Yves Cougar, O.P.


traditional date of the beginning

is h eri 1054, the Papal Legate placed on the altar of

of the Oriental Schism


Santa Sophia the Bull of Excommunication of Michael Cerularius, the Patriarch of Constantinople. In this book,

Congar shows that the seeds of


formal break were sown
turies before




as a

when the creation of BySecond Rome, the Crown-

ing of Charlemagne as Roman Emperor, and the knife-thrust of Islam divided

East and West politically. Further, in
the course of the centuries,

East and

West had developed each





intellectual milieu: divergent

ways of thinking, a

vastly different un-

derstanding of the nature of The Church and an ever growing distrust and disdain.




of the

Crusades further aggravated the wounded feelings of the East, so that there

a comgrew up an "Estrangement* plex of suspicion, distrust and separa-

tism between the


parts of Christen-







of this

Estrangement that Fr.


finds the

essence of the Schism.



toward the





by Pope John XXIII in the EcuCouncil he has announced

must be taken




continued on backfldp

3 1148 00458293?


2 3 193

'*' ? -..270*3 C74af 66-11902 Congar After nine hundred years ' 1 ' 'i .*'!!<!:' . ..


. Our Lady and the Church 1957 1957 Lay People in the Church.BY THE SAME AUTHOR Divided Christendom: A Catholic Study of the Problem of Reunion. 1939 Christ.


Francis Cardinal Spdlman York Censor Librorum Sept. Goodwine. J. L'figlise Les tglises EDITIONS DE CHEVETOGNE. No implication is contained therein that those who have granted the Nihil obstat and Imprimatur agree with the contents opinions or statements expressed. \ 1959 FORDHAM UNIVERSITY PRESS Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 59-15643 . originally published as part et of 1054-1954. D.A Neuf cents Translation of ans apres. Archbishop 26. IMPRIMATUR C. of New The Nihil is obstat and Imprimatur moral are official declarations that a book or pamphlet free from doctrinal or error. NIHIL OBSTAT John A. BELGIUM.



" it seemed to us would be an excellent preparation Christians. O. made known to the world his intention of convoking an Ecumenical Council which would be "an invitation to the separated Christian It Communities that to find unity. 1959.PREFACE On still January 25. As a result of his long and studies profound of the relations of East and West from Father Congar has seen. cul- vn . a date between which for long has been accepted as that of the break Rome and Byzantium. His Holiness Pope John XXIII. The year 1954 marked the ninth centenary of the excom- new material and to bring munication pronounced by the legates of the Holy See against Michael Cerularius. Patriarch of Constantinople. the the earliest days of Christianity. in the opening months of his pontificate.P. if for the reconciliation of Eastern and Western we were to assist in making available in an English translation the masterly study of Father lished in 1954. tic Yves Congar.. many political. first pub- We were fortunate in receiving the enthusias- approval of Father Congar for the project and he has been kind enough to supplement his original text with considerable up to date the already abundant bibliography and copious notes of the first edition. and exposes with luminous clarity.

VIII . thought. under the guidance of the Holy to take place. the original work. closed men's minds and. has been Paul Mailleux. Through the collaboration of the staff of Fordham Univ- ersity Press and that of the Russian Center of Fordham University. Even after that memtural. to respect and to love one another. S. inevitably brought about went own way.J. which in French its is so rich and suggestive in the conciseness of carefully translated into English. Congar was Separation growing in it the minds and hearts of men before took place in the pages Spirit. and ecclesiological influences orable date. caused serious breaches of charity. reconciliation If. he shows us the numerous occasions when a lack of mutual understanding. oblivious and unaware of the in the acceptance of this estrangement that Father finds the real Oriental Schism. It is centuries. each for what they are. resulting from deeply-rooted psychological prejudices. long before 1054. for its Ignorance it and disdain lasting that each other. it a is will surely begin and grow under the warming rays of Divine Charity and men will learn to understand. of History. unfortunately.which have tended. to bring about an estrangement between the Oriental and the Western Churches.

III. De IX . pace divisi. junctifide.i. Bernard of Clairvaux Considerations. et qui nobiscum sunt noliscum non sunt. St.Graeci.

Figures in the text refer to notes beginning on page pi. .

the Oriental schism. this date is more a symbolic than is historical one. 1054. an indeed a memorable date in the history However. The following pages will once again illustrate the thesis." If our rough outline is accurate." respectively. It can be defined according to the . from which we are accustomed to date "the beginning of the Reformation. that July. Only number of facts and significant references have been marshalled here for the purpose of suggesting to theologians and churchmen some thoughts on the nature of the "Oriental schism. canonically unfortunately." pretend to bring any new information to the historian familiar with the events called to mind: marking the These pages do not as he will more is likely be inclined to correct and complete what a certain but a rough sketch revealing the limitations of the non-specialist. 1789. Not that the words do not express something very real: historically. or July 14." or "the beginning of the French Revolution.CHAPTER ONE THE CENTURIES-OLD ESTRANGEMENT OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES The year 1054 of the Church. is a fact. such as are the dates of October 31. and theologically. rather generally acccepted 1 today. cannot be put down beginning of the "Oriental Schism. 1517. those two words can with justification be placed within quotation marks.

needless to say. we can determine quite accurately when may be summed up as the union of Rome on the basis of a recognition and where schism has occurred. the problem becomes far more complicated. Legitimate authority can act while being also a local church which wrongly: yet one may not separate oneself from it and the final wrong lies always on the side of those who cause separation. and many others without the use of quotation marks. something else too: as she has an belongs to the union of the Universal Church.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS canonical and doctrinal criteria of the Catholic Church. The separation may likewise be attributed to any one of the local churches with the exception of the Church of a local church. is Rome. autonomous and decisive value. Those criteria are simple: they with the Apostolic See of its primacy as coining from Christ and the Apostles." most important of which we ing pages. is That at once. we accept unequivocally. in the various Eastern . or even in a consistent manner. We would speak of the schism of Photius. When is a dispute concerns a church or an ensemble of chur- ches and not merely an individual or individuals. the "Oriental schism. shall try to suggest in the follow- borne out by the fact that the break-up had begun before Photius and Cerularius. not so with the The latter cannot be put in the same it former: the with presents an original problem category with elements and values involving other considerations. at stake is when what an historical situation which involves the complex reality of 2 collective rather than individual responsibility. that it was not completed after the latter's time and was not concluded all this is so. the schism of Cerularius. In the light of these. for she. criteria which.

There were many differences and many inconsistencies existing from place to place. quantity. some- . carried to a certain degree. Cerularius and even before Photius him- According to Marxist dictum. On the other ity. never has been totally carried through. or as a state of hostility inaugurated a single by and definable act even though followed by tem- porary but complete and satisfactory reconciliations be a fiction to which the facts do not correspond. To present it as a declaration of war to which a date can be assigned. the instances of union are so numerous between the year 1054 and the Council of Florence. in a sense. was not completed with him and. that it is even less correct to speak of total separation merely punctuated some happy union still accidents. 5 moreover. This time. union was not rejected at once and 6 immediately everywhere. One hand. Many instances by of existed4 even after the rejection of the Council of Florence by the Eastern churches a date which. or by exceptions. before Michael 3 Constantinople or another portion of the East. often been said before. best chronological reference would be the of mark for the true beginning the schism. were it absolutely necessary to indicate a beginning. Very often. The fact remains that this "Oriental schism" which began before Cerularius. or even with Rome. local churches broke the union with other churches. there would As has were numerous breaches between Rome and self. modifies the category and becomes qualcannot consider 217 years of separation in 506 years of history without realizing that this does not mean normal union simply interrupted by accidents.THE ESTRANGEMENT churches. however. the instances of union were sufficiently exceptional to warrant speaking of them as fortuitous happenings.

but a further task interpretation must be undertaken. the theological of the great facts of history. If nothing more than task the analysis of the notion of schism were involved. of schism and the unity But when one passes from the sin of schism personally and formally committed. at least since the Fourth Century and even before. It is in this framework and according to these dimensions that the "Oriental schism" must be interpreted. sanctioned by but a first Ecumenical Council (Nicaea. The indivisible character of old ecclesiological principle. of concrete situathe one under discussion the "Oriental schism" tions such as and the situation in the Oriental which the Roman Catholic Church. An essential fact emerges from all this: the "Oriental schism" extends over a long period of history. 7 5). monolithic. the It would be relatively simple and easy. not only when recounting its history. various churches that had different the among one communion is an canon of the it is another. far as from having always been well. the "Oriental schism" cannot be dealt may say so. Can. however. would it suffice to define the sin which destroys. find themselves and in relation to the unity to in relation to each other be promoted. attempting to give a theological interpretatheological analysis of the notion of schism can be considered to have been made and rather well. namely.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS times. and entity. while they either remained in communion with. if I applied. and Church separated from Rome. but even tion when The of it. or broke relations away from. to Christian com- . they maintained union among themselves and with Rome. in many respects it is coextensive with the very history of the Church. From this viewpoint with as a homogeneous.

munities in a state of schism, the thing becomes rather complicated. In this connection, Monsignor Journet has



aftd extremely interesting study,


which remains,

made how-

the plane of a theological ever, presentation of typical cases or typical circumstances. Would it not be desirable to


extend the

effort to a theological interpretation

of history


of the


reality implied by the words "Oriental schism ?"


in the theology

of schism per


the one




away is absolutely in the wrong, here the wrongs are not on one side, as Humbert of Romans remarked long ago. 9 The aim of these pages is to suggest to theologians a few
elements of an interpretation of the historical reality of the "Oriental schism." Briefly, the "schism" appears to us as
the acceptance of a situation

by which each

part of Christen-



behaves and judges without taking notice one of

the other.

We may

call it

geographical remoteness, provin"state

cialism, lack

of contact, a



reciprocal ignorance,"


12 The by the German word "Entfremdung."


word "estrangement" expresses all this quite admirThe Oriental schism came about by a progressive

estrangement: this is the conclusion to which the following analysis seems to lead us.

For several reasons
treatment in



restricted the extent

of our



would have

necessitated a

by omitting developments which more thorough elaboration of
that the present account


to questions; secondly,

does not pretend to be exhaustive; third, and principally, to indicate the tentative, quasi-hypothetical character of our

what we have




really in the

realm of

basic research.


thus consciously accept the risk of being

reproached for schematization,

when we

frankly merely


and the various aspects, causes, or manifestations of the global continuous fact of this estrangement, and likewise give unequal development to the different respective sections which


sometimes limit to simple notations, even when they deal with quite important points. shall begin by examining the outward the historical framework, and then


proceed to the core of the question by examining, in
order, the political, the cultural,


and the

ecclesiological factors.






division of the

Roman Empire





had already been the Tetrarchy of Diocletian in 292. However, the split that is here under study, the seed of which was indisputably planted by Conperhaps inevitable for there
stantine, finally

had an


on the Church





it is

important that
this act


understand the cause and the

consequences of

of Constantine, of creating


capital in Byzantium.

not to be found merely in the fact of a new capital in Byzantium, in the early years of the Fourth Century, but in the vast complex of ideas and practices which linked




of the Empire with the essential realities of the Church: an identification of the center of the Church
the essential

with the center of the Empire, a joining of the highest ecclesiastical reality of the Church to the highest civil reality

of the Empire, which united the whole life of the Church to the Emperor and to his authority. It was a concept of a

Church within the framework of the Empire, to become as it were, the Church of the Empire, much more than a mere

According to this system. The intentions of Constantine are not in question: the Oriental Church canonized him. something else and more. cially the popes. of the pagan system giving the Emperor the matters as well as in civil of Sovereign in religious The separation of powers it was unknown characteristic in antiquity. the role in the matter of worship. as they would say a "symphony. tion. system which became Christian only in the person of the Emperor. or. The thesis of Am. 3 The quasi-sacerdotal role of the Emperor and its effect on the theological concept of a universal church. but became an acquisition of the Middle Ages. and which was transferred in large part to the shores of the Bosphorus. Gasquet needs to be rewritten in the light of new knowledge about Byzan- tium which indeed general lines have only recently acquired. of the two powers.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS parallel existence in the East. consists of some very extensive elements quality affairs. 2 But the of Gasquet's thesis remain solid and are corro- we borated by the studies of others. there can be absolutely no doubt about his religious But it still is the old pagan sincerity and his Christian faith. the Christian ideal. But Constantine achieved it something else and he has transmitted through many cenIt turies to the Christian world. Such has been. espeto line up the facts. mysteries and preached the Emperor had a sovereign Not that he celebrated the word of God as do priests al- though the Byzantine Basileis often delivered veritable ser- . especially in the West." 1 Such is the Christian interpreta- according to which the best men of the Church. try and still is. through the action of the papacy.

The charge of the Emperor. in an Established Church.POLITICAL FACTORS mons and was more of the intervened in dogmatic questions 4 : his situation to be compared to that of Elizabeth of England according to the syth of the Basileus XXXDC Articles. created or modified the ecclesdistricts and the episcopal Sees. was simultaneously coercive exercised in matters of religion and was therefore bounds of State. "Bishop from with8 out. . this power existed and was exercised in the domain of the Church. It could perhaps be debated whether such an interpretation of the famous declaration of Constantine. make these attributes practically Imperial. and above all gave the value of Imperial law decisions in our opinion the essential point. there was the danger that the juridical attri- butes of the Church. for the organization of the Ecumenical the Empire") exercised his Church ("Ecumenical" "of and for the regulation of her life. but the person quasi-sacerdotal. It is well known that the Emperor appointed the instead patriarchs iastical But of Constantinople. convoked Councils. was. the power of the of confining itself to the temporal order. ecclesiastical. almost 5 episcopal character. we should be inclined to do so for what there rather than for the When things. his sov- ereignty. meaning in the episode of the words. and not Apostolic. declared to their supervised the proceedings of their deliberations." should be accepted. 6 Thus. meaning the Patriarch Nil wrote in an act of 1380: "The is of real historical literal authority of the Basileus regulates by law exterior and visible while the Church is experienced in the things within. It but kept itself within the power. however. had a was more sacred. the Emperor 7 Seen in authority conjointly with the bishops. this perspective. the aspect of authority and coercion that she bears as a society would. them closed. in effect.

Moreover. But hesitate over the ecclesiological implications of both Constantine's invention and the Patriarch's formula. before Diocletian. It is promoted poEmperor which the Christian very serious persecution. unity for the Church. dividing into two great administrative domains.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the things of the soul (of the rog)" 9 he was giving a theological formula one may of the situation created by Constantine. we The question is certainly more intricate than that. as V. through Constantine. the unity of the 10 . thereby provoking a unity. we must not forget "the stupendous wealth of canonical tradition of the Orthodox Church. The Empire. a certain incapability of perceiving how the "visible" and inability parti- "exterior" are themselves of the Church an 12 cularly felt in the Slavophile systematization has its origins in the sequence of events that we shall try to retrace. and it in- volves a whole complex of thought. In Divided have advanced the idea that the Byzantine ecclesiology had. 10 Christendom. At thesis this point also 13 of Jalland. along with the legislation that stemmed to the from the "Edict of Milan. an entirely mystical idea of the Church. and litical unity: the cult of the refused. Diocletian organized it it. and thanks role played by the Emperor in the Church. Lossky has rightly remarked. even so. and refused to develop its juridical aspects. then and above all. was more or less a federation of cities and provinces. to begin with. cannot refrain from mentioning the This writer has placed the question of we the papacy and the Roman primacy in the framework of the problems posed by the need for unity unity for the Empire. Perhaps." 11 aside from the properly theological treatises. was same perspective of a the actions of Constan- a means toward into this policy of unity for the Empire that tine may be fitted." Thenceforth.

the Church had existed as something of a federation more exactly. especially a unified pire. in these cases. from then on part of the ecumenical life of the Emfound it But in a unified Empire. tion as Jalland shows. one properly ecclesiastical. particularly in the case Church. In an Empire that was provincial. This entire evolution. such a sit- semi-clandestine regime adapted itself rather well to the uation. 14 if we interpret them in the light of this question: "Will the ecumenical authority in the Church be the Apostolic institution and tradition. which cise. The crisis. continued to present a grave problem for the Church. thinks Jalland. could more independently assert the right to regulate the canonical life of the Universal Church In this respect. a veritably was to become decidedly acute when Rome. ii all without appeal. that flowed from an Apostolic law. that Empire had become Christian in the person of the Emperor. or will it be the dogma of the Emperor?" The persistent theme of the Popes' opposition to the Basileus and the Patriarch of Constantinople was their refusal to accept the idea that any exercise of juridical part of the Church in power on the the Empire derived from some po- litical it or imperial statute. A great many happenings of the Fourth and Fifth Centuries become clear. a fraternity or a union of local churches. necessary to eleborate her ecumenical organiza- and her theory of ecumenical authority. the Church. politically eman- cipated from the Empire. it is of supreme authority in the Universal the divine prerogative of Rome to exerendemic one after Nicaea.POLITICAL FACTORS Empire was sought within the Christian framework. the events which were . taking account of the delays permitted and the circumspection observed in regard to a mortally-wounded paganism. They insisted.

mentally an ecclesiological concept. the Donatio Constantini. These and other data which reveal the ecclesiological history social and of the West. but was fundadico-political aspects (Illyricum. did not erect against her the barriers of a Christianity that already as a center and even as a a secular culture existence. Among these events were: the Church more effectively conversion of the barbarian kings and peoples upon the whom end of Church depended in the West (a fact that was resented in Constantinople. based on the institution . Roman. which was Latin and. to which we will refer later on. In this. in the peoples who unique She had complete freedom to realize. and had its own of a unified Church. she obeyed her profound vocation. a life finally. the emergence of Pepin the Short and Charlemagne. and the establishment of the Normans in the southern part of Italy to the direct injury of Constantinople. and the fact.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS to render the independent of Conhave their ecclesiological stantinople and the Basileus were to and canonical repercussions.of Our Lord and on the presence of the Apostles Peter and Paul. which Baumstark 15 stresses. that in a West occupied by the barbarians Rome appeared source of civilization. she was likewise favored by various factors that were both political and natural: the Roman genius. Rome followed the logic of a Universal Church centered round its primacy. the ideological and sentimental heritage of Imperial Rome. provided the 12 . a step which provided the context for the affair of Michael Cerularius. Thus the relations between Rome and Constantinople have often represented so many occasions for a struggle and a competition wherein the point at issue sometimes had jurithe Bulgars). as was clearly noticeable at the the Sixth Century).

In the East what is first envisaged are the local chur- ches. had from the beginning oriented people's minds towards the idea of a communion or fraternity of churches. 17 The idea of an organization of the Church on a universal plane. however. ecumenical rise in that sense. on the contrary. with own liturgical language and their autonomy. one prays for the unity ofjiie 13 Church ("pro . 16 triarch The of the authority of the Ecumenical Pa- (authority de facto stronger than authority de jure]. authority displayed an independence towards the Basileus. to begin with. Christianity developed from the beginning in various regional and very ancient cultures. while the existence of local churches. it was the idea of a Church of Empire. with an appropriate hierarchical court of appeal. In the West. then the exigencies of their communion are postulated. the aggressive contact with Islam made Byzantium consolidate herself as a nation confronting other national powers. which prevailed. had not the least chance of finding favor in Eastern thought. Baumstark notes with subtlety 1 8 that the West approaches ecclesiastical reality in an analytical way. according to the extent that (and this Constantinople extent varied according to political destinies). even in the times. This ecclesiology.POLITICAL FACTORS ecclesiology of the Universal Church with every chance to take hold in that part of Christianity. dominated There. "took place within the their framework of the Imperial Moreover. the whole is posited. ran the grave risk of being seriously tinged with Latinism and juridicism. and the Byzantine Church thus became a national Greek Church. then the particular communions are conceived of as parts of this whole. (more numerous than is often thought) this when idea. In the East. with the ecclesiological risks pointed out above.

as a scandal. among the Eastern Churches it is impossible not to be struck by a certain lack of any uneasiness or discomfort in the midst of multiple and often. sed fidem one prays "for the prosperity of the holy Churches of God/' 19 In the West. On the other hand. separation all the more kind of amputation which mutilates the body. at one time or another. in the East. the ecclesiological acqui- of the West (an ecclesiology of the universal Church and a hierarchical court of appeal.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Ecclesia tua sancta catholica. quam pacificare. the ecclesiological significance of the local Church...". 20 and still For sitions all these reasons others. concrete given fact local diversity."). in the East. is it is the felt In the West. rather long interruptions of communion. die first and Ecclesiae tuae. a is the total unity. una cum famulo tuo papa nostro. adun- are et regere digneris toto orbe terrarum. which has unceasingly inspired Eastern thought. as a family reunion can be a reunion in which many things can. has played a smaller part in this half of Christendom. in the East. likewise universal and apostolic in origin) have remained foreign to the East.' The politico-religious thought of the Emperors and the people 14 . The position taken by Constantinople in regard to Rome was largely fostered by the powerful Roman ideology that had been transferred to Constantinople.. custodire. prevent one or the other member from taking part. unity is regarded more as an ideal. The pagan concept of the Roman Empire and as the Byzantine ideal of the Emperor God's representative. In fact. the 'New Rome. centered on the mystery and the sacrament. "ne respicias peccata mea..

Rome regarded with coolness. affected to ignore. there was in Byzantium the consciousness of continuing the Roman Empire. from the Eighth Century onward. one of the most harmful pieces of forgery known to history (and not merely to the history of Rome). 25 Likewise. and not from the Apostolic Byzantium retained all the more the logic of her positions 15 by retorting with her . mentators. = and ideological framework of a Church of Empire. but it devolved from his action. there had conse24 quently also been a transfer of ecclesiological primacy. has often been emphasized by the com22 23 It was inevitable. the especially in the actual very ones that are generally and quite simply classed under the heading "ambition of the Patriarchs of Constantinople. (P(DfjLa. that the idea of Constantinople as New Rome should entail ecclesiological and canonical consequences. the Donatio in seeking to check an Emperor." We will return to this later in our comments. moreover. this. since by argument ad hominem. in order to hold back the spread of this idea. it was reasoned. which betrayed the very cause of Rome. If there had been a transfer of Empire. The theme has been treated in many publicathat tions. New Rome was not of Constantine himself.loq Byzantine). 26 It was a weapon. presents the dignity of Peter and his successors and the privileges attached to that of an Emperor position as emanating from the political power 27 institution. too. Rome made use of the famous Donatio Constantini. 21 of the Patriarchs and clergy was to be The idea of Constantinople as the Along with the immense prestige of Rome. or rather the idea of Constantinople as a New Rome. and the transference of all the rdgis of ancient Rome to Byzantium. Needless to say. the canonico-theological thought affected later.POLITICAL FACTORS was to be affected first.

30 Christian society thus the Byzantine Basikis affirmed their right to the obedience of the barbarian and pagan kings themselves. Despite his weakness in theology. at least from 16 . one sole one monarch corresponds on of these ideas have been earth. it covers the whole world and ated. beyond the frontiers of the Empire. 28 The transfer of the ideology of Rome to Byzantium constituted for the East and for a Church of Empire a principle all the more powerful in that it was reinforced by what we may call the "unitarian" ideal or idea. all the aspects of life. It embraces in a and of the Kingdom.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS own argument from the Tenth Century onward. passing through Philo Ju- daeus down to Eusebius of Caesarea. It also prevailed in the West. the influence of Eusebius cannot be exaggeris in the image of the Heavenly of Heaven. by right at least. According to this government and the terrestrial order of things imitate celestial government and the celestial order of things. 31 Indeed. there can be on earth but one order. politeia unique order. one power. a thesis could be developed on the idea of sovereignty which resulted from it. idea. of which the custodian is the image justice. and representative of God. the thinker who it has expressed the idea most theologically ly to the Christian by applying precise- Empire of Constantine. and by relying v upon the Donatio to affirm that Constantine had transferred all the rd^iq to Constantinople. to one God in Heaven. including that of making decisions in ecclesiastical affairs. By right. This "unitarian" ideology reigned in Byzantium. The origins traced29 from Aristotle (whether in the original text which ends the Metaphysics or in the "plato nizing" text found in De Mundo). one truth. under the authority of the Emperor. terrestrial therefore.

" And. For opposing the Byzantine Basileus there arose another "Emperor. first in Canon law in the Eighth to Eleventh Century finally in then in theology by the Vatican Council. The instances are almost innumer- Here we need interest ourselves in these themes only from the viewpoint of the estrangement. which we will try to understand in its origin and development. considering the total Christian world. first of all to the profit of the Emperor (from Charlemagne to the profit to Gregory VII). in the Thirteenth Century and dogma. It might not go beyond the facts to state that vailed the idea of a transfer Byzantium there preof the universal sovereignty of in God to a "unitarian" order. A great many things in the part history of Christianity may be explained if one keeps this "unitarian idea" in mind. Rome But many under barbarian rulers: treason oj the ideal episodes in the history of Western Christianity ideal just defined.POLITICAL FACTORS the Eighth Century onward. progressively expressed in occasional assertions of power. but this transfer was more im- perial than ecclesiastical. have completely betrayed the Byzantine 17 . in as far as very structure. opposing the Emperor and finally confronting any monarch claiming to be the sovereign head of the Christian world. able. the pope raised a higher claim. but it remained in the order and social features of the entirely mystical of prayer and sacraments. there was not merely one "unitarian" order but two: therefore. 32 Besides. then rather of the Pope not without claims asserted on the of the temporal monarchs. The idea that the unity of the Kingits dom should be reflected in the Church. the visible was not applied Church were concerned. one too many.

happened in the Eleventh Centshort. In while rendering momentary homage to the Byzantine idea and to the legitimacy of the 35 the West completed its unique claims of Constantinople. which continued only in Constantinople. that there was "an Emperor of the 36 Scqgks" and "an Emperor of the Romans"! Here the estrangement is between two worlds simultane- ously political it and is cultural: the Byzantine world which affirms that the legitimate continuation of Rome. and by the Latinized barbarian world. To begin with.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS We generally blame both sides in this betrayal. the West fell the domination of the barbsgigns and was captured. Rome does not accept Constantinople. it has also been said that the Basikis lacked a feeling of solidarity with the West which they abandoned to its destiny save for a few 33 They also attempts such as the grandiose one of Justinian. barbarian Rome could be considered as no longer a part of the Empire. they did not accept the West for what it was. The two worlds do not accept each other. ury with the Normans. and as no longer expressing the Roman idea. Better itself still. Con18 . But it is evident that the West was the more at fault regarding the Roman under idea transferred to Constantinople and the "unitarian" ideal embodied in the Empire. Rome the West and Rome itself "went over to the barbar- ians" in the sense that ation. 34 Ozanam expressed in his famous declarThe Romans allied themselves with the enemies of as. but in reality so far Germanic and barbarian: Pope John XIII was to go as to write in 967. an betrayal by creating Emperor supposedly Roman. lacked an historical sense. if we may use a modern expression. Thus. the Empire for example. spiritually dominated Apostolic and Papal Rome. and were too prone to assume an attitude of contempt.

What happened. although the "idea of way Rome" had for Charlemagne.POLITICAL FACTORS stantinople does not accept the that this least as West as it is. toward the elements." at considered in Byzantium. mercial point of view. which Imperial. Apart from the economic consequences that have been adduced. the Mediterranean had become a Mohammedan domain. essentially. existed until the Seventh Century despite barbarian invasions. the Carolingian epoch lags in comparison with the Merovingian epoch. says Pirenne. within the West. It territories inhabited by Germanic was in this sense that Mohammed prepared the Thus. Roman. commerce and Roman-Byzantine sea.West. and the retreat of the West within a closed domain. and. that were still in contact with the Greek world.aiid. a unifying agent between the two parts of the Christian world. and the consequent interruption of free exchange. from the Italic and Provencal regions. was the conquest by Islam of the Mediterranean shores and the islands of Crete. in the sense THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST CAUSED BY THE SPREAD OF ISLAM Let us in his now his consider the famous thesis of Henri Pirenne 37 In his wonted sweeping the combines manner. and rather feels West of has betrayed "the Roman idea is of unity. a dis- placement of the economic and cultural life of the Sputh towards the North. to say. From a com- Mohammed and Charlemagne. maintaining the 19 . this decisive Instead of being a event brought about two great happenings: a breach betweenJEast. Sicily and Malta. theory explanation of spiritual factors with an' examination of economic factors.

with Rome. 38 and some Byzantine scholars have adopted been seriously questioned. the Mohammedan itself. it empire. the Mohammedan conquest finds a place among the causes of that estrangement which in so great a measure caused the "Oriental schism. the barbarian invasions in particular. both political and of Constantinople quite naturally tried to regroup under their authority the remnants of Christendom spared by the conquest 41 Byzantium beecclesiastical. the national character of the Greek Church became In any case. however. as well as relations with the East. it has analogous drawn some very strong criticism and not only its deductions and explanations. intensified. and so. the series of Oriental Popes that mark the last twenty years of the Seventh Century extended to the middle of the Eighth Ceninto play. in Rome.Christians. portant consequences in the East prevented the comnuimcation^pf Eastern . minimized by Pirenne. but its economic facts themselves have considerations. Moreover.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS unity and continuity of the that provoked the split cient world and the beginning ojthe Middle Ages. and eventually of Antioch." 20 . There is certainly some truth in this thesis of Pirenne. other than those of Byzantium. seem to have been expansion had imIt Be free that as it may. it was Islam which marked the end of the an- Roman or suggested In recent years. the patriarchs came the hope of the populations subdued by that conquest. 39 Navigation and commerce continued. many other factors came the causes of the alienation already at work before Moham- med. and tury. and every armed victory of Byzantium was to the advantage of her Patriarch. 40 It brought about a consolidation of Byzantium.

honorable mention to the remarkable report drawn give up by Humbert of Romans for the Council of Union in 1274. nevertheless recognize the decisive importance of the coronation of Char46 lemagne.POLITICAL FACTORS THE CORONATION OF CHARLEMAGNE: A REPUDIATION OF THE EAST. though in a style less violent and bombastic. if not thfL& cited sian of the separation. but which 21 . for example. no doubt more enlightened as to the ins and outs of the question. For a long time the coronation of Charlemagne has been by Orthodox writers or controversialists among the Orthodox as one of the most decisive causes. Ever since the fall of the Empire of the West. the Emperor of Byzantium held a protective of the West a rather theoright over the Christian regions retical guardianship which he in no way exercised. in a Rusof the end of the Sixteenth polemic Century which We has been Krijanich. 43 The importance of the coronation of Charlemagne ideas are also whose struck more than one Latin writer of medieval times. is narrow and unjust towards the Greeks. the dispute over the empire and the various political questions that may be attached to it. Very realistically. made known 42 to us by "the father of Panslavism" echoed in more than one page of modern writers. to say nothing of the views of Joachim of Flora who. 45 Modern historians. have already mentioned in regard to Constantine: the legitimacy of the succession of Constantinople to Rome as the seat of Empire and "ins The and outs" are those which we the unity of the Empire. Humbert places first among the three causes of discord between the Greeks and the Latins. even 44 Here let us so. find this stated.

declared that there could be but one Emperor. the popes no longer dated their acta in accordance with the reign of the Emperor of Constantinople. a present- day Catholic historian has gone so far as to write: "The contitle upon Charlemagne therefore marks on the part of the Pope. after the year 800 they dated them from the reign of Charlemagne. the this would. an arbiter. From then on. necesInstead of appearing to that at Byzantium. since he was in schism. 50 22 . In addition. time onward. exposed to many acts of violence. the Latin world. 47 and was recognized by the barbarian prinThese barbarian princes were also avid of Byzantine tides. But Byzantium was careful not to betitle stow upon them a which would have cast a shadow on the Imperial monarchy." 49 Already in the years following 781 when the papal state was established by Pepin. The fore Basileus of Constantinople was there- no longer the true Emperor. be regarded by Constan- an adversary. which assimilated them to the hierarchy of the Empire at least as avid as Bonaparte was in later centuries to be trian crowned by the Pope and to espouse an AusArchduchess. a Church of Empire was sarily a rival as to be constituted in the West. then the authors of juridico-political theories. the coronation on Christmas day of the year 800 was ferment of the Imperial a veritable betrayal. and that Emperor canonical authorities. as there was but one Orbis. from tinople as pope. 48 As regards Byzantium therefore.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS existed nonetheless ces themselves. sharing the same "unitarian" ideology with the East. the intention of breaking with the Empire of the East. would suffer from the eleventh-century breach consequences of apparently fearful dimensions in the direction of estrangement. The who were must be Roman.

54 In fact. in the practical steps taken in the transactions to bring about and in the treatises such as that of Humunion. there had been men of substance in the East who deemed the schism capable 55 of being remedied and they were working toward union. created situation. dates whose historical the schism from stantinople the Crusades. but they would have to work in much more difficult conditions of and the darkening of the atmosphere would in great part be due to the Crusades. They have been studied very predistrust their relation to the anti-Latin controversy cisely in and the 23 . the Basileus 53 In these details can be sensed Emperor. There would still be men of this stamp afterwards. 51 Still others were more conciliatory and pointed out that for the sake of peace. an almost irremediable Up to then. The facts are known. views are often interesting. two Emperors could be allowed. as well as in the pontifical bulls. no authority existed outside the Church. AND WEST. 52 Actually. that he had no imperium. therefore the Empire had been transferred to the Germans. of the question and the depth of feel- was all still treated as bitterness the ing of estrangement which the coronation of Charlemagne fostered. Some people even declared that since he no longer had the authority. THE CRUSADES WIDEN THE BREACH BETWEEN EAST Fleury. theological bert of Romans. the capture of Con- by "the Franks" Emperor the same who had already given themselves an during the Fourth Crusade.POLITICAL FACTORS He showed himself incapable of ensuring his function as defender of the (Roman) Church.

?11 publicly disavowing hostile projects against the Chrisat the insti- tian Byzantines. Innocent III Christian name. There was the double capture of Constantinople. going even to the extent of poisonings. the burning of an entire section of the town in the midst of which the Crusaders had found a mosque. after the capture of the city gation of the Venetians. relentlessly pursued an imperialistic policy which.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS growth of of Latins in Byzantium. in the territories of the Near East where she had estab- 24 . The Emguard of Bohemund at- On that oc- casion. there was pillage. 58 Unfortunately and against the interests of Venice all Christianity. the installation of a Latin Emperor and of all a Latin patriarch to the and the distribution of Byzantine Latin nobles. In short. saved the honor of the papacy and of the Before the enterprise. providentially allowed by God perhaps. 56 From the first Crusade on though this was undertaken to aid Byzantium and doubtless as a result of its appeals the Latins were redistrust garded as people to fend off and to be avoided. Then came the Fourth Crusade. peror Alexis Comnenus had the rear tacked even before he reached Constantinople. The acts of hostility on the part of the Byzantines continued during the Second and the Third Crusade. there was territories as fiefs the hatefulness of an armed occupation. of which Venice was the evil genius. And there was no Semeias to raise his voice and say: "Do not wage war upon your brothers !" 57 However. he accepted the event and saw in it a means. to re- union and to group the Christian forces against the Turks* But he emphatically disavowed the outrages establish committed against the Byzantines. he condemned it. the Norman warrior responded by an act of clemency and had the Greek prisoners released.

feeling On the other di- of legitimate versity in the matter of ecclesiastical organization. we enter in a period when the Latins in their turn displayed a similar exclusiveness." 64 These examples might 25 . 59 The Latinization was a natural result of the able to assert Crusades It wherever is the Latins were this period. which comprised its deprived the Latins of the of rite. and of Scholastic philosophy. themselves. caused Latinism of the narrowest kind to reign and ruined for a long time the chances of union. as much as he could. and even of doctrine. and more especially of Cerularius. the lack of an historical sense and of curiosity towards clear that at other men and it other worlds gave Western Christianity that self-confidence hand. was largely based upon a condemnation of Latin usages differing from Byzantine practice. With the Fourth Crusade. council. the anointing with their rite. the East re- had likewise hardly shown an attitude of tolerance in specting legitimate differences. as contrary to true Christianity.POLITICAL FACTORS lished the centers of trade of her dominion. 61 of canonical tradition. the controversy of the epoch of Photius. the Bulgarian and Greek clergy to complete their ordination by. This was the epoch in which Innocent III compelled. 62 oil. 60 which saw the development of ecclesiastical power. of canon law. which could have been a reunion demanded a rigid and unconditioned agreement with the Latin viewpoint on the two unsettled questions of the Filioque and azymes. 63 At this time also. though it is not a part of At this Gregory IX to the same epoch the apocrisiaries of Pope Synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1233. Innocent IV desired the Greeks to speak in future of Purgatory "in conformity with the traditions and authority of the Holy Fathers. strength. True.

Today the memory of the Crusades still remains in the Greek mind as the mem66 ory of Latin aggression. and of the Church Fathers. a heavy We are refer- another capture of Constantinople. that in 1453. The Greeks began to think. when native officials are allowed some jurisdiction but are supervised of the dominating power. their formulas to be those of the very Apostles." 67 one. Thus the contact between the East and the West. 65 It is evident of the Crusades. This was a withdrawal which oc- curred everywhere in the Near East as the result of the conquest of the Turkish regime that followed. intensified and hardened the schism by bringing about the decadence of science and letters in Byzantium. in the spiritual historical sense atmosphere or toleration of their tradition of the time considered to be the tradition.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS be multiplied. "Better the turban than the tiara! Anything rather than Rome. by causing a kind of contraction and withdrawal into a national Church. long before that of Francis (in allying himself with the Turks. The schism was 26 . turned into a new and very grave cause of estrangement. of a rite it is clear as well. they frequently denied the existence and macy of and of an Eastern Church. in a way. even though ring to it Their responsibility should be understood. the Latins that. that legiti- by their deeds. "If there was a betrayal I of the Christian cause. a tradition. This too.) it was the betrayal by the Orthodox is in the Fifteenth Century. resumed on the by representatives occasion and by the fact of the Crusades. with little differences. rather lamentably recall the situation created by colonization." This feeling in the end influenced their behavior. The actual measures of subordination of the Greeks to the Latins such as one finds formulated by Innocent III or Innocent IV.

sympathy and patience as well as the benefactions which the Latins brought constantly to the Near East in hospital. cooperation. was. school and charitable works of all kinds. moreover. there were as well. contacts with the Easterners as Christians. political. 71 The Orthodox reproach the Catholics for what they call their proselytism a vague word which lends itelf to the expression of many unreasonable rancors. and actual as Real events as all this of a which may be cited as convicting the Easterners lack of gratitude. of course. They speak of the pride velling of the Latins and of the Popes and their taste for domination and power. and finally archy as the heads of national communities. as well as in scientific is and other endeavors. while discrim68 inating against the Latins. for contacts between Greeks (Orientals) and Latins did not cease after 1453. human and commercial just picture. There were. To list give a complete the acts of true and therefore a one should Christian fraternity. there is another very serious factor: the separated Easterners.POLITICAL FACTORS intensified. by the isolation in which the Orthodox world found by the policy pursued by the Turks. Roman Catholics for having ceaselessly exercised towards Orthodoxy a le70 unchecked and proselytism. who willingly treated with the Orthodox hieritself. also. reproach the Latins and more precisely. . or shall we say the Orthodox. The list of politico-religious causes of the alienation is not yet ended. CONTACTS BETWEEN EAST AND WEST: MUTUAL ACCUSATIONS OF PRIDE AND ARROGANCE. 69 were the But this not our theme. contacts.

it is No matter what the circumaccusations stances. powerful than distrust. the lightest causes of annoyance. this "colonization psychology." this barely veiled desire for power. so that we may bring to them riches of which they do not have the equivalent. that. are seized upon as a justification for all the cherished motives for remaining apart and continuing the war* 72 28 . esprit This invalidates the clearest and soundest explanations. of approaching them as second-rate Christians who must be won. there are many exaggerations and also quite a few candid alibis for a serious examination of conscience. to know that they exist. secretly fed by all the unreasoned violence of an instinct of self-preservation. the con- they have had with the West and Latins. there is an approximation of truth a serenely objective which would not stand up before exam- ination. rendering every effort toward reconciliation ineffective. accused of using methods of force and. On the other hand. the end result of the all this. the part of a complex of distrust.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS In all these reproaches. with which we light are reproached. there is no complex more especially when it is grafted on an by standard the least sign of weakness. since this Now. and still less we trying to accuse others. But we are not trying to justify ourselves at are all costs. or rather conquered. it is in the of these views rightly or wrongly. especially on is Orthodox and their attitude towards us. enterprises of the Thus. It is this condescension of ours. instead of considering that are We the separated Orientals as brothers whose particular gifts should be respected. the Eastern Christians have regarded the presence tacts of the all Latins. much better to become aware of the are brought against us. ever since the separation. de corps and serves to justify the feeling of being different.

language is. since Become a classic question is which has been studied so thoroughly more to be said on the matter. 1 that there little Yet. there were al- ways men especially in Rome who understood Greek. contact becomes impossible. came from the Neapolitan region and Sicily. unfortunately it is a fact that the Christian world split in two to the according to a line that practically corresponded linguistic were amazingly and the lacking in curiosity regarding the Latin Fathers.CHAPTER THREE CULTURAL FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE ESTRANGEMENT THE DIFFERENCE OF LANGUAGE "* We shall not stress it the importance of language as a cult- ural factor. and this language of prime importance for the sources of tra3 But dition was studied by numerous scholarly churchmen. and from three points of view. Where there is no under- A standing. latter were scarcely better informed as to the Greeks. The Greek Fathers a situation was an obstacle to the true unity that lives by . an instrument of communication. Thus. to begin with. the question of language is important to us here. Such boundary. for has long. thanks to the monks who juridical formulae. in Constan- tinople. the use of Latin was restricted to administrative and 2 In the West.

symbol of culture and it plays a great part in the esteem civilizations have 'for each other. is not of the very of communion. how do we . possibility. a certain provincialism in thought. translate any other language the German Gemut. equally legitimate. not a kind of contempt. In was bound to bring about a serious lessening if of the of communion and of the likelihood. 4 But language is not merely the symbol of ideas which would exist of themselves: language is also shapes ideas." 5 a fact well known is to translators that for a great many words and phrases which conviction. Mysteries. to the very formation of the mechanics of thought. the French 30 For example. merely from the viewpoint of language itself. for the Latin language. the English worship. perspective and judgment. of the existence of ways other than one's own for approaching. there are most expressive of profound into no exact equivalent in another language. although the Latins were anlater return to the noyed by what they considered an excess of subtlety in Greek. and also in worship and pressing one's faith of organizing the of the Church. We will Language a highly critical way in which Latins and Greeks mutually viewed each other. The toll exacted by linguistic provincial- ism was bound to be. It contributes. But. and feeling. and conceiving intellectually the Holy of exlife other ways. a certain narrow separatism in the theological short. it spirit and canonical tradition. the Greeks themselves if felt a certain condescension. and to the formation of that kind of inner mirror wherein our perceptions are "refracted". sooner or later.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the exchange of ideas and by the awareness thus acquired. before the thought expressed. it really constitutes the climate It is which is called "the mind.

after having translated juerdvoia tentia. the difficulty of achieving an exact understanding of them is likely to have serious theological and ecclesiological consequences. and those working for union. and that in 6 Greek there no equivalent the Latin word "satis- vicarius. even with the possibilities of union. hence of Their consequences lead once level again to estrangement understanding. equally decisive. There are the wellknown instances of prosopon. while their translation is quite clear.CULTURAL FACTORS carrefour. all the Russian sobornost ? Historians of dogma. are likewise well aware that many of the difficulties between the Orthodox and our- with questions of language and that this was so in the past as it often still is today. the fact that the word atria 7 signifies "to proceed as from the first principle". by poeni- the Latins have often joined poenitentia with poena and developed their thought in the direction of the idea of acts of penance and satisfaction. There selves are linked are also minor instances. hypostasis substantia. The ally Latins considered the Greeks inordinately subtle. actu- the Greeks' quibbling and they often complained about 31 . that. the fact that the Greeks and the Russians have libility" generally expressed "infalsignifies by the word avapagrrirog is that also "impeccability" (infallible or in Russian for nepogresmyi). 9 These are but a few instances of many expressions that could be mentioned. This language difficulty has much to do with the conditions unity. on the other hand. on the of thought and mutual VARYING DEVELOPMENT OF EASTERN AND WESTERN CULTURAL IDEALS. the fact that the 8 word and faction" practically does not exist in Greek.

and in a way as a consequence. nor the bitter secular criticism and anticlericalism which followed and tury. a beginning in Western Europe. was in great part ignoits rantwith Church erate culture being preserved its centers while secular population by monks in small was often illitcultivated laity. there always existed in Byzantium a 14 a corps of literate imperial functionaries. for their part. Besides. accused the Latins of barbarism and lack of culture. the East experienced neither the exaggerated increase of ecclesiastical power. after being overrun by the barand resuming life with them. 13 barians Whereas the West. let us note at this point a very important fact which 32 . not the least Byzantium derived of which was. as was done in the West.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS their perfidy." of which we have already spoken and which so many Catholic writers stress. 10 It was the Greeks. Without overlooking the counter-argument of "caesaropapism. the one pointed out by Fleury (not without a hint of gallicanism): in Byzantium the laity were more or less with ecclesiastical matcapable of preoccupying themselves for the there it was ters. who had inHad not the vented all the heresies. The Greeks. However. 15 for which Fleury as sets the Twelfth Cen- with Arnold of Brescia. so its schools and its culture perpetuated those of Antiquity without a break. great advantages from this. West been overrun by the Fifth the barbarians since the beginning It of Century ? 12 has often been noted that just as Constantinople perpetuated the Roman Empire. clergy to modify certain impossible points in traditional ecclesiastical discipline. no doubt. the question includes other aspects which are not as positive but have their bearing on the process of the gradual estrangement which we are analyzing. they 11 said.

Hence. In both.CULTURAL FACTORS has been particularly studied 16 by Baumstark. to characterize adequately the content tures. Christianity as 17 then on figured traditionalism. West and East. feeling of profound differ- . thus strengthening its easy to determine relatively the different general conditions of the development of civilization in the East and in the West. there were barbarians tirely different historical presuppositions: in the East there was a millenary culture. professing another in the West. Christianity figured hesitate to plunge into new as such Scholasticism. The West even recognized the possibility as a mounting force and did not of creating a new law. but under very different conditions: in the West. we of will be content here to say a rite few words on the to take subject a subject which we hope up again one day and study more thoroughly and to point up the differences between East and West which occurred in theological method.. with its ancient culture. In both the East and the West Christianity had encountered some enWest. in the and a recent culture stemming entirely from Rome. in the East the Arabs. We shall suggest a few a resulting shall recall a few moments when 33 major differences. the Germans entered the Church. It is was held in check by Islam. result of youth. bringing with them a new vi- brought nothing into the Church but rather impelled the Greek world to withdraw into itself with its national Church. based simultaneously on Rome and on the Germanic world. of those cul- Restricting ourselves to the viewpoint of the Church. and a undertakings. with youth and a free field. In the East. tality. a phenomenon of. faith. especially in this limited space. It would be less easy. there had been an invasion of new people. and from a force of the past.

a and ceremonies. We the deep consciousness of these differences. On we can understand the notion of "rite" in deeper sense. caused in the long finally note the deplorable solidification run by so many differences. a certain conviction. It is much wider and then not merely a collection of liturgical rubrics as but includes the theology well as the whole life manner of of a people. and at least in the East by ence. was particularly marked. even in the second half of the Sixth Century and beyond into the beginnings of the Thirteenth. It has been shown how. no matter what con- tent. celebrating the mass with the people of any particular place. perceived and felt in a particular itself its it is the Christian life itself. a section to each of these. and lives its Christian faith. considered as existing in itself and universally valid which could be transferred indifferently from one linguistic group to another. in their 34 . creates for organization of the ecclesiastical and religious Fundamentally then. "rite" encompasses the totality of forms and symbols by which a community gives complete expression to. In that case. collectively way and which own personal. a kind for a long time the people and the clergy maintained of profound spiritual liberty in regard to rite. Such a transfer would involve no more than a substitution of another language. from one different rubrics "rite" to another. We shall devote DIFFERENCE OF UNDERSTANDING OF "RITE" Considered in ing its most limited sense. one passed easily from the East to the West and vice versa.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS shall even oppositeness. "rite" would be nothits more than an external system. the other hand. Now. communal manner of expression.

18 language and according to their rubrics.

"In the Sixth

Century in


writes Brehier,


a child

was brought

to the baptistery, the acolyte asked: 'In

what language does

he confess our Lord Jesus Christ?' According to the answer, he recited the creed in Greek or in Latin." 19 Surely this

of things can be considered a wholesome


was, however, spoiled after the Fourth Crusade as a result of Latin domination in the Orient, and the wholly Latinizing policy of Innocent III and Innocent IV.

O. Rousseau, the Council of Florence fully recognized the existence of the Oriental rite and at the same time laid down the principle of an air-tight partition
According to


between the Greek and the Latin
that a study


In truth,



of the usage of the word ritus leads to the followconclusion which, far from going counter to the findings ing mentioned above, only serves to sharpen them. Before modern times,


a concrete ritual, a

manner of


brating the liturgy, the concrete expression of one's faith.

The Council of

Florence with precisely this meaning uses








can say




became an

abstract reality, a thing


itself; it

became a

separate entity

and one begins to speak


the Oriental




change came about by the very reason of
the Latinization, the creation

the separation:

by reason of

of the Uniate Church, the reaction of the Orthodox and the methodical arrangement they made of their differences in
the course of ten centuries of controversy, and finally in the

Nineteenth Century.
itual liberty

Today we have

lost the

kind of



with respected in other fields,


the variation in the

manner of

celebrating the liturgy


formerly treated. Tke question of rite has become identified with the very question of Church.


the other hand, the East makes


or no distinction


In Greece, the same word, dogma, Westerners are inured designates the one and the other.



to analysis




conceive of faith as a


of truths which,
to reality.

in themselves,

are susceptible

different expressions;

we have

studied the* relation of



Easterners see a



union between
faith in action.

the two: the ritual symbol


them but

Therefore, different expressions should
think, to different faiths.


so they



of someone




rite that

he has changed

faith. 21

a very well-

known fact that in the list of grievances made by
against the Latins,



kinds of minor variations of rite and

custom have been mingled with points that are properly
dogmatic, although a
distinguish these


such as Photius

knew how






this is

an important fact, in the East the Church is felt to be less an object of conviction of faith and the resulting choice, than as an actual community of peoples of which, as a Christian,




all this it



follows that although in the West the word taken in the narrow sense, it is understood in a

broader arid deeper sense in the East. 22
type of piety that is

This brings about a very simple and yet very deep, not analyti-

developed in logical deductions and practical applicabut continually vitalized in the services of the Church,

of piety in which the meanings of the rite, the and the Church are united in a single living attitude.
a type
this involves


some weaknesses;


may not

perhaps respond


points to the needs

of the modern world



through the ages; but it seems still more certain that such a type of piety lends itself to an exaggerated "absolute interpretation" of rite, identified with what may be held to be most absolute. In our opinion, only the reestablishment of

unity and


could restore to Christians the liber-


a kind that apparently reigned in the first six or eight


In the present state of separation, there


an ex-

aggerated tendency to "absolutize" things
important, but just

which are


as certainly

not absolute: in the West
administrative and juridical

the organization, with

involvements; in the East, there




At any

rate, it is in the light

of these



or even prejudice to other influences perhaps less sublime so conscious, that the Orthodox peoples severely criticise

every attempt at reuniting them by giving to a Catholicism imbued with Latin spirit the mere aspect of an Oriental rite.

Let us reread these lines by Father George Florovski: "There is a fatal mistake here: rite either remains merely 'ritual',
incapable of bringing about reunion, the rite itself changing, becoming transformed or even degenerating into rubricism,

and losing meaning; or else it is accepted in its the bounds of Western or reality, in which event,
consciousness must inevitably be broken.

case as

In the one In

in the other, reunion


not accomplished.

does not possess any of the 'Oriental rite/ What is involved is not 'rite* but the living reality of a non- Roman






to say,

there can be

no Oriental

except the Orthodox. A rebuttal of such an assertion would require some distinctions. In a few words we can say that if "Orthodox" here


by its profound 26 presuppositions. irrational rather than rational. and according to its tradition. Theological method and major differences in doctrinal conWilmart. the very caricature and contradiction of unity. could co-exist with an Apostolic Christianity of Occidental tradition and form. anticipations. In our opinion. it it is a fact and one that would be wrong not to take into serious consideration Uniatism appears to the Orthodox as being. promise However. since it neglects the possibility of veritable catholicity which could be realized within the Roman Catholic Church. preparations for this: a kind during the schism of the Judah a was of the Tribes. in the intention of Rome and often in reality. and in which Apostolic its Chris- tianity in Oriental form. the assertion may be accepted. to take seriously the reasons for estrangement that the present study is at- tempting to analyze. ceptions are other factors to be considered. are intermixed with However. the as the presence of Benjamin with Ten and of a persevering effort of Rome to organize them. 25 are. SCHOLASTICISM IN THE WEST AND THE DIFFERENCE OF THEOLOGICAL METHOD. as a refusal to take seriously ability to take seriously or a congenital in- their reasons for not aligning them- selves with a Latinized Catholicism: in short. it is quite certain that many sentimental complexes. This disposes of signifies the subject a little cursorily. Dom 38 . in fact and historically. all this. The Uniate Churches of promise. under the primacy of the cathedra Petri. somewhat reunion to come. has been felt by the separated Eastern Christians as a veritable betrayal.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS only Apostolic Christianity according to its Oriental tradition. as a lack of respect towards existence of Uniate Churches the East.

the transition from a predominantand exemplarist outlook to a naturalistic one. from the actual state of theology. without however. a decisive turning-point was reached in the West.CULTURAL FACTORS a profound student of ancient texts. This profound alteration of view did not take place in the East where. 27 the transition period from the one This change took place only in the West where. it is much more likely that we have come to the very core of our subject. ly essential There was first. everything was somehow transformed. It is concerns precisely the moment when indeed very the schism asserted itself in a up to now. Perhaps. in which the expressions of 39 . This is a statement that becomes clearer the better serious. with the idea of returning elsewhere to it some day. The great break occurred in to the other century. sometime between the end of the Eleventh and the end of the Twelfth Century. but merely from the theological point of view and to begin with. It was a time characterized by . This was a transition from a uni- an interest in existence. Christian matters still today what they were then and what they were in the West before the end of the Eleventh Century. we will not now treat this immense and fascinating subject as a whole. It and fortuitous coincidence. in some are respects. supplying detailed and elaborated proofs. has written that a Christian of the Fourth or Fifth Century would have felt less be- wildered by the forms of piety current in the Eleventh Century than would his counterpart of the Eleventh Century in the forms of the Twelfth. verse of exemplary causality.several transitions. In the period between the end of the Eleventh Century been without a true remedy seems impossible that this be a purely exterior way that has and the end of the Twelfth. However. for it one knows the facts.

as Humbert of Ro- mans very changed as 32 pertinently remarked. and an ananot against this analytical Basically. The times had greatly since the period when the Greeks treated the Latins barbarians.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS thought or of act receive their truth from the transcendent model which material causality in things imitate. have often been baffled at seeing the Greeks refuse to yield to their compelling argu- ments from reason. it seems to the esis The difference between the two worlds the difference between the attitude quest of the relation of the parts lytical attitude." 28 or. to an academic milieu where continual questioning and redition reigned search was the norm. was it of Catholics that the Slavophile religious philosophy aimed its criticism of Catholicism. talents. and analysis the normal result of study. as are the Latins. in the Nineteenth Cenattitude 30 tury? Another transition was that from a culture where tra- and the habit of synthesis became ingrained." Here we have a to dialectic. is scholars have devoted their sential point. but instead taking refuge in the realm of Patristic texts and conciliar canons. there was the "from symbol with greater precision. 29 This. inured to Scholasticism. from a synthetic perception to say an inclination for analysis and "questions. how by the schools. as one might the beginning of Scholasticism. to a universe of efficient which the mind seeks for the truth in things and in their empirical formulations. now the so-called barbarians had created a 40 . and we have shown one of the principal differences among the various peoples of the Orthodox faith is in fact that they are not trained. transition Secondly. of synthetic perception in to the whole. to which so many us. The East followed the road of tradition. 31 The Latin theo- logians.

on the other hand.CULTURAL FACTORS new science. the first half of the Thirteenth Century. that In the East. where our great schools arose. that saa separate philosophy nor a piential knowledge was neither pure mystique. the dominant type of teaching or study had been of a contemplative or monastic nature. Therefore. full dern world. nor a "scientific" theology. or rather at a slightly time. Genevieve. but all three combined. As far as we know. Until this time. In other words. linked with the liturgical life of the abbeys type of teaching and study. Now. there was added a new incident to is go to of Abailard leaving the cloister of Notre-Dame Mont Ste. of an academic and rational nature which was soon to take the place of the former. Serge Bulgakov was the most accomplished representative. within the epistemological structure in which love and moral uprightness meet and 35 join. and even of philosophy. Here the significant or cathedrals. 34 It was not only among the Slavophiles that the idea of an integral and living knowledge was proposed. it needs to define the exact shape of things. in sum. It was only in the neo-Orthodox school of which Fr. this may it- be a general characteristic of the Byzantine philosophy 41 . is rational. the teaching and study of theology. to see them independently of one another. a new we kind of theological teaching and study appeared and established itself in the West. In the period that later have been studying. kept its religious status. 33 and was to experience neither the Reformation or the i6th-i8th-century rationalism. the East remained foreign to the three in- shaped modern Catholicism. But of developments which have made the mothis remained foreign to the East which its knew no Scholasticism of own. the West has evolved towards a type of analytical knowledge fluences that which.

AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS self. One cannot means of union that which precisely straightaway employ constititutes one of the obstacles to union. which has the calling and charism to especially effect this so the Orientals feel the need not to define: not to define. if for the "rational/* the "Euclidean. cover the tradition. road in the continuity and of Orthodox but be brought a little closer to us. 38 But this they do not need them. it is in a climate of living knowledge and in general feel the need to define negation. the point is rather that is law. which may tive value. do not want them at all. con- "extrinsic" or "worldly" (the famous Russian not be entirely fortunate or of posivnesnost'). It is possible that half a century of the Marxist in one bound to the regime will bring Russian Orthodoxy seven centuries of point which we have reached through analysis and rationalism. and indeed still occasionally upheld there. perhaps Orthodoxy will thus For the moment. Just as the Latins Rome. Dostoevsky says." as sidering not contempt. the Ordefinitions already accepted thodox churches could admit the in our Church. with us. in the state of doctrinal uncertainty in which they find themselves. sometimes even the Catholic position. definitions which have for us the force of not treating the Orientals predogmatic ? For the point is not exactly cisely as if they were Latins that they do not have definitions. 36 The Orthodox them Slavs have a distrust. of course. We must all the as a 42 . is be it they hold in common The example of the Assumption of the Virgin noted. They spirit will. even the beliefs Mary 37 this respect. Jugie felt that he could deduce from this that reunion should be easy since. significant in It is a fact that many points of doctrine have not been that various positions were. decided in the Orthodox East and are.

their pietas. 43 their secret design . area it where definitions exist among In the apparently vast us. however. In studying Eastern thought in least its expressions diversity and ramifications. has happened that theologians and Churchmen of the East have sometimes expressed themselves in a manner widely divergent from. however. and Jugie's idea involves a great truth to which we Orthodoxy has kept itself which might crystallize into force its should pay careful attention. close to it. would be folly to all from the outside. or has come from men who were favorably disposed toward reunion. representing cannot be defined and which. This has happened especially in moments that were favorable to reunion. if not totally opposed to. and again. culture what remains when we have forgotten everything else. on a reif it is is this word means so ligious plane. once again. or very position. are analogous to culture true that. we might say. to so whom many things that much. Catholic apologists are fond of quoting and using these favorable texts. the Western in a thoroughly Catholic sense. or at on a certain ject number of things as important to union as the sub- of Purgatory or the Roman primacy. and they are right to do so. valuable from the viewpoint of reunion.CULTURAL FACTORS more take into account the ethos of the Oriental Churches. Yet we would no longer follow them if. a position which. ac- cording to a famous remark. recalling the similar case of the Anglicans. malleable and retains possibilities a favorable position towards it reunion. This indeterminate state of things is. but not in the East. 39 we personally have been amazed to note that there is a broad and deep domain of ideas wherein the East and the West cherish a fundamentally common tradition.

if we were to push to the limit the dif- ferences which. possible that it could become complete to reunion. we cannot risk the choice of deepening on the level the estrangement instead of achieving a rapprochement a and profound unity on the basis of the famous pronouncement of St. salvo jure communionis. a great many of may be due to the platonic line aristotelian followed in the East. Understandably. not been brought to completion. 41 But we trust no dependence on either Plato or us to insert at this point a chapter on comparaone expects tive symbolism. faithful to to be the truth. diversum sentire.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS were to abolish any and all differences between the Eastern and the Western tradition. and yet everything these differences different. consequently. we might halt the total schism and work towards what we hold a healing movement toward of the wound when- ever. could smooth the path a case in point. even where the fundamental positions are iden44 .) (The question of the Filioque is On the other hand. On the other hand. THE SOLIDIFICATION OF DIVERGENT WAYS OF THINKING These cultural and religious differences are very important. to the advantage of Latin Catholicism." has It is clusion to this study: the schism. and the of thought one followed in historical without. an acceptable view which tends towards reunion. the West. Cyprian: "licet. loosely speaking. we seek and find of thought and then on the level of formulae. of course. We have elsewhere suggested that." 40 Everything is fundamentally is common to the East and the West. explained intelligently. a very important point to we would like to stress which we will return in our conthe "estrangement. any technical or Aristotle.

construed. has not shaken our actual convictions confirmed since by so many facts. expressed and experienced. imperative that we do is We have seen in the matter of rite. felt. the danger presents itself in different ways in the East and in the West. This is the main reason why we have welcomed a number of works on the Slavophile movement into our French collection. Unam sanctam. or its period of lastic It is administrative centralization. how this danger is not merely imaginary." and mean by We this say "a part of the its not Western form its schoalone but a period of or medieval or baroque period. the spirit of spirit their importance. but not elevate them to an absolute. Orthodoxy. 43 We wish that all Catholics would become aware of these factors and we wish they might and enter into a sympathetic patient consideration of the of the East and. ing criticism raised The extremely by Vl. or similar instances. since we must face it. that tradition for example quite a natural tendency to mistake "accepted" ideas ! for tradition 45 . slightly Moreover. the danger of practically identifying part of the Christian tradition with that tradition as a whole. That interest- why we have given so much 42 space to these elements in our book.CULTURAL FACTORS deal. which we have since taken into account. is On the Catholic side. Lossky. Christian tradition. there the danger of reconciling there is a Latinism in fact with a catholicity of intention. It it is not a question of abolishing these differences. and this in matter of piety and theological thought. Divided Christendom. and which are likewise the convictions of some excellent experts and friends of the East. is still almost everything is different because differently interpreted.

as such. the continuity has been so strong that even the Bolshevik regime has not succeeded in breaking it. . the the part of the Orientals. when atti- Orthodox. interior.'" In Russia. the Church not only the Orthodox. and the becomes. As the late lamented Dom word Clement * Lialine said. . the Slavophiles of the Nineteenth Century systematized with remarkable profundity the sentiment of identification between and true Christianity. be identified with the conscience of the East East. For a great many peoples of the Near East. where this has played a smaller part. not only dogmatically but with its national and Eastern forms as such. it is in the have preserved their national pecularities Church despite the various invaders and conquerors to subject. exterior. but also the Nestorian or Monophysite is that they has represented a national refuge. by definition. profound. Besides. Slavoa whole people the Russians 46 .' so the 45 Orthodox could be accused of 'rock-like incuriosity. 44 by God. and the Orthodox Church has been closely and almost inextricably linked to the national life. superficial. whom a they have been The consequences have been strengthening of national characteristics and the hemming-iii within national and ethnical of Christianity boundaries. or more precisely the Orthothe clanger lies in identifying true Christianity with Orthodox Church. Many I and blessed holy. have felt the unconscious all tude of one ceptions who has a fixed point of reference for his per- and which could be explained is like this: what is is Western Eastern insipid. "Just as the Catholics have been accused of rock-like insensibility. living. mechanical. The conscience of Christo tianity tends itself. what profound.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS On dox. talking to an times. making a play on the French pierre (rock=Peter). pure.




the contributions of

German RomanVolksgeist,


and Idealism, of the German idea of a

which the Slavophiles transposed into a highly spiritual theology of the Church wherein the people themselves the

Orthodox Russian people




of truth and

seems clear to

us, at least, that the Slavophiles

have erected into absolutes the Eastern and national elements, at least as they are conceived by them and highly idealized.



of Soloviev


to a great extent well founded. 47

Every reader of Dostoevsky knows that in

writings this

has been carried to the point of an idolatry

of "Russian

48 It was towards Christianity" and of "the Russian God." the end of the Nineteenth Century and following the new

peculiarities were sytematized. Prince Eugene Troubetskoy seems to have been the first to do it with scope and penetration. 49 Aside from a whole literature

ways opened by the ferences and religious

Slavophiles, that



on "the Russian




this has

had the




creasing and crystallizing the consciousness of being quite different from the Westerners, and in many respects has

even widened the breach.

clear that such




and cul-

of one day reuniting the separated communities into one communion. Assuredly, the accentuation of cultural peculiarities has been
tural elements

would destroy

both the cause and the


of schism.







perspicacity the

analyzed with great theological in which it was the fatal cause of schism.

chosen to be the people of God, was not noted for

high culture;

men were

called to unite themselves (eccle-


in pure faith in the


in the pure grace of Jesus

Christ, in short, they




to adhere to a supra-

human, supra-rational, supra-cultural plan. The divisions resulted from the fact that elements of a cultural and human
order were brought into religion, such

Hellenism, Latin

temperament, Scholasticism, and



point of

view, the schisms are linked together one might say that the schism of the

as in a



Sixteenth Century there not been the schism had have occurred would not

of the Eleventh Century, and that the latter in turn would not have occurred had there not been the first breach, the

one by which the Christian Church left the human poverty of the people of God for the human wealth of nations.

work of

indeed, could be said


this subject.

It is


to visualize, as


have done

in Divided Christendom, the

unification being carried out within a truly


framework and

with an amplitude that would admit

the possiblility of contributions from all peoples and all cultures. At least the problem has been stated in all its force.









selves ever since the

worlds, a duality, have asserted themtime of Constantine if not from the
as Pope St. Simplicius was to trace the development of this du-

very beginnings: "uterque orbis,"
to write. 1

we were

ality in this state

of mutual ignorance and estrangement, the

acceptance of which really constitutes the schism, we would have to rewrite the whole history of the two churches. Here

can only stake out the terrain, indicating significant landmarks rather than give a complete documentation. In the

year of 342 "the first great manifestation of antagonism between the two halves of Christiantiy" 2 took place during
the Council of Sardica




that the Council

was purely Western in composition, as it has sometimes been said, but it remained on the periphery of the two worlds, within the area of Western obedience: at the Council,

Latin was spoken, the acts were


drawn up

in Latin,

but their Greek translator significantly enough, transformed or toned down the implications of the canon which cited





Not only were



doctrinal po-

sitions in opposition

of the Westerners being saner but two groups of church leaders and two ways of conceiving

In short. Basil to find a unanimity under the aegis at the of Rome. the same way of The crisis reasoning. It was in this rather unfavorable Rome atmosphere that the name of "Constantinople. And once again. a or. the second its official and canonical existence. when the Council of Rimini and that of Seleucia Trachea were held simultaneously. There began to be held two parallel councils as at Sardica: so. 6 Even if we do not stress the indications. or in matters concerning as Cavallera thinks. or between 337 and 843. long interruptions of communion ensued." acquired by the Coun- of Constantinople in 381. cil 50 . What was of bottom of this affair ? Questions of personalities. personal qualities misunderstanding as to the way of conceiving ecclesiastical discipline ? In any strictness in case. the East and the West were separated. As we have seen from the number of periods during which Constantinople and Rome broke off communion between the years 323 and 787. and discordant councils were held at Constantinople and at in 382. matter of orthodoxy. often only partial and not always continuing. for instance. in 359. It was in the atmosphere of this latent rupture that the complicated and interminable episodes of the schism of Antioch took place 5 in spite of the noble attempt of St. and the quarrel aroused by Arianism gave both the East and the West the opportunity to note that they did not have the same preoccupations.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the canonical regime of life or of Church union were op- posing each other. since a given see sometimes remained in communion with either of two churches parallel in schism with each other. it is clear that a kind of "separateness" had become a kind of habit. sanctioned Rome.

Before and especially after the Council of Chalcedon. The West. Christological difficulties. imbued with the Holy Mysteries and the It was a church essentially idea of "Heaven on Earth. Nestorianism. Italy the acts of his humanity. there were misunderstandings. On the part of the one and the other. The resistance to the condemnations of the Three Chapters desired by Justinian (Theo- show itself more favorable West always wanted to save. held to a more sober liturgy which was aimed at the edification of the individual and moral . in liturgy In the Orient there developed a rather sumptuous liturgy." sacramental. and Illyricum. the portion of the Nestorian truth consecrated by Chalcedon. disagreements and lack of sympathy despite a sincere desire 7 for concord. the other celestial realities on a line of descent sensible from were to the midst of the word bound to have correspondences or consequences and ecclesiology." The West reactions were often 8 different in the East and the in regard to the 5th-century heresies: Pelagianism and questions of grace. 9 The different ways of approaching the unique mystery of Christ in the East and the West the one putting a more lively value on dora) unified Africa. the if one may so express it.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS with Cavallera. that is to say. had already crystallized as strained. a church of prayer with exigencies of especially its less attention to the militant and its itinerant state. during the last third of the Fourth Century. and Monophysitism. his Rome. to toward Monophysitism. of a marked anti-Western trend on the part of the Eastern Church in this case the Syrians there remains the fact that the "relations between the Church of the East and the Church of the West. the East was prone to react in the Alexandrian way.

and nationalization of the Church under the rule in- of the Patriarch of Constantinople. The Emperors used Iconoclasm as a means (The Ecloge of the Emperor Leo III in 776 opens with a declaration in which he applies to himself the text of John XXI. Constantinople was becoming more and more Oriental. the barbarian powers. the iconophiles who had found support in Rome from Pope Gregory II and had partially triumphed thanks to his support. whose influence creased. in the course have already pointed out that. the disaffection and estrangement of the two orbis became tragically complete. the quarrel was intensified and the politico-religious breach widened. particularly in observing which churches were represented and Ninth Centuries. that is to say. Eighth in Greek Illyricum. Through all this. Dvornik has noted some significant indications of this fact. 12 Following the Iconoclast crisis in the mid-Eighth Century. 13 This occurred at the of controlling the Church. was conspicuously absent from them.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS needs. 10 This was a church much more that effectively marked by the sytem of militant action and the spiritual-celestial authority human expression of the Christ. of Peter and that of At a time when Rome was more and more finding and accepting a co-existence with the Western. submitted to an Occidental . moment when Prankish protection was ofit fered to the papacy and brought to its the material basis of independence of the Basileus. after Herof the concentration and ren- ovation undergone by the Byzantine Empire in consequence of the Arab lenization there took place a more complete Helperil. language but obedience. 11 at the councils of the Roman in patriarchical Seventh. However. We aclius (610-641).is and following).

For it was likewise the period when he imposed the Filioque upon the churches of his empire and went so far as to refuse the per Filium in the Libri Carolini. 15 53 . illegitimacy of the addition of the Filioque. without the Filioque. the one in Latin. the other in Greek. Unfortunately. a formula which the Council of Florence was to recognize as possibly equivalent in meaning to the Filioque. and the Council of Frankfurt in 790 and 794). Peter two silver placques bearing the text of the Creed. Charlethis chance for ruined unanimity (The Libri Carolini magne. Khomiakov and the Slavophiles date 14 ! from period the "moral fratricide" and the beginning of the rupture to the which they I attribute entirely West Yet Pope Adrian defended the Seventh Ecumenical Council against the Libri Carolini as well as the procession of the Holy Ghost "a Patre per Filium".ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS Council the Canons of the Seventh Ecumenical Council the last which East and West held in common of the year new protector of the papacy. Pope Leo HI. thus giving for a long time credence in the Greek mind to the idea that the Latins allow two principles of the Holy Ghost and that the formula of several Eastern Fathers. the that the Acts of the Seventh Council had been transmitted to Charlemagne in a poor version and that the Pope had delayed approving them by reason of the caesaropapism which was mingled in them. Thus. held the position which was to be that of many Orientals: legitimacy of the doctrine. He then caused to be engraved and placed before the tomb of St. It is true 787. was in reality opposed to this it. Charlemagne was also guilty of having deepened the mutual distrust. confronting the envoys of Charlemagne.

Significantly enough. of Constantinople gradual estrangement. and why Milan and Aquilnot Ravenna.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS THE LOGIC OF EVENTS CAUSES THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSTANTINOPLE AS AN AUTONOMOUS PATRIARCHATE Throughout an entire history of which we have recalled but which is. the history of just a few episodes. eia (Roma secunda). sein Leben. Photius. which was called "new Rome" in the poetry of the time of Charlemagne? 18 This pretension of Constantinople is inscribed not only in the events but in the canonical texts. HergenrSther commences his authoritative work. The sequence of 54 . indeed. for their part. admit that the ambitions of the Patriarchs of Constantinople were partially 17 The schism had. coextensive with the political jurisdiction of the Emperor. seine Schriften und das griechische Schisma with the founding of Constantinople. 16 chapter in the preparation Certain Orthodox historians. responsible from the moment that there could be constituted a Patri- archate of Constantinople in a national Church. Aries. as a whole. It seems hardly debatable that thenceforth an implacable logic drove the Church of Constantinople towards an autonomy independent of any other ecclesiastical metropolis. Moreover. begun for the schism. that they had been. in order to claim an independence: so. playing a dominant role in the Eastern portion of Chrisother cities argued at one time or another tianity. Treves. for example. and towards (1867-69). imperial residences. or still were. a his- is regarded as the most decisive tory often retraced since it and causes of the schism itself. or Aix-la-Chapelle. the Metropolitans increased their influence and developed what many WestIt is ern historians call their pretensions or ambitions.

" 21 B. we also. on the civilian plane. which now has the honor of being the decided that seat of Em- pire and of the Senate and enjoys. Nomocanon in the Ninth Century expressly omits our Canon 55 the ecclesiastical order to the political one. and that it was for other reasons The reaction of the Pope had its effect. being of the same mind. the new Rome. as . Leo rejected primacy. Petri apostoli. privileges equalling those of the ancient imperial Rome. His Holiness Pope Pius XII noted that the 28th Canon of Chalcedon did not fundamentally go counter to the Roman that St. because Constantinople the new Rome. known that we may first be excused all. and be second only to Rome. he especially reacted in the name of the ancient tradition establishing the ecclesiastical order of itself on the canonical plane (Canon 6 of Nicaea). 22 But. the Moved by the same considerations. since the Slavic it. if we do not go into There was. shall have the same privileges in the ecclesiastical order. Leo's reaction was on the subject of the 28th Canon: "In irritum mittimus et per auctoritatem cassamus. the said canon having been read. the 150 bishops have new Rome. It was with justice indeed that the Fathers had granted to Old Rome the prerogatives it enjoyed because that city is the place where the Emperor reigns.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS the latter is so well detail. decree and accord equally the same prerogative (rrsgt raw nQeapefov) to the Holy Church of Constantinople. generali prorsus definitione Thus the Pope reacted against the has well principle that assimilated Wuyts shown (see Note 20 supra)." 20 We know what St. 19 the famous canon 28 of the Council Then we have Chalcedon in 451: Following in zing the all of things the decrees of the Holy Fathers and recogni- Canon of the 150 bishops beloved of God. of the Council of Constantinople in 381: That the Bishop of Constantinople holds primacy of rank fiela is ( Ta xoea- rf^ Tifitrj~) after the Bishop of Rome.

no or to the attention was paid in Byzantium to this reaction way its in truth. zantium. until the of 1054. Though sometimes expressed with and a lack of preciseness in wording and even by the use of formulae that were themselves debatable.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS because of St. the distinction of powers as Pope Gelasius defined them. of Trullo Rome. 23 Practically. however. of the Emperor. of Constantinople ranking immediately after the Bishop of ancient Rome was fixed in the consciousness of the East. accepted this idea only reluctantly it and without giving to the exact meaning it had in By- while holding out against the pretensions of the Patriarch. 26 that is. for her part. 27 28 The legal texts con- tinued after the Council of Chalcedon. Leo's refusal to sanction it. 24 The Metropolitan of Constantinople to whom Rome vision of the Apostolic regime for a long time avoided even giving the tide later refusing to recognize the title of Patriarch. rather debatable in which Rome constructed of the Church. 25 of "Ecumenical Patriarch. set to Constantinople. the Apostolic principle and the correlative theory of regrettable bluntness. and real influence over all churches of the Byzantine Empire. independence. unceasingly pursued the struggle against those And Rome. beginning Peter. "principal" or perhaps "imperial" contin- ued to increase and affirm the primacy of his rank as well as his prestige. or the Second Quinisext Council One might say that the idea of the Patriarch (6p2). setting Apostolic principles against the politico-religious principle in the conception of the life of the Church. animated the crises Roman attitude in the course fatal date of the numerous her in opposition which. 545) . such as Novella 131 of Justinian (March 29 18. with the Apostle herself flourishing and strong. 56 .

men before it entered into events and formal we must now. before describing the final episode main lines of the separation. The its her aim of making her ecclesiastical domain coincide with the political and cultural logic is. case for the question since This was particularly the of Illyricum. But since the schism was realized in the minds and hearts of declarations.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS painful points are familiar: as always. when the Bulgarian difficulty added fuel to the conflict between Photius and Rome. There an idea of the Church faith as the body of Christ. which became acute in the Eighth Century during the Iconoclast dispute. or points of dogma such as Iconoclasm or the various imperial heresies. [886-912]). and later. a latent irritation ever the Fourth Century. first of on the dogmatic level. as communication of the 57 through the . canonical matters of the fourth marriage of Emperor Leo VI the Wise. when Constantinople annexed what remained of the province. clearly specified at differ. Constantinople had accomplished domain of the Empire. was to be carried through to ultimate conclusion. and to the point of the estrangement of two worlds* two orbis. must be what level the is two theories all. that to the claim of an independent and therefore sovereign authority. 30 Thus. TWO It THEORIES OF THE CHURCH FOUNDED NOT ON DOGMA BUT ON CANONICAL TRADITION. trace the of a secular opposition to the canonico-theological concept of the organization and administration of ecclesiastical life. they brought about a truly irreconciliable opposition when political interests The or questions of influence became entangled with reli- gious questions (as in usages affair (as in the and liturgy). of the Church The difference is not.

Briefly. 32 for example the conceptual differences of the cause of the breach ? ecclesiologies as the Doubtless. is it right to see. supremely the Eucharist. may be summed up as a point of view on the constitution and administration of the Church. the author professes a "neo- orthodox" theology of the Church. as it was called in the Sixteenth is and Seven- teenth Centuries. very soon. to the respective positions of the priesthood and the 31 faithful in regard to the sources of sanctification." or shall we say precisely. and with ever greater 33 force. This point of view expressed in the canonical declarations. the mystery of the Church is fundamentally the same in both the East and the West. then of sanctifying grace through the other sacraments. The clash was all the more irremediable since. Slavophile. developed independently two different canonical traditions and in the West. as Zankov two does. Therefore. traces this concept back to the Tenth Let us study the question more closely: here is our hypothesis. a theology which some would call "modernist. This identity of belief extends to the sacramental and hierarchical structure of the Church. in both the in the East East and the West. based on the study of the ment of results ecclesiology. a study the historical of which we hope some day to present elsewhere. and perhaps he unduly Century. The of the mystery of the Church. although the mystery of the fundamentally the same in the East and the West. this idea is the same in both the East and the West. especially in the developWest. a "polity" theology and in the of the Church. both in the West East. they were in opposition to each other and clashing. the canonical determinations involved a certain theological interpretation and outlook as to the Church 58 . Church yet is Now.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS catechism and baptism.

59 . in a few words. is Such. the acceptance of which. This was especially decisive question so in the West. the drama that we will have to unfold in this section. these then that of the Roman and that. torically. It is the West conceived the a fact that the East recognized the primacy of the Bishop of Rome. they took on dogmatic value. that decisive estrangement. We will first of tradition. The East: misunderstanding of how Primacy. and We refer the reader to those studies that will here merely give the argument in outline. it all present the develop- ment of the Eastern Catholic position. Here again it is impossible to give a full account of the two exist34 positions. but much more widely admit. we repeat with some qualification represents the very which reality will be given in our last chapter of the schistn. Doubtless not entirely with the meaning and to the degree that we are led to believe by certain Catholic writings. than the Orthodox today their determina- are willing to These present-day members of the Orthodox faith are apparently held back by and consequences of the primacy as developed by the Roman Church and by their refusal even to admit what is historically and categorically tion not to admit the modalities attested. but must be remembered his- two developments were concomitant and pro- duced that progressive alienation.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS and so. since even a summary would require a whole volume. this where the principal and of practical ecclesiology the primacy and infallibility of focal point the Roman See became the of ecclesiology and finally received a formal dogmatic definition.

there remain the universal and St. John Chrysostom addressed himself to Milan and Aquileia as well as to Rome. although the Pope reprimanded them strongly. and that Athanasius subfact this The mitted to judgment. 38 and there remain the St. Leo (440-46i) 37 and of there remains the famous Formula of Hormisdas unconditional claims of Gelasius. subscribed the schism of Acacius. Let us admit the debatable point. Origen did not submit his orthodoxy to Fabian alone. On we see Rome affirming her primacy throughout the centuries without this causing the East to break off communion or denounce an abuse. 36 remains that Pope Julius I (337-352) voided a Council held in the East. the appeals sometimes presupposed nothing sedes. Again. 35 that the very forceful texts 398). and the Emperor Leo VI sub- mitted the question of his fourth marriage to the other Patriarchs as well as to the Pope. or the laws is particularly true of the "appeals to Rome. other than the position of the prima of which there never was any question. St. of Pope Siricius. but to other bishops as well. the other hand. let us recognize that a addressed to the Pope alone. (3 84- 418). perhaps unwillingly. (See note 26. Roman 60 . (515) to which the bishops of the at the end of East. of Pope Zosimus (417and of Pope Boniface (418-422) are aimed directly at the East." were often not The the Basileis. supra). for instance. Gregory the Great which the Patriarch John IV ("The Faster") and Cyriacus admitted. handed down by appeals To begin with. In affirmations of the impressive mass of writings and facts assembled to demonstrate that the East recognized the by Jugie primacy.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS good number of facts proposed as proof demonstrate no more than This the Orthodox of today would not -refuse to admit. of Pope Innocent I (401-417).

John Damascene. do not offer us any more evidence of the primacy. if indeed the texts cited by our authors will bear the sense attributed to them. Nicephorus. the rescripts of Theo- dore and of Valentinian and Valentinian 61 III concern the . We St. the writings communion St.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS a great number of them which concern the Fourth and Fifth Centuries. deserves to be no less so. we are recalling. Patriarch of Constantinople. St. in particular the Great Councils of the period. John Chrysdo not find texts in the East as strong as those in the West. St. at least not with a clarity that alone could have avoided schism. 43 The same can be of 42 St. moreover. for examBasil diffi- John Chrysostom and of St. 41 However. II Basil. who addressed himself to Rome in the midst of the of culties of the schism of Antioch but they provide us with universal primacy said no theological statement right. and that of his contemporary. seem to be conclusive. on the of Rome by divine ostom. so by the Universal Church. Their writings show that they considered recognized the primacy of the Apostle Peter. Gregory of Nyssa. Gregory Na- zianzen. Many of the Eastern Fathers who are rightly acknowledged to be the greatest and most representative and are. 39 The testimonies continued Seventh Century: that of is after the St. that they regarded the See of Rome as the prima sedes playing a major part in the Catholic ple. there had never been a formula on the universal primacy by divine right. St. 40 They even continued to a certain degree after the schism. 44 St. Theodore of Studion (f 826) famous. the it must be confessed that the consciousness of the tra- Roman primacy was not expressed in the East at period when that primacy became classically fixed in dition. In the great councils held in the East.

.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS West. and to our mind the most important point it Rome. ignored The it. he was Peter perpetuated. Peter. Rome is an authority of singular grandeur. herself what Rome did. the authority John Chrysostom. even within the exactly in agreement. we believe. so that. Basil as did St. despite the opposite positions taken the Romans with their thesis of supreme apostolic power attached to Peter. The Bishop of Rome was more than the successor of Peter on his cathedra. The 62 expression is. East has never understood this perpetuity. regrettable thac so fundamental an issue was not settled by full it is discussion and by an ecumenical council. as In a number of documents Rome is merely portrayed first an ecclesiastical and canonical court of is instance. St. the Greeks with their leanings towards an Imperial Church regulated by the canonical systems more or less subordinate to the Basileus a modus vivendi was established. The East what the West saw did not see in in what Rome herself Rome. there existed the question on which they were beginning of a very serious estrangement bearing upon the decisive element of the ecclesiastical constitution and the rule ognized the primacy of although the East recdid not imply by this of communion. In first other texts. 45 Despite this difference in the content of ideas. that to say. invested with Peter's responsibility and power. during the centuries when still there was union. a continuation primacy of St. but in these writings It is not considered so by divine right. See. Batiffol has I summed up all this very well: believe that the East had a very poor conception of the it is Roman saw and of the primacy. Gregory Nazianzen and St. Rome recognized as having the right as of intervening to preserve the purity life of doctrinal tra- dition. of the Bishop of In the writings of the great Eastern Fathers. but not to regulate the of the churches or to Finally settle questions this is of discipline in the East.

Brehier. judge in causae the most brilliant epoch of the as 47 majores. 49 While struggling for the principle of the Kirchenfilhrung that should be apostolic and deriving from Peter of being politico-local. been taken up by several Catholic Batiffol has proposed the very enlightening idea of three zones in which the papal potestas was exercised: (i) a zone around the city of Rome. Leo wanted to avoid the possibility of Constantinople's isolating herself of and becoming a completely autonomous center in the East. that Photius had admitted the instead Roman primacy as imbedded in our modus Vivendi: ad- ministrative and canonical autonomy of the local churches under the rule of the Universal Church. principally on the basis of the Council of 86 1. Rome finally came to accept many things on the part of the Emperor and of the Patriarch of Constantinople. assured by a cano- primacy of Rome. that type. as arbiter of the whole communion and Even that at St. 48 but he allowed the Eastern churches to administer themselves and intervened only in affairs which placed Catholic unity in question. find a certain duality in the exercise of the pri- 63 . This was exercised in the appeals to Rome and the judgment by the Pope and his legates of the canonical debates of the East. (2) the zone of the West outside of Italy. immediately subject to Rome. Leo (440-461) to which the subsequent epochs added very little. and (3) a zone of universal extension but concretely representing the East where Rome only intervened.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS that of L. St. 51 It was a regime of this of the primacy. 46 it has proven popular and the idea has historians. Roman primacy. but with authority. 50 Dvornik has shown. with a more precise recognition nical Innocent III Thus we 52 himself approved for the Bulgarians. that was the state of things.

with the even stronger affirmation that 54 it entailed. as in the West. where canons were for a long time confounded with those of Nicaea. if it would be inexact in the East. and others gave them no such . The develambiguity of canonical and ecclesiological opment of the consciousness of the primacy in Rome and in the West. The Christian optimism of Brehier in the study cited above makes him consider the continuation of such a modus vivendi or even reestablishment quite possible and almost easily its eventual achieved. Once more we must go back to the Council of Sardica. frequent interventions. as the exercise of the role of arbiter which involved a and proper power of jurisdiction. to believe that it still is Sardica that its it was in no way accepted 55 true did not play the same part there.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS macy: well as true There were. indeed were still so confounded until the time of St. Leo. and Rome was and Carthage. this despite 56 the discussion begun in 419 between The cause of the estrangement canons which to apply to the that some authorities considered certain regulated appeals to Rome whole Church and in reality they were hardly ever applied in the West value. Sardica was an attempt by the West to canonize the regulatory role of Rome. matic definition pronounced since then in the Catholic Church. Before examining the ideas that prevailed in let Rome and in the West us try to grasp the point of view of the East. moreover. Now. which we have already seen was the first great manifestation of the estrangement on the plane of the Church as such. 53 Perhaps this results from not seeing quite clearly enough that beneath the duality of the regime there was in reality an views. makes it henceforth impossible to be overlooked. and the dogcaused this ambiguity to be tragically revealed.

When Nestorius being already condemned and deposed. 59 it Very instructive for Chal- cedon. had judged was no longer a but to be carried out. especially if we compare noted previously with regard to Sardica. Rome. on the other hand. where Roman primacy was clearly established. a kind free discussion 58 of individualism or particularism which called for and which should fit into a collegial or synodal In fact. the East was eventually to crystallize its canonical tradition along the lines of administrative autonomy of the local churches (as expressed 8 by Canon 5 of Nicaea and of Ephesus) with only very grave matters to be brought before a council. to Canon be sure and was soon to insist upon the the considering that what matter to be discussed. called letters Celestine. did not feel quite the same Now. they had been attention to the fact that the Council to carry out the decisions already called together made in Rome. At Ephesus the East.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS The canons reflect certain interpretations as and a certain seen. of Chalcedon and of Ephesus. In the East there was an empirical feeling attached to the local community. and the is 65 . certainly for their welfare. much more than an idea bearing upon the 57 There was also a taste for freedom and (universal) Church. had passed judgment already before the arrival of the legates. and to adhere to the faith of the Head. iation with the opposite tendency. as the we have the East West did about the Church. that of the Papal legates to the Council. The case of she two great councils. Cyril and his followers. regime. was to tend more and more to intervene in the life of the churches. But in Rome of the matter was already considered judged by the the legates arrived in Ephesus. was the slight var- which The first is found between the two following texts. way of conceiving things. is a significant example. that is.

with the agreement of this holy synod. and yet there a subtle difference between the Greek version and the Latin translation. deprived Dioscois rus of all 60 episcopal dignity. For these reasons the holy and most blessed Pope Leo.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS second that of Pope Leo the Bishops of Gaul: For these reasons. as the crucial one when the East and the West It began to the period drift apart ecclesiologically. Leo.. officially receive its 62 name of synod Between 381 and 451. whose judgments. the Decretals tatively to that is to say.. then with the reply (382) We of Damasus and with a whole series of his immediate successors. the most holy and most blessed Archbishop I communicating the judgment to of the great and older Rome. from the end of the Fourth Century onward.. was also exactly when the Byzantine Church provided itself with a canonical institution corresponding to the Roman synods. 61 is the same text. head of the universal Church. According to the law followed in the West and in ecclesiastical life. even until the svdrj/tovaa or permanent syn- function after the Council of though it did not Council of Chalcedon. It is endowed with the dignity of the Apostle Peter.. through us and through this holy synod here assembled. through us his legates. the council of the Pope. The institution began to 381. the papal epistles replying authori- some questions take on more and more impor- tance. Canons 9 and 17 of Chalcedon laid down the procedure for appeals to the Patriarchal See. be- come imperative: the avvodog od. have already noted this date in conjunction with the Council of Constantinople (381). The per- 66 . Constantinople extended its jurisdiction over the two "dioceses" of Asia Minor. and in union with the thrice-blessed Peter the apostle who olic worthy of all praise and is theVone and support of the CathChurch and the foundation of the true faith. once given.

66 Rome in the name The decisive estrangement. the Arab conquest. for her part. creation of a properly so-called Oriental canonical after this. Pope Sergius refused his signature. liturgy and customs dates from 6 692. Peter was to flourish. 65 When. 63 (2) the canons of the Quinisext Council (the Second Council of Trullo) of 692. But the tradition of empire. canons were enacted which were not only based on the right of local churches to self-determination but in the very name of the Apostles canons which in reality dated 64 only from the Fourth and Fifth Century. in the West. 7 This is also the date of the Monothelite dispute. a great portion of the grievance customs. Rome. which was to be another two churches. which had assumed the force of law in the East but had not been recognized by of this Rome. At this council. it stage in the alienation of the was in the name that the Pa- of his own legislation and his canonical autonomy triarch of Constantinople was to resist a decision taken by of her own tradition. and even today. at the time of Photius and of Cerularius over rites. a sharper affirmation of the dual nature of Christ. was aftribunal firming her right of universal judgment. where the devotion to St. the quarrel broke out in 905 over m arriage of Emperor Leo VI.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS manent synod became an ecclesiastical and this at the very time when Rome. the fourth for example. would have their source in the canons Second Council of Trullo. in matters of law. and discipline that the Easterners were to put before Rome. entered the into it: the legislation of Justinian under whom opposition of an Eastern tendency towards Monophysitism was particularly felt and. 67 . came long (i) Two great blocks I. the growth of the Church in the Germanic lands. however. In the subsequent quarrels between the East and in particular.

also it is certain that Rome. Without doubt. as for instance at the Council of Ephesus where the behavior and actions of the There popes. would be and without appeal. except for a few remarkable never willingly and unreservedly admitted that something decided in the East by a synodal tribunal and according to Eastern tradition. It is with the East. debatable that the East. in her various contacts has always held this position. should be considered as not decided and therefore subject to a decision from Rome which. say.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS The West The Pope as Primate and arbiter for the Universal Church. Apparently scarcely cases. we are not at present writing a history Pope Victor (189-199). anywhere promulgate definitive decrees. Rome became conscious of her power to valid in themselves. testimonies to this could be found from the time of. 70 explicit no lack of the most declarations by the 71 And in the affair of Photius we shall soon find the clash between the Roman "already-judged" and the Byz- antine intention to follow the Eastern synodal procedure. in the world. The cause of the Easterners opposing the Council of Sardica was doubtless bad from a doctrinal point of view. and that brilliantly. 68 . but of the primacy. is legates could not be more unambiguous. but are we straining the irreversible if meaning of the motives advanced the rejudging protestation against we see in them an initial of a cause already judged by a council in the East? 68 At the same time the Eastern bishops who were I partisans of Eusebius were reproaching Athanasius despite the Pope Julius for having supported Council of Tyre where he had been judged and deposed. Quite soon. 69 But Rome maintained her position. once given.

Photius and Cerularius: differences become formal opposition The history of the events has been remarkably well re- created (or reestablished) by Catholic scholars. of the West. To 72 Let us recall what was said above on the three zones oriented towards of the papal potestas. The development was lines a certain abolition different zones. Engbut never in of course. more generally. although this point of view is of prime importance. the West. to bring them She succeeded in the West except. and to the epoch of Cerularius. as of the of demarcation between these to govern all the churches her were within they metropolitan competence and. 76 (espec- on the Patriarch But this history has not been studied in the perspective of ecclesiological and canonical ideas. they did not do so in the same tone and manner they adopted when addressing themselves to the bishops of Italy or even. of the latter) ially Amann and Dvornik Photius. when the popes of the Fifth Century addressed themselves to the bishops of the East. in line with herself. apparently. from the liturgical point of view as well as from the canonical if The papacy tended and. there are the works of Grumel and Jugie. the popes spoke in the tone of the decretals. We may movement and his note the principal stages of the centralizing in its beginnings: Nicholas I and the False De- now cretals 74 take us to the epoch of Photius. in the countries affected by the Reformation land being the particularly interesting case the East.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS And yet. Throughout the history of the estrangement we 69 . the East was treated as an assocto the bishops iate. to Gregory VII 75 powerful reform. 73 from the dogmatic as well.

both into strenuous polemic. The human estrangement had reached of Photius. 77 whether represented Constantinople. she wished to impose upon Constantinople her point of view of an authority regulating everything in the Church. ness especially under Nicholas I. 78 its exercise being controlled and in the intervals between Councils. by the fact of comitself parti- munion between cularly the great sees which manifested of ideas 86p. acted in the concious- of her primacy understood as plenitude potestatis. wanted only to execute a sentence already handed down by Rome. side took up a its stand without in the name of theology of the Church. with legates The an investigative hearing of the accused: this is evident in the reticence of the Eastern bishops and the suggestions or demands of the wily Emperor. Rome. 79 by the sending of synodal letters. by Emperor or by Photius. of her unity. of her regime. whereas the Byzantines wanted the Council to take up the question from the beginning. 81 sides Even after the reestablish- sank deeper into that "state of reciprocal ignorance" of which Jugie speaks. 80 its peak at the time who seriously increased the psychological tension differences and misunderstanding by transforming simple oppositions by ment of union. by the Councils. on the other hand. and of the conditions of her union. This opposition was obvious at the Council that opened on October 5. 70 The general . were less a personal authority than a tradition preserved by the churches. directly and definitively.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS have the feeling that each clearly stating it. or by other Eastern Patriarchs. acted as if power were exercised in the Church by the Pentthe as if that power archy of the Patriarchs and by the Councils.

was a strengthening of the intention 83 that the Historians admit to establish total had virtually independence. Between 896 and 1049. it Peter of Antioch sent his synodal letter to was a matter for pleased astonishment." 85 by Cerularius was still the decisive one. Jugie has been able to write of the separation that took place in 1054: "Instead of speaking of a definitive schism. during the same time. as events were to prove. the ecclesiology of the Patriarchs found definite 82 and expression entirely to the benefit of Constantinople. there at reconciliation with the East. since the Pope had been dead for several months when Cardinal Humbert placed the . it would are in doubtless be more exact to say that at this date first we the presence of the abortive attempt at reunion. to even though some extent dissociate her cause from that of her impetuous legate. No longer was word received in Rome from the East. split occurred before Cerularius or from the beginning of the Eleventh Century. the time of Sergius II. combative. Rome was we may certainly too ruthless at a moment which. not one of whom has left a memory of a significant attempt In Byzantium. the popes succeeded to was favorable each other rapidly and were caught up in political and family intrigue. there was a succession of 43 popes. whose bull of part played The excommunication is a monument of unbelievable lack of under86 standing. Likewise decisive was the part played by the Roman legate. the Patriarch Eustathius ex- pressed to John XIX the desire that Constantinople might be independent and sovereign "in suo orbe. In 1025. happened to be crucial. stiff-necked Cardinal Humbert. and this in the midst of anarchy and civil war. when Pope Leo DC.ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS situation Byzantium and unfavorable to Rome. At the end of the Tenth Century." 84 Thus.

Even we The "Oriental schism" can no more be explained by the ambition of Cerularius than the Reformation can be explained by Martin Luther's efforts to shake off the yoke of his religious vows. whose anti-Norman policy in Southern Italy called for an entente with the Pope. bull of excommunication on the altar We ture. 88 Cerularius wanted anything but an entente with the Pope and did everything to make the breach a lasting one. the ambition to supplant both the Pope and the Emperor. that they had come "not to learn and discuss but to teach and convey their decisions to the Greeks-" 91 Humbert was the man of the Gre- gorian reform. have to recognize here once more something so. 89 By his violent polemic he poisoned the atmosphere. a kind of syllabus originating. He wanted and he worked towards complete independence for Constantinople. that end not only against the Pope but against the Emperor Constantine Monomacus. as was presently to be seen in the famous Dictatus it Papae. and in ecclesiology he held the most rigid views on pontifical power. Wrapped We and give him the apcan even attribute to him up in his Byzantine tradition just as Humbert was in the Roman on all tradition.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS of Santa Sophia. as they had formerly done at the Council of 869. might indeed even question the canonical validity of the 87 But Cerularius very decidedly wanted the rupgesture. also two ecclesiological systems confront- The legates declared to Cerularius. There were ing each other. if we discount a few of his overtures that to put the imponderables were calculated on his side pearance of being justified. 72 . Cerularius accused the Latins of heterodoxy the points of custom or discipline in his which they did not agree with own 90 practices. other than a vulgar quarrel or an act of personal ambition.

have reached the culminating point: the schism has We Our thesis on the progressive estrangement has date of 1054 which. though far from being the the reached occurred. since it seems to mark one of the 96 greatest misfortunes that have ever befallen Chris- tianity.ECCLES1OLOGICAL FACTORS has recently been suggested. the absolut- and the fiscal policies of the Roman Curia to which the necessary and grandiose reform of Gre- 95 gory VII was. in the Twelfth and critizise fully ruthless precipitate Thirteenth Centuries. as a document responding to the conditions of union expressed against the theory by the Greeks. 94 At any rate. And now. is a fatal one. directed setting forth the basic of the Pentarchy and terms the on which Rome would agree It is to resume union with thesis East. so to say. the centralization. the preface. Byzantium was to ism. 92 not merely a polemical that frenetic adversary of the papacy. Paolo proposed by 93 but Sarpi. rather an explanation admitted that the by many Byzantine scholars Gregorian reform movement contributed by its wilways and by its ecclesiological tendencies to the breach. what can be done. date of a total alienation. what can we conclude? 73 .


This development was gradual and simultaneous on almost every point of difference. which is given us for action. must be reconstituted in a complex continuous as life itself.CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION THE LESSONS OF HISTORY The present. political questions dominated. is illumined by the past. At some periods. We ourselves two questions: What is on can the actual substance of the the balance sheet of history "Oriental schism?" What it we do that will contribute to bringing to an end? THE "SCHISM" From LIES PRIMARILY IN THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE ESTRANGEMENT the earliest centuries. manifold "differences" between East and West about practically everything evolved in such divergent ways that soon an estrangement began to set in which was hardened by mistrust and mutual ignorance. at others ecclesiological questions came to the fore. so that the different aspects that we have discerned and treated process as separately. the estrangement affected the whole situation. But from the beginning to the end. history provides us with experiences of the past can therefore ask which can prepare us for the future. At times we have mentioned 75 .

and finally of papal monarchy. When a dogmatic defini- made without the participation tei^dom. only resulted in a greater separation.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS azymes. with our Orthodox friends. 3054* each side set up its particular tradition oppositions became fixed. at others the Filioque. it must be recalled that the following century and a half was a period of great change in the West. an occasion for of a portion of Chrisestrangement is created which may a significant example never be adjusted. and thus became Mono76 . still are many points of opposition. In studying over a period of years our differences and the dialogue the point of view of that tradition. Many of these points have since been the subject of dogmatic definitions in the West which only is increases the difficulty. that they crystallized in their present ticularly we saw from the end of this forms in the West parEleventh Century. but in the long run there spoken of There were and was an opposition. in which the 2 estrangement became a complete separation. by force of circumstances. we have at times barbarism. We have of this in the case of the Armenians who. remained outside the Christological debates of the Fifth Century and the Council of Chalcedon. 1 Moreover. The separation became more marked by the fact that each of the two portions of Christendom withdrew behind the barrier of its own tradition and always judged the other from Following the breach^f as an absolute. implying a maturing of that consciousness and determining its content in a way which has profound tion is repercussions. with the result that every step taken towards union. A it is dogmatic a reality definition not merely a juridical but touching the conscience of the Church. the opposition of an East and a West. when we examined more closely the theological points that are the stumbling blocks. fact.

4 In any case. at the time of a treatise the Conciliar in 1406. in opposition to the law was growing in the Latin Church. the legates of Hadrian II in Leo IX had done. more than once has cried: "Death rather than Rome ! Rather the 77 . then later. not to mention the tightening that took place during the resulted in la Counter Reformation. the ecclesiological difference that out. have made the point have We even encountered the evil and vicious offspring of this sus- picion which has generated the violent anti-Latinism that. was strongly accentuated. but it was almost 3 exclusively Latin. attempts to introduce into Scholasticism the Greek point of view provoked a crisis. his preferences inclined. or the Pope as his predecessor as completely binding in themselves. West Theological thought was amazingly active in the from the Eleventh Century onward. 7 this Quite frequently in book. that when he flatly sets the Eastern law (wholly based on the canons of councils) towards in fact. under no in IO54. is Movement. the author of illusions composed which. we that the estrangement has created further suspicion. that of Gallicanism and Episcopalism. 5 Later on. which rested on the inalterable decision of authority. especially since Scholasticism soon entirely and Scholasticism was an exclusively Western phenomenon. 6 The elimination of Conciliarism on the very eve of the Council of Florence. inevitably further sharpening of the difference in the way life of conceiving the of the Church. In fact. just Nicholas I. so thoroughly Western was it and this is one of the remarkable constants of its history that several dominated it. we pointed with regard to the ways of organizing the life of the Church. Innocent III speaks of decisions made by 869.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY physites. In the very documents calculated to reestablish union.

wrote to Cerularius shortly after the events of July 1054. 11 3 5 years later. Patriarch of Antioch. only too would often repeated by the Orthodox down the centuries. not even want that learning that a that it possibility. we have a quite remarkable example of what hearts really filled with the spirit of unity can accomplish in the interpretation of differences: it is to be found in the admirable letter which Peter. Luther. he would species communion under only one and would anathematize those who Certain complaints. Archbishop of Bulgaof Constantinople who had spoken him of the shortcomings of the Latins." Now. tends to push differences into formal oppositions and thus soon set contrasts become A mind entirely on resistance it and opposition fundamentally does not want not only does not seek or see the means. is "It recounted. it of the Confederates and to ask for the blessed Nicholas took his rope girdle. 'It is and held it Grund easily thus/ said Nicholas 'that 78 we must untangle the . it is well known that. 9 on the other hand. declared establish that. in a letter to a cleric by Theophylactus. in his time. in despite of the Council. tied a knot in out saying." writes Tournier. in accordance with one's feelings. contraries. it does not even believe in the possibility of union and in fact does union. "Will you untie this knot?' Ira did so.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 8 turban of Islam than the mitre of Rome. On the other hand. or. indicate a follow the Council. "that tell when Im Grund dissensions went to Nicholas de Flue to him of the grave his advice. it is again to be found in the responses made to ria. 10 complex of distrust and disdain which erects a mental barrier and thus blocks the path to unity. finally to upon Reform Council was be opened and would no doubt accord the chalice to the laity. one either looks for and finds a basis of agreement.

and that always the way people their difficulties/" 12 try to untangle in quoting this allegorical tale. has her own structure. although the Church is this. and (2) an ecclesiology of the Universal Church. present each end.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY difficulties of mankind/ But when it his interlocutor protested. And certainly all the wrongs have not been on one side: Humbert of Romans quite frankly admitted that in his admirable memoir for the Council of Lyons in 1274 which we have already cited. The Church is not composed uniquely of local churches identical in worth. "Illi sunt Ecclesia. this Nicholas replied. as well as in the it. call 13 He likewise even posed the question: "Why the Greeks schismatics rather than the Latins ?" 14 is do we And he because they are in rebellion against the Head. and being a victim of the vague nominalism so widespread in England. exposition that precedes we may as perhaps have seemed to Rome and Constantinople two separate Churches. equal partners in a conflict in which each has committed wrongs obviously of the same degree of seriousness. 'You either. perhaps he did not know how to ecclesiology can only reply if one has (i) an organic idea of the Church. saying that was not as easy as that." Both the question and the answer are of sufficient replied as follows: "It importance as to deserve a pause for detailed discussion. reply to it. "plebs sacer- doti adunata et pastori suo grex adhaerens." says St. made up solely of the individual faithful. an Anglican posed fundamentally the same pro15 but for lack of a solid blem. Cyprian." 16 ("These make 79 . Recently. not quite seriously. if would not be able to untie knot in the rope is we both pulled on Now. One The total Church is a unit and as such. Nor is each local church merely a collectio fidelium. identically situated in regard to the apostolic faith. however.

It should be understood that we make these brief remarks not so much to prove in a few 80 lines a diesis which a large . of it are the living stones of the some being of speech. 18. The conthe Eleven were gregation were "those with the Twelve". to change the figure all members of the Church are members of a flock. 21). there among the was one upon whom were first bestowed the keys which the others subsequently obtained with him. a college.18). 15-18. with Matthew.") In the Church there are simultaneously multitude and hierarchy. which is often made in the controversies between the Orthopoint very appropriate. There are two texts. and all belong to the house of God. the universal charge of the flock stewards." 1 ^ Within the Church. one has received (John. they formed a body. there structure. and among the shepherds. some being shepherds. Or.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS up the Church: a people united to its priesthood and a flock at one with its shepherd.16-19. the only two of the Gospels in which the word Catholics is dox and at this ecdesia texts. of which some are stewards. defined as the faithful who joined themselves to the Apostles and submitted to 17 their ride. 19 But among the foundation stones. the foundation stones. The comparison of Matthew 16. one apostle is the rock upon which the edifice is built (Matthew 16. "those with Peter. In the Acts of the Apostles likewise. it is an the Church is organism. And the Apostles themselves were not twelve individuals but "The Twelve". they were organically united. and ecclesiology must honor both One of the texts applies to the jurisdiction of the bishops is in each local ecdesia. cells and a principle of unity: in short. the other applies to the jurisdiction of Peter in the ecdesia universalis. spoken by Jesus. all parts is an organic edifice.

in the separation brought about by a long and general estrangement. instituted If we say under God. say. as it was. living in how paid little attention to the jurisdictional im- plications of the Church as a society centered. even though they are shared. we may rightly have reasons against it. that the Greeks rather than the Latins should be called schismatics. But the Universal Church exists and. which at this point 81 we . have contributed greatly to the development of and to the modalities. speaking and by law. popes as well as theologians. This fact was recognized more widely and more generously by the ancients. as to clarify and what we have to say. in all objec- for this reason that we may tivity. but it can never be fundamentfault. the faults are not equal. under God. than is customary today by Catholic apologetics. we mean that it was by Jesus Christ. 20 All this shows sufficiently well that. In a quarrel between a father and a Authority ally at son. In the Oriental schism. of themselves conpontifical authority tingent and variable. but we it. But we do not mean to deny in expressing ourselves in this way. upon all the mystical and sacramental aspects of ecclesiastical life: reasons why the East has only poorly succeeded in realizing an ecclesiology of the Universal Church. canonical determinations and other causes. for its actual exercise. the responsibilities are never equal. harried as it is by controversy. are never right to go against Authority has its fundamental and It is intrinsic justification by its legitimate right. ial all under provident- guidance. that history.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY volume would illustrate scarcely suffice to establish. may have its faults. possesses her structure as a Church Universal. In the preceding pages we have seen how it the East was mainly interested in local churches and the immediate experience acquired through them. circumstances.

a reunion with the Apostolic See. there have been the realities of a shared Christian life and Church. from the point of view of ecclesiology. It is impossible to develop all the themes at once. This is~-alsQL-why as we have never concealed. 23 a party in pro-Rome party in Constantinople. as from that of history. Still we have is traced another remark is entirely truthful. either from our Orthodox friends or from our Protestant friends that union. separated from the Center which exercises. This means thaF^Jhey are the primacy. they qualify the whole historical process which in broad lines. not so much from necessary if our account the point of to be view of ecclesiology. were not the ones which have prevailed in the course of history. but these words are decisive. 21 friendly acts. for ecclesiologically speaking. This may be said in a few words. Since no effort has succeeded in uniting the two parts of the 1054. can only be. there portions of Christianity which have an ensemble of local churches which separated themselves from the Apostolic See of Peter. Christian world in an enduring form and 82 we are still faced . there are not merely drifted apart. 24 To collect and evaluate all these matters But these efforts would require a separate study. All through this long history and continuing after 1054. Our theme fair." To be entirely we should also have noted at each stage the profound reality of what remains to both portions expended communion. while not repre- senting an "absorption" in the odious sense of the word. 22 con- common on each and the valiant efforts side to maintain cessions. a pro-Oriental Rome.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS may two is write without the quotation marks. has been that of "estrangement. of guide in her life. of criterion of her unity. with the role of moderator of the Universal Church.

in 1438-1439. 25 Explanations have been exchanged. would cede a point. which but involves its intimately connected with the primacy special difficulties. Much work side. and rather remarkable progress some becomes clear if. of course. unmended. we compare the discussions on of history. Compare these two also with conferences on the same question held during the Nineteenth centuries. 28 the is Today fundamentally. For neither especially the Roman. is the question of the infallibility of the Pope. this for a long time presented as the decisive and insurmountable reason for the separation. 27 the point and comprequestion was The dispute has now reached declared that the doctrinal question where more than one Orthodox theologian has of the Filioque would not be an obstacle to the reestablishment of union. THE TASKS THAT LIE AHEAD FOR THE ACHIEVEMENT OF UNION: PREPARATORY STUDIES. so tragically torn apart at that time. This progress example. there but one decisive point of difference: the question of the is more commonly held view 29 that. At Florence. the subject the of the Filioque at different periods At synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234. UNDERSTANDING AND MUTUAL CHARITY. where the discussion was straight- forward and penetrating. yet. and. 26 and Twentieth and it will be seen that great progress has been made in the documentation hension of each other's point of view. for may be noted. has already been accomplished. but maintained its position neither party to the letter. it was limited by imperfect exegetical and patristic resources. own 83 .THE LESSONS OF HISTORY with the fact that the living tissue is still of the Church. primacy. has ever resigned itself fully to the separation.

AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Thus. On the one hand. a politico-religious papacy successively considered two means of regaining the Greek Church through the Basileus without. we should use the word in the singular. reason for this was. to combat the Normans and to hold off the Especially after the Turks. remains. but the estrangement We must therefore learn a lesson from these past Perhaps failures for the future. But. begin with. 31 limited "successes" reunion has not and despite some yet. nothing of this survived. Much work has been done. and on these an insurmountable very points which today seem to present can hope for much in this respect from hisobstacle? We torical studies. to give it greater weight: the failure to achieve reunion. were for centuries closely linked with politics. there is the fact that all the negotiations. the Emperor seemed to hold the key to everything: the Latins believed that with him the won. the attempts reunion have multiplied in the course of the centuries. and indeed all the relations of any kind between the Greeks To and the papacy. neglecting the means of discussion and persuasion: military conquest and diplomatic 32 tions. above all diplomatic negotia- Some concluded. taken place. to some extent the should not more of this way has been cleared. much work has been done. Crusades. in the truth. were thus arranged. we of pacification and would add: and of union As we have at said. Why clearing-up be done. the Emperor needed the Pope who political Church was was also a power. except reconciliations perhaps. BatifFol sees "a great virtue 30 concord" emerging from them. some unions But oftentimes. negotiations. however. a heightened distrust and the The whole estrangement. that apart from these diplomatic .

the end of Czarism and the constitution of independent countries in Central and Balkan Europe. The documents respect the promising the East respect and enjoining the Latins to this respect. but even this does still exists not make things any a political easier. to the participation which the Orthodox marked a considerable of learned theologians from the West and the East. however. after which the problem caused by the political power of Constantinople was lessened. In modern times. and whether or not it continued to exist without caring was understood and loved by the East/' 33 in regard to Rome The Council of Florence. in order to understand and to love. in fact. especially in the 35 The papacy seems to have considered the past century. Then came the fall of Constantinople. may well ask the crucial question: has each side as We yet done everything that needs to be done. it was. have been extremely numerous. background may be considered but the period of the estrangement has not yet come to an end. become an "East-West curtain. advance. and has appeared in other forms: the dividing line. a great theological debate. and along the Baltic after World War i have often been hailed as a promise that the political problem had. has. <fy 85 . The period of bargaining against finished.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY overtures. seem to us to be excessively Owing unjust. Unfortunately. seem to be dominated by the sincere desire to Eastern churches in their own rites." which places Greece and Constantinople politically on the side of the West. for a vast extent of Eastern lands. and on a much deeper life level. "the vast world of the East continued to lead its without worrying any more about Rome. cutting the world into an Eastern World and a Western World. at long it last. been 34 finally eliminated. everything to make itself understood and loved ? The advances made to the East from the Catholic side in modern times.

their recognition of the as that of a double traditional it primacy of the Roman See. extremely profound dealing varying though Neither the rites We they be in importance. on by history. and with all deepest nor the primacy can be reduced to a purely canonical and external question. and the Bulgarians under Inno86 . things as God by differ- But on both sides there must be acceptance of as the East. and coming to us from ent paths. us. and which. or even in its present-day form. is need of an openmindedness development of the theological theory of the Church. would seem that everything could be summed up as foL lows: pline.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS problem of reunion and reciprocal recognition. are especially also recognizing the full diversity borne by Rome. On the part of Rome. 36 It We respect is and shall respect there no reason why and your disciyou should not come back to your rites seems to us that these conditions are fair. This amounts to recognizing the inalterable conditions of unity which. are with realities. as they are: acceptance of the East accept- ance of Rome and the West as the West and Rome. providentially. under God's Provispecies dence. and in the fact of the primacy: not necessarily the primacy in all the modalities it has been irreversible in the made to take for a great rical order. there is On the part of the East. portion of these elements are of relative and histo- but a papacy in that minimal form compatible with a local ecclesiastical autonomy such as Photius ac- knowledged under Nicholas I. the recognition by the papacy of the rights and canonical practices of the Orientals. is offered the Church under the of the duality of an Eastern and towards what a Western Christendom. but only if they their are taken with full seriousness implications.

nonetheless. merely preliminaries. of course. diversities. for Church loves them must be entirely true if it is to have real validity. How good it is "We must not let with their the Orientals believe that they are tolerated. d'Avril. these studies are. naries to a better understanding of inestimable value. own mentality. would surely vanish before long. for themselves. but there is only one way to realize this.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY cent III. It is easy enough towards to say: "Let the Orthodox realize that the return ment for for does not imply the renunciation of any eleof their legitimate tradition. Even the rather general revival life of interest in the as Greek Patristic sources of Christian and thought. no. is for us to believe in and to have no other desire in our hearts. accepted and loved for what to be able to write with A. namely. as an annoying necessity. evidenced by Father Danielou and the 87 . the complex of which shuts all the other doors. to On the part of the West and Rome. and she would not want them to be otherwise. biblical a vast amount of and it all historical work. its it genius. they appreciate every sign of real 39 respect distrust and if such signs were to increase. Necessary of as they are as prelimi- things. and its history. the right it is. For this. has to be temperament. The Orientals are never fooled as to our feelings for them. its comes back with its their accepting in truth the existence of an East. it. and known. This presupposes the successful completion of ecclesiological. and the means making be true. and which Innocent IV 37 still found the Greeks ready to accept. the scientific studies that have been pursued for several decades in the Catholic Church under the very powerful encouragement of the papacy. through the Assumptionist Fathers or the Pontifical are Oriental Institute. that it it Rome them be true." 38 This. the Catholic what they are.

Before arguing on the points of diverbefore seeking union by way of canonical gency.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS French collection. and. thus proving that we can learn from those with whom we often disagree. Sources Chretiennes. and especially or diplomatic dealings. if be necessary. if mutual emphasizing the needs be. a true sympathy and a warm the living tissue esteem for the Christian East will enter into of Latin Catholicism. can only be the result of a resumption of contacts full of esteem and sympathy two words that really stand for charity. failure No doubt. dervereinigung" (reunion) intelligent and loving "Wiederbegegnung" (renewal of contact). by recreating "mutual affinity" affinity it. of the two churches40 have borrowed the phrase from an Anglican writer. The actual means are not hard to imagine: what the heart desires. Adopting the expression of a German author we have cited before. Thus a general rapprochement is the indispensable prep- aration for a reunion. it into actual fact to the highest degree. patient. then the schism. or. and of real This can only be done by converting sympathy. of past advances and preparation was the lack of psycho- logical on both sides. thanks on the level of preparations. If the historical process merely be discussed of the schism was a gradual and general estrangement. anjj in substance it consists in the acceptance of a situation of the reunion. A reunion should not and decreed. aroused. must be counted also must hope that. we can say that there will be no "Wie- without long. a psychological and spiritual reconciliation must be sought and feelings of confidence. the mind will invent. just as we have bor- We rowed the word "estrangement" from the English. which should be the curejrf non-rapport. We to all this and beyond all this. 88 . one of the causes of the efforts.

In this organic whole which alterius is the Church. the profound affinities between the Churches will assert themselves and the chance for reunion will be strengthened.THE LESSONS OF HISTORY The Churches of the East and the West have an affinity between them that goes much deeper than their estrangement. one worthwhile consequence will at have been attained: the spirit of schism will no longer be able to claim a place in our hearts. rather the schism the acceptance of the estrangement. the schism is the We result of a gradual and is general. 12. similarly. no matter how effi- cacious the visible results. The sin of schism is already committed in the heart when we behave as though we were not an integral part of the whole with others. each local church not only realizes the mystical nature of the whole. if they are recognized for what they are. the infinite 89 . the main factor in the Oriental schism is the refusal to submit to the primacy of the Roman See. The differences will tend to grow in the same measure that they are not respected. mainly through the sacramental life. estrangement. but is itself also a part is of God which to of that whole. have told us that in their ecumenical conferences they felt they were also speaking for the Catholic Church. according to the plan assemble all mankind into one Church catholicity and to represent. In any case. At the same time. alter membra (Rom. The Orthodox are well aware of it. actually and historically. not the least eminent in their Church. Not that the is schism of itself the estrangement. and some of them. in the of that Church.5). repeat: dogmatically and canonically. the seria ous reasons which contribute towards sideration or interpretation favorable recon- of the disputed questions will be freed from the burden of the distrust which prevents them from exerting least all their force.

the other as members of the same body. The actual acceptance of the estrangement. according before the year 1054. 90 . and the East recognizes the existence of Rome and the West. pstrangem en t or when we accept the results of many centuries of alienation: 3 we every time we commit. to the extent that it exists in us. according to the is vocation and function that assigned to each part. of which the East and the West are. Depending upon the dogmatic and canonical reality of non-submission to. whenever we assume the attitudes of. the wound has been healed. even today. Every time we recognize the existence of the East. people who do of estrangement. here feeling it to history. or acceptance of.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS riches of His gifts. Rome the visible head of the body. by every act or attitude of ours wch rejects and weakens that estrai^gement. for the purpose of regulating accept each other really means that each accept the other according to the role that each is to play in the total organism. If the Church is like a body. which in the past made evident a lack of union. positive or negative. On the other hand. the schism is made or abolished at a single blow. is its we might To say. acts analogous to those. we contribute continue it towards ending the schism and actually end it. had begun long not share the has not been completed so long as and there. the two sides. to that extent. but there exist. We contribute to the schism. the Head. it means that each one accepts movements as a unity. even today.



i." (typewritten ms. W. E. B. 9. A. 1952. Baumstark. Indeed. 387-407. Michel. at. Kirchengesch. 191 (At orthodoxa Crusade)." Het christelijk Oosten en Hereniging. after the 93 . c 136. E. op. Le Schisme Apercu historiaue et doctrinal (Paris 1941) (see for example p.NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE 1. "Bestand eine Trennung der griechischen und romischen Kirche schon *" Zeitschrift f. "Grundgegensatze morgenlandischen tums. and 229233). The Byzantine Patriarchate 451-1204 (London 1947) see especC. Of the many modern historians who have expressed the idea. Appendix ad fasdcuhm rerum expectandarum et fugiendarum II (London 1690). this idea is clearly stated in the second part of the very re- markable Opus tripartitum by Humbert of Romans. counts 217 years of interruption divided into seven schisms. A. Amann. Mayne. years. G. Every. 234f. In the sense as specified intellectuelle by us: "Culpabilite et responsabilite colcf. I53f. For a certain number of these. A. Rheine 1932). The Churches Separated from Rome (London 1907) no. lectives. Obolensky. der Historic. representing a total of 203 between the years 337 and 843. cit. 2. Palmieri. Prince D. 7. Histoire de FEglise (Fliche et Martin. West in 1054". G. op. Michel. 259-284. also Vraie et 3. und Christenbyzantin. Paris 1940) 139. especially in chapters the text is quoted in Brown. ii and 12. Cambridge Hist. we list only a few: A. 1950. abendlandischen Jugie. 186. M. Jugie Le schisme byz. Bouman. "Scheiding en hereniging in het perspectie ially p. Jugie. Ostrogorsky. Duchesne. "East and 1955) 134-148. A. 4. April 1950. fausse rejbrme dans I'Eglise (Paris 1950) 579-596". Journal 2 (1953cites as where the author agreeing on this subject." Vie Mar. Herman. Theologia dogmatica (in the Mount Athos. 165 and 168-69 Fourth Twelfth Century). L. R. see Every. lists between the years 323 and 787 five great interruptions of communion between Constantinople and Rome. 93-101. vor Kerullarios 42 (1922) i-n. Holtzmann. Oct. Leib.

B. by the Congregation for the Oriental Church). but he con- could no longer happen in view of the many acts of hostilthe Catholic Church. period. during Council of Florence (Westminster 1940). S. Le cardinal J. A. Raes. the Archbishopric of Sinai remained Catholic haps at Antioch. III Storia del Medioevo (Florence 1955) a Benedictine Monastery founded by Amalfitans on Century there was with Monte CasMount ^Athos)." 5. As for instances of communion 1929) and in Irfaikon (Nov. Pitra (Paris 1893) 374 Pitra justifies the numerous cases to which he 377 and esp. until the Twelfth Century). Korolevsky in Stoudion 17 (Feb. 6. The union was not rejected at everywhere at once: it is probable that the union agreed upon Florence was upheld in Jerusalem. C. according to him. of the Byzantine saints should be invoked during the prothesis the in Roman edition of the Liturgy of St. n." Orientalia christ."La premiere edition romaine de la liturgie de S. Cf. Chrysostome esp. cites a great many Xllth Centuries 1054 to the A the Xlth and the (Oxford del such cases. It would seem that this criterion was applied in determining which rite. Runciand the Eastern Churches The Extern Schism.. Francis Dolger. Study of the Papacy 1955). 435-38. There is no doubt that a close examination of the archives of the harvest. Roman congregations concerned would produce an ample We refer the reader to but a few of the publications: A. John Chrysostom (Grottaferrata 1940.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS II Corporate H. and per- until 1534. Dom refers by the fact that. Dom Pitra contributed to a stiffening towards ity siders that this 94 . until the Eighteenth Century. 1929) 646 in sacris. Rees. 112 (relations with southern Italy and even s ino. Raissa Block "Verwandtschaftliche Adels zum russischen Fiirstenhause im XL Beziehungen des sachsischen A.J. Battandier. Jean en staroslave.Brackmann (Weimar 1931) 184-206 (marriages). 7 (1941) 518-26 521 522. S. These were numcommunicatio the to are we referring especially erous until the Eighteenth Century and did not really cease to occur until after the middle of the Nineteenth Century. Jahrhundert. in Relazioni X di Congress* internazionale 92 (until the Twelfth Scienze Storiche. Festschrift. 2. no official canonical act of the Oriental Churches had denounced the union of Florence. Study of A the Schism of man. The Catholic Church and 85 Prolegomena (Florence 1913) the Relations between East and West from Reunion. brought out in 1941 cf.

" Sept. 14 (Brown. The case of Russia merits a special study. (cf. II (Rome 1933) 7. Cf. Roman attitude in these matters R. Tlie Uniate Eastern Churches (London 1923) 190. The excellent formula first of Jugie. i8t f. 12. and 1936. see J. Der : Ostrogorsky. christliche Osten in Geschichte und Gegenwart "Eine langsame. but in criticizing his opinion. W. op. 270. Since our article "Schism. Every. i. when he opined right 8. half of the Eleventh Century. Numerous facts the Fif- f years 1627-1643). Acta SS. A. III and IV. 7. 1934 and 1935 (esp. referring to the sit- uation in the 11. 75f. of the union concluded at 105). de Vries. Aubert. 350-367. Silva-Tarouca. 188. there has appeared VoL II of the great work by Ch. dt. John I. (Paris 1952) 479-8o. on the Jesuit Missions to Naxos in the by the East. Le is Pontifical de Pie IX. Byzanz und die europaische Staatenwelt (Ettal 1953) 288. DSlger. V. UEglise du Verbe income (Paris 1951). Stoudion 3 (1928) 1930." Dictionnaire de thlologie catholiaue XIV coL 1286-1312 (1938). that D. Irenikon 1926. Octobris X 868f. n. De Buck admits he is partially Acta SS. Mart- and his successors ynov. Geschichte des Byzantinischen Staates (2nd ed. 10. C. The Byz. which contains an extremely thorough elaboration of the Thomist theology of schism. cf. 95 .to Eighteenth Centuries can be found in Echos Orient. John II. 9. Patr. tit. concerning teenth.NOTES of the - CHAPTER ONE around 1860. Florence (Palmieri. Octobris XI. Munich 1952) 266. 1935. 561 (Russia of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century). 154. part 2. After the schism of Cerularius. But that attitude already seen soon after the rejection. "L'Unite de 1'Eglise. Fortescue. 1936. C)p. no. Ephraim I and Nicholas I in communion with Rome. op. Journet. Fontes hlstoriae ecclesiasticae. 218). 51. As to the remained (1096-1106) fidelity of the Kievan monks in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. at. the Metropolitan Hilarion (1051-1072) George. Papebroch was no doubt too generous the Russian Metropolitans were Catholic until 1520. sections 9-12). immer weiter fortschreitende (Wurzburg 1951) 72 Entfremdung fiihrte schliesslich zum Bruch zwischen Ost und West".


46if. Les institutions de I'Empire lyz- antin. ward. in this history. Studienheft No. 153-168 ideal point of view and constitutes a critique of the Catholic thesis as well as of the Orthodox view.NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO I. independence responded to the reaction of the Emperor to this tendency. it was formulated. next. in which the Emperor a state of things accepted in the West even played a part in the Church. "Die Entstehung der kaiserlichen Synodalgewalt unter Konstantin dem Grossen. L. The same sub- ject is treated under the by E." Kirche und Kostnos (Orthodoxes und Evangelisches Christentum. there never was any caesaropapism in Byzantium. dogmatic judge up ion should be maintained or not. Brehier. 444. from the Seventh Century onthe by popes. According to Ostfogorsky. Baur. setting forth the distinction from the State. Karatschow. by the Epanagoge of 879-886. as Dvornik (see No. 3). a bishops (Synod of The Oak) as holding sovereign position beyond 97 . Le monde byz." Russian. as well as in the East. the birth in both the East and the West. The iconoclast conof the Church the ral. Cf. In seeking a certain historical of ideas. This point of flict view seems to be more or supra less that of Byzantinists such II. as being intrinsically similar. litre theologische Begriindung and ihre kirchliclie Rezeption. On the other hand. Constans set himself beginning of caesaropapism in Constans: decided whether communof autonomous as formulae. "Die Anfange des (1931) Casaropapismus. for example." Arch. logic in the sequence we evidently risk presenting moments that are really unlike. The has been a history of the emancipation of the history of Constantinople Church from the control of the State. "The Relations between Church and (in Seminarium Kondakovianum 4 (1931) 122-134 Byzantium. two periods can be discerned: first. a survival of Roman paganism. A. Dom Chr. and had himself recognized even by the the laws. of a new "medieval" between the spiritual and the tempoideology. 2) (Witten 1950) 137-152. Wolf from a less same heading in the same collection. f. kathol Kirchenrecht 3 99-H3> sees the in effect. with German State in summary).

Le UtvoL de FHumanitt II (Paris 1949) 43 2f. emphasizes the normal characcils. on the whole. n. Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 36f. The Growth oj Papal Government Middle Ages (London 1955) 33. Treitinger. A profos des rites shintoistes (Paris 1920) Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner. Dolger. in the of the powers or domains. L.. c 16-17 of part III of the Introduction. 56 (sermons) 221-64 (well-known result of the imwhich provoked conflicts with the papacy). 4. Gasquet. Berkhof. The Christian Attitude towards the Emperor in the Fourth Century. W. recognized. 44 (1951) criticized m-n6. Byzanz und and all 142 n. O. the of ter of this role emperor which the popes themselves have. especially as shown in Addresses to the Emperor (New York 1941). Brehier and P. Staatenw. Kirchengeschichte 56 (1937) 1-42. "Emperors. Gasquet. Also Dvornik. by Michel." Byzant. esp. Ambrose affirms the subordination die europ. 3. n. Ullmann. Brehier. The debate has not been settled. but a consecrated person having a quasi-sacerdotal dignity in the Church (entry into the sanctuary. Dvornik. 6. Setton. Coneccle- fessionskunde (Freiburg Br. German translation Zollikon-Ziirich 1947). Popes and General "Rom Coun- 6 (1951) 4-23. Cf. Lehrbuch der vergleichenden i. cit. 524 on the sacred character of kings did not have the same meaning and did not play the same part in Byzantium as in Rome (the West). Bacht (Wiirzburg 1953) 557-62. H. "Pope Gelasius his and Emperor view has been Anastasius I. M. Kattenbusch. The Basileus was not a mere layman. Michel and 54o that the Hellenistic formulas shows here and on p." in Das Konzil von Chalkedon. 2 (1948) 120 Berkhof considers that St. 5. Zeitschr. K. 2. Geschichte und Gegenwart. 1892) 374-83 (Excursus on the siastical signification of imperial in der dignity). op. perial heresies monde byz. "Der Kampf um das politische oder petrinische Prinzip der IGrchenfiihrang.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 2. A. f. while of the one to the other." Zeifschr. Grillmeier-H. Batiffol. 3i 4. Among others I by F. quoted infra. Dolger. John Chrysostom limited himself to showing the duality St. De Kerk en de Keizer (Amsterdam 1936. F. De fautorite imperiale en matiere religieuse a Byzance (Paris 1879). Les survivances du culte imperial romain. the 98 . a -work criticized by Berkhof in Vi- giliae christ. Am.

in this matter those of Byzantium: cf." "Ecumenical Patriarch"): quet. "Le cinthe sense of "Ecumenical" idee nach ihrer Gestaltung = quieme concile et rcecumenicite byzantine. Rev. Voigt. Macarius II. n. We do not believe that we are mistaken in translating by "Imperial" or "of the Empire. Mercati III (Rome 1946) 1-15. and der Hashagen. "L'empereur dans 1'Eglise byzantine. eccUs. "Leo der Grosse und die 'Unfehlbarkeit* des ostromischen Kaisers. BatifFol. are very numerous: besides those given in our Jalons pour une du lalcat (Paris 38f. In "of Empire. 6. and a quasi-episcopal function in the care of souls. all the inhabited earth. and 55. Soc. Cavallera. (1937) 67f. F." Miscellanea G. of Ancyra was to say that the Emperor Manuel ops. Devreesse. des Antiquaires de France (1926) 222f. it cit. except for the in the care bishop like other bish- of souls.NOTES rite - CHAPTER TWO etc. 167$ R. 360 and 340. by assembling all the ofoov- fiivri. "Sur le titre Am. was above other bishops The references to the text and to the studies made 1953) 299. Cf." see R. see on them theologie op. the representative of God. One might also at times translate the word by "pa- example: the direction of the Patriarchical School fell to the "Ecumenical Professor." but no doubt in the sense of principal or triarchical" for universal professor. Le monde byz. Gasquet. in Eine Untersuchung der Kirche vorreformatorischen Bedeutung Laicneinflusses (Essen 1931). cit. th&ol. 78. 47 (1928) 11-17." in Zeitschr.) of communion at the rime of his coronation. de Litter." forget the "unitarian" ideal of "Reichspatriarch. Treitinger." provided we do no* which we speak further on. Janin. "Ecumenical" is rather hard to translate in its Byzantine usages for example. cf. f." in the sense that German historians speak of the "Reichskirche. du Prince V e H9f. "La doctrine si&cle. 77 (1955) 49-6o. cf. Jalons. Ill. Brehier." Bull. K. according to which the vocation of the Empire was to express and realize upon the earth the unique reign of God (of Christ). La civilization byzan- 99 . Kirchengesch. Gas~ ("Ecumenical Council. de *pontifex' des chretien au empereurs chretiens des V e et VI e siecles." Bull. The popes ibid. themselves often gave such tides to the emperors. power to celebrate mass. 44f. In the Fifteenth Century even. and the sovereigns of the West followed J. Stoat und Kirche vor des der Reformation. and esp. op. Die ostrb'mische Kaiser- und Reichs- im hofischen Zeremoniell (Jena 1938) 164-66." Now. under the authority of the Emperor. 113. n.

W. refers the reader to the auxiliaries of Christianity. "Constantine a Bishop. The Journal of Roman Studies Seston. and again Janin. in the it in the sense of rd earrog. thtol 77 ed. n. n. ey<b de r&v SXTOG vno Constantini Beov xaBearattevoG iniaxonos av dr\v is : Eusebius. Cf. April 1947 (Paris 195) 254-67* 7.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS tine. her material means. her 100 . U. des life et. Studia Patristica L. the very This point seems to us well treated in Gasquet. Palanque. connoting when comwithout great precision an idea of universality. as it does to V. 362-64.. 3 supra (sep. I F. (Berlin 1957).This seems to us very debatable the Rev." sense of propagator of the Gospels to the pagans: as in E. consequently. "Eveque du dehors. Cross (T. Th.. et droit cano"Droit romain subde indications given by J. nyf. 6 (1948) 115-16. Laurent in his review of Seston's article in byz. Hence. Babut. he specifies his thought by challenging the too systematic ecthesis of Hinschius. Code (1905) 264. c casiecles. prtg. W. Straub. She simply indicated the measure she wished and cites relevant examples and solicited it from the Emperor. from Constantine onward. (Fliche et Martin. IV of submission to to expressing the idea of a supreme dignity exclusive the primacy of the pope. the expression was rather vague. does not Mtetpret (Papers presented to N. K. 26) lending itself bined in the tide "ecumenical patriarch" (c Ch. *AU' vpetQ pev exact ra>v siaco rfjs 'ExxArjalas. that is. H. (1955) 50. V selves canon binding to formulate her law. Baynes) 37 (i94?) 127-31. the Church herself did not have law Boyd. the Christian Emperors rendered as civil law." Re me critique 68 de I'liglise Histoire (1909). but in the sense of ol euros. aimed Emperor from as the rank of Aposde to that of Bishop. The meaning of this text still being debated. 12). 3) 63 and Brehier. J. 64). Vita IV 24. 493.." Actes du Congres de Droit IV e et nique en Occident aux ? 2<52: "Constituting themnoniaue. in the study cited n. her organization. jus publicum. As may be seen. Rev. 8. according to which. Aland and and very recendy J. who character of the situation. We believe it concerns the exterior of the Church: her defense. Dvornik. sees in it a corrective gloss at reducing the stresses the normal of Eusebius. Gaudemet. p. Nouv." The author Edicts of the Theodosian Ecclesiastical The K.. clesiastical law was ifso facto and totally state law.

Essai sur la thtologie mystique de I'Eglise d' Orient (Paris 1944) 172. Rev. 6 (1948) 114. 3. schism" in spite is co-extensive with the history of the Church herself. cited by Laurent. 11. matiere ecclesiastigue: L'accord de 1380-82. Schmetheocratic byzantine esp. Dimitri Le mouvement (Paris AL Khomiakov 1953)- 13. C the study Of course we cannot here expound or even summarize this entire the estrangement which fosters the "Oriental history. Gasquet. See our prefatory note in the posthumous volume of A. Note that the strongest formulas on the power of the Emperor in reli- May gious matters are to be found among the great Canonists Balsamon and Demetrius Chomatenus. byz. 14.NOTES policy and also the exercise 48. - CHAPTER TWO sanctions. way of presenting See our review in by Michel cited Rev. In Black- 1945) 56-57. and id. be useful compared with Palmier!. etprofana. Muller.). A contemporary Orthodox writer advances the same idea: A. Miklosich and J. G. "La TEglise orthodoxe. as we have said. Jalland. of everything. Gratieux. we would like to However." 13 10. des Sc. et mann. E. 45. mention here a few of the events which Jalland sees as so many occasions or episodes of the ecclesiological conflict between the Church of Empire and papal Rome: (a) the 6th Canon of Nicaea (21 if." Dieu Vivant 25 (1953/4) 35-53. (b) the summoning of the Eusebians to Rome to present their accusations against Athanasius. et. Theologia dogm. 12. no. friars T. the pope Julius. "Les droits ibid. Acta et diplomata graced medii aevi sacra 9. The Church and (Feb. IIT. phil supra. orthod. I 757f. deTEmpereur en (1955) 6-20. in a "caesaropapist" light (194?) 282-87. the Papacy (London 1944). 6 vols (Vienna 1860-1890) II 9. of juridical Cf. op. cit. slavophile a la veille de la Revolution'. Eusebius of Nicomedia was by way of substituting the that aware being by Pope IOI . Dvornik f criticized Jalland's the role of the Emperor et thtol.

II. the dogmatic decree of the Emperor. adversaries of Rome denied the authenticity of its Canons or at least of dogma of the Emperor as the final clause. in which is formuline lated with great clarity the point tradition (255-57). says Jalland. then (k) the theology partisans at of the resistance of the Studite monks. Constantinople of the Roman position. between Constantius. or (h) in view of Berytus and the terms the caesaroapism of Theodosius. and Gelasius I carrying this affair one step further. the city of the Emperor. (1) there is the action of Nicholas I. a of two conceptions of the source of in the Church. from the same Siricius the claim. head in relation to the members (273-77) Leo. and struggle which represented that the struggle Pope Liberius. in is the body of the Church. (f) the both of them in Roman with Sardica. and autocratic Emperor. (c) the so categorical that the confessional testimony of the Council of Sardica. one (d) into subjection to the Imperial power (219-23). to be the See of the "ecumenical of the Henoticon. loudly claiming of Rome the canonical IO2 . document dating back to Pope Damasus. under St. we begin to think that this appeal issued from men having the the Church. or (j) the protestation of Felix III against the pretention of in the face patriarch". in as much as the "fall" of Liberius repdogmatic truth a resented momentary defeat of the apostolic tradition by the dogma of Caesar (224). the promulgation by Pope Siricius of the "First Decretal. and. the affair of the 28th Canon of Chal- Con- stantinople.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS law for the apostolic tradition (213-18). the contemporary and in for the Bishop some respects antag- onist of Photius. that fell feeling that Rome was that organ. an ecumenical organ was needed by and that disjoined from her. turning towards Rome in order to free themselves of the imperial tutelage. or again. and finally. of a primacy of the Church of Rome which. cedon. but of short-lived success (246-49). when we examine the list of signatories of the address to Pope Julius. the resistance of the same Felix III and the deposition by bjm of Acacius of Constantinople. yet. according to the Damasus by Timothy t>f in which Damasus replied (258). like the and yet again (i)." a juridical instrument adapted to the situation cato nonically established at Sardica according which the Roman See is the universal arbiter of the life of the Church within the framework of the Christianized against Theodosius Empire (265-72). (e) the rescript of Gratian and the edict of Theodosius. (g) the appeal to apostolic of view of Rome.

n. "'Unity*.' 'Reunion*. such as those of nischer Sicht compare with this the Orthodox accounts. Op.) and c Brehier. (Paris 1938). had imposed her order. "A propos de 'Moscou Troisieme Rome*. and to give the Councils their legitimacy and value (Wolf. Baumstark. See also C. i8 Dvornik. the right to convoke the Synods." 'OeoAoyta 22 Similarly. before the conversion of the peoples to Christianity. 17. dt. to which the Patriarch of Constant"It is impossible to have the Church withinople. An interesting piece of evidence of the idea of a Church of Em- the Grand Duke of Moscovy." Russie et Airitienti (1948. 8-1 1. and on the episode. Armenia. name the bearing we no longer have an Emperor". dt.NOTES - CHAPTER TWO prerogative of the ecumenical authority for example. Die Orthodoxe Kirche des Ostens in okume72f. of the Basileus abolished. de Yoecumenidtt dans la pensle religieuse russe contemporaine. we recall the conclusions of J. op. from the point of view of the diversity which appears even in the apostolic times. Baumstark. (Zurich 1946) in or Schmemann. National Churches and the Church Universal (Westminster 1944). III. has likewise insisted on the fact that in the East national churches tive liturgical were organized quite early. the privilege of sending the Pallium (Gasquet.. II 191. la the West. Acta et diplomata. IV. La conception sodologiaue (Athens 1951) 242-54. op. for 18. II 431. at. Olson. Cf. Antonius IV. the Light of Orthodox Ecclesiology. Le monde byz. "L'eveque dans 103 . sometimes outside (Persia. language and often her worship. the article by M. Abyssinia). "Gnmdgegensatze." (Miklosich and Miiller. i. Zankov. Swiedinski. C what follows. 4.. cited injra> ch. [cited supra. i]i62). having their respeclanguages and that these churches were sometimes within it the Roman Empire. Thus the pope* gradually came to regain the prerogatives involving a role of direction or supreme arbitration in the Church. 181-82). Sect.. i8 and ch' 3. tit. replied: out having the Emperor. de Taube. declared: "We have a Church. upon having had the diptychs pire: in 1393. i8s). Rome is also K>." 18. n. op. 'Division. 149. n. This fact to be found in Bardy. 3/4) 24. It is instructive to S. c Gasquet. 15.. 7.

Le monde byz. taking account of a Rus- sian study politique by N. Greenslade often stresses this fact in his Schism in the Early Church (London 1953). cit. Dolger.rJQa)fjia) of thy Church" in the prater that precedes the final benediction in the liturg} of St. Moscow and East Rome. Medlin. even Bordeaux). 20. das dritte Rome (Hamburg Russie et 1929). See also the numerous studies devoted to the theme of "Moscow. 56 (1937) 1-42 (a wealth of bibliographical inHammer. Moskau. Pavia. Milan. "Preserve the Plenitude (TO ?t/. Aix-la-Chapelle. Schraeder. Third Rome. B. however. art. Tournai. 21) jf. troisi&ne Rome* dans la pratique du gouvernement russe du xvi c sifccle." Speculum 19 (1944) 50-62 (the idea of "Second Rome" was applied. as is known. (supra. Brehier. each one with bishop) flourishing in the East. f. S. 21 (Paris 1951) on a Paul- ine tradition in Universal Church) flourishing (stressing the existence of a a Johannine tradition (stressing the existence of local its Rome." Unam Sanctam. de Taube. the phrase. Vom Ersten bis zum Dritten Rom (Innsbruck 1949).. particularly. infra Kattenbusch. "The Concept of the New or Second Rome Middle Ages.. 23.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS les communautes primitives. 17 (Moscow W. 3/4). H. 1945) 3-23. Confessions!?. Bury. vgl. and com- munities. in der Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner. a PoChurch and State in Moscovite litical Study of the relations of Russia (Geneva 1952). Lehrbuch A. Cf. In all the works concerning the See particularly Dolger. "Rom Empire and the Byzantine Church. 231-35- Notice. I. even in the West. Montesquieu takes this also. See point of view in De la grandeur et de la decadence the publications of J. Rahner. John Ctr^sostom. Cf. propos de Moscou. 'Troisifcme 17-24. Treves. Clevtitienti "A Rome*" (1948. Reims." 104 . 22.. II i. in the W." particularly M. he shows that the Byzantines even claimed a monopoly on the tide of "Romans. Kirchengesch." Istoriceskie Zapiski. n. L." formation). Tchaev. to towns where the Imperial court sojourned. "'Moscou. 21. Zeitschr. K. 19. des Romains.

33f.. 27. 141. GCS 7. 1902). 13. Eusebius in Laus Constantini (Ed. II Storia An- (Florence 1955) "La Monarchic hellenistique": A. Aymard. L' Institution monarchique. n. Cranz. Kirche in den Sdiriften Konstantins d. Cf. 195-295. numbers n. 228. Peterson. but not linked with the Donatio Constantini (31." J.-Polit. see orienting the themes "Die Primatworte Mt. polity in Eusebius history of Constantinople and Rome from the viewpoint of the unitary world idea. 45 (1952) 47-66 and Bjzanz (bibliogr. gese. (Leipzig 1913). XK. M. 12 14 and 16. u. 215-34.NOTES 24. which later on was C Dolger. A. Die roFor the rather considerable influence of Eusebius in mische Weltreichsidee und die Entstehung der weltlichen Macht des Papstes (Turku 1936). europ. 16. 64). 36f." Neutestl Abhdlg. 31-34. pears in the used to bolster it (36. J. Text in Karl Mirbt. 18-19 in der altkirchlichen Exe- Ludwig. Constantin und die christliche Kirche 2nd ed. Heifcel.. 4 (Miinster 1952) 45-47- 105 . Ullmann. and The Growth.). Grossen. Dolger. Geschichte des Papsttums n. Blatter. Antike und Christentum. Rev. - CHAPTER TWO this idea of the transfer of the primacy first apmonophysite John Philoponus in the Sixth Century. "Ursprung und Idee" 201-13. 30. reprinted in Theologische Traktate (Munich 1951) 49-147. 54). Heuss. Dolger. "Kingdom and of Caesarea. lazioni del Congresso internazionale di tichita See also Redell' Sdenze Storiche. an overall n. 151 (1913) (754-70. Dolger. n. 17. of practical ecclesiology in Greek thought. Dolger. Pfattische. Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem (Leipzig 1935). "Die Histor. On this political theology of Eusebius and Constantine. Staatenwelt. Leipzig E. E. 3 (1932) 128-31. < Schwartz. Quellen zur und des romischen Katholizismus (Tubingen 1934) 28. E. 29. F. either for the benefit triarchate of the Empire and the Byzantine paor for the benefit of the papacy is found in EL Jantere. 25. 26." Harvard Theol. 4.

3. III: "Uni- versus Occidcns principi apostolorum fructus fidei profert regna Occidentis tamquam Deum in terra colunt. Gasquet. 9 is involved. Qua de causa nos ad viam. A. Brehier. the famous pages of St." Zeitschr. a dialectic and corruption. Thus. 52. 158. see Jugie. even at that late date. accingimus.. Amann. Pope Gregory II (f 831) wrote to the Emperor Leo . Dolger.. Here we find a point in ecclesiology which has already been touched upon and which seems important to us. cf. Le monde byz. art. of eschatology and the corresponding dialectic. Martin 8). 52 (i933) 29-89. Capet. Cf. Cf.. as in c. in extremas Occidentis regiones versus illos qui sanctum baptisma efHagitant. cf. if it is not carried to extremes. cit. so seems to us. Robert Bellarmine (De Eccle. which lack a sense 33. accomplished by the Christian life. 21. Histoire de I'figlise op. (Fliche et cit. Kirchengesch. Michel. n. 34. n.) 35. f. 106 . the translation of the visible and terrestrial expression has been 32. Bilderstreit. in conflicts which something other than semantics byz. State. Vasiliev. II 348-52. 36. Monde byz. Hugh perial Innumerable events support this statement.. other examples may be seen in Brehier. (n. in Chalkedon II 539. The Basileis jealously reserved for themselves the of Emperor: the "Barbarian" princes were only Qfjyeg* On the of tides. Dei benignitate. 59.*..AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 31. L. 3 (Nicephorus Phocas). Militante III. 21. supra.. In the East rather than in the West. E. "Gregor II quern omnia Nos viam ingredimur und der art. Les lignes de faite du moyen age (Tournai-Paris 1951). supra. Dumbarton Oaks Pa- pers title 6 (1951) 226-251. made efforts to find a bride of im- blood for his son Robert. Brehier.. for example. De I'autorite imperiale. A. II 4. 47." Cf. Genicot.. 2). Le Schisme 30. Les survivances du culte imperial remain. A Church life manifesting itself through grace in human which should have the form of a unique visible society is an ideal of the sin Catholic Church. Caspar. On the plane of the it Church and the of the exterior celestial there has reigned.

"Pirenne and Muhammad. Genicot." Annales. op. comment on vendait dans le bassin parisien. Cf. the other in the West. Altkirchliche 1941). Bloch. "L*importation des tissus orientaux en Europe occi- dentale au haut d'hist." Histor.. 12. Sable. 40. Byz. and I26i. Riising. Dochard. "Encore Ma- homet de et Charlemagne." Classica et Mediaevalia 13 europ. L. F. 234. la civilisation occidentale: "Aux Nord et Sud de la Gaule. L. Another consequence of the Mohammedan conquest was that. we know only the title of A. C. et "Au temps de Charlemagne et des Normands: ce qu'on vendait ibid. on the grounds of the economic data brought forward have been expressed by E.)" Rev. 39. by suppressing the Churches of Africa. it destroyed a Christianity which. n. 2s. "Notes sur les ports de Provence du VIII e au DC e siecle. Jugie. cies." (1948) 165-90. 14 (1939) 513-36." Miscellanea hisCriticism of this theory torica L." ibid. F. H. "La derniere oeuvre d'Henri Pirenne. cf. 359^ 170 (ref. had and maintained a relative autonomy in relation Rome. beige de PMologie et 14 (1935) 8nf. 451-1204 which not cited by Pirenne. General criticism: aside from reviews (see Speculum. n. Dennett. Dolger. infra. Speculum 23 173 (1951) 245-63. Mohammed and Charlemagne (New York for example. IV. Cf. socittes. Staatenwelt. Patriarchate. moyen age (DC C et XI e s. "Les theses de Henri Pirenne." Annales 10 (1938) 325-30. M." Islam favored the constitution of two "prima- the one functioning in the Christian East. See s Every." in Rev. at. Pirenne. Autonomie und papstlicher Zentralissole resistance to a total mus (Munich Thus disappeared the Roman ascendancy in the West. D. while being Western and to Latin. Perroy. Pirenne. "The Fate of Henri Pirenne's Theses on the Consequences of the Islamic Expansion. "Les travaux de M. u. 38. Zeitschr. 2. Economies. Lambrecht.) 368f. Heiler. Tlie Byz. 23 in [1948] 165." Byzanthn 7 (i932) 495-509. Theories origines based on the other factors have been given by Genicot. histor.NOTES 37. ch. Leschisme byz. i): H. n. Laurent. Van der Essen (Louvain 1947) 81-93. Ganshof. H. R. Edw. civili- sations. (Copenhagen 1952) 87-130. d. - CHAPTER TWO 1955). 2 (1947) i43-6o. Aubin. n." 266-80. 212 (1943) 232-38. 107 . "Die Frage nach der Scheide zwischen Altertum und Mittelalter. H.

10). Regnum 47. Brehier. Buonaiuti. But Byzantium again the Arianism of the middle of the Sixth Cen- 48. Scolardi.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 41. de funitl des chretiens et pere du panslavistne (Paris 1947). a kind of fiction the approval by which the fact became stamped with intervened in Spain against tury. 286f. A. In be- coming Catholic in the practically at and religion were overwhelmed by the Arian barbarians. Tractates super Quatuor Evangelia 106. i. 43. Das Zweikaiserproblem im friihen Mittelalter (Berlin 1947). B. Cf. For example. Schultze. cited supra. rop a et Eu- und das Romische Recht (Munich 1947). Staatemvelt. Hire Stelhmg zu Christus. The Schism between the Oriental and Western Churches. net Decretisti e Primi Decretalisti M. Scott. I. II. Rome 1930) 45. tripartitum. (ed.-G. Histoire de rglise (Fliche Martin) 4. Dolger. pars 3. The Eastern Churches and the Papacy (London 1929) 310. messager This study is very well worth reading. Au service de Rome et de Moscou au XVIIC siecle. of the Empire. Byzantium recognized the victory of Clovis by con- ferring upon him the tide of consul. 395. Ohnsorge. Russische Denker: io<5. 108 . c. the \vritingsofNicolasJakovlevicDanilevskij (f 1885): cited in B. cit. E. On canon law arising from the duality of emperors. P. Opus ed. note 280. Clovis aimed there civilization West where Roman to et becoming a protector who would "henceforth render useless appeals the Emperor of Byzantium. P. Kirche* und Papsttum (Vienna 1950) 44. art. Koschaker. Aside Howard. 25. (Turin 1953) The history of the epoch of Clovis well illustrates all this. 456f. ch. Stickler. 46. 42. 2o well explained in G. Byz. this point is Special Reference to the Addition oj the Filioque to the Creed (London 1892) H. After Charlemagne. Sacerdotium i8f. with from our usual authors. 18. W. L europ. Le monde byz. Krijanich. n. u.. the problems of civil and cf. the to call themselves "Basileus Emperors of Constantinople were careful of die Romans" (Dolger." de Labriolle.

dogmat. but the Empire had been handed over to the Germans). n. Brehier. and references in Gierke. 30. Schisme byz. Ch. 50. Mochi Onory. L. 3. cf. S. Les transformations. Compare Fustel de coronation of Charlemagne was. (820-29) writing to Louis the Pious. 237 (one sole Emperor. 264f. who cites some other in- Le Roi chretien (Paris 1949) 167. dell idea 55. F. R. 52. on the part of the "The Coulanges: 49. 51. III. op. 2321. X 646-47. tinople in the Orbis). orthod. was usually treated as Emperor by the popes: by Gregory VII. Fleury. cit. 244." Histoire des 6. W.. Le schisme bfz. and by Innocent 53. V. (Paris 1907). 9 Political Theories of the Middle Age. eccksiast. Even the election of Count Baldwin of Flanders as Latin to the Emperor of Constantinople in 1204 in effect pays homage permanence of the Byzantine Empire. article on Filioaue DTC 55. - CHAPTER TWO "To Balbus. 225. stances. from the viewpoint of gradual alienation . 2. 267. Jugie. See texts Institutions politiques. cited by Mochi Onory. trl. Pope. Hist. a breach with Constantinople. 6. Johannes Teutonicus.NOTES Michael address: II. C Palmieri. II 75-87. 165 (Huguccio: the Emperor of Constan(one sole emperor no longer legitimate). Theol. Fonti canonistiche moderna dello Stato (Milan 1951) 233. For the history of the Crusades as a whole. see the works of the Orientalists and Byzantinists: rOrient au tnoyen age. J. Maitland (Cambridge 1900) 126. Thus Laurentius Hispanus. 5 and 56. (Paris 1892) 312. n. de Pange. Cf. L*gli$e et Les Croisades 2nd ed. On the Crusades. aside from the general histories. Mochi Onory. their so-called Emperor. op. 54. The Basileus Thus Ricardus Anglicus." Jugie. Grousset. thus pens his the glorious King of the Franks and the Lombards. col. cit. Palmieri.

See also A. vers Constantinople.-i5 1 10 . 12. 11. See also P. see Howard.4. Frolow. Essai sur la formation d'une theorie juridique.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS of the East and the West. (Paris 1907). Innocent III: la question d' Orient Chapter V. 1949) 27f. the A and the Eastern Churches during Study of the Papacy Centuries Xlth and the XHth ments. for the ideas. Lemerle. Epist. by Venice and Amalfi. L'glise et I'ttat au Moyen 6 228f." Rev. and Western Churches. apologfa. 57. Ill Storia del Medioevo 595-620. chaire. Nov. Villey. Brown and W. of the whole question up to 1913. gives a very rich documentation of the Latinisation in different studies Stoudion 1922-1929) a series of Korolevski (numerous articles in of articles on "Le clerge occidental et 1'apos(15 tolat dans 1'Orient asiatique et grco-slave. Korolevski. F. 58. 701. "Le passage au rit oriental. W." Relazioni del X Congresso di Sden. "La deviation de toire et la IV e Croisade Hist. Luop.. Medieval History." Ire'nikon 6 (1929) 457-87. Palmieri. C... Der zanz vierte des Abendlandes zu Kreuzzug im Rahmen der Beziehungen infra. The Eastern Schism. A. see for the facts the review Stoudion (Feb. Bycit. Cf. from various monographs. What caused the final break and irreparable hostility between the two portions of Christendom were oppositions of political either side as a definitive alienation interests and then the Crusades with their consequences of Latinisation. IV of CamRunciman. The Schism between the Oriental 38f. Besides Luchaire. n." age. Norden. Cf. in note. Brehier. Of the lamentable effects of the Fourth Crusade upon the relations between Greeks and Latins see.Following the docuof 1054 was not really felt on of the Greek world from the Catholic Church of Rome. Runciman shows that the breach (Oxford 1955). in Vol. Miller.. and the volume cited (Berlin 1898). "La Croisade. S. On the part played cf. des religions Probleme d'His- de Doctrine. 3 Kings. see P. 4776b. Monde byz. Stor. "Byzance int. and has 36-52. (Paris 1942) 59. 24 and 2 Paralip. bridge H. 32. Petro legato: PL 215. 145 (*954) 168-87. chapters 13 and 15 respectively. et la Croisade." Rev. 146 aside (1954) 194-219. CXXVI. II 458. gives the bibliography written the definitive history of the controversy.

St. 2. The Greeks showed an Mansi. 12250). II 233. of the Holy Spirit. PL 1353. of monastic consecration. PL 188. Letters Ex tua parte tua of August 8." Traditio 6 (1948). Papst Innocenz III (Bonn 1954) 216-17.). intern. the bull Quia divinae sapientiae of 1215." Ephem. 258f. 240. Innocent H. Compare for the role 4. Fontes. 488-504 673- and 4 108-29." (1896) Rev. Michaud. de sacram. R. Reg. for the azymes. XXIII. Letter Super episcoporum of October 1208. 109. ad canon. Orient. Opera. sacrif. But it must be noted that this the West has generally recognized the legitimacy of i. Fontes n. On the synod of Nymphaeum B. de azjmi etfermentati and Epist. 1* the articles of E. (1895) 217-42. orient. equal inflexibility. Palazzo. 352. 341. n. Ill. taken up again in 1257 See also by Alex- ander IV. Ex parte of March 1208. PL 215. 52. But reunion or plenary Church con- ceived as entailing the observance of Latin (Roman) practices. Feb. 63. is this study concerns the Seventeenth and Old-Catholic. Schmitt. 1204-1276. Haluscynsky. E. Juris canon. vol. a broad-minded man. III. 313. L. ed. and finally H. A.407. n. Wolff. printing. Tillmann. A few significant documents of Innocent III may be cited: Letter Cum vetiisset to the Archbishop of the Bulgarians. Th. Ser. P. Cod. for the Procession in 1234. * *Etsi pastoralis' et Inter multa'. saw a sign of schism in the different way of celebrating the Holy Eu61. charist in the East (Dial III 12. coll. PL 1468. celebration: Efist. Hoffman. iur. F. Comm. 271. 298. "The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of Constantinople and Greece. ed. It is important to note that here reordinais tions are not involved and that the validity of Greek orders reintegration into the not questis ioned. L. Acta Innocentii III (Pont. Caspar. 33-6o. who spoke Greek.. cf. 62. redig. See. Eccl. cf.NOTES Feb. 61. thus Gregory VII. S. ed. "Historique d'une dis- III . brochure on L'Uniatisme: Irtnikon 1927. Romae 1944 n. Brown. 120. Anselm. n. - CHAPTER TWO a 1923) a separate 5-<5). 25. Eighteenth Centuries and the work of an "The organization of the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople. Fontes. 1204. 4 (1948) 9-54. "Etudes sur de theol 3 la latinisa- tion de 89. i. VIII. Fontes n. R. 305. 1204. II. Even Anselm of Havelberg. "De Benedicti XIV latinisationibus in Const." Traditio 14 (1958) 62-120.

Sub catholicae professione of March 6 y 1254. in the Messager Rev. Braudel. Bell. . Gloubokovski declared Oxford-London Conference of Stockholm in 1925 (Cf. Rev. (Paris 1951) 296-97. de I'feglise Petersburg). Cf. internal. will alone furnish us (Potthast. type has become a kind of disease version "Proselytism of a purely pharisaical of the new Romanism. 1926. The Stockholm Conference 1925. we will reproduce only a few recent declarations that are rather representative: "Roman It towards Orthodoxy. N. Instruction to de la mort et sa celebration (Lex orandi. 12). Catholicism has always been aggressive has never recoiled before any effort to detach from the Orthodox faith entire populations whose political and cultural existence lacks a solid basis. .. 1945. 578-82 15. for the anniversary of the Union of Brest: AAS. religieuses. Hammond." Msgr. of Finland. P. our study on Purgatory in Le mystere 64. Janin.. 654). by G. 265). 1254: Mansi. Anthony. Orthodox Archbishop (St.Esprit. A. in reproduced in the text rather the de thloL 5 (1897) in. 67. XXII. 66. F." "La prise de Constantinople (1453) et ses consequences Nouv.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS cussion sur la Procession du Saint. II with a great number: Mansi. 1946. The Decretal of Innocent IV. 581-82. 23. 68. theol 75 (i953) 5H-I9recalled these beneficent 69. The Waters of Marah: The Present State of the Greek Church (London 1956) 24. Cardinal of Tusculum. his legate to Cyprus." Lc grand retour (Istamboul 1953) S7-99- Odo. The Official Report . . La Meiitenanee et le monde m&ditenaneen a Vepoque de Philippe II (Paris 1949) 672. and the con- of the whole universe to the foot of the Roman Chair ha 112 . K. What follows the frankly illustrates the word of Our Lord on at the mote and beam. 65. ed . Pope Pius XII works in his Encyclical Orientales omnes Ecclesias of Dec. 45^ Here 70. and cf. XXIII.

. Le Sanctam 19. Against Orthodox Russia. This attitude is a fact and it is quite typical. we should take intelligent account of the situa- Church tion and of the ideas of the time. oriental dissid. See also our Introduction to the French edition of Dvornik. moreover. All the same. c Jugie. they are represented the obligatory field for Catholic mis- sionary practice. but the facts cry out. A frequent reproach. christ. who strives much as possible of the goods of his sick and disheartened to get as neighbor into his own hands. is 26-27 and 54$ in which presented as always having sought unity by polimeans. and by consent of the latter. . n. penetrated with Soviet tranquillity symsince of course not for the sake of the of Orthodoxy in is Palestine. excepted. der Romisch-Katholischen und der einerseits. some mysterious bond with the atheist Bolsheviks. And in this direction the whole papal policy has been is on which now. just as though they formed a purely heathen domain. in okumen. Unam . acquiring special purpose since the death of the Orthodox leader and common Christian martyr. here the conduct G recalls the action of a rich and cunning landlord. 407. ii 420. n. not one Christian con- the bright vision and the sweet From these visions not all one church as is fession. apostolic expeditions the time are fitted out. cf. 72. harte. 60. for some reason. there divised. (Paris 1950) 12-15. His Holiness the Patriarch Tikhon. oberungsdrang Die Orth. I say this with great sorrow. IV. of the unlucky Genoa Conference." this will suffice to illustrate This enumeration of gravamina continues. the Catholic tical Abwehr auf . Zankow: "Dies ist das traurige Verhaltnis zwischen den zwei altesten und grossten christlichen Kirchen. Such among others regards relations is Anglicanism with all its ramifications. Kir. In Mohammedan Crescent has been openly preferred to the Cross. but quite well the part played by subjectivity and short-sightedness in a reaction of this type. infra. V. schisme de Photius: Histoire et Ifyende. Orthodoxen: Zaher Erder andern Seite. ch. Sicht. cf. ThloL dogm. stille d. And as towards Orthodoxy everywhere." Ost. the Christian carried pathies. availing himself of every opportunity and of Romanism every possibility. 71.NOTES become - CHAPTER TWO dream of the contemporary papacy. 32. the East. We hear the same sort of thing in the remarks of St.


3p ciprocal ignorance as one on the diversity of languages and reof the causes of the schism. occidentalisme. Faulhaber or as an outgrowth of it. Cf." Mitteilg. 113-30. Jahrhunderts. id. (1937) 6-7Cf. Zeitschr. 216. Kirchengesch. 2. a knowledge of Greek in the Fifth and Sixth Cenof decline treating the turies. . St. West und Ost vor dem verscharften Schisma des Kerdlarios. As a preparation for his book Kard. dt. "La question histor. see also Michel. H. Le schisme byz. 4." OstkirchL Studien i (1952) 32-45. catholicisme. L Inst. 37-6*9. 3. a recovery in the Seventh and Eighth. confuse "procession" with "mission". zum So.j. Tisserant. Cardinal E. which made them. Dolger. Schism in the Early Church. Le schisme byz. "Die romische Kirche und die griechischen Sprachkenntnisse des Fruhmittelalters. Bardy. "Der kirchliche Wechselverkehr zwischen ibid. "Die griechischen Klostersiedlungen zu Rom bis zur Mitte des n. "Orientalisme.. 46.NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE 1. they cf." Irtnikon 14 (1937) 3-20. eccles. The point is not touched from guages upon by Greenslade. 62 (1954) 28-86. Geschichtsforschg. the Greeks have often spoken- of the poverty of the language of the Latins. des langues dans T^glise ancienne. "Sprache und Schisma. 67 (1952) 604-18. Jugie. Michel." L'Antiee Molog. (1947) 230-44. Bardy has written some very suggestive articles summarizing the question. de thloL I (Paris 1948). cThist. said. "La latinisation de 1'Eglise d'Occident. Oesterr. which traces the process of the background of the ignorance of the respective lanon estrangement the time of Justinian.J." Et. Geburtstag. art. Steinacker." Festschrift der Freisinger Hochschule f. "Orient et Occident. In the discusand its poverty sions on the Procession of the Holy Spirit. "because of the limitations of their language in words." quoted by Michel. among others." Rev. Jugie." 145-73. Gregory Nazianzen says that the Latins do not distinguish Es- sence and Person accurately.

"Developpement (Paris 1948) de "Difficultes des id6es dans 1'A. IV 465^ Gratieux. von Harnack.&sc. of J. 34 (1927) 415-446. Thought so Cf. At Florence. Au dela du is marxisme (Paris 1929) 237 are very significant: "The mother. on the equivalence of Greek and Latin terms." (Paris 1948) 76 "Le problfcme de Jesus. Pusey thought that the Gavin. op. it also leads them to say that maintain the "impeccability" of the Pope. than the language of the mother. op. to perceive the true implications of papal infallibility which we moreover. Jugie. According to A. II 125.. Orthodox Patriarchs to the English non-jurors in 1718. the special logique. fasc. 35) 359. 7. 5." On et the problem by of Essertier.. cit.. This point is well known. 135. n. 12. cit. on the response of the Cf. difficulty was a question of vocabulary. do not have an equivalent word for vicarius: "Christus praesens. (Milwaukee 1923) 140 and Among 116 many pages which deal with . 6. i. De Man. infra. n. mother of the content of some kind.. determined. The Schism between the Oriental and Western Churches . it is the veritable spiritual It is not merely the technical means of expressing an intellectual itself is itself. 127.. Jugie.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 227. T. it injra. of attention to 30 (1933) number of the Journal de Psychologie normale et pathoon language... The translation is of "infallible" by a word which as also signifies "im- peccable" evidently linked with the profound thought of the Eastern infallibility theology on which regards it being connected with holiness and with the Holy (art. Psychologic Sodologie (Paris 1927) and the reviews in this aspect U Annie sociologist^ which pay a good deal things. cf. Howard. We should mention here the analyses mind: cf. (Aix 1947) 85$ croire. . et passim. cf. Palmieri. in great part see the indications given 89f. by it. IX. The fact. however. the Greeks Vicarius Christi. R. the discussion bore exten- sively on questions of vocabulary. The remarks of H. the content created. Spirit. n.. dogm. 490(1 cit." I9if." SbBerlin. nay.. Guitton on the La petisee moderne et le Catholicisme. 103. so often emphasized by us. Theol.tongue something else and more self. makes difficult for the Orthodox are. VI. Some Aspects of Contemporary Greek Orthodox 142.

Ch. See K. DTC 9. 140) and of Cerularius (ibid. during III. ibid. 216). Bishop of Cremona. . Bedeutungsgeschichtliche Beitrage zur KidturGeistesgeschichte (Halle 1930) 228. 73. Ep. cf. Luitprand. and Pope Leo IX to Cerularius. quoted by Jugie. (Jugie. XIII i. Their perfidy was already noted by Cito the cero. PL 143.NOTES this question. c Norden. on Purgatory. normally gentle. 3. schisme byz.). Busse. 227. Michel.: 8. For reasons justifying this approach. Ep." Echos d' Orient n (1908) 321-31.746.12130. (Dial 4 and 6: PL 188. IV.. 2. Gregoire et we should mention the very enlightening ones of Jugie. See also Anselm of Havelberg. Pope by Pope John VIII. cited supra. I and even in the sharply took III: irenic intervention of Peter of Antioch. n. Cf. 158. the Roman apocrisiaries synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234 complained of their "cavillationes": Mansi. we believe tha t this is a very important point and marks the true difference between EastCf.7580. Entlnisiasmus und Bussgewah (Leipzig 1898) 417. 11.. ad Mauritium Augustum PL Vitalian in 668. i. Even Le as early as St. Schokrios employs for "satisfaction" the Greek word ixavoxotTjai. Duchesne.) The reproach was often formulated at the time of the Fourth Cru- sade. Le schisme byz. la mart. 28. Holl.. J. Cf. n. - CHAPTER THREE "St. n. XX Jugie. the constantly repeated reproach (c is clearly expressed in the polemic of Photius Jugie. the discussion of 1136 Ill. took away this impression from Constantinople in 968. 108. 280 C. cf. Le schisme byz. cited infra. k procession du Saint-Esprit. Gregory the Great. 32. 12. cited 748. Nicholas response to up these accusations in his Emperor Michael dare to Your Majesty mock can only be astonished at seeing the language of a Christian people as if it "We 117 . I2i5f. XXIII. Churches Separated.. Le mysiere de 10. 12 (coL 1226). PL 126. ad Michaelem. 31. 328-30. und For our part. 77. 1330. 249. regem Bulgarorum. our study ern and Western thought. Weisweiler. A propos of the Greeks being too subtle. n.

La civiliza- a Byzance. "La vie scolaire byzantine 42o. G. For Byzantium. * call yourself Roman Emperor' while not understanding anything of the PL 119. Brehier. The barbarians and the Scythians live like mindless beasts.. 4. or even art. Cf. de. 37. 2i 17. esp. J.. n. dies in the Baumstark wrote before the most recent revival of Byzantine studomain of religion and theology. Vries. Goller. cit. now. surely cannot be called a phenomenon of "immobility" and old age. 13 and in the n." Melanges mile (Brussels. For laicus as "illiterate" in the West. of the static character of the East in its thought and art. Ill of Education (New York 1956) 340. and the well-known existence Empire of a body of well-educated laymen employed in the service State. man": E. "Graecus" 1937) 399-409. infra. or cultivated Boisacq.. our volume as todes conjointes pour une Thtologie 'LaicaL infra. See also Palmieri. 4s6f.. n. tion Ch. n. Assoc. On the subject of art. C. 33-43. Guilland. n.. Die Periodisierung der Kirchengeschichte und die epochale Stellung des Mittelalters zwischen dem christlichen Altertum und der Neuzeit (Friburg 1919) 23 .. II 53 and Roman understand language. they ignore the true God and pray before stones and pieces of wood. equivalent to cf.) (Nimes 1778-80) X 100. 73. Grundgegensatze. One could not as in speak today. L'essor de la Litterature latine au Brussels 1946) 12. 22.. 15. Butt (March 1953) 63-83. Marrou. . You qualify Latin as barbarian because you do not But think. 8-9.932. 14. op. Baumstark. c of the the fact that "Greek" sometimes signified "lettered. see I? Art saai (May-June 1953). former times.Scholastic reaction but has its own positive substance. I. H. well as the studies cited in n. in Antiquity.. Fleury. 13. 17-18. XII* siecle (Paris- Der christliche Osten. 16. 5. Goldmann. infra. 32. Histoire ecctisiastique (25 vols. how ridiculous you become when you it. 118 . History byz. Cf. de Ghellinck. which was really an anti." Bull. Besides.. = "Gebildet. Monde R. cf. E." supra.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS were a barbarous and Scythian idiom. The movement fostered by Palamas.

nof. the West a juridical interpretation. Florovski." Gregorianum 20 (1939) 257-63. 23. Put\ n. dans la perspective des divi25. n. G. The author Hofmann. L'Or- As testimony drawn from divine Liturgie. 188. "La question siecles premiers au concile de Florence. the East tends to make rite the rite an absolute. This is a well-known point." Proche-Orient chre'tien. 267. 119 . 19. it would be well to read C. 22. "Considerations sur le schisme d' Israel sions chrtiennes. Gogol. &." Collection Irenikon (1927).NOTES 1 8. Cf. cit. Confessionskmde. intrinsically by the rite. byz. Les relations normales entre Rome et les Eglises d'Orient. rentini. "the unija. spontaneously translates this 20. To supplement these far too brief remarks. Meditations sur (Paris la Introduction by Pierre Pascal 1952). "L'Uniatisme. by which the becomes purely a means. c 239. 261-62.'* Irenikon." (in French in Irenikon Russian). hist.. Brehier. literature. 10 (1953) 157-58.blanche. The Orthodox are reUniatism. it 21. Since religieuse. CL Lialine. "Notae de terminologia theologica Concilii Floesp. n (1934) 601." Irtnikon 15 (1938) proaching a reunion which would in the long run be a pure and simple submission and Rev. 118-19. Rousseau. "Paysans de Russie." et Docum. citing J. note. Boulgakov. "rite". "De la methode irenique. cathol 19 (1928) 387-404. Rousseau. "Avant le schisme du xi e siecle. i (1951) 169-91- 26. is particularly well expressed by Th." we are not here treating the question per se. we will content ourselves with mentioning the profound pages of S. Essai de psychologic Constndre 8 (1942) 92-119. supplement: translated into 24.. Gay. 5-6." for making the rite a means of obtaining and therefore of not characterized truly respecting the Oriental Church. - CHAPTER THREE des rites entre Grecs et Latins des C O. esp. Kraline. 22 (1949) 233-69. "Problematical Aspects of Christian Reunion. 37. VEmpire byzantin. see N. Korolevski. thodoxie (Paris 1932) I94f. L' Italic mlridionale art. Kattenbusch.

one by Geoffrey de Loroux (f 1158). in his "Confession et direction dans TEglise orientale. 62. Toronto." Stoudlon 6 (Feb. ChrysoOrthodox reactions. Orthodox Archbishop of Athens. and 54. Ottawa. The latter considered them through analysis and posed some questions: quis. (Paris 1948) 132-150. 28. ad quid. Geoffrey Babion. Cahiers de la Vie spirituelle 2nd ed. Chenu. "Theologie. A. Wntdictine 56 (1945-46) 174-215- 30. DTC. Kireevski. cf. period.. and Gilson." Ufeglise et le pfaheur. Tertium est inscitia Graecorum." in de Ghellinck. traces a history of the point this passage.. Wilmart. Among the countless expressions is of of Msgr. Unam Sanctam 5 and 6 (Paris 1939). Landgraf. 506. n. Cf. etc. Russische Denker (Vienna 1950) 85-7 and 31. R. Martin. cum studio. See the works of Grabmann. might be mentioned. de Lubac entire (Paris 1944)." Rev. under examination. "Un dit des plus grands predicateurs du xn e sifccle. Hieromonius that Pierre. by E. 35. cit.. See Gratieux. S. Mandonnet. 18/1 (1930) 3 lof. of the centers in Saulchoir. There is a very astute remark in this sense by Ph. cf. These words compose the title H. Bonnes has edited and studied two sermons bearing the others upon the same subject. de Regis.-P. in ra. 1929) Orientalia christ. et non intelligunt per sed adhaerent semper quibusdam conciliis. Une controverse recente. living in the atby Peter Comestor (fnyS 2-1179 ?). one of the most characteristic stom Papadoupoulos. also our article. cited cf. i&i. the book of a chapter in Corpus Mysticutn.? J. Geoffroy de Leroux. c 27. To give but one example: J. art. which agrees with that of 29. et quibusdam quae I2O . Khomiakov et le Mouvement slavophile 2 vols.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Lialine. printed separately. considered the texts as a whole. Schultze. mosphere of the Church Fathers. ideo Periit enim apud eos pro magna quae dicuntur eis parte scientia rationes. Aiiteurs spirituels et textes divots du moyen age Latin Still other authorities" (Paris 1932) 59-6o. Bonnes. 32. A. "L'union de 1'Orient avec Rome. still The former..-P.

und ydoaoyia in Dolger. We are not unaware that in Byzan- tium there was during the Sixth Century and then in the Eleventh with Michael Psellos. Theol. Der christliche 1939) 259-74- 35. said above on Byzantine culture: this culture was in the profane and theology was rather cut off from it. 121 . europ. ed. Studies (194. V. "Sinn und Sendung des neuorthodoxen Denkens. Cf. "Sur le charactere general de la philosophic byzantine. not having accepted the knowledge of the Scholastics as having the status of religious knowledge. Kirejewskij de Khomiakov. 33. J.6) 328. the Patriarchal school being something quite different from a University: cf. ad quos ratio nihil valet." Kyrios (1936) 233-44. Valdenberg. Brown. cf. pars 2. Toumanoff." Osten edd.NOTES . Church and Learning Byzantine Empire (London 1937) 22-23. d'Hist. In any case." little Rev. (Paris 1907) 217." in the Schulen von Konstantinopel im Byzantinisches Archiv 8 (1926) 5. Brehier. Tyciak. Byzantinischer Zeit. de la Philosophic 3 (1929) 277-95. "Die hoheren Mittelalter. "L'element la theologie moral dans Arseniev. the best survey in French is on the subject of Byzantine which appeared philosophy in the 2nd supplementary section of Histoire de that of B. "Zur Bedeutung von q>Maoq>oQ a survey reprinted in Byzanz u. sicut faciunt quidam haeretici idiotae. Pfleger. Wunderle. add: Gratieux. It is to be remarked that what Humbert notes is not in contradiction with what we sciences. Staatenw. Brehier. 426f. Cf. as Philosophie byzantine la Philosophie by Em. 30. G. Hussey. N." Opus tripart. "Notes s ur Thistoire de Penseignement superieur III a Constantinople. Tatakis. VI. something analogous to the Occidental dialectical move- ment of the Eleventh Century. v. of course. Such." I93. To the references given supra no. of his Monde byz. "Byzantion 3 and (1926) 84-85. K.CHAPTER THREE tradita sunt eis a praedecessoribus suis. 216. 36. perhaps a contrived. Werhun (Ratisbon 34. M. 492f. P. c. was the trend of the followers of Palamas. n. Fuchs. von und seine Lehre von der Erkenntnis der Wahrheit. J." Bessarione (1910) 358-66. "J. cited by C. d.

diss. or. 39. which was set in the East. Quoted by "La St. source in but all the disagreements have their thropological differences. J. question-and-answer: associate "Q. Aufhauser writes: "Der letzte Grund der nahorientalisch- anatolischen Kirchenspaltung liegt Studien wie vielfacher personlicher fuhrern gewonnenen Uberzeugung nicht so sehr in theologischen.: What ideas and what recollections ? may we name of the Eastern Churches "A. ac1944) 55 and 172: 43. bapt. Wilbois has been very perceptive in his UAvenir dc rfylise russe (Paris 1907) 217. reprinted in the Docum. De n. deification dans la tradition spirituelle de 1'Orient. Tyciak. Thus J. Essai sur la theologie the disunion. Lossky. Vl. P. and with the perhaps still is. the following which was. mystique de I'Zglise d'Orient (Paris and IV. 2946 Concerning the primacy. chs. als volkisch-kulturellen Unterschieden. TheoL dogm.. I andoes not arise from differences of mentality or cording to Lossky. 42.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 37. Augustine. On this and many other points. 1193-1206. esp." Vie spirit. (May 1935). was founded the first Church 122 . Le mystere cf. Suppl.: In Paradise. IV 366f. cf. 5." Das Morgenlandische Chrisshould tentum ed. Jugie. 3. 279-336. Jugie. Kruger and J. On the subject of Purgatory.. Divided Christendom. "L'union facile avec les Orientaux?" Unitas (April 1949) 261-73. We find in the "Great Catechism" of Philarete. 41. way 44. cathol (Sept. our study cited supra. n) 1949. B. the Procession of the Holy the one point of dogma. 40. de la mart. 91-108." "Die Theologie der getrennten Kir- nach meiner auf Grund langjahriger Aussprachen mit nahostlichen Kirchen- chen und die Frage der Wiederbegegnung. (Paderborn 1940) 79- We of mentality are in a very substantial merely add that the differences reflected in the theological structure itself. that which concerns Ghost. 38. in use in Russia.

Valetta. 76. the Ecumenical Orthodox Catholic confirmed by the seven Ecumenical Councils. Cf. should have own God. When the peoples begin to have common gods. by J. 4.. *an attribute of the Rus- 48. Book. their 'Orthoreligion has no place. Vladimir Soloviev et with reference to the CEuvres russes philes. "God sums up in Himself a it is whole people. having consummated the work of our founded His entire faith. They are thus son ceuvre messianiaue (Paris 1935) 203. Each people. Offprint. kath. Analogous state- ments were made Soloviev. an aspect of the sobornost' that must be kept in mind. Stremoukhoff. It of the Church of the redeemed. Theol 71 (1949) 347-54- 47. it was from there that He spread the Church over the Universe. quoted by La Grande Controverse 104. as is by God's by R. V. die foundation Savior. after the Fall. As for the Patriarch Photius. irin. 46. He was even to go further in the and declare that Orthodoxy is it.NOTES of our first - CHAPTER THREE was set parents in innocence. too. is kept without change in its original purity by the ancient Churches of the East and in those Churches which are in agreement with them. came from the darkness. in the land of Judah. at the Council of Constantinople in 1054. Grace. Christ. the Latins arriving in Blackmore (AberBul(Epist. since they came from the West." 123 ." Zeitschrif. already a sign of their decline. for the Slavophiles the true religion since it is because the Russian people confess '" sian nationality. De It is la Me*th. in the East. its in order to remain a separate ethnic group. W. garia the Russian Church. the Shorter and Longer Catechisms. Toeing the Primer or Spelling tr.' Zum KirchenbegrifF der Ostkirche. the Church of Russia. that Our Lord Jesus salvation. And until today. in sxiarohai (ed. N. 45." The Doctrine of deen 1845) 82. 167-69: "Soloviev could therefore say that in the system of the Slaves their stylized Orthodoxy. von 'Geisteskirche* Ivanka " und 'Gottragervolk. own Church. 4. resumed by D.. by the promise of the was in the East. London 1864) 168. that doxism* (pravoslavnicanie) is much more faith in the Russian people than Orthodox and Christian faith of that people. E.

Prophets and Peoples. Studies in Nineteenth Century Na- tionalism. i$6f. 50. (New York 1946) ch. N. n. 5. 49. See the analysis made by ' Palmieri. TheoL dogm. orth. 124 . Oehmen. 17 (1945) 2<S-50. "Le lieu theologique' du Schisme et le travail pour I'Union" Irfaikon.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS And c KL Kohn.

" theolog. since she presides the catholicity of the Church. one of which illumines the West. Jan. St. trl. P. Very impressive following 2. "Unites is 32. Contra Jul.649A: "ulriusque partis terrarum fides. 1054. Lietzmann: "So it came about that the synod which had been called as representing the ing into two halves." "We say. 9." From Constantine 1950) 206.552. in 372 and especially St. Irenaeus. however. St. East and West separated Then each from each other by formal church politics that also differences decision. XC. It was not merely differences in found expression in the present division. 159. but there are two Romes. PG Gregory of Nazianzen.473. there is only one sun. Libya) and those of the middle world (Rome?). all the Occident by a true teaching. 42.D. there were mulae. Iberia. party returned home. stresses that the apostolic tradition is the same in all these which are as one sole house. "Le sens de 1* unite dans 1'Eglise et les contro verses du IJ Annie is the siecle.13. the other the East". 44. 1. 476 PL 58." e Bardy. St. Quantum presbyteromm to Acacius. the question now being which of them would be able to carry out its will. ancient Rome. Gaul) and three churches of the Orient (East Antioch. Carmen de vita sua.1068. etc. enumerates three churches of the Occident (Germania. Denzinger. Augustine. which over the whole and guards the universal and divine harmony. Epist. V text of H. Egypt. by Bertram Lee Woolf (New York 125 . Schism had become a fact. as well as in both in theological thought beneath the ambiguous formany aspects of religious feeling.NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR 1. as between Eastern and Western separation in Christianity. PG 7. in 382: "In nature. whole Empire. breakeach of which condemned and deposed the leader of the other. A straight line runs from Sardica to the final A. Cf. Enchiridion Symbolorum no. Basil in his Epist. to Julian. For the first time in the history of the Church. but he primarily churches. "if not from the beginnings": there has been from the beginning an East and a West. PG 37. wanting to express just. fell asunder from the first. 9 (1948) 169.

man should render his account to God. XIV to Theodosius: 9 "Dolori esse ." Zeitschr.. but they did not concern themselves with the same questions. 5. Le schisme byz. It is Ambrose et Empire remain (Paris 1933) 96f. see Cavallera. See the monumental work. the stress is rather more of instruction than on the mystical. 167. the remark of St. Le schisme fAtitioclie (IV*Schwartz. On V siecles) the subject as a whole.. 7.5)- 6. Le Patriarcat (Paris 194. I. moralists and achieve divinization. 34 (1935) 129-213. Cavallera. "Grund- 9. "Der Kampf der Papste urn Konzil und Chalkedon. Ambrose in his Ep. background. j. iliJ. Lietzmann. cit.. cit. foe. See Palanque. liberty derives from "[.. who are were concerned with the way better still. meaning of applying to the diocese op. are mystics.. 5.. Bardy. gegensatze. who of how on the contrary. Neutestamentliches d'Atitioch. supra. 505. element on the 126 .. man should achieve the vision of God and.954. Moeller. See Jugie. Wissen. The Orientals. Geschichte chalcedonisme und Gegenwart) Grillmeier and Bacht.. cit. 8.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 3. ciL 205. The favor the Eastern Fathers showed towards human n." Roman liturgy. op. Devreesse. the survey by Ch.." PL 16." II. 4. Jahrhunderts.. their sociological the Pelagian had insensibly 2. relief the depth of the abyss which into throws affair] been made between the Greek Church and the Latin Church. "Le e et le neochalcedonisme de 451 jusqu'a la fin du VI siecle. were. by Baumstark. "Zur Kirchengeschichte des vierten (Paris 1905). not certain that Orientates in this text has the restricted of the Orient. op. from the beginning. 60. In the dem Grossen bis Hormisdas." Note also remarks of the same tenor made. 451-519. Baumstark.. beginning with the liturgy. the article by Hoffmann. 299. sacra erat inter Orientalcs atque Occidentales interrupta communionis I consortia. writes: Not only did the two Churches not speak the same language. Cf.. The Westerners. Das Konzil von Chalkedon. von Leo Dogma von 10. concerned with the question jurists." 54f.

See Palmieri.CHAPTEH FOUR 11. "Quomodo incrementum influxus orientalis in Imperio byzantino VII. s." Irtnikon 9 (1932) 409-21. Histoire de TEmpire byzantin (Paris 1920) 13. IX: The Greek Church. Le schisme oriental du History XI6 siecle (Paris 1899). Une Mologie pro- orthodoxe. c 166-171. 127 ... "Orient et Occident: Une contribution au problme du schisme. Baron. reprinted in Union of Christendom. 1923) gives the facts but touches only occasionally on the problems as a whole. on Cerularius: "The true cause of the schism was the indomitable determination of the Byzantine Patriarch to maintain his full autonomy vis-a-vis the Roman D. Herman. 12. LtEglise byzantine de 527 a 847 (Paris. n. 40. ch. Les Ugendes de Constantin et de Mfahode vues de Byzance (Prague 1933) 3o6f. Christendom. ed. Jugie. were the cause of a cit. Relations with the West up to 1054 (Cambridge. II 139. Besides see: Hergenrother. 59f.. its Cambridge Mediaeval IV 246-273. Ivanka.DC dissensionem inter Ecclesiam Romanam et Orientalem promo- verit?" Acta Con.. Council of 787 among the Ecumenical Councils. Theol dogm. and Ch. testantisme 33f. 17. See pontiff". II 491-562. also Ufcglise latine et le au point de vue de I'Eglise d' Orient (Lausanne and Vevey 1872) ("moral fratricide"). S. 109-32) 45sf.. I. Pargoire. Monachino. See the numerous historical treatments of the question. ch. See the text and the studies made of them in P. 22-30. n. 14. Riley. 1923). Hamilton Thompson. Pragensis pro studiis oriental (Olomouc 1930) 159-72. 16. j. 86 A. Carolingian councils Howard.. collected and edited by A. 3rd. Div.*. Le schisme byz. The difficulties raised by the certain delay in counting the cf. 3. London.NOTES . the on the Filioque.. Supra ch. I. infra n. The Churches id. by K. 27. 1938. 532. infra n. Congar. C Michel supra. 232. Konzil von Chalkedon. 20. Mackenzie. Diehl. Brehier. orth. Michel "Kampf. Khomiakov . ed. Dvornik. articles 15. Birkbeck and the Russian Church.. A. (London 1917) 343. (1940) 1531". Duchesne. The Division between East and West (brochure.." also V. Separated. 3-14. op..

Batiffol. "Das Konzil von Chalkedon. "Le 28 e canon de Chal- 128 . later on. The studies made of Canon 28 are numerous and recent: J. of the Council of Jugie. If Damasus did not reject the is Canon. 108. 219-233. with notes shall see (Oxford 1892) 106-11. implicitly a criticism of cf. Gilson. Council op. 17 (1951) et le SbBerlin 27 (1930). Bright. "L'Humanisme Medieval. Gelasius I to the Bishops of Dardania (ist Feb.995. on hist. "Alia CV to the Empress Pulcheria (22 ratio est May. TL O. Cf." Les Idles 1932) 184-85. on Milan.995. christ. 495) PL PL 59. Cf. Chap- man. stabilis erit nulk constructio... Gegenwart II 433-58. D'Ales. Nouv. infra. The Canons of the III . W.. Jugie. 22." Epist. droit 364. "Le plus ancien recueil canonique slave et la primaute" du pape. period. "The Twenty-Eighth Canon of Chalcedon. fondement du Primat romain. aha divinarum. 19. Wuyts. First Four General Councils .AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 18. et les Lettres (Paris cf. A Background Note." "Le 28 c canon de Chalce*doine Orient. As we have already seen and at least the text it. A. "Genesi storica del Canone 28 di Calcedonia" et "11 Canone 28 e S. A. Canon 28. Canon 3 (Mansi. 451. whose translation we follow in part. Epist. Rev. Bright. Jugie. Altkirchliche Autonomie . Schwartz. Nicanische Kanon auf der Synode von Chalkedon. 87-88. 12. p6. (Mansi VII 3571*)." Bessarione 34 (1918) 47-55. See Heiler. as we the year 381 is a notable date in the process of estrangement. Jalland. Leo the Great (London 1941) 3O3f. "Der 6. leia." 265-82. Monachino. Aquil(1921) on Aix-Ia-Chapelle. Leone Magno" Grego- rianum 33 (1952) 261-91 and 331-65. praeter in fundamento posuit. 23. Bishop Gore and the Roman Catholic Claims (London 1905) 86f. The Life and Times of St. 35) (cf. Le schisme byz. Le Siege apostoliaue (Paris 1924) VIII.71-72. Martin. of Chalcedon. Le schisme lyz. 381. Jordan. dt. 21. CIV to the Emperor Marcian (22 May 452) 54. Gesch. Council of Constantinople. tamen illam petram quam Dominus rerum saecularium. u. The theme: Translate studii E. 382 n. 5576) See . 452) PL 54. 20.

. cf. ch.. the Gregory the Great protested with vehemence Gregory saw in it a title of pride. Even is St. nique et hist.. Alexandria. of Pope Felix The Church and title the Papacy 315." Rech. It is to be regretted that several times in history Rome when actually linked her best-founded claims all to historical fictions. As is well known. relig... n." and "S. g. Der Kampf. Cf. europten (1946) and "Le byzantines. Methodius himself (cf. but it n was only Michael Cerularius who introduced it into the patriarchal seal. 24.NOTES . the Der Kampf. had been given without great significance other than honorary. Michel. d'Herbigny. **Le titre de Patriarche oecumenique avant St. Leo's interpretation of Canon 6 of Nicaea not entirely invulnerable to discussion. she claimed to be the origin of the Western Churches. da Sud-Est Rev. Pope Pelagius and St. when John IV. and insistence. 6. On the meaning of "oecumenical" cf. Cardinal Humbert was to call Cerularius "Bishop of the Imperial city. 129 . Theologica de Ecdesia II 293." gillographie titre de patriarche oecumenique et Michel Cerulaire. 25. (1922) 87-89- M. The Faster.. according to the scheme of the three principle Sees. S. Vailhe. regarded it as a ambitious and monopolizing title. That the Nomocanon was not drawn up by St. Gregoire le Grand.. I." Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati III 373-386 (Vatican 1946). to Dioscoros of Alexandria (449) by St. The first seems II to have been Acacius. Sc. Antioch) linked with the Apostle Peter: history of this theory in Michel. 586. Laurent.CHAPTER FOUR cedoine dans la tradition de 1'Eglise serbe. by means of which the and profane their episcopate was implicitly refused to the other reality of bishops. the title became current in Constantinople. "Le titre de patriarche oecume"Recherches de diplomatique et de sila signature patriarcale." Michel. After John The Faster and successor Cyriacus. (Rome. 518-19. where it afterwards remained. Der Kampf. bishop of Constantinople to have adopted this title 26. supra. A propos de deux de ses sceaux inedits. bestowed upon himself this tide in Before him. 500-524. Gregoire Echos d Orient his 9 le Grand et le titre de Patriarche oecumenique." (1908)65-69 and 161-71. thus giving rise to the protestation (Jalland. 497). Echos does not lessen the force of the fact here signalized. 503) That is to say. 12. f Orient 1936. Leo. e. St.

priesthood and and the two volumes of our Jalons. 27. intermit. A. Bishop of Yamburg and Rector of the 12 (1904) 175- Ecclesiastical Academy of Petersburg. the Anglican Churches with the Eastern Orthodox (London 1921) App. The Relations of I. Mirk. studies such as these display a profound identity of of the Church. for example.. op. 1096. C. Enchir. Canon 36: Mansi. speech made at the Ecumenical Conference of Actes Offi- Faith and Order. XI 959J Kirch. Confes- 130 . Honig. to ecclesiological studies such as those of summarized by Gavin. 31. and even some slight emendations. For the position of the dogmatic opinion on the mystery sionskd.. "Qu'est-ce qui nous separe des Thtol. J. 204. Florovsky. 12 August 1927. cf Kattenbusch. St. ecclesiast. Besides those studies cf. Papsttums n. less to prove these assertions which give a few than to clarify what we wish will be evident to anyone versed in the texts. ant. Les Ugendes de R. Thfologie dogmatique orthodoxe (French translation Paris 1860) Msgr. 30. d.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS cited n. n. Some the contemporary Greek theologians so well the Church gathered by on of collection the testimony 2376 Aspects. des Konstantinopolischen Primats. H5~i35. Quellen zur Gesch. Lehrb." Melanges Charles Diehl (Paris 1930) 61-80. transL Rev. Dvornik. de 188.. Shades of differences are to be detected here and there.. But on the whole. Confrontation oecumfaiaue (Cahier the'oL de TActualitl protestante). Lausanne. d. anciens catholiques f Fr. We allude. Beitrage Constantm et de Methode vues de Byzance 248-83. vergl. "Chalkedon und die Das Konzil von Chal- kedon II 459-90- 28. Cf. La Sainte glise umverselle. zur Entwicklung des Kirchenrechtes (Gottingen 1954) 3o references only. "Le Corps du Christ vivant. Douglas. Kirch.. (Neuchltel-Paris 1948) 9-57. n. 1035-1036. Foi et Const." Ausgestaltung Herman.. 29. Serge.. ciels. 142. or again the many main studies by Russian Orthodox theologians. Fontium Hist. We to say. "La lutte entre Byzance et Rome f a propos de l niyricum au DC e stecle. Serge Boulgakov. of the people. Ma- (Boulgakov) II 2i9f. of which carius we will list the ones." (Paris 1928). I 346f. cit. 296-303...

For Gelasius. 19).) in his he groups in Appendix II of the same work. above the texts assembled by Canon (The Church. 191. I Le schisme byz. the policy of the Church. its Composition and InfallibiliAppendix Douglas accord on the mystery of the Church. Cf. after citing I 33. Batiffol. S.. anc. Chapman. The Roman Primacy A. 131 . cf. J. n. cf. Jalland (cited supra) and the num- erous works on the Primacy of Chalcedon. Sicht. Die Bedeutung Innocenz fur die Entwicklung der pdpstlichen Gewalt (Leipzig 1901). Of special the decree taken up is sianum Mirbt.'. For Leo. ideology. Batiffol. various works of Schwartz. St. H. 96-454 (ed. it primaof Rome. which in reality of the Roman synod of 382 (Damasus) and corresponds to the Council of Constantinople of 381 contains a very strong affirmation of the universal (supra n. Koch. formulated by St.D. Leo in order to prevent Constantinople from a closed ecclesiastical autonomy. "Oil se trouve le christianisme integral?" Monographs on importance is abound. H. Kidd. We recommend the collection of texts (accompanied by a brief and very objective status auaestionis) Documents Illustrating Papal Authority A. Scott. the regime. Jugie. II of Caspar.. Zankov. Lion 4 vis. Kirche For this reason. we now of our evidences as ty.. (Paris 1909- Les difficult^ anglicanes et russes (Paris 1924). Leo but. and intr. c supra. (London 1928). again in the Gela- 35. London 1952): the author stops with with the Russian Orthodox historian Bolotov. n. Gebhardt. 37. Et. Studies on the Early Papacy (Lon- don 1928). de I'Sglise (Paris 1938). 163-73: "The Oecumenical Church and the Autocephalous Churches'*. - CHAPTER FOUR des Ostens in okumen. d'hist. (Paris 1947). Mirbt. Die Orthod.NOTES 32. 139. 461 (London 1936) 153. 1925) Cathedra Petri. one may say that the Petrine and Roman St. there are the classic surveys by Duchesne. cy 36. 13.. 34. 52-54. D. Kissling. Le catholicisme des origines a S. H. 145-155. by Giles. this subject Jalland. isolating herself within was the one taken to up by the Vatican Council: B. J. as evidences cite those of our opposition: at this point what is involved are the constitution. Kidd. The Eastern Churches and the Papacy n. ch. In addition. or with another Anglican historian. The Churches Separated. Catholicisme et Papautl. without forgetting Vol.

this A. 25 PL 100. Bolotov and N. "La primaute de S.. Mirbt. 195. Thus." Angelicum 6 (1929) 47-66. oriental. Jugie. even in the documents of union may be noted the permanence of what is the cause and actual substance of the schism. among others the profession of faith of Uroch III of Serbia addressed to Pope John XXII. Jugie. c large 41. a great difference primacy in a vague and indeterminate way. orth. dt. IV 366f. Batiffol. dogm. 17 (1914) du pape d'apres 23-42. does not quote St. dogm.. 39. W. the existence of two different canonico-ecclesiological points of view. S. Suvurov. Romanique of number a rather cites authorities. in Jugie. Salaville. Theodore For Studite. for exam- ple. Nicephorus. sedes. Basile. Cf.. to be placed in the perspective of a simple canonical prima 40. 62 f. Palmieri." 6chos St. 42. Pontif. The testimony of the historians should also be noted: cf. for instance. fOr. A good statement on is the primacy at the turn of the Fourth to Fifth Centuries tin 4) 24if.'* Rev. espanola de Teol I (1940-41) 767-812. any text and with good reason. Moulard.597. "L'Ecclesiologie de S.: a are.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Haacke. Die Glaubensformel Jes Papstes Hormisdas im Acacianischen Schisma (Rome 1929). the texts by Orientals and the texts subscribed to noted between be may but not drawn up by them. V. PL Primatu a theologis byzantinis etiam post schisma consummatum But some of them speak of the assertio. Much . Lebedev. de TEglise. p. Le schisme byz. n. Pierre et 94-96. (Fliche et Mar- See Jugie. 402f. Le schisme byz. c. $j. good number of these facts and statements however. op." chos f Orient. Hist. see Apologeticus Theol. V. recognizes absence and well John's concept of the status of Rome. II cites only Simeon of Thessalonica ThloL 145. "La 'Prima 38. 21 (1922) i8 43.. Besides. J. Le schisme byz. states Jean Chrysostome (Paris 1941) 116.100. Cf. those of A. P. sedes* del Papa Honnisdas (514-523). Petri Ap. diss. to be found in Bardy. 373. (f 1429) 57: "De B. those of the councils of union. Major. Cf. S. christ.San Martin. Jugie.

Giovanni Crisostomo 2nd ed. 1916) 645-73: French text in Docum. 44. et del suoi successors in S.. Symonds. Cathedra Petri. cathol 19 (1928) 387-404. 35. cf.NOTES - CHAPTER FOUR Card. 83-84. cited si4pra n." 193-202. J. cited supra n. Leon le Grand dans Paschini les affaires inte- rieures des ^glises orientales. The texts cited by Jugie.. Jean Chrysostome et la primaute du pape. anc. Rom. and that resides in the Roman n. For example. speak of Peter." The Constructive Quarterly (Dec. the study by Haacke cited supra Of course.. 199-214. one even runs across the idea that Peter himself is incarnated in the Bishop of Rome. Pietro has been written on this subject. cf. II primate di S. (Unam Sanctam 4.. 48. N. special application to the East. "S. (Rome 1948) I 77-94- 133 . 29 well illustrates the idea which is a simple statement of facts. Cathedra Petri. (London Moreover. exercised by the Bishop of Rome derives from the authority of the Apostle the letter of Pope it Peter. is Hadzega. while the this whole question bears on that of the pope and the connection question has with that of Peter. 45.." Miscellanea P. Primacy 152-53. 18. 96-97 and 90. Jugie. f 867?) Ignatius of Constantinople. Paris and the East do not give the same content to the concept of primacy. not forgetting Sardica. (Rome 1922). "Interventions de S.. Jugie. Apol. the question should not be too lighdy dismissed. E. Theodore Abu-Qarra (Syria. See-Formula of Hormisdas. Jugie. Marini... 1938) 75-76- This idea that Rome de rglise. Acta II L Conv. Le schisme byz.. Velehradensis (Prague 1912) (but what dealt with here is the primacy of Peter.. "Normal relations between Rome and the churches of the East before the schism of the Eleventh Century. The Church 1939). Batiffol. Et. Siege apostoliaue. The account given by Bardy.). Julius to the Eusebians: Athanasius. exercised by the Bishop of Rome.... 49. 41-59. by Heiler. The same may be said of the book 47. Le schisme byz. Some Roman documents accepted in the East expressly argue that the authority Universal and the See of Rome. 577$ Kidd. at Nicaea in 867: 46. 38. Occasionally but rarely. ibid. d'Hist. emerges from the (Anglican) book by H.

See also Jugie.. "L'opuscule contre la primaute romaine attribue a et d'hist. "Photius "To it those who 6 (1940) 6-39. Michel. the Churches of the upon them by the politicians. and finally. Gordillo. The earlier studies Facts. the accord would have become Cerularius began Unfortunately. 90-93christ. art. mentioned supra of his n. 76. 179 W3) 357-7. assured between them normal and peaceful relations. the ambitions of the Patriarch Michael to clash with the resistance of the legates sent by Leo IX. 1945) 16-38. Pierre et du pape. M. have been taken A Restatement of 51. the daily interchanges of the terrain greater portion could become the best token of their unity. "Le patriarche Photius. n. The Month. outlined for a II 544-54- wider public in several du schisme ou apotre de 1'union?" articles. to establish a regime of mutual where their interests might be in opposition. cath. Here are the last lines fine study.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 50." the idea outlined above. the claim Primacy dates from the Thirteenth Century. in the Had the question remained definitive. ing vistas: "The schism which has shattered which opens such interestour souls was not wanted by the faithful but was imposed uries of fearful crises. de Theol de Photius. that the primacy had been affirmed and exercised for centuries without causing the East to interrupt communion." is not by Photius.. traditions. relig. and there was no longer room for anything but the 54. domain of religion. (the polemic: of See the for Rome. period.. is generally that communion was pre- 134 ." Et. 2 (Lyon 1948) 43-6o52* C Dvornik. the autonomy of they and the was not incompatible with disciplinary authority of the dogmatic their congregations between Holy See. 76. After centWest and the East had managed harmony which had not attained perfection but could endure and be improved." ( up as a whole again in the work cited infra n. "Pho- tius et la primaute de S." Das Konzil von Chalkedon of Dvornik." Oriental. Pull de la Fac.. "Der Kampf. The reply of the Orthodox to schism. A whole series of usages." Bessarione 35 and 36 (1919 and 1920) 121-30 and 16-76. 53. de Critique Lyon. pere La Vie intell (Dec. But this study by Gordillo has been critizised by Jugie.. schisme byz. on the practices. "East and West: The Photian Schism. Le et Primatus Romanus. the Churches of the East reached had compromises.

The Photian Schism. II. Schneemelcher. 2 ed. and (Weimar the Pa- pacy 312. Jalland. CIH PL 54. 60. ch. 361. cf. Monde byz. 4. Cf.. H.. Feine. nudavit eum Dioscorum tarn episcopatus dignitate quam etiam et ab omni sacerdotali ah'enavit ministerio. On by the origins of the permanent synod see a rather unfriendly notice 135 . This reply in sum. on the Early Papacy i84f. Leo. Cf. Leo. E. 451-1951. per nos et magnae cum ter sanctam una beatissimo et omni laude synodum. Jugie. by Nicholas who first made a radical theological is theory of the primacy. (Apiarius). The Ch. 19. Con- fessionskunde 331-35- 58. original and penetrating remarks of Kattenbusch. 56. IV 407. Le schisme byz. 1950) 81. 55. 19." Evangelische Theologie (1951) 241-4562. Cf. Lehrb. TheoL dogm. but contains a seed of truth we will try to take into consideration in the following pages. "Chalkedon. On the debate with Carthage Chapman. Cf. cf. dc FJiglise (Fliche et Martin 4) 184." 6j. Mostar 1905) 93-95. collegia! idea is deeply rooted. 451): Mansi. Das Kirchenrecht der tnorgenlandischen Kirche. (May 99-n i. Session III (13 Oct. not historically valid. Brhier. as to the exact position of Photius in regard to this Dvornik. N. n. subject. Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte I cf. in Eastern social history: "La personne et et la liberte" humaines dans Tanthropologie orientale. account 59." Recherches 1952) Dtbats. I am indebted for this juxtaposition to W. Again. Epist. For the epoch of St. 92. 97f. moreover. a remark of Kattenbusch. 20. 57.. vergl. Jugie. and n. II 489-90. cf. Milasch. per praesentem et senioris digno beato Petro apostolo qui est petra et crepido cathoh'cae ecclesiae et rectae fidei fundamentum.NOTES cisely interrupted - CHAPTER FOUR I. Aside from what has been said above. the by Bardy in the Hist. see the d.992. VI 1047: "Unde sanctissimus et beatissimus archiepiscopus Romae. Stud. The cf.

ne cuncta confunderent atque traditionem Ecclesiae ne quidem in frustrarent. Le schisme byz. quam horret vetus consuetude Ecclesiae. modica parte quirunt. Leclercq. ab episcopis Occidentalibus 136 . CSEL. VII 92f." Zeitschr. cf. Histoire des collections canoniaues en Occident I and also most particularly. 64. "Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der Synoden des Patriarchats von Kon- stantinopel. de l'glise (Fliche et Martin 4) 535f. d.". Le Bras. 59 and 65: "Verum atque iterum rogabamus. Ill. supra. There is a good exposition in Symonds. c Amann. qui leges juraque divina (ac) cete- rorum decreta dissolvere perconantur. i. n. Milasch. 55. Plochl names the year 692 as a crucial point in his "Periodisierung. "Nee hoc propter bonum quoque justitiae in- non enim ecclesiis consulunt. Hist. Founder and G. but they do not pertain to our present theme. For the ulterior development of the institutions: B. 224.. Trennung zw. cf. op. W. Sitte. Occident I 87f. Pichler. P. Gottesdienst u. The pronouncements and the facts in this matter are numerous. Plochl. And see. (Paris 1931) 79. 66." It would naturally be unfair to say that Rome has never in any way rec- ognized the legitimate differences of discipline between the East and herself. kirchl. M. 26-27. ne firma solidaque concuterent. ch. Geschichte des Kirchenrechts II (Vienna-Munich 1953) 256f. infra. Hist. at. Mirbt gives as title to n. 45. See the' texts of Collectio antiariana Parisina n. page. c it. n. Gesch. Brehier. Cf. and Jugie. Photius and Cerularius. 55 (1936) 127-57. / Kirchengesch. des candles II/i. LXV." 68. propterea hanc novitatem mohe- bantur inducere. ne subverterent legem nee jura divina turnos iterum illos barent. Martin this last 7) 116-25. Hist.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS H. This important dispute de rglise (Fliche et went on from 905 to 923. 17 and 26. in concilio Orientales episcopi quidquid forte statuissent. wherein are quoted a good number of these canons: "Abgrenzung der Kirche des Ostens gegen das Abendland in Recht. Stephanidis.. The Church Universal and the See of Rome 2091". 65. Orient u. especially 67. 519. On Chalcedon. 63. Mansi.

op. but in discipline is of die Pope. 3 (Friedberg. False Decretals by Rome. Compendium Theol. tit. seeking to ensure to the Church her independence in regard to the secular powers. 73. the bishops tion The pontifical texts as suffragans of the False Decretals treat of the whole world of conformity.. J.. 156. taken 664).) 74. etc. tit. - CHAPTER FOUR quidquid Occidentalium partium episcopi. i. (see our review in Rev. tit. Gratian. 28. Id. not only in the faith. 495 (Jaffe. expressing that power. Der Primat des romischen Bischofs bei Pseudo-Isidor (Stuttgart 1930) 28. philos. Jugie.. Concerning the False Decretals. Nikolaus I. ab Orientalibus solveretur. for example. Altkirchliche Autonomie. Hist. has shown that the Pseudo-Isidore has the popes using the same imperative terms with the Eastern bishops that they employed in their metropolitan or Western competence. we need not repeat what is today universally admitted. 17 C. that they were not the acts of Rome but of Prankish clerics. with the obligaand usages. Hartmann. Greenslade. Fleury. 63-64. Feb. are to be found in the documents anterior to the "reception" of the cf. et thloL 1947. 38a A decisive passage. DC q. For Nicholas I. 4th "Discours" at the beginning of Vol. this It is the contribution of the False Decretals. 57-58. Gordillo. (Rome 1939) 80. 70.. XVI. 137 . the letter of Gelasius. 69. double text in PL 59. op. important to note that the decisive affirmations cholas I on his authority in regard to the councils. des Sc. op. 6i. in the Occidental canonical collections I is. ad Dardanos. 54.. und Pseudo-Isidor (Stuttgart Rome). of Ni- On the point under consideration. We owe this remark. 72. Haller. Cf. 1936) (not very favorable to But they contributed to the increasing of papal power and the ideology ecclesiast. up again c. 71. This affair has been traced by Heiler. supra n. and Haller." Cf. cf. Le schisme byz. 611). Orient. 276f. to Hartmann. Cf. or Thiel I. similiter et. as well as those concerning the False Decretals. For example. 2nd ed. Schism in the Early Ch. Cf.NOTES refricaretur.

141. Dvornik. One of exercise of the best accounts of the development of the is pontifical power that of V.. de >gie.. 189. 78. In his letters on the Photius affair. the canons of Nicaea and Sardica. for example. op. if briefly. in fallen d. 18 (1939) 369-85. History and Legend (Cambridge 1948. Sophia in 879880. and portions (among of Hist. numerous studies resumed in The Photian Schism.. sources which are common. V. but principally by those whom have received a share of the those who the and Utter. cited in Jugie. is The Roman Church conforms to her particular usages. Now. Papc in the DTC XI/2. "Y eut-il un second schisme de Photius?" Rev. Martin. 2oSf.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 75. art. among in all others faithfully observing them. See. it is not rare to find thecarius. noted the difference of canonico- ecclesiological concepts existing between the Greeks and the Roman legates at the Council of 869-70." Ostrogorsky. 76. others. des Afol 12 (1933) 432-57. la controverse sur 1'addition du Filioque au Symbole. which have been transmitted by tradition.." schisme byz. the Church of Con- 138 . "Origine ibid.616. Photius had it decreed that each Church should remain faithful to her particular customs: "Each see observes certain ancient customs. remarks: "In Rome they seemed to forget the Western the true situation of the Byzantine Church in relation to 77. has well. Church on the canonical plane. some of which had already more byz. cit. iSyyf Cf. divergencies in the This is so. On her side." PG primacy should outshine 102. Jugie.) Le schisme byz. and Le Amann. and that proper. or less into disuse in the Byzantine Church. "Oil se trouve. Nicholas and his secretary. et Grumel. 92-3. this source of the canon law. At the Synod of St." 35-6. Even for the there are many details. Anastasius Biblio- to show the illegalities upon the Decretals of the popes the Byzantine Church totally ignores of which Photius was guilty.. philos. others. calling Pope St. and one should not enter into dispute and litigation on this subject. various articles and Jean VIII et Photius in DTC. Sc. Photius wrote to Nicholas I: "The authentic Canons should be kept Providence has called to govern by all. Staates 2nd ed. the articles (Fliche de I'Eglise Martin 7). Gesch. loif. Jugie.

byz. (1953) 84. byz. "der heissbliitige Sturmer"). cit. and Byzantion 2 (1926) 615-19." Rev. 168. ou la question romaine avant 1054. 80. Jugie. Jahrb. "Bestand eine Trennung der griechischen und romi- schen Kirche schon vor Kerullarios ?" Hist. by und Aktenstiicke -sammlungen id'. 81. I 2of. II 487- 85. Cf. u. 221. op. 86. Staates 267. de two Churches of But Amann does not admit the rupture which Michel. und Kerullarios (Paderborn. 1924 and 1933) cit. Ostrogorsky. 2o6f. 83. and II 22f. cit. Jugie. Cf. 10-11. Cf. too. French translation in Jugie. 139 . op. Gesch. Kerull 2 vis. Dvornik. II." La Scuola parazione della cattolica 12-14. 269. Le schisme byz. Michel. 170. op. Jugie. See Michel. 126: "The separation of the rglise (Fliche et Martin 7) not yet been consummated in fact as it has been has Rome and Constantinople in the literature. 60 (1940) 46-64 (he calls Humbert "Sturmvogel (1053-1054)" der gregorianischen Reform". "Le cause storiche della se- Chiesa Greca secondo le piu recenti ricerche. Viller. 42-(ip22) i-ii. Jugie. d. The Photian Schism 145-50. By this reasonthe canonically debatable circumstances of his ing. M. "Lateinische 321-26 by Jugie. Grumel. n. Hist.' 232-33. to the Oriental Patriarchs after the Synod of 867. cit. 82. reviewed in 8. Hist. ascribes to Sergius Herman. Jahrb. 230. Photius justified promotion to the 79. the encyclical addressed by him 113. Humb. unassailable if it is not made to imply that each Church is fully autonomous. zum griechischen Schisma.NOTES stantinople. cit. C Humbert On Mirbt. - CHAPTER FOUR This formula is 143). for example.. bert HumJugie. Michel. op. patriarchate. op. 1933." (Jugie. "Les preliminaires du schisme de Michel (1940) Cerulaire 5-23. and Cerularius. des t." Amann.. Brehier. op. Jugie. cit.

Buffon. de rglise (Fliche ed. who received the approbation of Brehier. "Cardinal Gregor VII. 90. Jugie. 140 . des Kardinals I Michel. Ullmann. 92. und 12. "I Legati inviati da Leone IX nel 1054 il a Constanti- nopoli erano autorizzati a scomunicare Oriental (cf. Rev. i. in his dispute of 1136 with Anselm of Havelberg. Michel. christ. those of the Gregorian reform." (1952) II 111-27.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 87. 216. is the opinion of Michel. dt 2i2f. Michel. Das Papsttum und Eyzanz (Berlin 1903) 97f. and 203 Nicetas of Nicomedia. 88. 2nd (who notes that was not cesaropapism which caused the break. 199 (1948). Cf.\ et Martin it 7) 139^ Ostrogorsky. art. C if. fyz. we Irenikon 1954. Miscell Mercati III 373-96. op. 153) that the mandate of the was still valid. "Die Dictatus-Thesen Gregors VII als Unionsforderungen. C V. Jordan. Archive^ 25 (1933-34) 61-104 and "Die iani I papstliche Verwaltung im Zeitalter Gregor VII. On the ecclesiological ideas of Humbert and their connection with cf. d. Die Sentenzen des Kardinals Humbert. dt." Quellen aus ital. Gauss. Herman. Cerulario?" patriarca Michele share the opinion of others legates 8 (1942) 209-18. 95. Laurent. Gesch. im 11. 23 91. citt in following note. "Die folgenschweren Ideen Humbert und ihr Einfluss auf (Rome 1947) 65-92. "Zur papstlichen Finanzgeschichte u. 94. 263-0*4.) 89. Jahrhundert. Cf. Forschg. historique. ibid. K. on the Savigni-Stiftung." Studi Gregor- (Rome 1947) 111-35. 3* and of Every. d. This n. das erste Rechtsbuch der pdpstlichen a hypothesis Reform (Leipzig 1943). Hist. Abt. For origin of the Dictates Papae (March 1075): J. n. 77. Chiesa 93. Introd. Amann. period. Kanon. C Norden. 29 (1940) 1-115. op. Chiesa di Cristo e Romana nelle lettere di Fra Paolo Sarpi (Louvain 1941) 62. Staates." Studi Gregoriani Humbert and the Ecclesia Romana. Zeitschr. 74.

Mansi. the Basileus said: "The schism has lasted for close to three hundred years. alone.NOTES - CHAPTER FOUR reproached the Roman Church for wishing to decide everything. Ill 8. At the synod at Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234.1219. by her authority: Anselm of Havelberg." (Cf. Dialog. 297. XXIII. 96. D.) He was therefore counting it from the year 1054. 141 . PL 188.


phil. See for example Jugie. Algermissen. 4. towards centralization. et med. with the condemnation of 1241. (1947) 170-74. then at the Council of Clermont. As a sampling of such differences (and not a comprehensive list). ibid. Le schisme byz. in a general way. 252-53. a movement which ended Cf. anc. and Rech. n. "Hugues de Saint-Cher et k condemnation du 1241." Rev. Thlol. the theology of indulgences (first attested concessions in 1016. Sc. the tendency etc. 39). the theology Casel. H. liturgical Here we may Odo add. des. Thirteenth Centuries). Anselm). some fortunate successes or at least. linked to the current rediscovery of the Orient as to the interpretation of biblical sources. de la M. 577. Rev. 258 (Twelfth and Cf. thtol (1950) 401-2. following at Union made in the period from the nth to the I5th centuries. in recent times. 1095) and. papal power theology development on the supra. Peber Dondaine. 3. en Occident au XIII e F. Sc. L. 19 (1952) 6of. the restriction of canonizations to the pope. "The Aggravation of the Schism... et th&ol. we may mention the expression "transsubstantiation" (first employed about 1130). the satisfaction (St. Such attempts were theologie orientale that of John the Scot.NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE 1. Cf. Gafton (in the Attempts Rumanian). des. Mendoza on phil et the Eucharist in the Six- teenth Century." Or- thodoxia (Bucharest) 8 (1956) 397-4JO- 2. Konfesslonskunde. for the Orthodox viewpoint.-D. Ill. (Louvain 1947) I59f. of the mysteries of Dom 60 and the "new theology". cf. "Le siecle:" dernier avatar Melange Aug. Chenu. Apart from in all his the influence of Denis the Areopagite (who was not followed . half-successes. There were. with conseinsistence aspects of penal cited of understanding Purgatory (c our study quences as to our way of the of the ch. indeed. and the tendency to exercise it in sense ofplenitudo potestatis.

.. in the things if I do obey have deserted do not become of one mind with the Kim." Journet translates: contrast by Mohler between and contrary. Preferring the turban to the the Greeks defended Constantinople without enthusiasm: Diehl. Nicholas of Cusa. tiara. See Epist. Petavius and Scheeben. Hist.. tractatuum colkctio. 1901-1951) V/2. Le pontifical. and therefore before the conquest by the Michael Anchialus declared: "Let the Saracen be my things.771: "If the Patriarch invited by us comes we will receive him benevolently and joyfully (to the general Council. Byzantine At the Council of Florence. P. the Patriarch Already in 1169-1177. by the authority of the Apostolic See and with the with his advice and the advice of the approbation of the Holy Council. Thierry). The theologians of Wittenberg were later to find the Byzantine theologians equally ill-disposed. de fEmpire byzanttn 199-209. I shall my God. 7. for I if I and let not the Italian run with me first. n. (Freiburg i/B. Gloubokovski cited supra. One 144 .. XXXI/A 885C). will drive away. Bishop of said: eyd) Monemvasia (Morea) (Mansi. but accept harmony in faith with the second. Bernard and William of St.) of our Church. nova 10.. 9. me. epistularum.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS oriental themes). "L'ide*e what enact other brethren. Lord in outward of the soul." Hofmann. S. "Eine Geschichte und Kirchenverfassung vom Jahre . Povhopat dnodavelv. actorum.. c (Munich 1926) 595-^1 607. should be enacted." Vnitas C R." Every." Papsttutn und Kaisertum. II. Kehr). Societas Goerresiana n. Concilium Tridentinum Diariorum. We are alluding to the distinction established "Gegensatz" and "Widerspruch. 870 (Articuli haereticorum.. 402-26. 8. whom he. rj harwiaai nore ch. Cf. Latins. 3. Byzance. 7). as a beloved brother and one of the principal members On other matters. . Ed. we will du concile et oecumenique comme moyen 3 (July 1950) d'union dans 25-33- les tractations entre Rome 6. Dositheus. CCXI PL 214. Elises. n. Scholz. 70. in embracing Patriarchate 184-85. 1406. 5. there were the Cistercians (St. (Festg. C Aubert.

Sclnsme Byz. and that of PG I26. n. 13. the mention of "patrum often joined to the institution decreta" (the Councils). (Edit. 9. cited in C. dicens Sanctum a Patre et Filio procedere. Epist. 19. op. CSEL) VIII 723. The Roman conception of the unity of the Church. and for the sense. edit. 22. be rather well shown by the analogy of a pkte with the letter P which is unbreakable because when broken the fragment with P is the pkte. See Congar.31-2. some particularly interesting formulas. 141. The Apostles "those who were with Peter.. 17. cf.33.41-2. 47. The Appeal of Rome-. etc. 218. Medecine de la personne 5th." (Gavin. see the one PG I20..CHAPTER FIVE of them. LXVI. See Acts 2. We of Peter of Antioch. Zygomalas. 14. in this respect.1-11. Ibid. (1945 r J 94^) 9- its Strength Weakness n. Theophylactus. i. P.. 22$. 638-39. should like to quote here some truly irenic texts.45 and cp. Ckude Kempson. The faithful "those who were with the twelve. F. (Neuchatel-Paris 1941) 21 if.) 11. The popes have by Our Lord.NOTES . ch. pars 2.45 and 1. c.22if. Luke. tamen Graecos id non esse Spiritum credituros. Brown) II. Hartel.) has. (Edit. dt. II 21 if. Tournier. d. Opus tripartitum pars 2. Jalons.. 5. 20. 214. Smyth. Some Aspects. Humbert of Romans. 15.36. he said. Jugie. (Brown. Luke 24." Mark Luke 8. 1 8. 12.26. Jugie." Mark 8. 243. and the imperial recognition (Donatio Constantini). 6f. 145 . 14. The Church in Modern England could on it it on (New and York its 1908) 202. 16.796f. gave them the following response at the beginning of the Eighteenth Century: "Etsi Christus ipse de coelo descenderet.

3. still did not submission a anything. Litter. cujus Orientales in tandem sperare Orientalibus Slavis in amorem studiosamque consuetudinem quotquot Slavi Ex quo Ecclesia discessu conservarunt. 50 and 52. ipso a Romana cum vinculum reconciliandae unitatis Alterum licebit. Jugie. picture things. col 40of. Cf. rite.' 'Confession. Brehier. eorum singular! studio erga magnam Dei Matrem Virginem ac nobisque eos ab baereticis pietate continetur.. Rome in the agreed to leave undiscussed the points already defined as art. n. cit. Innocent Innocent IV (cf. 2i6f. art. See supra. 24. And our "Note surles mots' Eglise. n.'" Irtnikon 23 (1950) 3-3<5- 22. Pope John XXI had not been III (c intractable: Jalland.. Here we may we will restrict ourselves to Pius XI: "Eucharistiae sacraquoting some words of mentum unitatis. If the reconstruction of events attempted by Grumel initiative is exact. IV.. mysterium percolamus. in principle. The Church and the Tillmann.' et 'Communion. Thirty years before Cerularius. dogma West: Hofmann.." St. fond of elements stressing the of non- 23. 43 146 . infra. Cerulaire. pignus causamque praecipuam illud fidei... efficiens propriores. Papst Innocenz III.) and n. 29). passim. a Uniate Church statute that. HUNDRED YEARS (infra. supra. as Leo XIII remarked n. Encycl Ecclesiam compluribus sejungens. This excellent Christian historian who of in his considerable is work has given perhaps the most exact opposition. the third centenary of finally see Sedis 15 (1923) Josaphat: Acta Ap. Dei 12 Nov. Rome seems to have taken the towards a reconciliation in the year Rome avecTOrient 1062: "Le premier contact de apres le schisme de Michel (1952) 21-29." Bull. eccUsiast. cath. 1933 for 581. 37) while conceiving the union to be more than to the authority of the Roman See. would of idea the utterly reject Papacy 399.AFTER NINE 21. Docum. Ch. this subject. cit. To such effect that. be respectful of the Oriental 97. Le schisme lyz. has given quite a few references on 25. illustrate many of our doctrines by Oriental testimonies. At Florence.








essentially the conversations held

between between


Orthodox and

the Old-Catholics at


in 1874

and 1875;

the Anglicans and the
tieth Centuries,


in the Eighteenth, Nineteenth

and Twen-

the mixed

the journey of P. Puller in Russia in 1912; the report of commission published in 1932 ; (3) between the Orthodox and

the Catholics,

Russic et Chrstiente, n. 3-4.

We hope to indicate elsewhere
Evidently to be

the documentation and the results of these exchanges.

pointed out


the causes of a better comprehension

the publication,

by Th.

De Regnon,



remarkable Etudes de theologie positive sur

Ste. Trinitt

vols. (Paris 1892-1898).

27. This

was the

decisive matter, if not for Photius himself (Jugie says

"no" in the

article cited supra n. 76,

and in Le

schisme byz. 143-46;


says "yes" in Rev. des

byz. 5 [1947] 218-234), then at least for Cerularius,

perhaps even for the

Irenicals, Peter

of Antioch and Theophylactus (Pal-

mieri, Theol. dogm. orth. II 30-32); again in the attempt at reconciliation

in the year 1062, and, fundamentally, until the Council of Florence (Palmieri, supra

which, moreover, the question of the primacy, perhaps slightly camouflaged, seems not to have caused great difficulty. At the synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234 and at Lyons, the Greeks


82), at

raised only



regarding the Filioque and the Azymes.
gives very


the causes of discord,

Humbert of Romans

place to ques-

of doctrine, and mentions only the

Filioque, (op.

2, c. 18:



Some of the Orthodox do not blame

the Filioque in itself but only

unilateral insertion into the

writing to




Creed; thus, for example, A. S. Khomiakov, Russia and the English Church, ed. Birkbeck,


or Msgr. Gerasino Messara, Greek-Arab Metropolitan of Beyrouth
14 (1911) 48-51. Today, the greater of the Orthodox say that the Filioque is not a heresy or even a

in his letter

of 1910;


&hos d'Orient


dogmatic error but an admissible theological opinion, a "theologoumenon." Thus, in a very positive way, Soloviev; cf. his "Questions" in d'Herbigny
Vladimir Soloviev, Russian
tr. A. M. Buchanan (London 1918) 166. Nicetas of Nicodemia; cf. Twelfth the Century,


early as


Lee, Les idles d'Anselme de Havelberg sur


dtveloppement des dogmes


(Tongerloo 1938) 10 and n. 26; and again, in contemporary times, Bolotov, Florovsky, Boulgakov (cf. Hadzega, "Der heutige orthodoxe Standpunkt
in der Filioque-Frage," ThcoL und Glaube 34, [1942] 324-330)



the references.)


consider that the Filioque, correctly understood,

should not be an obstacle to reunion; thus Lossky, Irlnikon (1938) n. 24,
Eulogius and Svetlov, Rev. des
professors of the
Institut St.


byz. (1953) 162.

Cassien and several
(1950) n. 3-4.

Serge, Russie



could also bring other testimonies to bear.

In touching lightly


the question, Gavin, Some Aspects... 134-143, does not mention such clear

and positive statements emanating from Greek theologians as the sampling of testimonies we have just given, which come almost entirely from
Russian theologians.
29. Thus, for example,
pierre d' achoppement


Msgr. Elias Meniate, Bishop of Zarissa, La Germ. transL Vienna, (1787) cited by De Maistre, C. Pobedonoscev; Pape, 417; the Procurator of the Holy Synod,

Prince G. Troubetskoy (cited

by Th.




period. 2

Put (1924) 95, n, i; Boulgakov,


1929) 47-48.


these let us


the following text of Leo XIII: "Si pauca excipias, sic cetera consentimus, ut in ipsis catholici nominis vindiciis non raro ex doctrina, ex more, ex

quibus Orientales utuntur, testimonia atque argumenta promamus.
dissidii caput,

Actes de

de Romani

Pontificis prirnatu..." Letter Prae-

clara gratulationis,


20, 1894: Acta 14 (1895) 199; ed. B. Presse, Lettres




30. Cathedra PetrL. 79. Cf.

our preface to Photius by Dvornik, 17-21.




of these would be impressive.

Very many

studies exist;


will cite only, besides


in the following note,




n. 35., the rapid survey

of Smit, Roma

e fOriente cristiano,

L'azione dei Papi per funita delta Chiesa
32. Cf. Hergenrother,

fiber die


Neue Studien

Trennung der morgenlandi-


und abendlandischen Kirche (Wurzburg 1865) KSpfi Papsttum und Byzanz. Die Trennung der beiden Machte und

Norden, Das


einigung bis

zum Untergang des byzantinischen Reiches (1453) (BerUn 1903). See also Jugie, Le schisme byz. 197, 252; Fliche, "Le probl^me oriental au

second concile ceoimenique de Lyon,


Melanges de Jerphanion,



Vffier, "La question de 1'Union christ. period. 13 (i94?) 475-85 ^ a celui entre Grecs et Latins depuis le concile de Lyon jusqu

de Florence, 1274-1438," Rev. fHist.

17 (1921) 260-305, 5*5-32;

(1922), 20-60.





n. 70.

33. P.




La Maison-Dieu 26

(1951/2) 159-

34. See

G. Goyau,

dans I'Europe libre (Paris 1920). L'tiglise libre

collection in A. d'Avril, very interesting but incomplete Documents relatifs aux glises de rOrient considerees dans leur rapports avec
35. See the

Saint-Siege de


the list (Paris 1862); again

of documents, complete

within the indicated limits, with quotations from important passages, "De unitate ecclesiae orientalis et occidental restituenda, in


de re Sedis ultimi saeculi (1848-1938) illustrata," Periodica 5. Sedes See also A. Korenec, morali, canonica, liturgica 28 (1939) 209-33. et disciplinae graeco-catholicorum agitur de Calendario (Vienna 1916). Apostolica



For documents on the union of Brest, sometimes unjustly criticized by cf. the Orthodox, for it was based on respect for the rites and customs, Christ, Oriental mit Ruthenen Rom," Hofmann, "Wiedervereinigung der of the attitude of the 125-72. And, for an overall view 3

Holy See and


development, c

Aubert, Le Saint-Siege


funion des

[Chrttientd nouvelle] (Brussels 194?)-

36. It


clear in Aubert, op.


83; cf.


"Eglises orientales,

Unites 2 (July 1949) 17-27. catholiques et dissidentes,"


For Photius,


the Bulgarians, supra ch. IV, n. 57; for


n. 58.

In the dealings carried out under Innocent IV (who, for his part, sacrificed of the Orient), the Greeks accepted the following condithe Latin


tions: recognition


of the papal primacy, oath of obedience of the Greek obedience to the decisions of the pope in so far as they be not contrary

to the canons

of the Councils, the


curia as jurisdiction

of appeal,

the right of the pope to preside over Councils, and to vote first at these; cf. Norden, Das Papsttum... 369. Complete this with Hofmann, "Patriarch

von Nikaia Manuel


an Papst Innozenz IV,"

Oriental, christ. period.



-6 Dec. cit.. could (i953) 59-70as authoritative as A church dignitary nevertheless find their place in Catholic unity. the divergent points.. 150 . both the official organ of the Vatican and the daily and periodical Catholic press have commented upon it with interest and at length. 145- 39. 1936 (Athens 1939) 506: "We have noted with particular joy that in reporting the Erst Congress of Orthodox Theology in Athens.. tact. 29 Nov. declared that the Oriental Churches. The Relations of the Anglican Churches." 40. Since they state an exact fact and express very significantly a true feeling. while remaining autocephalous. G.AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Msgr. as On the contrary. Calavassy. Op. Cf. 95. as This will perhaps serve on later occasions a first important step toward bringing about a good attitude and a Christian and holy understanding between the two Churches. Irtnikon (1955) 173- 38. Douglas. we will here quote these lines that end the splendid collection of the Proces-verbaux du Premier Congres de Thlologie orthodoxe a Afhenes. they came up for discussion. It i s true that no least excuse for displeasure was given the Catholic Church during the sessions of the Congress. were handled respectfully and with correctness The press and dignity of the articles that appeared in the Catholic incontestably produced an excellent impression in Orthodox circles..



Later forms became the basis for the adaptation of Garamond. The West must it is. TYPOGRAPHICAL NOTE After M'ne Hundred Years is set in Aldine Bembo 270. Yves Congar was born in Sedan in 1904 and after studies at the Institut Catholique in Paris. speprofessor of theology cializing in ecclesiology and ecumenical direc- problems. accept the East for what and the East must. which finally re- sulted in Caslon Old Face. later Cardinal and secretary to Pope Leo X. THE AUTHOR Fr. Since 1931 he has been at Saulchoir. come to an understanding of Rome and the West. Jacket design by Johannes Troyer . originally designed by Aldus Manutius in Venice for a small tract of Pietro in 1495 Bembo. in turn. the young humanist poet. be healed. became a Dominican in 1925. Only in such an atmosphere of love and forgiveness of the past can the most grievous wound the Church has ever suffered. He is the foundg/and tor of the collection UnawSanctam and week of each year has participated by preaching and conferences in the prayer for Christian Unity.continued from front flap 'understanding.

CZ 1 26 269 .

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