion. invested with Peter's responsibility and power. See. the Greeks with their leanings towards an Imperial Church regulated by the canonical systems more or less subordinate to the Basileus a modus vivendi was established. Gregory Nazianzen and St. ignored The it. a continuation primacy of St. Rome recognized as having the right as of intervening to preserve the purity life of doctrinal tra- dition.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS West. The East what the West saw did not see in in what Rome herself Rome. . despite the opposite positions taken the Romans with their thesis of supreme apostolic power attached to Peter. 45 Despite this difference in the content of ideas. even within the exactly in agreement. the authority John Chrysostom. as In a number of documents Rome is merely portrayed first an ecclesiastical and canonical court of is instance. but not to regulate the of the churches or to Finally settle questions this is of discipline in the East. St. Peter. The 62 expression is. The Bishop of Rome was more than the successor of Peter on his cathedra. during the centuries when still there was union. that to say. he was Peter perpetuated. Basil as did St. so that. herself what Rome did. we believe. In first other texts.

Rome finally came to accept many things on the part of the Emperor and of the Patriarch of Constantinople. Leo (440-461) to which the subsequent epochs added very little. assured by a cano- primacy of Rome. with a more precise recognition nical Innocent III Thus we 52 himself approved for the Bulgarians. 46 it has proven popular and the idea has historians. and (3) a zone of universal extension but concretely representing the East where Rome only intervened. 51 It was a regime of this of the primacy. Roman primacy. that Photius had admitted the instead Roman primacy as imbedded in our modus Vivendi: ad- ministrative and canonical autonomy of the local churches under the rule of the Universal Church. but with authority. immediately subject to Rome. principally on the basis of the Council of 86 1. judge in causae the most brilliant epoch of the as 47 majores. This was exercised in the appeals to Rome and the judgment by the Pope and his legates of the canonical debates of the East. that type. as arbiter of the whole communion and Even that at St. St.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS that of L. that was the state of things. find a certain duality in the exercise of the pri- 63 . 49 While struggling for the principle of the Kirchenfilhrung that should be apostolic and deriving from Peter of being politico-local. Leo wanted to avoid the possibility of Constantinople's isolating herself of and becoming a completely autonomous center in the East. been taken up by several Catholic Batiffol has proposed the very enlightening idea of three zones in which the papal potestas was exercised: (i) a zone around the city of Rome. (2) the zone of the West outside of Italy. 50 Dvornik has shown. 48 but he allowed the Eastern churches to administer themselves and intervened only in affairs which placed Catholic unity in question. Brehier.

if it would be inexact in the East. Sardica was an attempt by the West to canonize the regulatory role of Rome. Once more we must go back to the Council of Sardica. this despite 56 the discussion begun in 419 between The cause of the estrangement canons which to apply to the that some authorities considered certain regulated appeals to Rome whole Church and in reality they were hardly ever applied in the West value. as the exercise of the role of arbiter which involved a and proper power of jurisdiction. as in the West. to believe that it still is Sardica that its it was in no way accepted 55 true did not play the same part there. 53 Perhaps this results from not seeing quite clearly enough that beneath the duality of the regime there was in reality an views. The Christian optimism of Brehier in the study cited above makes him consider the continuation of such a modus vivendi or even reestablishment quite possible and almost easily its eventual achieved. frequent interventions. Before examining the ideas that prevailed in let Rome and in the West us try to grasp the point of view of the East. with the even stronger affirmation that 54 it entailed. The develambiguity of canonical and ecclesiological opment of the consciousness of the primacy in Rome and in the West. and the dogcaused this ambiguity to be tragically revealed. where canons were for a long time confounded with those of Nicaea. matic definition pronounced since then in the Catholic Church. makes it henceforth impossible to be overlooked.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS macy: well as true There were. and Rome was and Carthage. indeed were still so confounded until the time of St. Now. Leo. and others gave them no such . moreover. which we have already seen was the first great manifestation of the estrangement on the plane of the Church as such.

to Canon be sure and was soon to insist upon the the considering that what matter to be discussed. they had been attention to the fact that the Council to carry out the decisions already called together made in Rome. of Chalcedon and of Ephesus. much more than an idea bearing upon the 57 There was also a taste for freedom and (universal) Church. and the is 65 . that is. Cyril and his followers. Rome. The case of she two great councils. When Nestorius being already condemned and deposed. But in Rome of the matter was already considered judged by the the legates arrived in Ephesus. that of the Papal legates to the Council. 59 it Very instructive for Chal- cedon. as the we have the East West did about the Church. and to adhere to the faith of the Head. At Ephesus the East. a kind free discussion 58 of individualism or particularism which called for and which should fit into a collegial or synodal In fact. where Roman primacy was clearly established. regime. did not feel quite the same Now. certainly for their welfare. the East was eventually to crystallize its canonical tradition along the lines of administrative autonomy of the local churches (as expressed 8 by Canon 5 of Nicaea and of Ephesus) with only very grave matters to be brought before a council.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS The canons reflect certain interpretations as and a certain seen. on the other hand. iation with the opposite tendency. is a significant example. had passed judgment already before the arrival of the legates. had judged was no longer a but to be carried out. way of conceiving things. called letters Celestine. was to tend more and more to intervene in the life of the churches. In the East there was an empirical feeling attached to the local community. was the slight var- which The first is found between the two following texts. especially if we compare noted previously with regard to Sardica.

AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS second that of Pope Leo the Bishops of Gaul: For these reasons. once given. then with the reply (382) We of Damasus and with a whole series of his immediate successors. the Decretals tatively to that is to say. It is endowed with the dignity of the Apostle Peter.. and in union with the thrice-blessed Peter the apostle who olic worthy of all praise and is theVone and support of the CathChurch and the foundation of the true faith. and yet there a subtle difference between the Greek version and the Latin translation. deprived Dioscois rus of all 60 episcopal dignity. be- come imperative: the avvodog od. Constantinople extended its jurisdiction over the two "dioceses" of Asia Minor. head of the universal Church. the council of the Pope.. the papal epistles replying authori- some questions take on more and more impor- tance. According to the law followed in the West and in ecclesiastical life. with the agreement of this holy synod. the most holy and most blessed Archbishop I communicating the judgment to of the great and older Rome. even until the svdrj/tovaa or permanent syn- function after the Council of though it did not Council of Chalcedon. Canons 9 and 17 of Chalcedon laid down the procedure for appeals to the Patriarchal See. officially receive its 62 name of synod Between 381 and 451. 61 is the same text. through us and through this holy synod here assembled. whose judgments. For these reasons the holy and most blessed Pope Leo. Leo... The institution began to 381. through us his legates. as the crucial one when the East and the West It began to the period drift apart ecclesiologically. have already noted this date in conjunction with the Council of Constantinople (381). The per- 66 . from the end of the Fourth Century onward. was also exactly when the Byzantine Church provided itself with a canonical institution corresponding to the Roman synods.

a great portion of the grievance customs. liturgy and customs dates from 6 692. would have their source in the canons Second Council of Trullo. in the West. came long (i) Two great blocks I. and even today. the growth of the Church in the Germanic lands. But the tradition of empire. where the devotion to St. however. and discipline that the Easterners were to put before Rome. the Arab conquest. Rome. the fourth for example. which had assumed the force of law in the East but had not been recognized by of this Rome. it stage in the alienation of the was in the name that the Pa- of his own legislation and his canonical autonomy triarch of Constantinople was to resist a decision taken by of her own tradition. in matters of law. canons were enacted which were not only based on the right of local churches to self-determination but in the very name of the Apostles canons which in reality dated 64 only from the Fourth and Fifth Century. Peter was to flourish. for her part. the quarrel broke out in 905 over m arriage of Emperor Leo VI. which was to be another two churches. was aftribunal firming her right of universal judgment. 65 When. at the time of Photius and of Cerularius over rites. In the subsequent quarrels between the East and in particular. 67 . 7 This is also the date of the Monothelite dispute.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS manent synod became an ecclesiastical and this at the very time when Rome. 63 (2) the canons of the Quinisext Council (the Second Council of Trullo) of 692. entered the into it: the legislation of Justinian under whom opposition of an Eastern tendency towards Monophysitism was particularly felt and. a sharper affirmation of the dual nature of Christ. Pope Sergius refused his signature. At this council. 66 Rome in the name The decisive estrangement. creation of a properly so-called Oriental canonical after this.

once given. Rome became conscious of her power to valid in themselves. in her various contacts has always held this position. Without doubt. and that brilliantly. debatable that the East. anywhere promulgate definitive decrees. Apparently scarcely cases. Quite soon. say. except for a few remarkable never willingly and unreservedly admitted that something decided in the East by a synodal tribunal and according to Eastern tradition. would be and without appeal. but are we straining the irreversible if meaning of the motives advanced the rejudging protestation against we see in them an initial of a cause already judged by a council in the East? 68 At the same time the Eastern bishops who were I partisans of Eusebius were reproaching Athanasius despite the Pope Julius for having supported Council of Tyre where he had been judged and deposed. also it is certain that Rome.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS The West The Pope as Primate and arbiter for the Universal Church. is legates could not be more unambiguous. 70 explicit no lack of the most declarations by the 71 And in the affair of Photius we shall soon find the clash between the Roman "already-judged" and the Byz- antine intention to follow the Eastern synodal procedure. It is with the East. should be considered as not decided and therefore subject to a decision from Rome which. The cause of the Easterners opposing the Council of Sardica was doubtless bad from a doctrinal point of view. but of the primacy. 68 . 69 But Rome maintained her position. as for instance at the Council of Ephesus where the behavior and actions of the There popes. we are not at present writing a history Pope Victor (189-199). in the world. testimonies to this could be found from the time of.

To 72 Let us recall what was said above on the three zones oriented towards of the papal potestas. in the countries affected by the Reformation land being the particularly interesting case the East. there are the works of Grumel and Jugie. from the liturgical point of view as well as from the canonical if The papacy tended and. We may movement and his note the principal stages of the centralizing in its beginnings: Nicholas I and the False De- now cretals 74 take us to the epoch of Photius. the popes spoke in the tone of the decretals. more generally. they did not do so in the same tone and manner they adopted when addressing themselves to the bishops of Italy or even. 76 (espec- on the Patriarch But this history has not been studied in the perspective of ecclesiological and canonical ideas. Throughout the history of the estrangement we 69 . to bring them She succeeded in the West except. of the latter) ially Amann and Dvornik Photius. when the popes of the Fifth Century addressed themselves to the bishops of the East. apparently. to Gregory VII 75 powerful reform. the West. the East was treated as an assocto the bishops iate. The development was lines a certain abolition different zones. of the West. as of the of demarcation between these to govern all the churches her were within they metropolitan competence and. and to the epoch of Cerularius. Engbut never in of course. 73 from the dogmatic as well. although this point of view is of prime importance.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS And yet. in line with herself. Photius and Cerularius: differences become formal opposition The history of the events has been remarkably well re- created (or reestablished) by Catholic scholars.

70 The general . The human estrangement had reached of Photius. whereas the Byzantines wanted the Council to take up the question from the beginning. acted in the concious- of her primacy understood as plenitude potestatis. by the Councils. 78 its exercise being controlled and in the intervals between Councils. or by other Eastern Patriarchs. on the other hand. directly and definitively. acted as if power were exercised in the Church by the Pentthe as if that power archy of the Patriarchs and by the Councils. both into strenuous polemic. she wished to impose upon Constantinople her point of view of an authority regulating everything in the Church. Rome. 79 by the sending of synodal letters. with legates The an investigative hearing of the accused: this is evident in the reticence of the Eastern bishops and the suggestions or demands of the wily Emperor.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS have the feeling that each clearly stating it. and of the conditions of her union. side took up a its stand without in the name of theology of the Church. This opposition was obvious at the Council that opened on October 5. by Emperor or by Photius. by the fact of comitself parti- munion between cularly the great sees which manifested of ideas 86p. 80 its peak at the time who seriously increased the psychological tension differences and misunderstanding by transforming simple oppositions by ment of union. were less a personal authority than a tradition preserved by the churches. wanted only to execute a sentence already handed down by Rome. of her regime. 81 sides Even after the reestablish- sank deeper into that "state of reciprocal ignorance" of which Jugie speaks. of her unity. ness especially under Nicholas I. 77 whether represented Constantinople.

In 1025. there at reconciliation with the East. the popes succeeded to was favorable each other rapidly and were caught up in political and family intrigue. stiff-necked Cardinal Humbert. as events were to prove. the time of Sergius II. the Patriarch Eustathius ex- pressed to John XIX the desire that Constantinople might be independent and sovereign "in suo orbe. was a strengthening of the intention 83 that the Historians admit to establish total had virtually independence. Between 896 and 1049." 84 Thus. Jugie has been able to write of the separation that took place in 1054: "Instead of speaking of a definitive schism. it would are in doubtless be more exact to say that at this date first we the presence of the abortive attempt at reunion." 85 by Cerularius was still the decisive one. Rome was we may certainly too ruthless at a moment which. split occurred before Cerularius or from the beginning of the Eleventh Century. Likewise decisive was the part played by the Roman legate. to even though some extent dissociate her cause from that of her impetuous legate. when Pope Leo DC. combative. and this in the midst of anarchy and civil war. during the same time. At the end of the Tenth Century. whose bull of part played The excommunication is a monument of unbelievable lack of under86 standing. the ecclesiology of the Patriarchs found definite 82 and expression entirely to the benefit of Constantinople.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS situation Byzantium and unfavorable to Rome. it Peter of Antioch sent his synodal letter to was a matter for pleased astonishment. happened to be crucial. there was a succession of 43 popes. No longer was word received in Rome from the East. not one of whom has left a memory of a significant attempt In Byzantium. since the Pope had been dead for several months when Cardinal Humbert placed the .

a kind of syllabus originating. that they had come "not to learn and discuss but to teach and convey their decisions to the Greeks-" 91 Humbert was the man of the Gre- gorian reform. 72 . have to recognize here once more something so. Wrapped We and give him the apcan even attribute to him up in his Byzantine tradition just as Humbert was in the Roman on all tradition.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS of Santa Sophia. whose anti-Norman policy in Southern Italy called for an entente with the Pope. 89 By his violent polemic he poisoned the atmosphere. bull of excommunication on the altar We ture. other than a vulgar quarrel or an act of personal ambition. He wanted and he worked towards complete independence for Constantinople. if we discount a few of his overtures that to put the imponderables were calculated on his side pearance of being justified. might indeed even question the canonical validity of the 87 But Cerularius very decidedly wanted the rupgesture. also two ecclesiological systems confront- The legates declared to Cerularius. that end not only against the Pope but against the Emperor Constantine Monomacus. and in ecclesiology he held the most rigid views on pontifical power. as was presently to be seen in the famous Dictatus it Papae. the ambition to supplant both the Pope and the Emperor. 88 Cerularius wanted anything but an entente with the Pope and did everything to make the breach a lasting one. as they had formerly done at the Council of 869. Even we The "Oriental schism" can no more be explained by the ambition of Cerularius than the Reformation can be explained by Martin Luther's efforts to shake off the yoke of his religious vows. Cerularius accused the Latins of heterodoxy the points of custom or discipline in his which they did not agree with own 90 practices. There were ing each other.

rather an explanation admitted that the by many Byzantine scholars Gregorian reform movement contributed by its wilways and by its ecclesiological tendencies to the breach. directed setting forth the basic of the Pentarchy and terms the on which Rome would agree It is to resume union with thesis East. though far from being the the reached occurred. 92 not merely a polemical that frenetic adversary of the papacy. And now. so to say. date of a total alienation. what can we conclude? 73 . Byzantium was to ism. the centralization. the preface. have reached the culminating point: the schism has We Our thesis on the progressive estrangement has date of 1054 which. in the Twelfth and critizise fully ruthless precipitate Thirteenth Centuries. 94 At any rate.ECCLES1OLOGICAL FACTORS has recently been suggested. is a fatal one. what can be done. since it seems to mark one of the 96 greatest misfortunes that have ever befallen Chris- tianity. as a document responding to the conditions of union expressed against the theory by the Greeks. the absolut- and the fiscal policies of the Roman Curia to which the necessary and grandiose reform of Gre- 95 gory VII was. Paolo proposed by 93 but Sarpi.


the estrangement affected the whole situation. political questions dominated. We ourselves two questions: What is on can the actual substance of the the balance sheet of history "Oriental schism?" What it we do that will contribute to bringing to an end? THE "SCHISM" From LIES PRIMARILY IN THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE ESTRANGEMENT the earliest centuries.CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION THE LESSONS OF HISTORY The present. at others ecclesiological questions came to the fore. must be reconstituted in a complex continuous as life itself. At some periods. But from the beginning to the end. manifold "differences" between East and West about practically everything evolved in such divergent ways that soon an estrangement began to set in which was hardened by mistrust and mutual ignorance. history provides us with experiences of the past can therefore ask which can prepare us for the future. which is given us for action. is illumined by the past. This development was gradual and simultaneous on almost every point of difference. so that the different aspects that we have discerned and treated process as separately. At times we have mentioned 75 .

remained outside the Christological debates of the Fifth Century and the Council of Chalcedon. fact. with the result that every step taken towards union. A it is dogmatic a reality definition not merely a juridical but touching the conscience of the Church. We have of this in the case of the Armenians who. we have at times barbarism. The separation became more marked by the fact that each of the two portions of Christendom withdrew behind the barrier of its own tradition and always judged the other from Following the breach^f as an absolute.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS azymes. in which the 2 estrangement became a complete separation. when we examined more closely the theological points that are the stumbling blocks. by force of circumstances. that they crystallized in their present ticularly we saw from the end of this forms in the West parEleventh Century. the opposition of an East and a West. and finally of papal monarchy. with our Orthodox friends. implying a maturing of that consciousness and determining its content in a way which has profound tion is repercussions. When a dogmatic defini- made without the participation tei^dom. only resulted in a greater separation. at others the Filioque. still are many points of opposition. and thus became Mono76 . Many of these points have since been the subject of dogmatic definitions in the West which only is increases the difficulty. it must be recalled that the following century and a half was a period of great change in the West. but in the long run there spoken of There were and was an opposition. 3054* each side set up its particular tradition oppositions became fixed. an occasion for of a portion of Chrisestrangement is created which may a significant example never be adjusted. In studying over a period of years our differences and the dialogue the point of view of that tradition. 1 Moreover.

more than once has cried: "Death rather than Rome ! Rather the 77 . not to mention the tightening that took place during the resulted in la Counter Reformation. we that the estrangement has created further suspicion. the author of illusions composed which. attempts to introduce into Scholasticism the Greek point of view provoked a crisis. his preferences inclined. In fact. the legates of Hadrian II in Leo IX had done. just Nicholas I. is Movement. 7 this Quite frequently in book. then later. 4 In any case. West Theological thought was amazingly active in the from the Eleventh Century onward. we pointed with regard to the ways of organizing the life of the Church. Innocent III speaks of decisions made by 869. so thoroughly Western was it and this is one of the remarkable constants of its history that several dominated it. inevitably further sharpening of the difference in the way life of conceiving the of the Church. under no in IO54. have made the point have We even encountered the evil and vicious offspring of this sus- picion which has generated the violent anti-Latinism that. or the Pope as his predecessor as completely binding in themselves.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY physites. which rested on the inalterable decision of authority. In the very documents calculated to reestablish union. 5 Later on. at the time of a treatise the Conciliar in 1406. was strongly accentuated. but it was almost 3 exclusively Latin. 6 The elimination of Conciliarism on the very eve of the Council of Florence. that of Gallicanism and Episcopalism. in opposition to the law was growing in the Latin Church. the ecclesiological difference that out. especially since Scholasticism soon entirely and Scholasticism was an exclusively Western phenomenon. that when he flatly sets the Eastern law (wholly based on the canons of councils) towards in fact.

one either looks for and finds a basis of agreement. or. wrote to Cerularius shortly after the events of July 1054. declared establish that. Archbishop of Bulgaof Constantinople who had spoken him of the shortcomings of the Latins. is "It recounted." writes Tournier. On the other hand. it does not even believe in the possibility of union and in fact does union. 10 complex of distrust and disdain which erects a mental barrier and thus blocks the path to unity.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 8 turban of Islam than the mitre of Rome. in his time. 'It is and held it Grund easily thus/ said Nicholas 'that 78 we must untangle the . only too would often repeated by the Orthodox down the centuries. Luther. it is again to be found in the responses made to ria. finally to upon Reform Council was be opened and would no doubt accord the chalice to the laity. 11 3 5 years later. it of the Confederates and to ask for the blessed Nicholas took his rope girdle. we have a quite remarkable example of what hearts really filled with the spirit of unity can accomplish in the interpretation of differences: it is to be found in the admirable letter which Peter." Now. contraries. in accordance with one's feelings. he would species communion under only one and would anathematize those who Certain complaints. 9 on the other hand. it is well known that. Patriarch of Antioch. in a letter to a cleric by Theophylactus. in despite of the Council. tied a knot in out saying. "Will you untie this knot?' Ira did so. not even want that learning that a that it possibility. "that tell when Im Grund dissensions went to Nicholas de Flue to him of the grave his advice. indicate a follow the Council. tends to push differences into formal oppositions and thus soon set contrasts become A mind entirely on resistance it and opposition fundamentally does not want not only does not seek or see the means.

perhaps he did not know how to ecclesiology can only reply if one has (i) an organic idea of the Church. this Nicholas replied. if would not be able to untie knot in the rope is we both pulled on Now. although the Church is this. 'You either. present each end. as well as in the it. not quite seriously. One The total Church is a unit and as such. equal partners in a conflict in which each has committed wrongs obviously of the same degree of seriousness. "Illi sunt Ecclesia. however. exposition that precedes we may as perhaps have seemed to Rome and Constantinople two separate Churches. "plebs sacer- doti adunata et pastori suo grex adhaerens. and that always the way people their difficulties/" 12 try to untangle in quoting this allegorical tale." 16 ("These make 79 . The Church is not composed uniquely of local churches identical in worth. Cyprian." Both the question and the answer are of sufficient replied as follows: "It importance as to deserve a pause for detailed discussion. an Anglican posed fundamentally the same pro15 but for lack of a solid blem. saying that was not as easy as that. identically situated in regard to the apostolic faith. Recently. and (2) an ecclesiology of the Universal Church.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY difficulties of mankind/ But when it his interlocutor protested." says St. and being a victim of the vague nominalism so widespread in England. And certainly all the wrongs have not been on one side: Humbert of Romans quite frankly admitted that in his admirable memoir for the Council of Lyons in 1274 which we have already cited. call 13 He likewise even posed the question: "Why the Greeks schismatics rather than the Latins ?" 14 is do we And he because they are in rebellion against the Head. reply to it. made up solely of the individual faithful. has her own structure. Nor is each local church merely a collectio fidelium.

all parts is an organic edifice.16-19. And the Apostles themselves were not twelve individuals but "The Twelve"." 1 ^ Within the Church.") In the Church there are simultaneously multitude and hierarchy. and all belong to the house of God. they formed a body. of which some are stewards. there structure. and among the shepherds. the foundation stones. one apostle is the rock upon which the edifice is built (Matthew 16. In the Acts of the Apostles likewise. "those with Peter. spoken by Jesus. It should be understood that we make these brief remarks not so much to prove in a few 80 lines a diesis which a large .AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS up the Church: a people united to its priesthood and a flock at one with its shepherd. 18. 15-18. which is often made in the controversies between the Orthopoint very appropriate. 19 But among the foundation stones. one has received (John. Or. There are two texts. cells and a principle of unity: in short. 21). defined as the faithful who joined themselves to the Apostles and submitted to 17 their ride. a college. the only two of the Gospels in which the word Catholics is dox and at this ecdesia texts. of it are the living stones of the some being of speech. it is an the Church is organism. and ecclesiology must honor both One of the texts applies to the jurisdiction of the bishops is in each local ecdesia. The conthe Eleven were gregation were "those with the Twelve". the universal charge of the flock stewards. they were organically united.18). some being shepherds. to change the figure all members of the Church are members of a flock. with Matthew. The comparison of Matthew 16. the other applies to the jurisdiction of Peter in the ecdesia universalis. there among the was one upon whom were first bestowed the keys which the others subsequently obtained with him.

even though they are shared. harried as it is by controversy. popes as well as theologians. say. ial all under provident- guidance. we may rightly have reasons against it. that history. instituted If we say under God. In a quarrel between a father and a Authority ally at son. But we do not mean to deny in expressing ourselves in this way. which at this point 81 we . for its actual exercise. living in how paid little attention to the jurisdictional im- plications of the Church as a society centered. in all objec- for this reason that we may tivity. possesses her structure as a Church Universal. upon all the mystical and sacramental aspects of ecclesiastical life: reasons why the East has only poorly succeeded in realizing an ecclesiology of the Universal Church. as to clarify and what we have to say. we mean that it was by Jesus Christ. as it was. but it can never be fundamentfault. This fact was recognized more widely and more generously by the ancients. that the Greeks rather than the Latins should be called schismatics. have contributed greatly to the development of and to the modalities. the faults are not equal. 20 All this shows sufficiently well that. in the separation brought about by a long and general estrangement. may have its faults. under God. than is customary today by Catholic apologetics. speaking and by law. the responsibilities are never equal. of themselves conpontifical authority tingent and variable. are never right to go against Authority has its fundamental and It is intrinsic justification by its legitimate right. but we it. canonical determinations and other causes.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY volume would illustrate scarcely suffice to establish. But the Universal Church exists and. In the preceding pages we have seen how it the East was mainly interested in local churches and the immediate experience acquired through them. In the Oriental schism. circumstances.

of guide in her life. of criterion of her unity. All through this long history and continuing after 1054. This may be said in a few words. separated from the Center which exercises. were not the ones which have prevailed in the course of history. 24 To collect and evaluate all these matters But these efforts would require a separate study. can only be. not so much from necessary if our account the point of to be view of ecclesiology. This means thaF^Jhey are the primacy. a reunion with the Apostolic See. from the point of view of ecclesiology. as from that of history. while not repre- senting an "absorption" in the odious sense of the word. 21 friendly acts. for ecclesiologically speaking. either from our Orthodox friends or from our Protestant friends that union. 23 a party in pro-Rome party in Constantinople. Our theme fair. It is impossible to develop all the themes at once. there have been the realities of a shared Christian life and Church. Since no effort has succeeded in uniting the two parts of the 1054. a pro-Oriental Rome.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS may two is write without the quotation marks. there are not merely drifted apart. This is~-alsQL-why as we have never concealed. 22 con- common on each and the valiant efforts side to maintain cessions. Still we have is traced another remark is entirely truthful. they qualify the whole historical process which in broad lines. Christian world in an enduring form and 82 we are still faced . has been that of "estrangement. there portions of Christianity which have an ensemble of local churches which separated themselves from the Apostolic See of Peter." To be entirely we should also have noted at each stage the profound reality of what remains to both portions expended communion. with the role of moderator of the Universal Church. but these words are decisive.

yet. there but one decisive point of difference: the question of the is more commonly held view 29 that. unmended. and rather remarkable progress some becomes clear if. THE TASKS THAT LIE AHEAD FOR THE ACHIEVEMENT OF UNION: PREPARATORY STUDIES.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY with the fact that the living tissue is still of the Church. primacy. for may be noted. has already been accomplished. 28 the is Today fundamentally. 25 Explanations have been exchanged. is the question of the infallibility of the Pope. the subject the of the Filioque at different periods At synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234. which but involves its intimately connected with the primacy special difficulties. Compare these two also with conferences on the same question held during the Nineteenth centuries. Much work side. own 83 . At Florence. so tragically torn apart at that time. of course. For neither especially the Roman. This progress example. would cede a point. it was limited by imperfect exegetical and patristic resources. this for a long time presented as the decisive and insurmountable reason for the separation. 27 the point and comprequestion was The dispute has now reached declared that the doctrinal question where more than one Orthodox theologian has of the Filioque would not be an obstacle to the reestablishment of union. but maintained its position neither party to the letter. we compare the discussions on of history. UNDERSTANDING AND MUTUAL CHARITY. has ever resigned itself fully to the separation. in 1438-1439. 26 and Twentieth and it will be seen that great progress has been made in the documentation hension of each other's point of view. where the discussion was straight- forward and penetrating. and.

were thus arranged. neglecting the means of discussion and persuasion: military conquest and diplomatic 32 tions. the Emperor needed the Pope who political Church was was also a power. Much work has been done. we should use the word in the singular. nothing of this survived. a politico-religious papacy successively considered two means of regaining the Greek Church through the Basileus without. the attempts reunion have multiplied in the course of the centuries. 31 limited "successes" reunion has not and despite some yet. BatifFol sees "a great virtue 30 concord" emerging from them. above all diplomatic negotia- Some concluded. But. much work has been done. to give it greater weight: the failure to achieve reunion. remains. to some extent the should not more of this way has been cleared. we of pacification and would add: and of union As we have at said. in the truth.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Thus. and indeed all the relations of any kind between the Greeks To and the papacy. Why clearing-up be done. some unions But oftentimes. however. except reconciliations perhaps. taken place. a heightened distrust and the The whole estrangement. to combat the Normans and to hold off the Especially after the Turks. and on these an insurmountable very points which today seem to present can hope for much in this respect from hisobstacle? We torical studies. Crusades. that apart from these diplomatic . were for centuries closely linked with politics. the Emperor seemed to hold the key to everything: the Latins believed that with him the won. negotiations. but the estrangement We must therefore learn a lesson from these past Perhaps failures for the future. On the one hand. begin with. there is the fact that all the negotiations. reason for this was.

In modern times. background may be considered but the period of the estrangement has not yet come to an end. after which the problem caused by the political power of Constantinople was lessened. seem to us to be excessively Owing unjust. and on a much deeper life level. a great theological debate. and along the Baltic after World War i have often been hailed as a promise that the political problem had." which places Greece and Constantinople politically on the side of the West. it was. The documents respect the promising the East respect and enjoining the Latins to this respect. <fy 85 . in order to understand and to love. at long it last. has. may well ask the crucial question: has each side as We yet done everything that needs to be done. in fact. the end of Czarism and the constitution of independent countries in Central and Balkan Europe. however. and whether or not it continued to exist without caring was understood and loved by the East/' 33 in regard to Rome The Council of Florence. but even this does still exists not make things any a political easier. become an "East-West curtain. advance. Unfortunately. to the participation which the Orthodox marked a considerable of learned theologians from the West and the East. cutting the world into an Eastern World and a Western World. and has appeared in other forms: the dividing line.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY overtures. been 34 finally eliminated. "the vast world of the East continued to lead its without worrying any more about Rome. Then came the fall of Constantinople. for a vast extent of Eastern lands. especially in the 35 The papacy seems to have considered the past century. everything to make itself understood and loved ? The advances made to the East from the Catholic side in modern times. The period of bargaining against finished. have been extremely numerous. seem to be dominated by the sincere desire to Eastern churches in their own rites.

and coming to us from ent paths. are with realities. and which. and the Bulgarians under Inno86 . are especially also recognizing the full diversity borne by Rome. there is On the part of the East. and with all deepest nor the primacy can be reduced to a purely canonical and external question. things as God by differ- But on both sides there must be acceptance of as the East. This amounts to recognizing the inalterable conditions of unity which. on by history. or even in its present-day form. and in the fact of the primacy: not necessarily the primacy in all the modalities it has been irreversible in the made to take for a great rical order. would seem that everything could be summed up as foL lows: pline. as they are: acceptance of the East accept- ance of Rome and the West as the West and Rome. 36 It We respect is and shall respect there no reason why and your disciyou should not come back to your rites seems to us that these conditions are fair. extremely profound dealing varying though Neither the rites We they be in importance. is need of an openmindedness development of the theological theory of the Church. On the part of Rome. under God's Provispecies dence. their recognition of the as that of a double traditional it primacy of the Roman See. the recognition by the papacy of the rights and canonical practices of the Orientals. but only if they their are taken with full seriousness implications. portion of these elements are of relative and histo- but a papacy in that minimal form compatible with a local ecclesiastical autonomy such as Photius ac- knowledged under Nicholas I. us.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS problem of reunion and reciprocal recognition. providentially. is offered the Church under the of the duality of an Eastern and towards what a Western Christendom.

its comes back with its their accepting in truth the existence of an East. and the means making be true. and known. but there is only one way to realize this. its it genius. accepted and loved for what to be able to write with A. the right it is. the Catholic what they are. naries to a better understanding of inestimable value. It is easy enough towards to say: "Let the Orthodox realize that the return ment for for does not imply the renunciation of any eleof their legitimate tradition. it. the complex of which shuts all the other doors. these studies are." 38 This. for Church loves them must be entirely true if it is to have real validity. has to be temperament. as an annoying necessity. namely. Necessary of as they are as prelimi- things. through the Assumptionist Fathers or the Pontifical are Oriental Institute. no. This presupposes the successful completion of ecclesiological. evidenced by Father Danielou and the 87 . they appreciate every sign of real 39 respect distrust and if such signs were to increase. is for us to believe in and to have no other desire in our hearts. nonetheless. the scientific studies that have been pursued for several decades in the Catholic Church under the very powerful encouragement of the papacy.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY cent III. to On the part of the West and Rome. own mentality. and its history. For this. and she would not want them to be otherwise. would surely vanish before long. and which Innocent IV 37 still found the Greeks ready to accept. of course. merely preliminaries. for themselves. that it it Rome them be true. diversities. Even the rather general revival life of interest in the as Greek Patristic sources of Christian and thought. biblical a vast amount of and it all historical work. d'Avril. The Orientals are never fooled as to our feelings for them. How good it is "We must not let with their the Orientals believe that they are tolerated.

dervereinigung" (reunion) intelligent and loving "Wiederbegegnung" (renewal of contact). Adopting the expression of a German author we have cited before. of the two churches40 have borrowed the phrase from an Anglican writer. and especially or diplomatic dealings. a true sympathy and a warm the living tissue esteem for the Christian East will enter into of Latin Catholicism. we can say that there will be no "Wie- without long. the mind will invent. anjj in substance it consists in the acceptance of a situation of the reunion. aroused. a psychological and spiritual reconciliation must be sought and feelings of confidence. and of real This can only be done by converting sympathy. then the schism. Thus a general rapprochement is the indispensable prep- aration for a reunion. just as we have bor- We rowed the word "estrangement" from the English. The actual means are not hard to imagine: what the heart desires. If the historical process merely be discussed of the schism was a gradual and general estrangement. 88 . it into actual fact to the highest degree. or.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS French collection. by recreating "mutual affinity" affinity it. We to all this and beyond all this. and. failure No doubt. if be necessary. Before arguing on the points of diverbefore seeking union by way of canonical gency. one of the causes of the efforts. must be counted also must hope that. which should be the curejrf non-rapport. patient. thanks on the level of preparations. Sources Chretiennes. A reunion should not and decreed. thus proving that we can learn from those with whom we often disagree. of past advances and preparation was the lack of psycho- logical on both sides. can only be the result of a resumption of contacts full of esteem and sympathy two words that really stand for charity. if mutual emphasizing the needs be.

mainly through the sacramental life. alter membra (Rom. the schism is the We result of a gradual and is general. and some of them.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY The Churches of the East and the West have an affinity between them that goes much deeper than their estrangement. but is itself also a part is of God which to of that whole. The sin of schism is already committed in the heart when we behave as though we were not an integral part of the whole with others. In this organic whole which alterius is the Church. Not that the is schism of itself the estrangement. repeat: dogmatically and canonically. the profound affinities between the Churches will assert themselves and the chance for reunion will be strengthened. The differences will tend to grow in the same measure that they are not respected. the infinite 89 . no matter how effi- cacious the visible results. actually and historically. rather the schism the acceptance of the estrangement. estrangement. in the of that Church. The Orthodox are well aware of it. not the least eminent in their Church. 12.5). have told us that in their ecumenical conferences they felt they were also speaking for the Catholic Church. one worthwhile consequence will at have been attained: the spirit of schism will no longer be able to claim a place in our hearts. the seria ous reasons which contribute towards sideration or interpretation favorable recon- of the disputed questions will be freed from the burden of the distrust which prevents them from exerting least all their force. each local church not only realizes the mystical nature of the whole. the main factor in the Oriental schism is the refusal to submit to the primacy of the Roman See. At the same time. similarly. according to the plan assemble all mankind into one Church catholicity and to represent. In any case. if they are recognized for what they are.

the other as members of the same body. according to the is vocation and function that assigned to each part. it means that each one accepts movements as a unity. the two sides. whenever we assume the attitudes of. the Head.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS riches of His gifts. to the extent that it exists in us. positive or negative. We contribute to the schism. On the other hand. to that extent. pstrangem en t or when we accept the results of many centuries of alienation: 3 we every time we commit. Rome the visible head of the body. and the East recognizes the existence of Rome and the West. people who do of estrangement. the schism is made or abolished at a single blow. even today. The actual acceptance of the estrangement. or acceptance of. for the purpose of regulating accept each other really means that each accept the other according to the role that each is to play in the total organism. but there exist. we contribute continue it towards ending the schism and actually end it. which in the past made evident a lack of union. Depending upon the dogmatic and canonical reality of non-submission to. Every time we recognize the existence of the East. is its we might To say. 90 . even today. here feeling it to history. If the Church is like a body. acts analogous to those. the wound has been healed. of which the East and the West are. had begun long not share the has not been completed so long as and there. by every act or attitude of ours wch rejects and weakens that estrai^gement. according before the year 1054.



Prince D. Paris 1940) 139. after the 93 . lists between the years 323 and 787 five great interruptions of communion between Constantinople and Rome. Bouman. vor Kerullarios 42 (1922) i-n. Every. "Bestand eine Trennung der griechischen und romischen Kirche schon *" Zeitschrift f. I53f. In the sense as specified intellectuelle by us: "Culpabilite et responsabilite colcf. Journal 2 (1953cites as where the author agreeing on this subject. also Vraie et 3. Jugie. Ostrogorsky. Herman. 234f. Baumstark. abendlandischen Jugie. West in 1054"." Het christelijk Oosten en Hereniging. 259-284." (typewritten ms. der Historic. The Byzantine Patriarchate 451-1204 (London 1947) see especC. R. we list only a few: A. Michel. For a certain number of these. B. April 1950. lectives. Rheine 1932). and 229233). "Scheiding en hereniging in het perspectie ially p. op. 7. c 136. A. L. Cambridge Hist. 4. A.NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE 1. fausse rejbrme dans I'Eglise (Paris 1950) 579-596". Oct. und Christenbyzantin. W. "East and 1955) 134-148. The Churches Separated from Rome (London 1907) no. Appendix ad fasdcuhm rerum expectandarum et fugiendarum II (London 1690)." Vie Mar. 1950. Michel. Le Schisme Apercu historiaue et doctrinal (Paris 1941) (see for example p. years. 2. E. G. cit. at. A. Duchesne. 1952. Mayne. especially in chapters the text is quoted in Brown. this idea is clearly stated in the second part of the very re- markable Opus tripartitum by Humbert of Romans. M. Holtzmann. 186. Jugie Le schisme byz. Palmieri. Amann. Leib. G. 93-101. Indeed. representing a total of 203 between the years 337 and 843. counts 217 years of interruption divided into seven schisms. Obolensky. Of the many modern historians who have expressed the idea. op. ii and 12. E. Kirchengesch. i. see Every. A. 9. 191 (At orthodoxa Crusade). "Grundgegensatze morgenlandischen tums. Theologia dogmatica (in the Mount Athos. 387-407. 165 and 168-69 Fourth Twelfth Century). Histoire de FEglise (Fliche et Martin.

A. during Council of Florence (Westminster 1940). period.J. 7 (1941) 518-26 521 522. C. Cf." 5. Study of A the Schism of man. in Relazioni X di Congress* internazionale 92 (until the Twelfth Scienze Storiche. until the Twelfth Century). Jean en staroslave.Brackmann (Weimar 1931) 184-206 (marriages). 435-38. The Catholic Church and 85 Prolegomena (Florence 1913) the Relations between East and West from Reunion. but he con- could no longer happen in view of the many acts of hostilthe Catholic Church. n. As for instances of communion 1929) and in Irfaikon (Nov. Dom refers by the fact that. of the Byzantine saints should be invoked during the prothesis the in Roman edition of the Liturgy of St. There is no doubt that a close examination of the archives of the harvest. Study of the Papacy 1955). brought out in 1941 cf. the Archbishopric of Sinai remained Catholic haps at Antioch. according to him. John Chrysostom (Grottaferrata 1940. Dom Pitra contributed to a stiffening towards ity siders that this 94 . B. 112 (relations with southern Italy and even s ino. and per- until 1534. Francis Dolger. Pitra (Paris 1893) 374 Pitra justifies the numerous cases to which he 377 and esp.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS II Corporate H. Chrysostome esp. S. Korolevsky in Stoudion 17 (Feb. Roman congregations concerned would produce an ample We refer the reader to but a few of the publications: A. 6. Raissa Block "Verwandtschaftliche Adels zum russischen Fiirstenhause im XL Beziehungen des sachsischen A. Battandier. S. Le cardinal J. by the Congregation for the Oriental Church). III Storia del Medioevo (Florence 1955) a Benedictine Monastery founded by Amalfitans on Century there was with Monte CasMount ^Athos). 1929) 646 in sacris. The union was not rejected at everywhere at once: it is probable that the union agreed upon Florence was upheld in Jerusalem. no official canonical act of the Oriental Churches had denounced the union of Florence. cites a great many Xllth Centuries 1054 to the A the Xlth and the (Oxford del such cases. until the Eighteenth Century. Raes. Jahrhundert. Festschrift. 2.." Orientalia christ. Runciand the Eastern Churches The Extern Schism. Rees. It would seem that this criterion was applied in determining which rite."La premiere edition romaine de la liturgie de S. These were numcommunicatio the to are we referring especially erous until the Eighteenth Century and did not really cease to occur until after the middle of the Nineteenth Century.

NOTES of the - CHAPTER ONE around 1860. at. that D. DSlger. Stoudion 3 (1928) 1930. (cf. Mart- and his successors ynov. op. (Paris 1952) 479-8o. Journet. i. Numerous facts the Fif- f years 1627-1643). 10. 1935. Fontes hlstoriae ecclesiasticae. Florence (Palmieri. W. there has appeared VoL II of the great work by Ch. and 1936. op. Le is Pontifical de Pie IX. John II. i8t f. Cf. 95 . 1934 and 1935 (esp. Octobris XI. Munich 1952) 266. II (Rome 1933) 7. Octobris X 868f. "L'Unite de 1'Eglise. Der : Ostrogorsky. C)p. The excellent formula first of Jugie. But that attitude already seen soon after the rejection. which contains an extremely thorough elaboration of the Thomist theology of schism. 350-367. de Vries. 561 (Russia of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century). referring to the sit- uation in the 11. 51. 75f. Byzanz und die europaische Staatenwelt (Ettal 1953) 288. V. Aubert. UEglise du Verbe income (Paris 1951). Acta SS. on the Jesuit Missions to Naxos in the by the East. 12. A. Fortescue. concerning teenth. tit. Ephraim I and Nicholas I in communion with Eighteenth Centuries can be found in Echos Orient. The Byz. John I. As to the remained (1096-1106) fidelity of the Kievan monks in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. of the union concluded at 105). 7." Dictionnaire de thlologie catholiaue XIV coL 1286-1312 (1938). Since our article "Schism. C. 218). Papebroch was no doubt too generous the Russian Metropolitans were Catholic until 1520. 14 (Brown. n. Irenikon 1926." Sept. 1936. After the schism of Cerularius. 9. cf. but in criticizing his opinion. The case of Russia merits a special study. the Metropolitan Hilarion (1051-1072) George. De Buck admits he is partially Acta SS. Tlie Uniate Eastern Churches (London 1923) 190. dt. Every. christliche Osten in Geschichte und Gegenwart "Eine langsame. Roman attitude in these matters R. Geschichte des Byzantinischen Staates (2nd ed. half of the Eleventh Century. when he opined right 8. sections 9-12). III and IV. 270. Silva-Tarouca. part 2. see J. 154. immer weiter fortschreitende (Wurzburg 1951) 72 Entfremdung fiihrte schliesslich zum Bruch zwischen Ost und West". Patr. 188. no.


in which the Emperor a state of things accepted in the West even played a part in the Church. 444. Wolf from a less same heading in the same collection. On the other hand. The iconoclast conof the Church the ral. as Dvornik (see No. there never was any caesaropapism in Byzantium. Cf. Brehier. This point of flict view seems to be more or supra less that of Byzantinists such II. a survival of Roman paganism.NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO I. Baur. for example. Studienheft No." Kirche und Kostnos (Orthodoxes und Evangelisches Christentum. a bishops (Synod of The Oak) as holding sovereign position beyond 97 . 46if. The has been a history of the emancipation of the history of Constantinople Church from the control of the State. Constans set himself beginning of caesaropapism in Constans: decided whether communof autonomous as formulae. Les institutions de I'Empire lyz- antin. the birth in both the East and the West." Russian. setting forth the distinction from the State. litre theologische Begriindung and ihre kirchliclie Rezeption." Arch. and had himself recognized even by the the laws. in this history. ward. two periods can be discerned: first. In seeking a certain historical of ideas. as well as in the East. kathol Kirchenrecht 3 99-H3> sees the in effect. 3). independence responded to the reaction of the Emperor to this tendency. with German State in summary). by the Epanagoge of 879-886. "The Relations between Church and (in Seminarium Kondakovianum 4 (1931) 122-134 Byzantium. from the Seventh Century onthe by popes. 153-168 ideal point of view and constitutes a critique of the Catholic thesis as well as of the Orthodox view. next. logic in the sequence we evidently risk presenting moments that are really unlike. L. of a new "medieval" between the spiritual and the tempoideology. Le monde byz. Dom Chr. The same sub- ject is treated under the by E. dogmatic judge up ion should be maintained or not. as being intrinsically similar. Karatschow. 2) (Witten 1950) 137-152. it was formulated. f. "Die Entstehung der kaiserlichen Synodalgewalt unter Konstantin dem Grossen. According to Ostfogorsky. A. "Die Anfange des (1931) Casaropapismus.

John Chrysostom limited himself to showing the duality St. n. 6. Coneccle- fessionskunde (Freiburg Br. Ambrose affirms the subordination die europ. The debate has not been settled. Zeitschr. 524 on the sacred character of kings did not have the same meaning and did not play the same part in Byzantium as in Rome (the West). 4. but a consecrated person having a quasi-sacerdotal dignity in the Church (entry into the sanctuary. Dumbarton Oaks Papers." Byzant. esp. 1892) 374-83 (Excursus on the siastical signification of imperial in der dignity). Dvornik. Treitinger. The Growth oj Papal Government Middle Ages (London 1955) 33.. Lehrbuch der vergleichenden i. 36f. Brehier and P. "Der Kampf um das politische oder petrinische Prinzip der IGrchenfiihrang. the of ter of this role emperor which the popes themselves have. the 98 . Berkhof. recognized. Staatenw. 2 (1948) 120 Berkhof considers that St. L. Ullmann. especially as shown in Addresses to the Emperor (New York 1941). German translation Zollikon-Ziirich 1947). while of the one to the other. Kattenbusch. cit. Byzanz und and all 142 n. Geschichte und Gegenwart. by Michel. Brehier. 3. perial heresies monde byz. The Basileus was not a mere layman. Also Dvornik. quoted infra. Am. Bacht (Wiirzburg 1953) 557-62. Dolger. Gasquet. Gasquet. Cf. A. F. The Christian Attitude towards the Emperor in the Fourth Century. Batiffol. Dolger. emphasizes the normal characcils. 56 (sermons) 221-64 (well-known result of the imwhich provoked conflicts with the papacy). Popes and General "Rom Coun- 6 (1951) 4-23. f." Zeifschr.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 2. n. M. Les survivances du culte imperial romain. a -work criticized by Berkhof in Vi- giliae christ. "Emperors. 3i 4. Kirchengeschichte 56 (1937) 1-42. Michel and 54o that the Hellenistic formulas shows here and on p. W. De Kerk en de Keizer (Amsterdam 1936. Grillmeier-H. O. 5. on the whole. H. op. Le UtvoL de FHumanitt II (Paris 1949) 43 2f. "Pope Gelasius his and Emperor view has been Anastasius I. A profos des rites shintoistes (Paris 1920) Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner. De fautorite imperiale en matiere religieuse a Byzance (Paris 1879). 44 (1951) criticized m-n6. in the of the powers or domains. Among others I by F. 2. K. c 16-17 of part III of the Introduction. Setton." in Das Konzil von Chalkedon.

"La doctrine si&cle. "Le cinthe sense of "Ecumenical" idee nach ihrer Gestaltung = quieme concile et rcecumenicite byzantine." in the sense that German historians speak of the "Reichskirche. 167$ R. Voigt. are very numerous: besides those given in our Jalons pour une du lalcat (Paris 38f. 44f. under the authority of the Emperor. La civilization byzan- 99 . "Sur le titre Am. Die ostrb'mische Kaiser- und Reichs- im hofischen Zeremoniell (Jena 1938) 164-66. Ill. and a quasi-episcopal function in the care of souls." "Ecumenical Patriarch"): quet. Cf. and der Hashagen. themselves often gave such tides to the emperors. in this matter those of Byzantium: cf. des Antiquaires de France (1926) 222f. and 55. cit. We do not believe that we are mistaken in translating by "Imperial" or "of the Empire. Macarius II. except for the in the care bishop like other bish- of souls. In "of Empire. 78. Jalons." Now." Bull. th&ol. Mercati III (Rome 1946) 1-15. f." forget the "unitarian" ideal of "Reichspatriarch." but no doubt in the sense of principal or triarchical" for universal professor. "Leo der Grosse und die 'Unfehlbarkeit* des ostromischen Kaisers. Gas~ ("Ecumenical Council. of Ancyra was to say that the Emperor Manuel ops. and esp." in Zeitschr. Le monde byz. cf. K. de Litter. 6. see on them theologie op. Gasquet. was above other bishops The references to the text and to the studies made 1953) 299. 47 (1928) 11-17. The popes ibid. In the Fifteenth Century even. Stoat und Kirche vor des der Reformation." see R. Soc. Janin. de *pontifex' des chretien au empereurs chretiens des V e et VI e siecles. Devreesse. according to which the vocation of the Empire was to express and realize upon the earth the unique reign of God (of Christ). 360 and 340. power to celebrate mass. (1937) 67f. F. eccUs. cf. all the inhabited earth. and the sovereigns of the West followed J. n.) of communion at the rime of his coronation." provided we do no* which we speak further on. Treitinger. op. One might also at times translate the word by "pa- example: the direction of the Patriarchical School fell to the "Ecumenical Professor. by assembling all the ofoov- fiivri. Cavallera. n. the representative of God. 113. "Ecumenical" is rather hard to translate in its Byzantine usages for example.NOTES rite - CHAPTER TWO etc. BatifFol." Miscellanea G. du Prince V e H9f. 77 (1955) 49-6o. Rev." Bull. Brehier. Kirchengesch. it cit. "L'empereur dans 1'Eglise byzantine. in Eine Untersuchung der Kirche vorreformatorischen Bedeutung Laicneinflusses (Essen 1931).

Baynes) 37 (i94?) 127-31. he specifies his thought by challenging the too systematic ecthesis of Hinschius. the very This point seems to us well treated in Gasquet. W.. Laurent in his review of Seston's article in byz. U. 12). 64). We believe it concerns the exterior of the Church: her defense. her material means. 3) 63 and Brehier. from Constantine onward. Dvornik. consequently. 26) lending itself bined in the tide "ecumenical patriarch" (c Ch. J. Code (1905) 264. c casiecles. Cross (T." Actes du Congres de Droit IV e et nique en Occident aux ? 2<52: "Constituting themnoniaue. As may be seen. 493. prtg.. The meaning of this text still being debated. Babut.. K. but in the sense of ol euros. V selves canon binding to formulate her law. ey<b de r&v SXTOG vno Constantini Beov xaBearattevoG iniaxonos av dr\v is : Eusebius. 3 supra (sep. in the study cited n. 8. sees in it a corrective gloss at reducing the stresses the normal of Eusebius. her organization. W. Rev. n. IV of submission to to expressing the idea of a supreme dignity exclusive the primacy of the pope. "Constantine a Bishop. April 1947 (Paris 195) 254-67* 7. nyf. Vita IV 24. The Journal of Roman Studies Seston. connoting when comwithout great precision an idea of universality. (1955) 50.This seems to us very debatable the Rev. "Eveque du dehors. that is. jus publicum. n. (Berlin 1957). as it does to V. Gaudemet." sense of propagator of the Gospels to the pagans: as in E. (Fliche et Martin. 362-64. Cf. des life et. et droit cano"Droit romain subde indications given by J. H. and again Janin. does not Mtetpret (Papers presented to N. *AU' vpetQ pev exact ra>v siaco rfjs 'ExxArjalas. refers the reader to the auxiliaries of Christianity. the Christian Emperors rendered as civil law.. Nouv. p. I F. 6 (1948) 115-16. Straub. clesiastical law was ifso facto and totally state law. aimed Emperor from as the rank of Aposde to that of Bishop. according to which. Palanque. Hence.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS tine. her 100 . the expression was rather vague." Re me critique 68 de I'liglise Histoire (1909). who character of the situation. Th. the Church herself did not have law Boyd. thtol 77 ed. Aland and and very recendy J. Studia Patristica L. in the it in the sense of rd earrog. She simply indicated the measure she wished and cites relevant examples and solicited it from the Emperor." The author Edicts of the Theodosian Ecclesiastical The K.

Rev. - CHAPTER TWO sanctions. See our prefatory note in the posthumous volume of A. of everything. as we have said. IIT. the pope Julius. Dvornik f criticized Jalland's the role of the Emperor et thtol. Acta et diplomata graced medii aevi sacra 9. Essai sur la thtologie mystique de I'Eglise d' Orient (Paris 1944) 172. et. the Papacy (London 1944). friars T. Schmetheocratic byzantine esp." Dieu Vivant 25 (1953/4) 35-53. cit. byz. in a "caesaropapist" light (194?) 282-87. I 757f. 11. phil supra. Eusebius of Nicomedia was by way of substituting the that aware being by Pope IOI . A contemporary Orthodox writer advances the same idea: A.). C the study Of course we cannot here expound or even summarize this entire the estrangement which fosters the "Oriental history. no. Gratieux. and id. (b) the summoning of the Eusebians to Rome to present their accusations against Athanasius. Miklosich and J. 14. et mann. Note that the strongest formulas on the power of the Emperor in reli- May gious matters are to be found among the great Canonists Balsamon and Demetrius Chomatenus. 6 vols (Vienna 1860-1890) II 9. cited by Laurent. Muller. Jalland. op. be useful compared with Palmier!. we would like to However. Dimitri Le mouvement (Paris AL Khomiakov 1953)- 13. matiere ecclesiastigue: L'accord de 1380-82. slavophile a la veille de la Revolution'. 3. E. orthod. des Sc. schism" in spite is co-extensive with the history of the Church herself. In Black- 1945) 56-57. The Church and (Feb. "Les droits ibid. 6 (1948) 114. 12. "La TEglise orthodoxe. 45." 13 10. mention here a few of the events which Jalland sees as so many occasions or episodes of the ecclesiological conflict between the Church of Empire and papal Rome: (a) the 6th Canon of Nicaea (21 if. deTEmpereur en (1955) 6-20. etprofana. way of presenting See our review in by Michel cited Rev. of juridical Cf. Gasquet. G. Theologia dogm.NOTES policy and also the exercise 48.

head in relation to the members (273-77) Leo.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS law for the apostolic tradition (213-18)." a juridical instrument adapted to the situation cato nonically established at Sardica according which the Roman See is the universal arbiter of the life of the Church within the framework of the Christianized against Theodosius Empire (265-72). like the and yet again (i). loudly claiming of Rome the canonical IO2 . and Gelasius I carrying this affair one step further. the affair of the 28th Canon of Chal- Con- stantinople. (c) the so categorical that the confessional testimony of the Council of Sardica. but of short-lived success (246-49). of a primacy of the Church of Rome which. and autocratic Emperor. then (k) the theology partisans at of the resistance of the Studite monks. (g) the appeal to apostolic of view of Rome. from the same Siricius the claim. one (d) into subjection to the Imperial power (219-23). and finally. or again. says Jalland. a of two conceptions of the source of in the Church. Constantinople of the Roman position. the resistance of the same Felix III and the deposition by bjm of Acacius of Constantinople. an ecumenical organ was needed by and that disjoined from her. that fell feeling that Rome was that organ. according to the Damasus by Timothy t>f in which Damasus replied (258). the city of the Emperor. in which is formuline lated with great clarity the point tradition (255-57). II. adversaries of Rome denied the authenticity of its Canons or at least of dogma of the Emperor as the final clause. under St. document dating back to Pope Damasus. the dogmatic decree of the Emperor. cedon. (1) there is the action of Nicholas I. when we examine the list of signatories of the address to Pope Julius. turning towards Rome in order to free themselves of the imperial tutelage. or (j) the protestation of Felix III against the pretention of in the face patriarch". between Constantius. to be the See of the "ecumenical of the Henoticon. the contemporary and in for the Bishop some respects antag- onist of Photius. (e) the rescript of Gratian and the edict of Theodosius. and struggle which represented that the struggle Pope Liberius. yet. in as much as the "fall" of Liberius repdogmatic truth a resented momentary defeat of the apostolic tradition by the dogma of Caesar (224). and. the promulgation by Pope Siricius of the "First Decretal. or (h) in view of Berytus and the terms the caesaroapism of Theodosius. in is the body of the Church. (f) the both of them in Roman with Sardica. we begin to think that this appeal issued from men having the the Church.

cited injra> ch. Sect. op.. See also C. and on the episode. the Light of Orthodox Ecclesiology. for 18. 4." 'OeoAoyta 22 Similarly. declared: "We have a Church. at. IV. Abyssinia). 181-82). II 191. de Taube. dt. 17. of the Basileus abolished. from the point of view of the diversity which appears even in the apostolic times.' 'Reunion*. (Zurich 1946) in or Schmemann.. Baumstark. It is instructive to S. "A propos de 'Moscou Troisieme Rome*. to which the Patriarch of Constant"It is impossible to have the Church withinople. dt. Thus the pope* gradually came to regain the prerogatives involving a role of direction or supreme arbitration in the Church. 8-1 1. This fact to be found in Bardy. 3/4) 24. II 431." 18. i8 and ch' 3. tit. [cited supra. i]i62). name the bearing we no longer have an Emperor"." Russie et Airitienti (1948. the privilege of sending the Pallium (Gasquet. Die Orthodoxe Kirche des Ostens in okume72f. "Gnmdgegensatze. Rome is also K>. Olson." (Miklosich and Miiller. i8s). C what follows. c Gasquet. "'Unity*. Acta et diplomata. op. 'Division. and to give the Councils their legitimacy and value (Wolf. n. National Churches and the Church Universal (Westminster 1944). before the conversion of the peoples to Christianity. 7. i. de Yoecumenidtt dans la pensle religieuse russe contemporaine. the article by M. Le monde byz. 149. "L'eveque dans 103 . la the West. had imposed her order.. has likewise insisted on the fact that in the East national churches tive liturgical were organized quite early. replied: out having the Emperor. Armenia. the right to convoke the Synods. Op. Zankov.) and c Brehier. An interesting piece of evidence of the idea of a Church of Em- the Grand Duke of Moscovy. Cf. i8 Dvornik. upon having had the diptychs pire: in 1393. Antonius IV. n. having their respeclanguages and that these churches were sometimes within it the Roman Empire. Swiedinski.. n. op. III. language and often her worship. sometimes outside (Persia. such as those of nischer Sicht compare with this the Orthodox accounts. La conception sodologiaue (Athens 1951) 242-54. Baumstark. we recall the conclusions of J. (Paris 1938).NOTES - CHAPTER TWO prerogative of the ecumenical authority for example. 15.

21) jf. (supra. art. John Ctr^sostom. vgl. Cf." Istoriceskie Zapiski. Tournai. particularly. infra Kattenbusch. Clevtitienti "A Rome*" (1948. he shows that the Byzantines even claimed a monopoly on the tide of "Romans. Treves. Rahner. H. das dritte Rome (Hamburg Russie et 1929). and com- munities. Pavia." 104 .. L. 56 (1937) 1-42 (a wealth of bibliographical inHammer. Reims. 3/4).. I. Lehrbuch A. a PoChurch and State in Moscovite litical Study of the relations of Russia (Geneva 1952). taking account of a Rus- sian study politique by N. Bury. B. to towns where the Imperial court sojourned. troisi&ne Rome* dans la pratique du gouvernement russe du xvi c sifccle. Dolger. in the W. 'Troisifcme 17-24. the phrase. each one with bishop) flourishing in the East. Brehier. f. 21.. Vom Ersten bis zum Dritten Rom (Innsbruck 1949). 231-35- Notice. 20. Cf. Le monde byz.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS les communautes primitives. II i. "Preserve the Plenitude (TO ?t/. cit. in der Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner. "'Moscou. 21 (Paris 1951) on a Paul- ine tradition in Universal Church) flourishing (stressing the existence of a a Johannine tradition (stressing the existence of local its Rome." particularly M. Montesquieu takes this also. Greenslade often stresses this fact in his Schism in the Early Church (London 1953). however. 23. Schraeder. de Taube. Milan. See point of view in De la grandeur et de la decadence the publications of J. Kirchengesch. Medlin. 1945) 3-23. propos de Moscou. n. 22. "Rom Empire and the Byzantine Church. "The Concept of the New or Second Rome Middle Ages. Third Rome." formation). In all the works concerning the See particularly Dolger. Zeitschr." Unam Sanctam. Moscow and East Rome. even in the West." Speculum 19 (1944) 50-62 (the idea of "Second Rome" was applied. Tchaev. even Bordeaux). See also the numerous studies devoted to the theme of "Moscow. Confessions!?. Moskau. 19.rJQa)fjia) of thy Church" in the prater that precedes the final benediction in the liturg} of St. as is known. S. des Romains. Aix-la-Chapelle. K. 17 (Moscow W.

Peterson. an overall n. 17. II Storia An- (Florence 1955) "La Monarchic hellenistique": A. 31-34. F. Eusebius in Laus Constantini (Ed. 215-34. Aymard. XK. Leipzig E. 228. Pfattische. E. Blatter. L' Institution monarchique.. < Schwartz. 4 (Miinster 1952) 45-47- 105 . Dolger. Heifcel. Dolger. 26. either for the benefit triarchate of the Empire and the Byzantine paor for the benefit of the papacy is found in EL Jantere. 3 (1932) 128-31. n. Grossen." Neutestl Abhdlg. Rev. polity in Eusebius history of Constantinople and Rome from the viewpoint of the unitary world idea. lazioni del Congresso internazionale di tichita See also Redell' Sdenze Storiche. reprinted in Theologische Traktate (Munich 1951) 49-147. europ. pears in the used to bolster it (36. A. 33f. Quellen zur und des romischen Katholizismus (Tubingen 1934) 28." Harvard Theol. see orienting the themes "Die Primatworte Mt.. 13. 64). Heuss.-Polit. and The Growth. J. GCS 7. Staatenwelt. but not linked with the Donatio Constantini (31. 30. which later on was C Dolger. - CHAPTER TWO this idea of the transfer of the primacy first apmonophysite John Philoponus in the Sixth Century. Cf. 16. of practical ecclesiology in Greek thought. Cranz. E. 54). "Ursprung und Idee" 201-13. 141. numbers n. 36f. 29. "Die Histor. Kirche in den Sdiriften Konstantins d. M. 1902). 12 14 and 16." J. Antike und Christentum. Constantin und die christliche Kirche 2nd ed. 27. 18-19 in der altkirchlichen Exe- Ludwig. 45 (1952) 47-66 and Bjzanz (bibliogr. Text in Karl Mirbt. n. On this political theology of Eusebius and Constantine.). u. Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem (Leipzig 1935). (Leipzig 1913). 151 (1913) (754-70. "Kingdom and of Caesarea. gese. 195-295.NOTES 24. Ullmann. Die roFor the rather considerable influence of Eusebius in mische Weltreichsidee und die Entstehung der weltlichen Macht des Papstes (Turku 1936). Dolger. 4. Dolger. Geschichte des Papsttums n. 25.

Dolger. Kirchengesch. the translation of the visible and terrestrial expression has been 32.) 35. Militante III. 34. Genicot. De I'autorite imperiale. 9 is involved. Monde byz. see Jugie. in extremas Occidentis regiones versus illos qui sanctum baptisma efHagitant. 106 ." Cf. cf. Les lignes de faite du moyen age (Tournai-Paris 1951). Martin 8). 3. accingimus. supra. Capet. 36. E. 2). cit. II 4. (n. a dialectic and corruption. Gasquet.. Histoire de I'figlise op. II 348-52. supra..AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 31. Thus. "Gregor II quern omnia Nos viam ingredimur und der art. Brehier." Zeitschr. A. of eschatology and the corresponding dialectic. cf. Le Schisme 30. On the plane of the it Church and the of the exterior celestial there has reigned. Bilderstreit.. Qua de causa nos ad viam. In the East rather than in the West. Cf. 52 (i933) 29-89. (Fliche et cit. other examples may be seen in Brehier. 3 (Nicephorus Phocas). which lack a sense 33. n. Here we find a point in ecclesiology which has already been touched upon and which seems important to us.*. Vasiliev. Pope Gregory II (f 831) wrote to the Emperor Leo .. even at that late date. f. Brehier. Cf. Dumbarton Oaks Pa- pers title 6 (1951) 226-251. 21. accomplished by the Christian life. L.. Dei benignitate. A. art. III: "Uni- versus Occidcns principi apostolorum fructus fidei profert regna Occidentis tamquam Deum in terra colunt. 59. so seems to us. 47. 158. Caspar.. The Basileis jealously reserved for themselves the of Emperor: the "Barbarian" princes were only Qfjyeg* On the of tides. Hugh perial Innumerable events support this statement. for example... n. State. Le monde byz. Amann. in conflicts which something other than semantics byz. 52. made efforts to find a bride of im- blood for his son Robert. the famous pages of St. in Chalkedon II 539. as in c. A Church life manifesting itself through grace in human which should have the form of a unique visible society is an ideal of the sin Catholic Church. Michel. if it is not carried to extremes. 21. Les survivances du culte imperial remain. Robert Bellarmine (De Eccle.

Riising. See s Every. Leschisme byz. "The Fate of Henri Pirenne's Theses on the Consequences of the Islamic Expansion. Tlie Byz. 234. Lambrecht. it destroyed a Christianity which.." Islam favored the constitution of two "prima- the one functioning in the Christian East. histor." Miscellanea hisCriticism of this theory torica L. Dolger. M. et "Au temps de Charlemagne et des Normands: ce qu'on vendait ibid. n. la civilisation occidentale: "Aux Nord et Sud de la Gaule. L. 23 in [1948] 165. "Encore Ma- homet de et Charlemagne. Autonomie und papstlicher Zentralissole resistance to a total mus (Munich Thus disappeared the Roman ascendancy in the West. Cf. civili- sations. by suppressing the Churches of Africa. (Copenhagen 1952) 87-130. cf. "La derniere oeuvre d'Henri Pirenne." 266-80. IV. 2 (1947) i43-6o. D. n. d. Mohammed and Charlemagne (New York for example. Cf. 39. Patriarchate. Bloch. comment on vendait dans le bassin parisien. 451-1204 which not cited by Pirenne. cies. 14 (1939) 513-36. moyen age (DC C et XI e s. Heiler. Speculum 23 173 (1951) 245-63. L. F. Dennett. Genicot. Pirenne." (1948) 165-90. op. n. H. - CHAPTER TWO 1955). beige de PMologie et 14 (1935) 8nf. 359^ 170 (ref. while being Western and to Latin. Altkirchliche 1941). C. Pirenne. General criticism: aside from reviews (see Speculum. Byz. 38. 2s." Classica et Mediaevalia 13 europ. Dochard. 40. Edw. Laurent. "Les theses de Henri Pirenne. "Die Frage nach der Scheide zwischen Altertum und Mittelalter. Van der Essen (Louvain 1947) 81-93. F. 2. 212 (1943) 232-38." ibid. the other in the West. Zeitschr. socittes. n. on the grounds of the economic data brought forward have been expressed by E. 107 . infra. "Notes sur les ports de Provence du VIII e au DC e siecle. H. and I26i." Annales 10 (1938) 325-30. Sable. ch. i): H." Histor." in Rev. R. we know only the title of A. H. u.NOTES 37. Ganshof. Perroy. "Pirenne and Muhammad. Aubin. Staatenwelt." Annales. Theories origines based on the other factors have been given by Genicot. "Les travaux de M.)" Rev. Another consequence of the Mohammedan conquest was that. "L*importation des tissus orientaux en Europe occi- dentale au haut d'hist. had and maintained a relative autonomy in relation Rome. at." Byzanthn 7 (i932) 495-509.) 368f. Jugie. 12. Economies.

art. Koschaker. In be- coming Catholic in the practically at and religion were overwhelmed by the Arian barbarians. 286f. cit. n. P. Dolger. Scott. Kirche* und Papsttum (Vienna 1950) 44. Hire Stelhmg zu Christus. Cf.. After Charlemagne. But Byzantium again the Arianism of the middle of the Sixth Cen- 48." de Labriolle. tripartitum. Russische Denker: io<5. I. W. Rome 1930) 45. ch. the problems of civil and cf. (ed. Opus ed. pars 3. 108 . (Turin 1953) The history of the epoch of Clovis well illustrates all this. Krijanich. cited supra. Das Zweikaiserproblem im friihen Mittelalter (Berlin 1947). Brehier. Clovis aimed there civilization West where Roman to et becoming a protector who would "henceforth render useless appeals the Emperor of Byzantium. messager This study is very well worth reading. Stickler. 18. The Schism between the Oriental and Western Churches. Histoire de rglise (Fliche Martin) 4. net Decretisti e Primi Decretalisti M. 395. this point is Special Reference to the Addition oj the Filioque to the Creed (London 1892) H. Byz. 2o well explained in G. Scolardi. de funitl des chretiens et pere du panslavistne (Paris 1947). A. a kind of fiction the approval by which the fact became stamped with intervened in Spain against tury. Ohnsorge. For example. Schultze. Staatemvelt. Le monde byz. Regnum 47. Au service de Rome et de Moscou au XVIIC siecle. II. with from our usual authors. P.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 41. Sacerdotium i8f. On canon law arising from the duality of emperors. 456f. Byzantium recognized the victory of Clovis by con- ferring upon him the tide of consul. of the Empire. 43. Aside Howard. c. The Eastern Churches and the Papacy (London 1929) 310. 46. 42.-G. u. the to call themselves "Basileus Emperors of Constantinople were careful of die Romans" (Dolger. Tractates super Quatuor Evangelia 106. E. B. 25. i. L europ. 10). Buonaiuti. note 280. rop a et Eu- und das Romische Recht (Munich 1947). the \vritingsofNicolasJakovlevicDanilevskij (f 1885): cited in B.

165 (Huguccio: the Emperor of Constan(one sole emperor no longer legitimate).. 2. (Paris 1892) 312. II 75-87. 6. op. n. from the viewpoint of gradual alienation . Mochi Onory. Palmieri. n. cit. dogmat. cited by Mochi Onory. and by Innocent 53." Jugie. (820-29) writing to Louis the Pious. F. 50. trl. Even the election of Count Baldwin of Flanders as Latin to the Emperor of Constantinople in 1204 in effect pays homage permanence of the Byzantine Empire. Les transformations. W. Schisme byz. See texts Institutions politiques. Fonti canonistiche moderna dello Stato (Milan 1951) 233. Pope. 225. Maitland (Cambridge 1900) 126. tinople in the Orbis). The Basileus Thus Ricardus Anglicus. Jugie. eccksiast. (Paris 1907). Theol. orthod. stances. Hist. see the works of the Orientalists and Byzantinists: rOrient au tnoyen age. and references in Gierke. S. cf. dell idea 55. 9 Political Theories of the Middle Age. 52. article on Filioaue DTC 55. X 646-47. Ch. 51. op. Fleury. Brehier. Johannes Teutonicus. 5 and 56. aside from the general histories. their so-called Emperor. a breach with Constantinople. III.NOTES Michael address: II. thus pens his the glorious King of the Franks and the Lombards. Thus Laurentius Hispanus. 30. cit. on the part of the "The Coulanges: 49. 244. J. but the Empire had been handed over to the Germans). de Pange. 237 (one sole Emperor. Grousset. On the Crusades. C Palmieri." Histoire des 6. R. 267. 2321. For the history of the Crusades as a whole. L. Cf. V. Compare Fustel de coronation of Charlemagne was. Le schisme bfz. 54. was usually treated as Emperor by the popes: by Gregory VII. Mochi Onory. 3. 264f. who cites some other in- Le Roi chretien (Paris 1949) 167. - CHAPTER TWO "To Balbus. L*gli$e et Les Croisades 2nd ed. col.

"Le passage au rit oriental. 24 and 2 Paralip." Rev. Essai sur la formation d'une theorie juridique. 4776b. 3 Kings. Villey. the A and the Eastern Churches during Study of the Papacy Centuries Xlth and the XHth ments.. 146 aside (1954) 194-219. "Byzance int." Relazioni del X Congresso di Sden. chaire. Stor. Besides Luchaire. Epist. vers Constantinople. gives the bibliography written the definitive history of the controversy. Cf. The Eastern Schism. CXXVI. see P. apologfa. in note. Der zanz vierte des Abendlandes zu Kreuzzug im Rahmen der Beziehungen infra. (Paris 1907).4. What caused the final break and irreparable hostility between the two portions of Christendom were oppositions of political either side as a definitive alienation interests and then the Crusades with their consequences of Latinisation. and the volume cited (Berlin 1898). (Paris 1942) 59.. Of the lamentable effects of the Fourth Crusade upon the relations between Greeks and Latins see. and has 36-52. Lemerle. C.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS of the East and the West. by Venice and Amalfi. 58. Petro legato: PL 215. des religions Probleme d'His- de Doctrine. 32." Ire'nikon 6 (1929) 457-87. Bycit. 701." age. On the part played cf. chapters 13 and 15 respectively. Innocent III: la question d' Orient Chapter V. "La Croisade. F. for the ideas. 57. II 458. Norden. 1949) 27f. bridge H.Following the docuof 1054 was not really felt on of the Greek world from the Catholic Church of Rome. in Vol. and Western Churches. 12. Monde byz. Nov. n. "La deviation de toire et la IV e Croisade Hist. of the whole question up to 1913. W. S. Medieval History. See also P.. Runciman shows that the breach (Oxford 1955). Ill Storia del Medioevo 595-620." Rev. L'glise et I'ttat au Moyen 6 228f. Brehier. Cf. See also A. from various monographs.. 145 (*954) 168-87.-i5 1 10 . Frolow. Korolevski. Brown and W. 11. see for the facts the review Stoudion (Feb. gives a very rich documentation of the Latinisation in different studies Stoudion 1922-1929) a series of Korolevski (numerous articles in of articles on "Le clerge occidental et 1'apos(15 tolat dans 1'Orient asiatique et grco-slave. see Howard. A. Palmieri. Luop. Miller. IV of CamRunciman. et la Croisade. The Schism between the Oriental 38f.

1204. St. VIII. II. celebration: Efist. Wolff. of monastic consecration. 240. 341. "Etudes sur de theol 3 la latinisa- tion de 89. Romae 1944 n. of the Holy Spirit. Compare for the role 4. R.407. III. (1895) 217-42. E. Brown. Th. See. Reg. Letters Ex tua parte tua of August 8. who spoke Greek. Eccl. Schmitt. II 233. saw a sign of schism in the different way of celebrating the Holy Eu61. Ser. Eighteenth Centuries and the work of an "The organization of the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople. Acta Innocentii III (Pont. Palazzo. It is important to note that here reordinais tions are not involved and that the validity of Greek orders reintegration into the not questis ioned." Traditio 6 (1948). 2. Haluscynsky. brochure on L'Uniatisme: Irtnikon 1927. A few significant documents of Innocent III may be cited: Letter Cum vetiisset to the Archbishop of the Bulgarians. 271. - CHAPTER TWO a 1923) a separate 5-<5). Fontes n. 1204-1276. 120. 4 (1948) 9-54. cf. taken up again in 1257 See also by Alex- ander IV. 313." Ephem. Fontes. charist in the East (Dial III 12. for the Procession in 1234. cf. intern. 109. n. A. PL 188. Fontes n. But it must be noted that this the West has generally recognized the legitimacy of i. 62. PL 215. i. Papst Innocenz III (Bonn 1954) 216-17. vol. ed. Fontes. 298. Innocent H. Comm. 61. 1* the articles of E. sacrif. R. XXIII. 488-504 673- and 4 108-29. n. P. de azjmi etfermentati and Epist. 52. Juris canon. Even Anselm of Havelberg. Ill." (1896) Rev. Anselm. Ex parte of March 1208. ed. ed. Cod. iur. 352. Opera. The Greeks showed an Mansi. is this study concerns the Seventeenth and Old-Catholic. Tillmann.NOTES Feb. orient. Feb. 12250). ad canon. PL 1353. 258f. de sacram. printing.). 25. "De Benedicti XIV latinisationibus in Const.. 63. for the azymes. the bull Quia divinae sapientiae of 1215. F. 305. "The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of Constantinople and Greece." Traditio 14 (1958) 62-120. coll. Caspar. On the synod of Nymphaeum B. PL 1468. redig. equal inflexibility. Hoffman. and finally H. a broad-minded man. S. L. Michaud. But reunion or plenary Church con- ceived as entailing the observance of Latin (Roman) practices. 1204. * *Etsi pastoralis' et Inter multa'. Orient. L. thus Gregory VII. Letter Super episcoporum of October 1208. n. 33-6o. "Historique d'une dis- III .

1946. internal. Anthony. . Cardinal of Tusculum. La Meiitenanee et le monde m&ditenaneen a Vepoque de Philippe II (Paris 1949) 672." "La prise de Constantinople (1453) et ses consequences Nouv. Janin. his legate to Cyprus. our study on Purgatory in Le mystere 64. 1254: Mansi. of Finland. Sub catholicae professione of March 6 y 1254. What follows the frankly illustrates the word of Our Lord on at the mote and beam. we will reproduce only a few recent declarations that are rather representative: "Roman It towards Orthodoxy. P. II with a great number: Mansi. by G. . in the Messager Rev. will alone furnish us (Potthast.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS cussion sur la Procession du Saint. The Stockholm Conference 1925. 581-82. theol 75 (i953) 5H-I9recalled these beneficent 69. Braudel. 65. 265). Cf.Esprit. and cf. in reproduced in the text rather the de thloL 5 (1897) in. for the anniversary of the Union of Brest: AAS. type has become a kind of disease version "Proselytism of a purely pharisaical of the new Romanism. 66. A. Catholicism has always been aggressive has never recoiled before any effort to detach from the Orthodox faith entire populations whose political and cultural existence lacks a solid basis. Gloubokovski declared Oxford-London Conference of Stockholm in 1925 (Cf. religieuses. 45^ Here 70. Orthodox Archbishop (St. 12). K.. The Waters of Marah: The Present State of the Greek Church (London 1956) 24. . XXIII. N. (Paris 1951) 296-97. Rev.. ed . F. 654). 23. The Decretal of Innocent IV. Pope Pius XII works in his Encyclical Orientales omnes Ecclesias of Dec. The Official Report . 578-82 15." Lc grand retour (Istamboul 1953) S7-99- Odo. 67. de I'feglise Petersburg). XXII. 1945. Bell." Msgr. 1926. and the con- of the whole universe to the foot of the Roman Chair ha 112 . 68. Instruction to de la mort et sa celebration (Lex orandi. Hammond.

moreover. . (Paris 1950) 12-15. schisme de Photius: Histoire et Ifyende. cf. n. Kir. availing himself of every opportunity and of Romanism every possibility. excepted. der Romisch-Katholischen und der einerseits. 71." Ost. IV. in okumen. Orthodoxen: Zaher Erder andern Seite. the East. n. oberungsdrang Die Orth. . but the facts cry out. 32. His Holiness the Patriarch Tikhon. V. the Catholic tical Abwehr auf . See also our Introduction to the French edition of Dvornik. is 26-27 and 54$ in which presented as always having sought unity by polimeans. we should take intelligent account of the situa- Church tion and of the ideas of the time. And in this direction the whole papal policy has been is on which now. Such among others regards relations is Anglicanism with all its ramifications. they are represented the obligatory field for Catholic mis- sionary practice. Sicht. Zankow: "Dies ist das traurige Verhaltnis zwischen den zwei altesten und grossten christlichen Kirchen. We hear the same sort of thing in the remarks of St." this will suffice to illustrate This enumeration of gravamina continues. infra. stille d. A frequent reproach. here the conduct G recalls the action of a rich and cunning landlord. christ. apostolic expeditions the time are fitted out. of the unlucky Genoa Conference. cf. not one Christian con- the bright vision and the sweet From these visions not all one church as is fession. for some reason. just as though they formed a purely heathen domain. Unam . ch. penetrated with Soviet tranquillity symsince of course not for the sake of the of Orthodoxy in is Palestine. 407.NOTES become - CHAPTER TWO dream of the contemporary papacy. who strives much as possible of the goods of his sick and disheartened to get as neighbor into his own hands. ii 420. And as towards Orthodoxy everywhere. there divised. the Christian carried pathies. Against Orthodox Russia. some mysterious bond with the atheist Bolsheviks. Le Sanctam 19. but quite well the part played by subjectivity and short-sightedness in a reaction of this type. harte. c Jugie. acquiring special purpose since the death of the Orthodox leader and common Christian martyr. This attitude is a fact and it is quite typical. 60. ThloL dogm. All the same. oriental dissid. In Mohammedan Crescent has been openly preferred to the Cross. and by consent of the latter. 72. I say this with great sorrow.


Gregory Nazianzen says that the Latins do not distinguish Es- sence and Person accurately. see also Michel. "Der kirchliche Wechselverkehr zwischen ibid. which traces the process of the background of the ignorance of the respective lanon estrangement the time of Justinian. "La latinisation de 1'Eglise d'Occident. Jugie." Festschrift der Freisinger Hochschule f. 4. 37-6*9. cThist. said. Le schisme byz. 2. Steinacker. zum So. Jugie. As a preparation for his book Kard." Rev. Bardy. dt.J. "because of the limitations of their language in words. L Inst. "Die romische Kirche und die griechischen Sprachkenntnisse des Fruhmittelalters. catholicisme." L'Antiee Molog. . "Orient et Occident. Zeitschr. 67 (1952) 604-18. a knowledge of Greek in the Fifth and Sixth Cenof decline treating the turies. (1937) 6-7Cf.j. "Sprache und Schisma. "La question histor. which made them. Jahrhunderts. Le schisme byz. 3p ciprocal ignorance as one on the diversity of languages and reof the causes of the schism. de thloL I (Paris 1948). 113-30. eccles. Geschichtsforschg. West und Ost vor dem verscharften Schisma des Kerdlarios." 145-73. des langues dans T^glise ancienne. Cardinal E. "Die griechischen Klostersiedlungen zu Rom bis zur Mitte des n. Cf. art. among others." Et. 3. Tisserant. "Orientalisme. Schism in the Early Church." Irtnikon 14 (1937) 3-20. Faulhaber or as an outgrowth of it. St. a recovery in the Seventh and Eighth. Dolger. In the discusand its poverty sions on the Procession of the Holy Spirit.. Bardy has written some very suggestive articles summarizing the question." quoted by Michel. 62 (1954) 28-86. Kirchengesch. confuse "procession" with "mission".NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE 1. H. id. 46. occidentalisme. The point is not touched from guages upon by Greenslade. Geburtstag." OstkirchL Studien i (1952) 32-45. they cf. Michel. the Greeks have often spoken- of the poverty of the language of the Latins. 216. (1947) 230-44." Mitteilg. Oesterr.

by it. determined. it injra. nay. The translation is of "infallible" by a word which as also signifies "im- peccable" evidently linked with the profound thought of the Eastern infallibility theology on which regards it being connected with holiness and with the Holy (art. on the equivalence of Greek and Latin terms. IX. the content created.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 227. Palmieri. the Greeks Vicarius Christi. fasc. than the language of the mother. (Aix 1947) 85$ croire.. Jugie. of attention to 30 (1933) number of the Journal de Psychologie normale et pathoon language. . "Developpement (Paris 1948) de "Difficultes des id6es dans 1'A. to perceive the true implications of papal infallibility which we moreover. 127. i.&sc. De Man. Au dela du is marxisme (Paris 1929) 237 are very significant: "The mother." I9if." SbBerlin. R. At Florence. The fact. cf. cit. Spirit. 35) 359. Theol. 490(1 cit. (Milwaukee 1923) 140 and Among 116 many pages which deal with . 135. Some Aspects of Contemporary Greek Orthodox 142. VI. et passim." (Paris 1948) 76 "Le problfcme de Jesus. it also leads them to say that maintain the "impeccability" of the Pope.. Orthodox Patriarchs to the English non-jurors in 1718. 7. mother of the content of some kind.tongue something else and more self. op. Psychologic Sodologie (Paris 1927) and the reviews in this aspect U Annie sociologist^ which pay a good deal things.. of J. The Schism between the Oriental and Western Churches . 6.. Howard. 103. According to A. The remarks of H. n. however. cf. This point is well known. 5. II 125. von Harnack. on the response of the Cf. Jugie.." On et the problem by of Essertier. Pusey thought that the Gavin. makes difficult for the Orthodox are. the discussion bore exten- sively on questions of vocabulary. it is the veritable spiritual It is not merely the technical means of expressing an intellectual itself is itself. n. 12. infra. dogm.. cit.. so often emphasized by us.. op. IV 465^ Gratieux. T. difficulty was a question of vocabulary. We should mention here the analyses mind: cf. do not have an equivalent word for vicarius: "Christus praesens. 34 (1927) 415-446. in great part see the indications given 89f. the special logique. Thought so Cf.. n. Guitton on the La petisee moderne et le Catholicisme.

328-30. normally gentle. ad Michaelem.: 8. Even Le as early as St. XIII i. IV. Their perfidy was already noted by Cito the cero. (Dial 4 and 6: PL 188. took away this impression from Constantinople in 968. Weisweiler.. quoted by Jugie. Le mysiere de 10. Busse. A propos of the Greeks being too subtle. the Roman apocrisiaries synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234 complained of their "cavillationes": Mansi. during III. la mart. Holl. Michel. 73. J. cited 748." Echos d' Orient n (1908) 321-31. Nicholas response to up these accusations in his Emperor Michael dare to Your Majesty mock can only be astonished at seeing the language of a Christian people as if it "We 117 . 108. Churches Separated. schisme byz. 1330. 11. Entlnisiasmus und Bussgewah (Leipzig 1898) 417. PL 126. cited infra. cf. regem Bulgarorum. the discussion of 1136 Ill. 227. und For our part. 32. we believe tha t this is a very important point and marks the true difference between EastCf. Gregoire et we should mention the very enlightening ones of Jugie. XXIII. n. Le schisme byz. Luitprand. Ep. Gregory the Great. ad Mauritium Augustum PL Vitalian in 668. Duchesne. XX Jugie. PL 143.). Cf. cited supra. Le schisme byz. Bedeutungsgeschichtliche Beitrage zur KidturGeistesgeschichte (Halle 1930) 228. 280 C. ibid. 28. 140) and of Cerularius (ibid. I2i5f. 12. cf. 216). n. See also Anselm of Havelberg. 3.) The reproach was often formulated at the time of the Fourth Cru- sade. 31. 77. (Jugie. c Norden. ..7580. Schokrios employs for "satisfaction" the Greek word ixavoxotTjai. on Purgatory. i. 249. 158. Cf. Pope by Pope John VIII.. 2. - CHAPTER THREE "St. our study ern and Western thought. n. Ch. Ep. I and even in the sharply took III: irenic intervention of Peter of Antioch. DTC 9. See K. the constantly repeated reproach (c is clearly expressed in the polemic of Photius Jugie.746. Bishop of Cremona.12130. 12 (coL 1226). k procession du Saint-Esprit. For reasons justifying this approach. n..NOTES this question. and Pope Leo IX to Cerularius.

Fleury. "Graecus" 1937) 399-409. = "Gebildet.. E. or even art. 4s6f. L'essor de la Litterature latine au Brussels 1946) 12. Vries.932. see I? Art saai (May-June 1953). and the well-known existence Empire of a body of well-educated laymen employed in the service State. 37. 32. Brehier. surely cannot be called a phenomenon of "immobility" and old age. Guilland. how ridiculous you become when you it. G. * call yourself Roman Emperor' while not understanding anything of the PL 119. Cf. cit. infra. Baumstark. 118 . n. You qualify Latin as barbarian because you do not But think. n.. On the subject of art. cf. c of the the fact that "Greek" sometimes signified "lettered." Bull. esp. II 53 and Roman understand language. For laicus as "illiterate" in the West. J. 17-18.. XII* siecle (Paris- Der christliche Osten. de. 4. Grundgegensatze. History byz. 33-43. See also Palmieri. Die Periodisierung der Kirchengeschichte und die epochale Stellung des Mittelalters zwischen dem christlichen Altertum und der Neuzeit (Friburg 1919) 23 . Besides.. 8-9.Scholastic reaction but has its own positive substance. . 13. La civiliza- a Byzance. Cf. H. n. former times. they ignore the true God and pray before stones and pieces of wood. which was really an anti. Ill of Education (New York 1956) 340. dies in the Baumstark wrote before the most recent revival of Byzantine studomain of religion and theology. 15. now. or cultivated Boisacq. of the static character of the East in its thought and art. One could not as in speak today. C. op. 16. in Antiquity." Melanges mile (Brussels. Butt (March 1953) 63-83. Goller. For Byzantium.. infra. man": E. well as the studies cited in n. "La vie scolaire byzantine 42o. Marrou. Goldmann. 22.." supra. I.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS were a barbarous and Scythian idiom. 5.) (Nimes 1778-80) X 100.. equivalent to cf. our volume as todes conjointes pour une Thtologie 'LaicaL infra... n. The barbarians and the Scythians live like mindless beasts. Monde R. 14. The movement fostered by Palamas. 13 and in the n. 73. tion Ch. 2i 17. Assoc. Histoire ecctisiastique (25 vols. de Ghellinck.

" (in French in Irenikon Russian). cathol 19 (1928) 387-404.NOTES 1 8. 22." Collection Irenikon (1927). "the unija. nof. 22 (1949) 233-69. Gay. Meditations sur (Paris la Introduction by Pierre Pascal 1952). Rousseau. byz. 37." Proche-Orient chre'tien. 5-6. Cf. Gogol. cit. Boulgakov. it 21. spontaneously translates this 20. Put\ n. n (1934) 601. intrinsically by the rite. "Avant le schisme du xi e siecle." Gregorianum 20 (1939) 257-63. 119 . esp. by which the becomes purely a means. supplement: translated into 24. L' Italic mlridionale art. it would be well to read C. the East tends to make rite the rite an absolute. "Problematical Aspects of Christian Reunion. Korolevski. we will content ourselves with mentioning the profound pages of S. is particularly well expressed by Th. Florovski. note. 10 (1953) 157-58. The Orthodox are reUniatism. "Notae de terminologia theologica Concilii Floesp. literature." for making the rite a means of obtaining and therefore of not characterized truly respecting the Oriental Church. hist. "rite". Essai de psychologic Constndre 8 (1942) 92-119. G. The author Hofmann. c 239. i (1951) 169-91- 26.. 261-62.blanche. &. 19. n. the West a juridical interpretation." Irtnikon 15 (1938) proaching a reunion which would in the long run be a pure and simple submission and Rev. "De la methode irenique. dans la perspective des divi25. Confessionskmde. Since religieuse.'* Irenikon. 188. Rousseau. - CHAPTER THREE des rites entre Grecs et Latins des C O. CL Lialine. see N. "Considerations sur le schisme d' Israel sions chrtiennes. Kraline." et Docum. To supplement these far too brief remarks. "La question siecles premiers au concile de Florence. 267. VEmpire byzantin. Brehier. "L'Uniatisme." we are not here treating the question per se. L'Or- As testimony drawn from divine Liturgie. thodoxie (Paris 1932) I94f. citing J.. This is a well-known point. rentini. "Paysans de Russie. 118-19. Kattenbusch. Les relations normales entre Rome et les Eglises d'Orient. 23.

. Une controverse recente. one by Geoffrey de Loroux (f 1158). ChrysoOrthodox reactions. in ra. "Theologie. de Lubac entire (Paris 1944). art. mosphere of the Church Fathers. Martin. et non intelligunt per sed adhaerent semper quibusdam conciliis. one of the most characteristic stom Papadoupoulos. Russische Denker (Vienna 1950) 85-7 and 31. Orthodox Archbishop of Athens. which agrees with that of 29. To give but one example: J.-P. The latter considered them through analysis and posed some questions: quis. Cahiers de la Vie spirituelle 2nd ed. (Paris 1948) 132-150. 62. Geoffrey Babion. Landgraf. Geoffroy de Leroux." Rev. cum studio. period. under examination. S. Bonnes. Wilmart. These words compose the title H. and 54.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Lialine. Tertium est inscitia Graecorum. the book of a chapter in Corpus Mysticutn. printed separately. Bonnes has edited and studied two sermons bearing the others upon the same subject.. A. cf. cit. also our article. Hieromonius that Pierre. 506. Among the countless expressions is of of Msgr. and Gilson. n. traces a history of the point this passage. Chenu. considered the texts as a whole. cf. R. c 27." Ufeglise et le pfaheur.? J.-P. DTC. might be mentioned." Stoudlon 6 (Feb. See Gratieux. There is a very astute remark in this sense by Ph. etc. 18/1 (1930) 3 lof. Cf. Kireevski. See the works of Grabmann. 28. by E. Khomiakov et le Mouvement slavophile 2 vols." in de Ghellinck.. Schultze. et quibusdam quae I2O . ad quid. ideo Periit enim apud eos pro magna quae dicuntur eis parte scientia rationes. living in the atby Peter Comestor (fnyS 2-1179 ?). of the centers in Saulchoir. Toronto. 35. still The former. in his "Confession et direction dans TEglise orientale. Wntdictine 56 (1945-46) 174-215- 30. "L'union de 1'Orient avec Rome. Aiiteurs spirituels et textes divots du moyen age Latin Still other authorities" (Paris 1932) 59-6o. "Un dit des plus grands predicateurs du xn e sifccle. cited cf. de Regis. 32. i&i. Unam Sanctam 5 and 6 (Paris 1939). Ottawa. 1929) Orientalia christ.. A. Mandonnet.

Byzantinischer Zeit. (Paris 1907) 217. something analogous to the Occidental dialectical move- ment of the Eleventh Century. 492f. the best survey in French is on the subject of Byzantine which appeared philosophy in the 2nd supplementary section of Histoire de that of B. V. 30. J. Such. Cf. "Notes s ur Thistoire de Penseignement superieur III a Constantinople. cf." Kyrios (1936) 233-44. 426f. We are not unaware that in Byzan- tium there was during the Sixth Century and then in the Eleventh with Michael Psellos." Bessarione (1910) 358-66. the Patriarchal school being something quite different from a University: cf. Kirejewskij de Khomiakov. Studies (194. "Byzantion 3 and (1926) 84-85." in the Schulen von Konstantinopel im Byzantinisches Archiv 8 (1926) 5. pars 2. 216. of course. N. de la Philosophic 3 (1929) 277-95.CHAPTER THREE tradita sunt eis a praedecessoribus suis. was the trend of the followers of Palamas." Opus tripart. "Sur le charactere general de la philosophic byzantine. J. Toumanoff. Brown.6) 328. M. perhaps a contrived. said above on Byzantine culture: this culture was in the profane and theology was rather cut off from it." little Rev. Brehier. 121 . v. 36. "L'element la theologie moral dans Arseniev. Fuchs. VI. d'Hist. Der christliche 1939) 259-74- 35. Brehier. It is to be remarked that what Humbert notes is not in contradiction with what we sciences. Church and Learning Byzantine Empire (London 1937) 22-23. Theol. sicut faciunt quidam haeretici idiotae. as Philosophie byzantine la Philosophie by Em. europ. In any case." Osten edd.NOTES . c. und ydoaoyia in Dolger. d. ed. "Zur Bedeutung von q>Maoq>oQ a survey reprinted in Byzanz u. ad quos ratio nihil valet. cited by C. G. of his Monde byz. von und seine Lehre von der Erkenntnis der Wahrheit. "Sinn und Sendung des neuorthodoxen Denkens. P. 33. "J. n. Valdenberg. not having accepted the knowledge of the Scholastics as having the status of religious knowledge. To the references given supra no. Tatakis. Cf. Wunderle. Werhun (Ratisbon 34. Tyciak." I93. "Die hoheren Mittelalter. Hussey. Staatenw. K. Pfleger. add: Gratieux.

Vl. TheoL dogm. Aufhauser writes: "Der letzte Grund der nahorientalisch- anatolischen Kirchenspaltung liegt Studien wie vielfacher personlicher fuhrern gewonnenen Uberzeugung nicht so sehr in theologischen. esp. "L'union facile avec les Orientaux?" Unitas (April 1949) 261-73. 91-108. chs.. 279-336. ac1944) 55 and 172: 43. reprinted in the Docum. 42. (Paderborn 1940) 79- We of mentality are in a very substantial merely add that the differences reflected in the theological structure itself. Jugie. 39. the Procession of the Holy the one point of dogma.. I andoes not arise from differences of mentality or cording to Lossky. Divided Christendom. mystique de I'Zglise d'Orient (Paris and IV. that which concerns Ghost. 5. de la mart. Suppl. the following which was.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 37. 40. 2946 Concerning the primacy.: In Paradise. J." "Die Theologie der getrennten Kir- nach meiner auf Grund langjahriger Aussprachen mit nahostlichen Kirchen- chen und die Frage der Wiederbegegnung. way 44. P.: What ideas and what recollections ? may we name of the Eastern Churches "A." Vie spirit. als volkisch-kulturellen Unterschieden. 1193-1206. Jugie. cathol (Sept. IV 366f. B. source in but all the disagreements have their thropological differences. 41. and with the perhaps still is. Augustine. question-and-answer: associate "Q. De n. diss. in use in Russia. n) 1949. deification dans la tradition spirituelle de 1'Orient. cf. Thus J. On the subject of Purgatory. Tyciak. was founded the first Church 122 . 3." Das Morgenlandische Chrisshould tentum ed. Le mystere cf. 38. Wilbois has been very perceptive in his UAvenir dc rfylise russe (Paris 1907) 217. which was set in the East. bapt. Lossky. Essai sur la theologie the disunion. Kruger and J. our study cited supra. (May 1935). or. On this and many other points. Quoted by "La St. We find in the "Great Catechism" of Philarete.

since they came from the West. It of the Church of the redeemed. 4.NOTES of our first - CHAPTER THREE was set parents in innocence. Christ. N. Analogous state- ments were made Soloviev. And until today. He was even to go further in the and declare that Orthodoxy is it. is kept without change in its original purity by the ancient Churches of the East and in those Churches which are in agreement with them. having consummated the work of our founded His entire faith. Vladimir Soloviev et with reference to the CEuvres russes philes. in the land of Judah. 46. the Latins arriving in Blackmore (AberBul(Epist. 45.. after the Fall. kath. Offprint. garia the Russian Church. should have own God. the Church of Russia. it was from there that He spread the Church over the Universe. that doxism* (pravoslavnicanie) is much more faith in the Russian people than Orthodox and Christian faith of that people. Each people. London 1864) 168. die foundation Savior. irin. their 'Orthoreligion has no place. *an attribute of the Rus- 48. its in order to remain a separate ethnic group. When the peoples begin to have common gods. by the promise of the was in the East. resumed by D. Valetta. As for the Patriarch Photius.' Zum KirchenbegrifF der Ostkirche. the Ecumenical Orthodox Catholic confirmed by the seven Ecumenical Councils. Cf. Grace. 4. the Shorter and Longer Catechisms. by J. for the Slavophiles the true religion since it is because the Russian people confess '" sian nationality. an aspect of the sobornost' that must be kept in mind. von 'Geisteskirche* Ivanka " und 'Gottragervolk." Zeitschrif. already a sign of their decline. 167-69: "Soloviev could therefore say that in the system of the Slaves their stylized Orthodoxy. own Church. "God sums up in Himself a it is whole people.. 76. Stremoukhoff. Toeing the Primer or Spelling tr. in sxiarohai (ed." 123 . V. De It is la Me*th. came from the darkness. Book. W." The Doctrine of deen 1845) 82. at the Council of Constantinople in 1054. too. in the East. as is by God's by R. Theol 71 (1949) 347-54- 47. that Our Lord Jesus salvation. E. quoted by La Grande Controverse 104. They are thus son ceuvre messianiaue (Paris 1935) 203.

50. 49. 17 (1945) 2<S-50.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS And c KL Kohn. 124 . orth. "Le lieu theologique' du Schisme et le travail pour I'Union" Irfaikon. Prophets and Peoples. 5. Studies in Nineteenth Century Na- tionalism. N. (New York 1946) ch. n. TheoL dogm. Oehmen. See the analysis made by ' Palmieri. i$6f.

42. Carmen de vita sua. there were mulae. Libya) and those of the middle world (Rome?).649A: "ulriusque partis terrarum fides. Enchiridion Symbolorum no. as well as in both in theological thought beneath the ambiguous formany aspects of religious feeling. A straight line runs from Sardica to the final A. "if not from the beginnings": there has been from the beginning an East and a West. but there are two Romes. Augustine. V text of H. trl. which over the whole and guards the universal and divine harmony. all the Occident by a true teaching. there is only one sun. but he primarily churches." From Constantine 1950) 206. PG 7." theolog. For the first time in the history of the Church. stresses that the apostolic tradition is the same in all these which are as one sole house.NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR 1. in 382: "In nature. Irenaeus. the question now being which of them would be able to carry out its will. as between Eastern and Western separation in Christianity. party returned home. "Unites is 32. Quantum presbyteromm to Acacius. Jan.D. one of which illumines the West. to Julian. East and West separated Then each from each other by formal church politics that also differences decision.473. enumerates three churches of the Occident (Germania.1068. Lietzmann: "So it came about that the synod which had been called as representing the ing into two halves." e Bardy. Schism had become a fact. PG 37. whole Empire. 1. Iberia. 159. It was not merely differences in found expression in the present division. Basil in his Epist. Very impressive following 2. by Bertram Lee Woolf (New York 125 . "Le sens de 1* unite dans 1'Eglise et les contro verses du IJ Annie is the siecle. Gaul) and three churches of the Orient (East Antioch. St. fell asunder from the first. however. PG Gregory of Nazianzen. etc. 44. the other the East". since she presides the catholicity of the Church. ancient Rome. P. Epist. wanting to express just.13. breakeach of which condemned and deposed the leader of the other." "We say. St. Denzinger. XC. 1054. St. 9. 9 (1948) 169.552. 476 PL 58. Cf. Egypt. Contra Jul. in 372 and especially St.

5. Devreesse. ciL 205. Le schisme byz. 8. Cavallera. 4. not certain that Orientates in this text has the restricted of the Orient. op. j." 54f. Moeller. from the beginning. the survey by Ch.. 60.. background. cit. Wissen. Le schisme fAtitioclie (IV*Schwartz. but they did not concern themselves with the same questions. were. their sociological the Pelagian had insensibly 2." PL 16. Ambrose in his Ep. supra. See Palanque. See the monumental work. 34 (1935) 129-213.. Das Konzil von Chalkedon. "Grund- 9. Baumstark. 7. The favor the Eastern Fathers showed towards human n. In the dem Grossen bis Hormisdas. Cf. "Der Kampf der Papste urn Konzil und Chalkedon. man should achieve the vision of God and. Le Patriarcat (Paris 194. op." Zeitschr. are mystics." II. It is Ambrose et Empire remain (Paris 1933) 96f. relief the depth of the abyss which into throws affair] been made between the Greek Church and the Latin Church.. The Orientals. I... the article by Hoffmann.. Jahrhunderts. The Westerners. 167. the stress is rather more of instruction than on the mystical. 5. Geschichte chalcedonisme und Gegenwart) Grillmeier and Bacht. cit. see Cavallera. writes: Not only did the two Churches not speak the same language. 451-519. "Zur Kirchengeschichte des vierten (Paris 1905).. cit. who are were concerned with the way better still.. XIV to Theodosius: 9 "Dolori esse . gegensatze.5)- 6. See Jugie. 505." Note also remarks of the same tenor made. "Le e et le neochalcedonisme de 451 jusqu'a la fin du VI siecle. by Baumstark.." Roman liturgy. who of how on the contrary. the remark of St. iliJ. Bardy. Neutestamentliches d'Atitioch. sacra erat inter Orientalcs atque Occidentales interrupta communionis I consortia. Lietzmann. von Leo Dogma von 10. meaning of applying to the diocese op. concerned with the question jurists. element on the 126 .954. foe.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 3.. 299.. beginning with the liturgy. moralists and achieve divinization. man should render his account to God. On V siecles) the subject as a whole. liberty derives from "[.

IX: The Greek Church. testantisme 33f. reprinted in Union of Christendom. Duchesne. (1940) 1531". j.. "Orient et Occident: Une contribution au problme du schisme. 12. ed. See the text and the studies made of them in P. ch. Besides see: Hergenrother. Christendom. Birkbeck and the Russian Church. articles 15. and Ch. 27." Irtnikon 9 (1932) 409-21.NOTES . orth. also Ufcglise latine et le au point de vue de I'Eglise d' Orient (Lausanne and Vevey 1872) ("moral fratricide").CHAPTEH FOUR 11. Council of 787 among the Ecumenical Councils. 22-30. 532." also V. 20. 40. 16. Le schisme byz. Pargoire. ch. c 166-171. Dvornik. Supra ch. II 139. Herman. Pragensis pro studiis oriental (Olomouc 1930) 159-72. Mackenzie. See the numerous historical treatments of the question. 3-14. S. (London 1917) 343. Khomiakov . See Palmieri.. collected and edited by A. Div. Une Mologie pro- orthodoxe. Hamilton Thompson. 1923).. Ivanka. ed. Michel "Kampf. 59f. Relations with the West up to 1054 (Cambridge. Le schisme oriental du History XI6 siecle (Paris 1899).. 127 . Konzil von Chalkedon. II 491-562.. C Michel supra. infra n. the on the Filioque.DC dissensionem inter Ecclesiam Romanam et Orientalem promo- verit?" Acta Con. infra n. 3. Carolingian councils Howard. Diehl. LtEglise byzantine de 527 a 847 (Paris.. 3rd. Monachino. Jugie. Separated. Congar. I. on Cerularius: "The true cause of the schism was the indomitable determination of the Byzantine Patriarch to maintain his full autonomy vis-a-vis the Roman D. n. 232. 86 A. London. 17. Les Ugendes de Constantin et de Mfahode vues de Byzance (Prague 1933) 3o6f.. Baron. Brehier. Theol dogm. 1938. See pontiff". The Division between East and West (brochure. op. were the cause of a cit.. 109-32) 45sf. A. 1923) gives the facts but touches only occasionally on the problems as a whole. Riley. its Cambridge Mediaeval IV 246-273. 14. Histoire de TEmpire byzantin (Paris 1920) 13. The difficulties raised by the certain delay in counting the cf..*. The Churches id. n. I.. by K. s. "Quomodo incrementum influxus orientalis in Imperio byzantino VII.

stabilis erit nulk constructio. Bright.. 21. "Der 6. Epist. Altkirchliche Autonomie . As we have already seen and at least the text it. "Genesi storica del Canone 28 di Calcedonia" et "11 Canone 28 e S. 87-88. (Mansi VII 3571*). The theme: Translate studii E." "Le 28 c canon de Chalce*doine Orient. Jordan. W. "Alia CV to the Empress Pulcheria (22 ratio est May." Bessarione 34 (1918) 47-55. A. Monachino. Rev. Council of Constantinople. p6. 5576) See . Gegenwart II 433-58. as we the year 381 is a notable date in the process of estrangement. praeter in fundamento posuit. A Background Note. 108." Epist. 452) PL 54. The Life and Times of St. tamen illam petram quam Dominus rerum saecularium. Le schisme byz. whose translation we follow in part. Nicanische Kanon auf der Synode von Chalkedon. Leo the Great (London 1941) 3O3f. 382 n.. aha divinarum. Le schisme lyz. Aquil(1921) on Aix-Ia-Chapelle. later on. Nouv. Batiffol.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 18. TL O. of the Council of Jugie. 381. Gilson. Jugie. Schwartz. "L'Humanisme Medieval. infra. 451. 23. on hist. Cf. Jalland. 17 (1951) et le SbBerlin 27 (1930).. u. Bishop Gore and the Roman Catholic Claims (London 1905) 86f. 20. "The Twenty-Eighth Canon of Chalcedon. of Chalcedon. First Four General Councils . dt. Jugie. Martin. If Damasus did not reject the is Canon. 495) PL PL 59.71-72. period. Le Siege apostoliaue (Paris 1924) VIII. Canon 3 (Mansi. "Le plus ancien recueil canonique slave et la primaute" du pape. christ. Council op. Canon 28. 219-233. leia. D'Ales. with notes shall see (Oxford 1892) 106-11. on Milan. Wuyts." 265-82. Leone Magno" Grego- rianum 33 (1952) 261-91 and 331-65. A.995.995. fondement du Primat romain. 22. 12. implicitly a criticism of cf. CIV to the Emperor Marcian (22 May 452) 54. Gesch. 35) (cf. 19. Bright. Cf. "Le 28 e canon de Chal- 128 . Gelasius I to the Bishops of Dardania (ist Feb. The studies made of Canon 28 are numerous and recent: J. droit 364. et les Lettres (Paris cf. Chap- man." Les Idles 1932) 184-85. The Canons of the III . See Heiler. "Das Konzil von Chalkedon.

of Pope Felix The Church and title the Papacy 315. where it afterwards remained. g. Gregoire le Grand.. to Dioscoros of Alexandria (449) by St." (1908)65-69 and 161-71.. As is well known. Cardinal Humbert was to call Cerularius "Bishop of the Imperial city. ch. Der Kampf. but it n was only Michael Cerularius who introduced it into the patriarchal seal. 12. Sc. europten (1946) and "Le byzantines.NOTES . 497). Alexandria. I. da Sud-Est Rev. 129 .. bishop of Constantinople to have adopted this title 26. f Orient 1936. (1922) 87-89- M. The Faster.. and insistence. 586. Even is St. St. Gregoire Echos d Orient his 9 le Grand et le titre de Patriarche oecumenique. After John The Faster and successor Cyriacus. On the meaning of "oecumenical" cf. according to the scheme of the three principle Sees. Laurent. the Gregory the Great protested with vehemence Gregory saw in it a title of pride.CHAPTER FOUR cedoine dans la tradition de 1'Eglise serbe. cf. Antioch) linked with the Apostle Peter: history of this theory in Michel." Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati III 373-386 (Vatican 1946). n." gillographie titre de patriarche oecumenique et Michel Cerulaire. Methodius himself (cf. (Rome. 25.. The first seems II to have been Acacius. **Le titre de Patriarche oecumenique avant St. A propos de deux de ses sceaux inedits. bestowed upon himself this tide in Before him. d'Herbigny. she claimed to be the origin of the Western Churches. It is to be regretted that several times in history Rome when actually linked her best-founded claims all to historical fictions. S.." and "S. Michel. Vailhe. That the Nomocanon was not drawn up by St. Leo's interpretation of Canon 6 of Nicaea not entirely invulnerable to discussion. 503) That is to say. when John IV. the Der Kampf. supra. by means of which the and profane their episcopate was implicitly refused to the other reality of bishops. Pope Pelagius and St. Echos does not lessen the force of the fact here signalized. Cf. Leo. 500-524. 6." Michel. 24. thus giving rise to the protestation (Jalland. 518-19. had been given without great significance other than honorary. Theologica de Ecdesia II 293. e. regarded it as a ambitious and monopolizing title. "Le titre de patriarche oecume"Recherches de diplomatique et de sila signature patriarcale. Der Kampf. nique et hist.. relig. the title became current in Constantinople." Rech.

des Konstantinopolischen Primats. Enchir.. speech made at the Ecumenical Conference of Actes Offi- Faith and Order. Serge Boulgakov. A. 29. 296-303. intermit. studies such as these display a profound identity of of the Church. de 188. We allude. ecclesiast.. 30. vergl. 31. priesthood and and the two volumes of our Jalons. less to prove these assertions which give a few than to clarify what we wish will be evident to anyone versed in the texts. 27. St. and even some slight emendations. n. 12 August 1927. the Anglican Churches with the Eastern Orthodox (London 1921) App.." Ausgestaltung Herman.. 1096. Honig. (Neuchltel-Paris 1948) 9-57. Kirch. ciels. cit. Douglas. 1035-1036. The Relations of I. to ecclesiological studies such as those of summarized by Gavin. Thfologie dogmatique orthodoxe (French translation Paris 1860) Msgr... Besides those studies cf.. Shades of differences are to be detected here and there. Les Ugendes de R." (Paris 1928). "Qu'est-ce qui nous separe des Thtol. "La lutte entre Byzance et Rome f a propos de l niyricum au DC e stecle. J. n. La Sainte glise umverselle. C. ant. We to say. Fontium Hist.. Confrontation oecumfaiaue (Cahier the'oL de TActualitl protestante). d. Bishop of Yamburg and Rector of the 12 (1904) 175- Ecclesiastical Academy of Petersburg. XI 959J Kirch. For the position of the dogmatic opinion on the mystery sionskd. Ma- (Boulgakov) II 2i9f.. cf Kattenbusch. I 346f.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS cited n. Canon 36: Mansi. op. Quellen zur Gesch. of which carius we will list the ones. Cf. Mirk. Some the contemporary Greek theologians so well the Church gathered by on of collection the testimony 2376 Aspects. of the people." Melanges Charles Diehl (Paris 1930) 61-80. anciens catholiques f Fr. or again the many main studies by Russian Orthodox theologians. Serge. zur Entwicklung des Kirchenrechtes (Gottingen 1954) 3o references only. 204. 142. "Chalkedon und die Das Konzil von Chal- kedon II 459-90- 28. Florovsky. H5~i35. But on the whole. "Le Corps du Christ vivant. Lehrb. for example. Dvornik. d. Beitrage Constantm et de Methode vues de Byzance 248-83. Lausanne. Foi et Const. transL Rev. Confes- 130 . Papsttums n.

191. without forgetting Vol. (London 1928). Jalland (cited supra) and the num- erous works on the Primacy of Chalcedon. Scott. it primaof Rome. Die Orthod. (Paris 1947). Et. its Composition and InfallibiliAppendix Douglas accord on the mystery of the Church. 131 . Kirche For this reason. 1925) Cathedra Petri. (Paris 1909- Les difficult^ anglicanes et russes (Paris 1924). H. D. cf. 13.D.) in his he groups in Appendix II of the same work. Of special the decree taken up is sianum Mirbt. or with another Anglican historian. cf. St. 37. Leo but. Catholicisme et Papautl. the regime.. this subject Jalland. H. 139... Kidd. we now of our evidences as ty. ideology. Studies on the Early Papacy (Lon- don 1928). Gebhardt. Koch. ch. For Leo. anc.'. The Eastern Churches and the Papacy n. 19). Jugie. 163-73: "The Oecumenical Church and the Autocephalous Churches'*. Chapman. London 1952): the author stops with with the Russian Orthodox historian Bolotov. In addition. after citing I 33. the policy of the Church. n. cy 36. For Gelasius. by Giles. J. J. again in the Gela- 35. The Churches Separated. Cf. de I'Sglise (Paris 1938). as evidences cite those of our opposition: at this point what is involved are the constitution. 145-155. S. - CHAPTER FOUR des Ostens in okumen. Batiffol. We recommend the collection of texts (accompanied by a brief and very objective status auaestionis) Documents Illustrating Papal Authority A. Leo in order to prevent Constantinople from a closed ecclesiastical autonomy. one may say that the Petrine and Roman St. II of Caspar. Mirbt. I Le schisme byz. various works of Schwartz. isolating herself within was the one taken to up by the Vatican Council: B. c supra. and intr. Lion 4 vis.. which in reality of the Roman synod of 382 (Damasus) and corresponds to the Council of Constantinople of 381 contains a very strong affirmation of the universal (supra n. Batiffol. Kissling. Die Bedeutung Innocenz fur die Entwicklung der pdpstlichen Gewalt (Leipzig 1901). formulated by St. Sicht. Kidd. above the texts assembled by Canon (The Church. The Roman Primacy A. there are the classic surveys by Duchesne. 34. 52-54. n. 96-454 (ed. d'hist. "Oil se trouve le christianisme integral?" Monographs on importance is abound.NOTES 32. Le catholicisme des origines a S. H. Zankov. 461 (London 1936) 153.

"L'Ecclesiologie de S. diss. those of the councils of union. 195. V. christ. $j. Bolotov and N.. dt. Batiffol.. Theodore For Studite. the existence of two different canonico-ecclesiological points of view. in Jugie. Nicephorus. Lebedev. P. n. S. Cf. (Fliche et Mar- See Jugie. c. "La primaute de S. to be placed in the perspective of a simple canonical prima 40. (f 1429) 57: "De B. PL Primatu a theologis byzantinis etiam post schisma consummatum But some of them speak of the assertio. for exam- ple." Angelicum 6 (1929) 47-66. Salaville. c large 41. dogm. Le schisme byz. Hist.San Martin. Palmieri. Besides. op. 21 (1922) i8 43. espanola de Teol I (1940-41) 767-812. fOr. sedes. Jugie. Cf." chos f Orient.597. Much . Romanique of number a rather cites authorities. 39.. see Apologeticus Theol.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Haacke. among others the profession of faith of Uroch III of Serbia addressed to Pope John XXII. recognizes absence and well John's concept of the status of Rome.: a are. this A. A good statement on is the primacy at the turn of the Fourth to Fifth Centuries tin 4) 24if. V. does not quote St. 62 f. to be found in Bardy. sedes* del Papa Honnisdas (514-523). Moulard. Mirbt. Major. "La 'Prima 38. states Jean Chrysostome (Paris 1941) 116.'* Rev.. Petri Ap. Pontif. Jugie. p. Thus. any text and with good reason. II cites only Simeon of Thessalonica ThloL 145. Suvurov. 42. 25 PL 100. good number of these facts and statements however. a great difference primacy in a vague and indeterminate way. oriental. orth. de TEglise. dogm. even in the documents of union may be noted the permanence of what is the cause and actual substance of the schism. J. for instance. 17 (1914) du pape d'apres 23-42. 402f.100. W. Cf. those of A." 6chos St. Die Glaubensformel Jes Papstes Hormisdas im Acacianischen Schisma (Rome 1929). Basile. IV 366f. Le schisme byz. the texts by Orientals and the texts subscribed to noted between be may but not drawn up by them. Le schisme byz. The testimony of the historians should also be noted: cf. Pierre et 94-96. Jugie. 373. S.

Cathedra Petri. "S.. 41-59. et del suoi successors in S. Symonds. (Unam Sanctam 4. (London Moreover.. anc. exercised by the Bishop of Rome derives from the authority of the Apostle the letter of Pope it Peter. II primate di S." Miscellanea P. cathol 19 (1928) 387-404. Theodore Abu-Qarra (Syria.). Giovanni Crisostomo 2nd ed. Jugie. while the this whole question bears on that of the pope and the connection question has with that of Peter. not forgetting Sardica. 29 well illustrates the idea which is a simple statement of facts. Le schisme byz.. and that resides in the Roman n. Primacy 152-53. one even runs across the idea that Peter himself is incarnated in the Bishop of Rome. 1938) 75-76- This idea that Rome de rglise. the question should not be too lighdy dismissed. N. (Rome 1922). Velehradensis (Prague 1912) (but what dealt with here is the primacy of Peter. exercised by the Bishop of Rome. 38. the study by Haacke cited supra Of course. 45. ibid.NOTES - CHAPTER FOUR Card. Et. 18.. cf. 96-97 and 90. Leon le Grand dans Paschini les affaires inte- rieures des ^glises orientales. is Hadzega.. f 867?) Ignatius of Constantinople. Jugie." 193-202. speak of Peter. (Rome 1948) I 77-94- 133 . Le schisme byz. cf. Jean Chrysostome et la primaute du pape. 49. emerges from the (Anglican) book by H. The Church 1939).. Julius to the Eusebians: Athanasius. cited si4pra n. 48. 44. J. See-Formula of Hormisdas. The same may be said of the book 47. Paris and the East do not give the same content to the concept of primacy. 199-214.. Occasionally but rarely.. "Normal relations between Rome and the churches of the East before the schism of the Eleventh Century. For example. by Heiler.. at Nicaea in 867: 46. Apol. Pietro has been written on this subject. Jugie. Batiffol. Some Roman documents accepted in the East expressly argue that the authority Universal and the See of Rome. Siege apostoliaue.. E. 577$ Kidd. Acta II L Conv. "Interventions de S.. Cathedra Petri. 83-84. 35. cited supra n. Rom. special application to the East." The Constructive Quarterly (Dec.. Marini. d'Hist. The texts cited by Jugie. 1916) 645-73: French text in Docum.. The account given by Bardy.

" Das Konzil von Chalkedon of Dvornik." the idea outlined above. art. period. and finally." Oriental. on the practices. mentioned supra of his n. cath.. 76. the Churches of the East reached had compromises... have been taken A Restatement of 51. the claim Primacy dates from the Thirteenth Century." Et. 179 W3) 357-7. But this study by Gordillo has been critizised by Jugie. M. pere La Vie intell (Dec. the accord would have become Cerularius began Unfortunately. outlined for a II 544-54- wider public in several du schisme ou apotre de 1'union?" articles. traditions. in the Had the question remained definitive. "East and West: The Photian Schism. domain of religion. the Churches of the upon them by the politicians. After centWest and the East had managed harmony which had not attained perfection but could endure and be improved. the daily interchanges of the terrain greater portion could become the best token of their unity. Here are the last lines fine study. that the primacy had been affirmed and exercised for centuries without causing the East to interrupt communion. A whole series of usages. See also Jugie. de Theol de Photius. 90-93christ." is not by Photius. schisme byz. n. assured between them normal and peaceful relations. The earlier studies Facts. Pull de la Fac. The reply of the Orthodox to schism. to establish a regime of mutual where their interests might be in opposition. (the polemic: of See the for Rome. "Pho- tius et la primaute de S. 53. "L'opuscule contre la primaute romaine attribue a et d'hist. the ambitions of the Patriarch Michael to clash with the resistance of the legates sent by Leo IX. Le et Primatus Romanus. The Month. ing vistas: "The schism which has shattered which opens such interestour souls was not wanted by the faithful but was imposed uries of fearful crises. de Critique Lyon. Gordillo. relig. "Der Kampf." Bessarione 35 and 36 (1919 and 1920) 121-30 and 16-76. "Photius "To it those who 6 (1940) 6-39. 76." ( up as a whole again in the work cited infra n.. Pierre et du pape.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 50. 1945) 16-38. and there was no longer room for anything but the 54. 2 (Lyon 1948) 43-6o52* C Dvornik. Michel. "Le patriarche Photius.. is generally that communion was pre- 134 . the autonomy of they and the was not incompatible with disciplinary authority of the dogmatic their congregations between Holy See.

in Eastern social history: "La personne et et la liberte" humaines dans Tanthropologie orientale. 20. 92. cf. Lehrb. Jugie. "Chalkedon. Aside from what has been said above. by Nicholas who first made a radical theological is theory of the primacy. N. but contains a seed of truth we will try to take into consideration in the following pages. Schneemelcher. per nos et magnae cum ter sanctam una beatissimo et omni laude synodum. 57. (Apiarius). For the epoch of St. Jugie. vergl. as to the exact position of Photius in regard to this Dvornik. on the Early Papacy i84f. moreover. 451): Mansi." Evangelische Theologie (1951) 241-4562. IV 407." Recherches 1952) Dtbats. see the d.NOTES cisely interrupted - CHAPTER FOUR I. collegia! idea is deeply rooted. II 489-90. Monde byz. 361. 97f. 1950) 81. n. Milasch. The Photian Schism. Mostar 1905) 93-95. E. On by the origins of the permanent synod see a rather unfriendly notice 135 . nudavit eum Dioscorum tarn episcopatus dignitate quam etiam et ab omni sacerdotali ah'enavit ministerio. CIH PL 54. Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte I cf. Jalland. (May 99-n i. a remark of Kattenbusch. 60. Feine. 19. subject. Cf. original and penetrating remarks of Kattenbusch. The cf. 19. VI 1047: "Unde sanctissimus et beatissimus archiepiscopus Romae. Again. cf. per praesentem et senioris digno beato Petro apostolo qui est petra et crepido cathoh'cae ecclesiae et rectae fidei fundamentum. Le schisme byz. Session III (13 Oct. Con- fessionskunde 331-35- 58. Leo. Epist. Das Kirchenrecht der tnorgenlandischen Kirche... This reply in sum. TheoL dogm. Cf. Leo. On the debate with Carthage Chapman. the by Bardy in the Hist." 6j. I am indebted for this juxtaposition to W. account 59.992. dc FJiglise (Fliche et Martin 4) 184. ch. 451-1951. Stud. and n. The Ch. not historically valid. H. 56. 55. 4. cf. Cf. II. 2 ed.. Cf. and (Weimar the Pa- pacy 312. Brhier.

op. For the ulterior development of the institutions: B. 519. Gottesdienst u. n. 64. W. ab episcopis Occidentalibus 136 . in concilio Orientales episcopi quidquid forte statuissent. ne firma solidaque concuterent." 68. n. but they do not pertain to our present theme. 26-27. Mirbt gives as title to n. 45. at. Hist. Pichler. Le schisme byz. Histoire des collections canoniaues en Occident I and also most particularly. wherein are quoted a good number of these canons: "Abgrenzung der Kirche des Ostens gegen das Abendland in Recht. 66. There is a good exposition in Symonds." It would naturally be unfair to say that Rome has never in any way rec- ognized the legitimate differences of discipline between the East and herself. Orient u. kirchl. / Kirchengesch. Sitte. The pronouncements and the facts in this matter are numerous. Geschichte des Kirchenrechts II (Vienna-Munich 1953) 256f. page. CSEL. modica parte quirunt. Ill. "Nee hoc propter bonum quoque justitiae in- non enim ecclesiis consulunt. 63." Zeitschr. quam horret vetus consuetude Ecclesiae. Stephanidis.. ch. M. See the' texts of Collectio antiariana Parisina n. ne subverterent legem nee jura divina turnos iterum illos barent. infra. Brehier. And see. 55. i. des candles II/i. 17 and 26. c it. propterea hanc novitatem mohe- bantur inducere. d. Plochl names the year 692 as a crucial point in his "Periodisierung. qui leges juraque divina (ac) cete- rorum decreta dissolvere perconantur. (Paris 1931) 79. Hist.". 59 and 65: "Verum atque iterum rogabamus. Gesch. LXV. Martin this last 7) 116-25. especially 67. cf. Hist. Le Bras. Photius and Cerularius. The Church Universal and the See of Rome 2091". Milasch. Plochl.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS H. cf. On Chalcedon. Trennung zw. Cf. Leclercq. de l'glise (Fliche et Martin 4) 535f. VII 92f. This important dispute de rglise (Fliche et went on from 905 to 923. Mansi. and Jugie.. P. Founder and G. supra. ne cuncta confunderent atque traditionem Ecclesiae ne quidem in frustrarent. Occident I 87f. c Amann. 65. "Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der Synoden des Patriarchats von Kon- stantinopel. 55 (1936) 127-57. 224.

Feb. the letter of Gelasius. we need not repeat what is today universally admitted. For Nicholas I. Cf. Fleury. Haller. 495 (Jaffe. 54. Id. DC q. important to note that the decisive affirmations cholas I on his authority in regard to the councils. or Thiel I. 1936) (not very favorable to But they contributed to the increasing of papal power and the ideology ecclesiast. Le schisme byz. et thloL 1947. Gordillo. 70. (see our review in Rev. Hartmann. 57-58." Cf. double text in PL 59. Greenslade. and Haller. (Rome 1939) 80. 3 (Friedberg. 63-64. op. 71. 276f.. op. Schism in the Early Ch. 28. that they were not the acts of Rome but of Prankish clerics.. 611). False Decretals by Rome. the bishops tion The pontifical texts as suffragans of the False Decretals treat of the whole world of conformity. Compendium Theol. 38a A decisive passage. Gratian. with the obligaand usages. taken 664). XVI. up again c. We owe this remark.) 74. For example. 6i. Jugie. are to be found in the documents anterior to the "reception" of the cf.. for example. to Hartmann. this It is the contribution of the False Decretals. tit. as well as those concerning the False Decretals. in the Occidental canonical collections I is. expressing that power. This affair has been traced by Heiler. but in discipline is of die Pope. 73. of Ni- On the point under consideration. cf. - CHAPTER FOUR quidquid Occidentalium partium episcopi. op. etc. Orient. philos. Cf. similiter et. Altkirchliche Autonomie. supra n. Concerning the False Decretals. des Sc. 156. und Pseudo-Isidor (Stuttgart Rome).. 137 . Cf. J. Nikolaus I. not only in the faith. ab Orientalibus solveretur. tit. 17 C. seeking to ensure to the Church her independence in regard to the secular powers..NOTES refricaretur. Hist. has shown that the Pseudo-Isidore has the popes using the same imperative terms with the Eastern bishops that they employed in their metropolitan or Western competence. 69. ad Dardanos. Der Primat des romischen Bischofs bei Pseudo-Isidor (Stuttgart 1930) 28. tit. 4th "Discours" at the beginning of Vol. 72. i. 2nd ed.

others. "Origine ibid. "Oil se trouve. 18 (1939) 369-85. this source of the canon law. Martin.. On her side. and Le Amann. 141. Sc. 78. for example. philos. is The Roman Church conforms to her particular usages. 76.) Le schisme byz. loif. divergencies in the This is so. others. Photius wrote to Nicholas I: "The authentic Canons should be kept Providence has called to govern by all. 189. et Grumel. numerous studies resumed in The Photian Schism. art. or less into disuse in the Byzantine Church. op. some of which had already more byz. the canons of Nicaea and Sardica." schisme byz. de >gie. if briefly. In his letters on the Photius affair. Sophia in 879880." PG primacy should outshine 102." Ostrogorsky. various articles and Jean VIII et Photius in DTC. noted the difference of canonico- ecclesiological concepts existing between the Greeks and the Roman legates at the Council of 869-70. V. Even for the there are many details. remarks: "In Rome they seemed to forget the Western the true situation of the Byzantine Church in relation to 77. cited in Jugie. and portions (among of Hist. which have been transmitted by tradition. Church on the canonical plane. Nicholas and his secretary. calling Pope St. Dvornik. Anastasius Biblio- to show the illegalities upon the Decretals of the popes the Byzantine Church totally ignores of which Photius was guilty." 35-6. Now. it is not rare to find thecarius. in fallen d. History and Legend (Cambridge 1948.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 75. the Church of Con- 138 . 2oSf.. Photius had it decreed that each Church should remain faithful to her particular customs: "Each see observes certain ancient customs. the articles (Fliche de I'Eglise Martin 7). See. iSyyf Cf. but principally by those whom have received a share of the those who the and Utter. among in all others faithfully observing them. la controverse sur 1'addition du Filioque au Symbole. Gesch. des Afol 12 (1933) 432-57... has well.. 92-3.616. and that proper. "Y eut-il un second schisme de Photius?" Rev. One of exercise of the best accounts of the development of the is pontifical power that of V. sources which are common. Staates 2nd ed. Papc in the DTC XI/2. cit. Jugie. Jugie. and one should not enter into dispute and litigation on this subject. At the Synod of St.

Staates 267. (1953) 84. 81. Grumel. 10-11. By this reasonthe canonically debatable circumstances of his ing. for example. 126: "The separation of the rglise (Fliche et Martin 7) not yet been consummated in fact as it has been has Rome and Constantinople in the literature. See Michel. op. patriarchate. M. "Bestand eine Trennung der griechischen und romi- schen Kirche schon vor Kerullarios ?" Hist. I 2of. Jugie. op. Jugie. zum griechischen Schisma.' 232-33. Jahrb. des t. 80. and II 22f. too. 42-(ip22) i-ii. 1924 and 1933) cit. "Les preliminaires du schisme de Michel (1940) Cerulaire 5-23. op. und Kerullarios (Paderborn. Humb." La Scuola parazione della cattolica 12-14. byz. - CHAPTER FOUR This formula is 143). ascribes to Sergius Herman. 139 . Ostrogorsky. 170. cit.. 168. 86.NOTES stantinople. Cf. "der heissbliitige Sturmer"). French translation in Jugie. u. 82." Amann." (Jugie. Dvornik. Jugie. Cf. 221. II. 2o6f. Le schisme byz. Michel. bert HumJugie. op. op. 83. and Cerularius. the encyclical addressed by him 113. de two Churches of But Amann does not admit the rupture which Michel. by und Aktenstiicke -sammlungen id'. Jugie. Jahrb. ou la question romaine avant 1054. II 487- 85. 1933. The Photian Schism 145-50. Viller. "Lateinische 321-26 by Jugie. 269. n." Rev. cit. and Byzantion 2 (1926) 615-19. C Humbert On Mirbt. d. Cf. byz. Hist.. cit. Photius justified promotion to the 79. "Le cause storiche della se- Chiesa Greca secondo le piu recenti ricerche. Hist. op. 230. Michel. cit. Brehier. cit. reviewed in 8. unassailable if it is not made to imply that each Church is fully autonomous. 60 (1940) 46-64 (he calls Humbert "Sturmvogel (1053-1054)" der gregorianischen Reform". Gesch. to the Oriental Patriarchs after the Synod of 867. Kerull 2 vis. Jugie.

on the Savigni-Stiftung. op.) 89. ibid. Cf. Michel. Staates." (1952) II 111-27. Laurent. n. Gauss. Jordan. C if. 216. Jugie. For origin of the Dictates Papae (March 1075): J." Studi Gregor- (Rome 1947) 111-35. citt in following note. K. Herman. C V. those of the Gregorian reform. This n. C Norden. 29 (1940) 1-115. Archive^ 25 (1933-34) 61-104 and "Die iani I papstliche Verwaltung im Zeitalter Gregor VII. 2nd (who notes that was not cesaropapism which caused the break. dt. 95. "Cardinal Gregor VII. "I Legati inviati da Leone IX nel 1054 il a Constanti- nopoli erano autorizzati a scomunicare Oriental (cf. Michel. Hist. 263-0*4. Chiesa di Cristo e Romana nelle lettere di Fra Paolo Sarpi (Louvain 1941) 62." Quellen aus ital. d. 94. 77. christ. 92. das erste Rechtsbuch der pdpstlichen a hypothesis Reform (Leipzig 1943). Kanon. Chiesa 93. Rev. art. Abt. Forschg. 23 91. Das Papsttum und Eyzanz (Berlin 1903) 97f." Studi Gregoriani Humbert and the Ecclesia Romana. is the opinion of Michel. "Die Dictatus-Thesen Gregors VII als Unionsforderungen. 90. 74. historique. fyz. im 11. 3* and of Every. 153) that the mandate of the was still valid. und 12.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 87. On the ecclesiological ideas of Humbert and their connection with cf. we Irenikon 1954. Zeitschr. i. de rglise (Fliche ed. Gesch. Amann. Miscell Mercati III 373-96. and 203 Nicetas of Nicomedia. Introd. Cerulario?" patriarca Michele share the opinion of others legates 8 (1942) 209-18. Buffon. op. in his dispute of 1136 with Anselm of Havelberg.\ et Martin it 7) 139^ Ostrogorsky. d. des Kardinals I Michel. Jahrhundert. 140 . "Zur papstlichen Finanzgeschichte u. Cf. Die Sentenzen des Kardinals Humbert. dt 2i2f. "Die folgenschweren Ideen Humbert und ihr Einfluss auf (Rome 1947) 65-92. Ullmann. period. who received the approbation of Brehier. 88. 199 (1948).

1219.) He was therefore counting it from the year 1054. 96. Mansi." (Cf. alone. 141 . D. XXIII. PL 188. Ill 8. Dialog. by her authority: Anselm of Havelberg. At the synod at Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234. the Basileus said: "The schism has lasted for close to three hundred years. 297.NOTES - CHAPTER FOUR reproached the Roman Church for wishing to decide everything.


" Rev. Peber Dondaine. Cf. then at the Council of Clermont. liturgical Here we may Odo add. 3. 252-53. Ill.. (Louvain 1947) I59f. As a sampling of such differences (and not a comprehensive list). linked to the current rediscovery of the Orient as to the interpretation of biblical sources. Thirteenth Centuries). some fortunate successes or at least. Chenu. Rev. the tendency etc. See for example Jugie. in a general way. There were. with conseinsistence aspects of penal cited of understanding Purgatory (c our study quences as to our way of the of the ch. L. Le schisme byz. Sc. we may mention the expression "transsubstantiation" (first employed about 1130). Sc. n. "Hugues de Saint-Cher et k condemnation du 1241. for the Orthodox viewpoint. Such attempts were theologie orientale that of John the Scot. anc. 577. and the tendency to exercise it in sense ofplenitudo potestatis.NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE 1. Mendoza on phil et the Eucharist in the Six- teenth Century. papal power theology development on the supra. et th&ol. towards centralization. Apart from in all his the influence of Denis the Areopagite (who was not followed . and Rech. 19 (1952) 6of. (1947) 170-74. des. "Le siecle:" dernier avatar Melange Aug. Konfesslonskunde. et med. 1095) and. H. "The Aggravation of the Schism. with the condemnation of 1241. Algermissen. the theology Casel. half-successes. indeed. cf. Anselm). the satisfaction (St." Or- thodoxia (Bucharest) 8 (1956) 397-4JO- 2. thtol (1950) 401-2. Thlol. the theology of indulgences (first attested concessions in 1016.. a movement which ended Cf. of the mysteries of Dom 60 and the "new theology". des. en Occident au XIII e F. the restriction of canonizations to the pope.-D. phil. de la M. ibid. following at Union made in the period from the nth to the I5th centuries. in recent times. 39). 258 (Twelfth and Cf. 4. Gafton (in the Attempts Rumanian).

should be enacted. Lord in outward of the soul. Latins. 8. Petavius and Scheeben. Le pontifical.. Povhopat dnodavelv... Elises. the Patriarch Already in 1169-1177. and therefore before the conquest by the Michael Anchialus declared: "Let the Saracen be my things.. 402-26. in the things if I do obey have deserted do not become of one mind with the Kim. C Aubert. Preferring the turban to the the Greeks defended Constantinople without enthusiasm: Diehl. Thierry). P. Gloubokovski cited supra. Ed. Bernard and William of St. Nicholas of Cusa. I shall my God. for I if I and let not the Italian run with me first. 1901-1951) V/2. Scholz. Dositheus. there were the Cistercians (St. (Freiburg i/B." Hofmann. nova 10. Byzantine At the Council of Florence. n. in embracing Patriarchate 184-85. One 144 . de fEmpire byzanttn 199-209.. 70.771: "If the Patriarch invited by us comes we will receive him benevolently and joyfully (to the general Council. (Festg. We are alluding to the distinction established "Gegensatz" and "Widerspruch. II. Concilium Tridentinum Diariorum. will drive away." Journet translates: contrast by Mohler between and contrary. "Eine Geschichte und Kirchenverfassung vom Jahre ." Every. Hist. 870 (Articuli haereticorum. The theologians of Wittenberg were later to find the Byzantine theologians equally ill-disposed. . epistularum. as a beloved brother and one of the principal members On other matters. Kehr). c (Munich 1926) 595-^1 607.. 7." Vnitas C R. actorum. me. Cf. by the authority of the Apostolic See and with the with his advice and the advice of the approbation of the Holy Council. "L'ide*e what enact other brethren. we will du concile et oecumenique comme moyen 3 (July 1950) d'union dans 25-33- les tractations entre Rome 6. 1406. rj harwiaai nore ch. whom he.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS oriental themes). but accept harmony in faith with the second. S. Bishop of said: eyd) Monemvasia (Morea) (Mansi. tractatuum colkctio. tiara. See Epist. 9. XXXI/A 885C). 3.. 5.) of our Church. 7). Byzance. CCXI PL 214. n. Societas Goerresiana n." Papsttutn und Kaisertum.

Luke 24. 145 . (1945 r J 94^) 9- its Strength Weakness n. cf. be rather well shown by the analogy of a pkte with the letter P which is unbreakable because when broken the fragment with P is the pkte.31-2. 20.) has. see the one PG I20. 214. Medecine de la personne 5th. Humbert of Romans. Some Aspects.. (Edit.22if. tamen Graecos id non esse Spiritum credituros. The Roman conception of the unity of the Church. LXVI.. The Church in Modern England could on it it on (New and York its 1908) 202. The popes have by Our Lord.45 and 1. (Edit. 22$. Jalons. 19.CHAPTER FIVE of them.36. 141." Mark Luke 8. Tournier. Jugie. cited in C. d.33. Smyth. should like to quote here some truly irenic texts.NOTES . See Acts 2.1-11. 6f. (Neuchatel-Paris 1941) 21 if. 638-39. and for the sense. pars 2.41-2.. Luke. 15. 5. 218. 22. some particularly interesting formulas. ch. he said.796f. etc. 14.26. Ckude Kempson. i. n. Epist. CSEL) VIII 723. P. Ibid.. We of Peter of Antioch. 243. 12. Brown) II. 16. Theophylactus. Opus tripartitum pars 2. and that of PG I26." (Gavin." Mark 8. 47. F. The Appeal of Rome-. 1 8. edit.) 11. gave them the following response at the beginning of the Eighteenth Century: "Etsi Christus ipse de coelo descenderet. (Brown. 9. Sclnsme Byz. and the imperial recognition (Donatio Constantini). in this respect. II 21 if. Hartel.45 and cp. c. the mention of "patrum often joined to the institution decreta" (the Councils). See Congar. dicens Sanctum a Patre et Filio procedere. The Apostles "those who were with Peter. Jugie. 13. op. 17. 14. Zygomalas. dt. The faithful "those who were with the twelve.

Thirty years before Cerularius. rite. The Church and the Tillmann. Rome seems to have taken the towards a reconciliation in the year Rome avecTOrient 1062: "Le premier contact de apres le schisme de Michel (1952) 21-29. IV. Cf. has given quite a few references on 25. supra. pignus causamque praecipuam illud fidei. 37) while conceiving the union to be more than to the authority of the Roman See. Dei 12 Nov. still did not submission a anything." St. art. 2i6f. dogma West: Hofmann. Rome in the agreed to leave undiscussed the points already defined as art. Innocent Innocent IV (cf. If the reconstruction of events attempted by Grumel initiative is exact. 1933 for 581. fond of elements stressing the of non- 23. Pope John XXI had not been III (c intractable: Jalland. 3. be respectful of the Oriental 97. this subject. cit.. Le schisme lyz. And our "Note surles mots' Eglise.. 29). picture things. Brehier. Cerulaire. col 40of. would of idea the utterly reject Papacy 399. 43 146 . See supra.. 50 and 52.'" Irtnikon 23 (1950) 3-3<5- 22. n. Ch. Docum.. HUNDRED YEARS (infra. efficiens propriores. eorum singular! studio erga magnam Dei Matrem Virginem ac nobisque eos ab baereticis pietate continetur.AFTER NINE 21. passim. mysterium percolamus. At Florence. Encycl Ecclesiam compluribus sejungens. cujus Orientales in tandem sperare Orientalibus Slavis in amorem studiosamque consuetudinem quotquot Slavi Ex quo Ecclesia discessu conservarunt. the third centenary of finally see Sedis 15 (1923) Josaphat: Acta Ap.. ipso a Romana cum vinculum reconciliandae unitatis Alterum licebit. cath. eccUsiast.) and n. as Leo XIII remarked n. Jugie.' et 'Communion." Bull. Litter. in principle. n. cit.' 'Confession. infra. illustrate many of our doctrines by Oriental testimonies. a Uniate Church statute that. 24. Here we may we will restrict ourselves to Pius XI: "Eucharistiae sacraquoting some words of mentum unitatis.. This excellent Christian historian who of in his considerable is work has given perhaps the most exact opposition. Papst Innocenz III. To such effect that.








essentially the conversations held

between between


Orthodox and

the Old-Catholics at


in 1874

and 1875;

the Anglicans and the
tieth Centuries,


in the Eighteenth, Nineteenth

and Twen-

the mixed

the journey of P. Puller in Russia in 1912; the report of commission published in 1932 ; (3) between the Orthodox and

the Catholics,

Russic et Chrstiente, n. 3-4.

We hope to indicate elsewhere
Evidently to be

the documentation and the results of these exchanges.

pointed out


the causes of a better comprehension

the publication,

by Th.

De Regnon,



remarkable Etudes de theologie positive sur

Ste. Trinitt

vols. (Paris 1892-1898).

27. This

was the

decisive matter, if not for Photius himself (Jugie says

"no" in the

article cited supra n. 76,

and in Le

schisme byz. 143-46;


says "yes" in Rev. des

byz. 5 [1947] 218-234), then at least for Cerularius,

perhaps even for the

Irenicals, Peter

of Antioch and Theophylactus (Pal-

mieri, Theol. dogm. orth. II 30-32); again in the attempt at reconciliation

in the year 1062, and, fundamentally, until the Council of Florence (Palmieri, supra

which, moreover, the question of the primacy, perhaps slightly camouflaged, seems not to have caused great difficulty. At the synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234 and at Lyons, the Greeks


82), at

raised only



regarding the Filioque and the Azymes.
gives very


the causes of discord,

Humbert of Romans

place to ques-

of doctrine, and mentions only the

Filioque, (op.

2, c. 18:



Some of the Orthodox do not blame

the Filioque in itself but only

unilateral insertion into the

writing to




Creed; thus, for example, A. S. Khomiakov, Russia and the English Church, ed. Birkbeck,


or Msgr. Gerasino Messara, Greek-Arab Metropolitan of Beyrouth
14 (1911) 48-51. Today, the greater of the Orthodox say that the Filioque is not a heresy or even a

in his letter

of 1910;


&hos d'Orient


dogmatic error but an admissible theological opinion, a "theologoumenon." Thus, in a very positive way, Soloviev; cf. his "Questions" in d'Herbigny
Vladimir Soloviev, Russian
tr. A. M. Buchanan (London 1918) 166. Nicetas of Nicodemia; cf. Twelfth the Century,


early as


Lee, Les idles d'Anselme de Havelberg sur


dtveloppement des dogmes


(Tongerloo 1938) 10 and n. 26; and again, in contemporary times, Bolotov, Florovsky, Boulgakov (cf. Hadzega, "Der heutige orthodoxe Standpunkt
in der Filioque-Frage," ThcoL und Glaube 34, [1942] 324-330)



the references.)


consider that the Filioque, correctly understood,

should not be an obstacle to reunion; thus Lossky, Irlnikon (1938) n. 24,
Eulogius and Svetlov, Rev. des
professors of the
Institut St.


byz. (1953) 162.

Cassien and several
(1950) n. 3-4.

Serge, Russie



could also bring other testimonies to bear.

In touching lightly


the question, Gavin, Some Aspects... 134-143, does not mention such clear

and positive statements emanating from Greek theologians as the sampling of testimonies we have just given, which come almost entirely from
Russian theologians.
29. Thus, for example,
pierre d' achoppement


Msgr. Elias Meniate, Bishop of Zarissa, La Germ. transL Vienna, (1787) cited by De Maistre, C. Pobedonoscev; Pape, 417; the Procurator of the Holy Synod,

Prince G. Troubetskoy (cited

by Th.




period. 2

Put (1924) 95, n, i; Boulgakov,


1929) 47-48.


these let us


the following text of Leo XIII: "Si pauca excipias, sic cetera consentimus, ut in ipsis catholici nominis vindiciis non raro ex doctrina, ex more, ex

quibus Orientales utuntur, testimonia atque argumenta promamus.
dissidii caput,

Actes de

de Romani

Pontificis prirnatu..." Letter Prae-

clara gratulationis,


20, 1894: Acta 14 (1895) 199; ed. B. Presse, Lettres




30. Cathedra PetrL. 79. Cf.

our preface to Photius by Dvornik, 17-21.




of these would be impressive.

Very many

studies exist;


will cite only, besides


in the following note,




n. 35., the rapid survey

of Smit, Roma

e fOriente cristiano,

L'azione dei Papi per funita delta Chiesa
32. Cf. Hergenrother,

fiber die


Neue Studien

Trennung der morgenlandi-


und abendlandischen Kirche (Wurzburg 1865) KSpfi Papsttum und Byzanz. Die Trennung der beiden Machte und

Norden, Das


einigung bis

zum Untergang des byzantinischen Reiches (1453) (BerUn 1903). See also Jugie, Le schisme byz. 197, 252; Fliche, "Le probl^me oriental au

second concile ceoimenique de Lyon,


Melanges de Jerphanion,



Vffier, "La question de 1'Union christ. period. 13 (i94?) 475-85 ^ a celui entre Grecs et Latins depuis le concile de Lyon jusqu

de Florence, 1274-1438," Rev. fHist.

17 (1921) 260-305, 5*5-32;

(1922), 20-60.





n. 70.

33. P.




La Maison-Dieu 26

(1951/2) 159-

34. See

G. Goyau,

dans I'Europe libre (Paris 1920). L'tiglise libre

collection in A. d'Avril, very interesting but incomplete Documents relatifs aux glises de rOrient considerees dans leur rapports avec
35. See the

Saint-Siege de


the list (Paris 1862); again

of documents, complete

within the indicated limits, with quotations from important passages, "De unitate ecclesiae orientalis et occidental restituenda, in


de re Sedis ultimi saeculi (1848-1938) illustrata," Periodica 5. Sedes See also A. Korenec, morali, canonica, liturgica 28 (1939) 209-33. et disciplinae graeco-catholicorum agitur de Calendario (Vienna 1916). Apostolica



For documents on the union of Brest, sometimes unjustly criticized by cf. the Orthodox, for it was based on respect for the rites and customs, Christ, Oriental mit Ruthenen Rom," Hofmann, "Wiedervereinigung der of the attitude of the 125-72. And, for an overall view 3

Holy See and


development, c

Aubert, Le Saint-Siege


funion des

[Chrttientd nouvelle] (Brussels 194?)-

36. It


clear in Aubert, op.


83; cf.


"Eglises orientales,

Unites 2 (July 1949) 17-27. catholiques et dissidentes,"


For Photius,


the Bulgarians, supra ch. IV, n. 57; for


n. 58.

In the dealings carried out under Innocent IV (who, for his part, sacrificed of the Orient), the Greeks accepted the following condithe Latin


tions: recognition


of the papal primacy, oath of obedience of the Greek obedience to the decisions of the pope in so far as they be not contrary

to the canons

of the Councils, the


curia as jurisdiction

of appeal,

the right of the pope to preside over Councils, and to vote first at these; cf. Norden, Das Papsttum... 369. Complete this with Hofmann, "Patriarch

von Nikaia Manuel


an Papst Innozenz IV,"

Oriental, christ. period.



150 . tact. both the official organ of the Vatican and the daily and periodical Catholic press have commented upon it with interest and at length.. were handled respectfully and with correctness The press and dignity of the articles that appeared in the Catholic incontestably produced an excellent impression in Orthodox circles. we will here quote these lines that end the splendid collection of the Proces-verbaux du Premier Congres de Thlologie orthodoxe a Afhenes.-6 Dec.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Msgr. declared that the Oriental Churches. 145- 39. 1936 (Athens 1939) 506: "We have noted with particular joy that in reporting the Erst Congress of Orthodox Theology in Athens. The Relations of the Anglican Churches. while remaining autocephalous. Op. Irtnikon (1955) 173- 38. G. 95." 40. could (i953) 59-70as authoritative as A church dignitary nevertheless find their place in Catholic unity.. It i s true that no least excuse for displeasure was given the Catholic Church during the sessions of the Congress. the divergent points. as On the contrary.. they came up for discussion.. Douglas. 29 Nov. cit. Cf. as This will perhaps serve on later occasions a first important step toward bringing about a good attitude and a Christian and holy understanding between the two Churches. Since they state an exact fact and express very significantly a true feeling. Calavassy.



speprofessor of theology cializing in ecclesiology and ecumenical direc- problems. be healed. THE AUTHOR Fr. come to an understanding of Rome and the West. The West must it is. TYPOGRAPHICAL NOTE After M'ne Hundred Years is set in Aldine Bembo 270. He is the foundg/and tor of the collection UnawSanctam and week of each year has participated by preaching and conferences in the prayer for Christian Unity. Jacket design by Johannes Troyer . Since 1931 he has been at Saulchoir. the young humanist poet. originally designed by Aldus Manutius in Venice for a small tract of Pietro in 1495 Bembo. which finally re- sulted in Caslon Old Face. became a Dominican in 1925. Yves Congar was born in Sedan in 1904 and after studies at the Institut Catholique in Paris. Only in such an atmosphere of love and forgiveness of the past can the most grievous wound the Church has ever suffered.continued from front flap 'understanding. in turn. accept the East for what and the East must. later Cardinal and secretary to Pope Leo X. Later forms became the basis for the adaptation of Garamond.

CZ 1 26 269 .