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“Reach Coryels ferry. Encamp on the Pennsylvania side.

”1 The March from Valley Forge to Monmouth Courthouse, 18 to 28 June 1778 John U. Rees
Contents 1. “We struck our tents and loaded our baggage.”: Leaving Valley Forge 2. Progress, June 18, 1778. 3. Progress, June 19, 1778. 4. “Crost the dilliware pushed on about 5 milds …”: June 20, 1778: Progress and a River Crossing 5. “4 Wagons & Horses, and 1000 Men at a Try.”: The Mechanics of Ferrying an Army 6. “Halt on the first strong ground after passing the Delaware ...”: June 20th River Crossing 7. “The number of boats … will render the passage of the troops very expeditious.”: June 21st Ferry Operation 8. “The Troops are passing the River … and are mostly over.”: June 22d Crossing 9. “The Army will march off …”: June 22d and 23d, Camp at Amwell Meeting 10. “Just after we halted we sent out a large detachment …”: Camp and Council: Hopewell Township, 23 to 24 June 11. “Giving the Enemy a stroke is a very desireable event …”: Advancing to Englishtown, 24 to 28 June a. Progress, June 25, 1778. b. Progress, June 26, 1778. c. Progress, June 27, 1778. d. Forward to Battle, June 28, 1778. 12. “Our advanced Corps … took post in the evening on the Monmouth Road …”: Movements of Continental Detachments Followng the British, 24 to 28 June 1778 a. The Advance Force: Scott’s, Wayne’s, Lafayette’s, and Lee’s Detachments. b. Daily Movements of Detachments Later Incorporated into Lee’s Advanced Corps. 13. Echoes of 1778, Three Years After. Addendum 1. Driving Directions, Continental Army Route from Valley Forge to Englishtown 2. Day by Day Recap of Route 3. The Road to Hopewell. 4. The Bungtown Road Controversy. Addendum (continued): 5. Weather During the Monmouth Campaign 6. Selected Accounts of the March from Valley Forge to Englishtown a. Fifteen-year-old Sally Wister b. Surgeon Samuel Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery c. Henry Dearborn, lt. colonel, 3rd New Hampshire Regiment d. Captain Paul Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment e. Sergeant Ebenezer Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment f. Sgt. Jeremiah Greenman, 2d Rhode Island Regiment g. Dr. James McHenry, assistant secretary to General Washington 7. List of Related works by the author on military material culture and the Continental Army (See endnotes for additional content.) _______________________

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On June 28th 1778 the last large northern battle between the two main American and British armies was fought at and near Monmouth Courthouse (Freehold), New Jersey. The campaign began on June 18 when Gen. George Washington received word that British forces had crossed the Delaware River, intent on marching back to New York City after having occupied Philadelphia since the previous September. “We struck our tents and loaded our baggage.” Leaving Valley Forge The armies marching towards Monmouth took two converging routes, with Crown forces under Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton beginning at Coopers Ferry (present–day Camden), New Jersey, and marching via Haddonfield, Mount Holly, Black Horse (Columbus), Crosswicks, Allentown, Imlaytown, and on to Freehold. Several contingents of Continental troops plus sizeable militia forces shadowed the British on their march, impeding their progress whenever possible.2 Washington’s brigades at Valley Forge moved from their winter quarters more than a week before the British began their march across New Jersey. On June 9th the commander-in-chief directed that “The Army is to take a new Camp tomorrow morning at 8 oClock; The whole is to be in readiness accordingly and march to the respective Ground of Encampment which will be pointed out for each division by the Quarter Mastr. Genl.”3 Most brigades merely occupied unspoiled land outside the main fortifications. Joseph Clark, deputy quartermaster, Woodford’s Virginia Brigade, wrote that, "the army removed from their huts [at Valley Forge] the 10th of June, and encamped [in] front of our old ground in clear fields,” and Sgt. Ebenezer Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment, in Brig. Gen. John Glover’s Brigade, noted,
10 June. About 8 o’clk the General was beat before the B[riga]d. [the “General” was a drum and fife tune played before a march, which, when beat, notified the men it was time to dress, prepare themselves for a march, and pack up and load the baggage] We struck our tents & loaded our baggage and about 10 o’clk we marched away from our huts about a half a mile in the front of our works, & encamped there in a very pleasant place near wood & water …4

Maj. Gen Charles Lee’s Division, nearest the bridge over Fatland Ford, moved north across the Schuylkill River. Second Rhode Island Regiment Sgt. Jeremiah Greenman recorded for June 10th, “this morn at the beat of the Genl. Struck our tents. marcht about a mild over Schollkills River & Piched out tents in a field in providence town Ship.” The sergeant noted just before the division marched on the 18th, “Continuing in Camp near chalkiss ...”; “chalkiss” (Greek for copper) likely refers to the vicinity of present-day Audubon, Pennsylvania, an area noted for its copper and lead mines. In all likelihood Lee’s troops camped at or near the intersection of Pawlings and Egypt roads, one mile from the bridge. This movement placed Lee’s troops in an advanced position along the likely line of march for Washington’s army.5

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Map of Valley Forge, showing troop dispositions and fortifications. The bridge at Fatland Ford is shown on the right. Papers of John Austin Stevens (1827-1910), Newport Historical Society (Brought to my attention by Daniel Sivilich of BRAVO (Battlefield Restoration & Archaeological Volunteer Organization), http://www.bravodigs.org/index.html )

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Detail from 1777 British map of the area north of Valley Forge. This section shows the Schuylkill River with Fatland Ford marked by an island, marked in its center with a dotted line. The small group of buildings to the left is the site of Walnut Hill, part of Pawling's Farm. The cluster of buildings at top right likely marks the site of the modern village of Audubon, where Charles Lee’s division camped after leaving Valley Forge on June 10th. Map: Pennsylvania: Paoli, Chester Co. 1777. From near the White Horse Tavern on the Lancaster Road from Philadelphia thro' Tryduffrin Camp, Valley Forge, Charleston and cross Schuylkill on the road to Norrington. [Sept. 1777] Title from back of map. Size: 36" X 31" ms. pencil, ink and water color, 1 sheet, Archibald Robertson Maps (ca. 1790-ca. 1830), New York Public Library ( http://www.digital.nypl.org/archives/1830 )

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The American order of march had been set in 28 May army orders, well before the British evacuation of Philadelphia and their overland movement north, with one difference; the original orders called for Delaware crossings at three points, from Coryell’s Ferry to Easton Ferry, thirty-five miles upriver. When the objective changed from a general movement towards the North (Hudson) River to intercepting Crown forces marching across New Jersey, all five marching divisions were directed to follow the same road and cross at Coryell’s.6 (That ferry was an important and much used Delaware River crossing during the 1777 campaign, but June 1778 was the only occasion when the bulk of the Continental Army under Washington’s personal command passed there.) The order of march from Valley Forge was as follows:7 (See endnote for brigade composition and vehicle allotment.)
Departure from Valley Forge Divisions and Detachments * 18 June, 3 PM Maj. Gen. Charles Lee’s Division (3 brigades, 3,052 troops) Division baggage: 26 wagons, 103 wagon horses, 5 riding horses Division artillery, 6 field pieces, 2 baggage wagons and 5 ammunition wagons, 40 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse. Total Lee’s Division: 6 field pieces, 33 wagons, 150 horses. 18 June, 5 PM Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne’s Division (3 brigades, 2,407 troops) Division baggage: 30 wagons, 120 wagon horses, 3 riding horses Division artillery, 6 field pieces, 1 baggage wagons and 4 ammunition wagons, 34 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse. Total Wayne’s Division: 6 field pieces, 35 wagons, 159 horses.

(TOTAL, Lee’s and Wayne’s Divisions: 12 field pieces, 68 wagons, 309 horses.)
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19 June, 5 AM Maj. Gen. Marquis de Lafayette’s Division (3 brigades, 2,422 troops) Division artillery, 6 field pieces, 2 baggage wagons and 4 ammunition wagons, 36 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse. Maj. Gen. Johann DeKalb’s Division (3 brigades, 2,647 troops) Division artillery, 6 field pieces, 2 baggage wagons and 4 ammunition wagons, 36 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse. Artillery support (spare ammunition, foraging, and commissary), 41wagons, 1 spare field piece, 5 riding horses, and 171 draft horses. Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling’s Division (4 brigades, 3,321 troops) Division artillery, 8 field pieces, 2 baggage wagons and 5 ammunition wagons, 44 draft horses, 1 bat horse, 1 riding horse.

(TOTAL, Lafayette’s, DeKalb’s, and Stirling’s Divisions, plus artillery support: 21 field pieces, 60 wagons, 293 horses.)
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* 2 field pieces and 60 artillerymen were attached to and marching with each brigade. The artillery with each three–brigade division had: 180 artillerymen 6 field pieces and limbers with 12 horses 4 or 5 ammunition wagons with 16 to 20 horses 1 or 2 baggage wagons with 4 to 8 horses 1 bat horse Stirling’s four–brigade division had: 240 artillerymen 8 field pieces and limbers with 16 horses 5 ammunition wagons with 20 horses 2 baggage wagons with 8 horses 1 bat horse

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Total Artillery with all Marching Divisions: 33 field pieces, 5 bat horses, 9 baggage wagons, 22 ammunition wagons, 190 wagon and artillery horses,** 6 riding horses. (** 215 wagon and artillery horses on 30 May 1778 return.) ------------------------------------The whole Baggage to fall in the Rear of the Column of Troops,” disposition as follows: The Commander in Chief's Baggage is to march in the front The Adjutant General's Paymaster Generals Engineers Muster Master General Auditor of Accounts Commander-in-Chief’s baggage 7 baggage wagons, 28 wagon horses Staff baggage 13 baggage wagons, 52 wagon horses Commissary to the Staff 3 commissary wagons, 12 wagon horses, 1 riding horse Estimated baggage for: Adjutant Gen., Paymaster Gen., Muster Master Gen., Auditor, 2 wagons, 8 horses Engineers, 2 wagons, 8 horses

(TOTAL: 27 wagons, 109 horses.)
The Baggage of the Marquis de la Fayettes Total: 30 wagons, 116 wagon horses, 5 riding horses De Kalbs Division Total: 23 wagons, 92 wagon horses, 2 riding horses the Baggage of Lord Stirlings Division Total: 46 wagons, 168 wagon horses, 8 riding horses

(TOTAL: 99 wagons, 391 horses.)
and then the Waggons of the Quarter Master General's department Quartermaster General 10 wagons, 40 horses Artificers 1 baggage wagon, 5 artificer’s wagons, 2 traveling forges, 29 wagon horses Flying Hospital 1 baggage wagon, 1 store wagon, 1 extra purpose wagon, 12 wagon horses, 1 riding horse Comy. and Forage Master General's Waggons. Estimated for Commissary General 20 wagons, 80 horses Foraging for the Continental Yard 7 foraging wagons, 28 wagon horses, 1 riding horse

(TOTAL: 48 wagons, 191 horses.) TOTAL for baggage following “in the Rear of the Column of Troops.” 174 wagons, 691 horses

TOTAL baggage for entire army: 33 field pieces, 302 wagons, 1,293 horses
Plus 13,849 officers and enlisted men, at least 335 wagon and artillery drivers, 5 bat men, and unknown numbers of support personnel, including regimental female followers.

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Progress, June 18, 1778. Surgeon Samuel Adams, Col. John Crane’s Artillery Regiment, slated to march with General Washington’s three divisions on the 19th, jotted in his diary, “18th [June] Th[ursday]: fair & very hot – the enemy this morning left Philadelphia, crossed the Delaware into N. Jersey & our Army recd. orders to March ...”8 Washington acted quickly once news of the British departure was received:
Head Quarters, V. Forge, Thursday, June 18, 1778 ... Poor's, Varnum's and Huntington's Brigades are to march immediately under the Command of Majr. General Lee. The two Pennsylvania and Late Conway's Brigades to march at three o'Clock this afternoon and the whole Army to march at five o'Clock tomorrow morning. All former orders respecting the sick &c. are to be strictly obeyed.9

Lee’s divisions complied as soon as possible, as Sergeant Wild testified, “18 June. This day we learned the enemy had left Philadelphia. About 12 o’clk Genl Poor’s, Varnon’s, & Huntingdon’s Brigades marched off. At three o’clk the 2d Pennsylvania & another Sethern Brigade [late Conway’s] marched off; and we had orders with the rest of the army, to march tomorrow morning at 5 o’clk.” A soldier in Brig. Gen. James Varnum’s brigade wrote of the day, “att the beet of the Genl. struck our tents / marcht about 4 milds & incampt in a large field.” If this mileage is accurate, the June 18-19 overnight camp for Lee’s troops was near the intersection of present-day Egypt Road and Ridge Pike.10 Progress, June 19, 1778. Surgeon Adams recorded of the 19th, “F[riday]: Cloudy some rain – our whole Army marched from their camp at the Valley towards Coryells ferry ...”11 Lt. Samuel Armstrong and Sgt. Wild, with Maj. Gen. Johann DeKalb’s Division, left similar accounts of the day:
At 5 o’clk the General was beat before the Brigade, & we struck our tents & loaded our baggage. Between 9 & 10 o’clk we marched off, and making several short stops on the road to rest ourselves; we pitched out tents in a field. We had orders to cook all our provision, & be ready to march at 4 o’clk tomorrow morning. We have marched 9 miles this day. This place is called Noringtown.12

One of the liveliest accounts of the march eastward was recorded by Washington’s military secretary Dr. James McHenry, who noted on June 19th,
The whole army in motion –March to Norringtown Township. Encamp on Stony run. Head Quarters at a Doctor Shannons [present-day Norristown Farm Park]. A good farm house – good cheer – and a pretty situation.13

In the meantime Lee’s troops continued their advance. Sgt. Greenman recorded,
F[riday] 19. this morn att the beet of the Genl struck our tents / marcht fore or five milds / Stopd a few moments then pushed on as far as Newbriton ware we halted about one oClock & piched our tents in a larg field ware we taried all day14

Travelling down Germantown Pike, Lee’s two divisions turned east on Swede Road, then northeast on State Road (present-day DeKalb Pike). As noted, they stopped in New Britain Township, along the Doylestown Road, possibly centered on the Bristol Road intersection or at Butler’s Mill, now the town of Chalfont. As with the other marching divisions, their overnight camps were likely strung for some distance along the road

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behind the column’s leading units. Based on soldier’s accounts, the two advance divisions marched approximately seventeen to eighteen miles this day.
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These troops followed the course taken by Lee’s divisions, across the Schuylkill, along Pawling’s and Egypt Roads, down the Ridge Pike to Whitehall Road, and then south on Germantown Pike. Armstrong and Wild both noted the distance traveled this day as nine miles, placing the end of the first day’s march for Washington’s main body on Germantown Pike, near Dr. Robert Shannon’s house. That locale served as army headquarters on the night of June 19-20, and the commander-in-chief’s sleeping tent was likely erected near the house. (Shannon’s mansion may still be seen at Norristown Farm Park, just off Germantown Pike.) __________________________

The Shannon house in Norristown Farm Park, the site for General George Washington’s headquarters on the night of June 19/20 1778.
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The Continental Army’s route from Valley Forge to the Delaware River can be traced on this 18th century map of southeastern, Pennsylvania. V.F. – Valley Forge; S. – Shannon house. North Wales Meeting, presently called Gwynedd Friends Meeting can be seen on the right, along State Road/DeKalb Pike. Clinton Map 250 (Brun 538), circa 1777, unfinished, pen and ink map indicating the roads in eastern Pennsylvania between the valleys of the Delaware and the Susquehanna, showing part of the modern counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, Montgomery, Lehigh, Northampton, Lancaster, and Lebanon, mss. map on 2 sheets, 96.5 x 136 cm., scale ca. 1:126,720, Sir Henry Clinton Papers, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

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“Crost the dilliware pushed on about 5 milds …” June 20, 1778: Progress and a River Crossing The bulk of the army under General Washington camped at Doylestown on the night of 20/21 June. According to W.W.H. Davis’s History of Bucks County the troops were grouped in three camps from “the south side of State street, west of Main” street, along the ridge to the east of the Presbyterian church, and “along the New Hope pike east of the borough mill.”15 Doctoer McHenry of June 20th,
March at 4 o’clock in the morning … The army encamps for the night [at Doylestown] … 25 [miles] from Philadelphia. Head Quarters at Jonathan Fells. A rainy evening. Let me see, what company have we got within doors. – A pretty, full– faced, youthful, playfull lass. – The family quakers, meek and unsuspicious. – [Lt. Col. Alexander] Hamilton [another of Washington’s aides], thou shalt not tread on this ground – I mark it for my own. Enter not this circle. The pretty girl gives me some excellent milk, and sits and chats with me till bedtime. – She was too innocent a subject for gallantry, so I kissed her hand – telling her that we should be all gone before she got up – but not to forget that one man is often more dangerous to a woman than a whole army.16

Massachusetts Sgt. Ebenezer Wild’s narrative is more mundane, but no less informative:
20 June. This morning at half after 3 o’clk the General beat / We struck our tents and loaded our baggage. At 4 o’clk the Troop was beat [the “Troop” was usually the signal to strike tents and load them in the wagons, and sometimes to form prior to marching]. We fell in & were counted off, & about 5 o’clk we marched. Went about 8 miles, and stopped to rest & eat some victuals between 9 & 10 o’clk. After stopping there till about 1 o’clk we marched about 6 miles further [to Doylestown], & pitched our tents in a field, and had orders to march tomorrow morning at 4 o’clk. 17

With Washington’s troops a day behind them, the two advance divisions, Lee’s and Wayne’s, according to Rhode Island Sergeant Jeremiah Greenman, had camped the night of 19/20 June at New Britain and on the 20th,
[were woken] att two oClock / we Struck our tents / marcht about 7 milds & made a halt at a small town cal'd green town / then pushed on in the rain / Crost the dilliware [River, into New Jersey] / pushed on about 5 milds to Amwell [present-day Mount Airy] ware we piched our tents in a field ...18

The place where they stopped before continuing on to Coryell’s Ferry, “Green town,” was actually Grintown, the name by which present–day Holicong was known at the time of the Revolution. Lee’s troops marched this day about twelve and a half miles to the ferry crossing, then another three miles to Amwell Meeting, where they camped, making in all fifteen to sixteen miles.19
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Washington’s three divisions, plus the bulk of the baggage and artillery had followed in the path of Lee’s force, down Swede Road, then east on State Road (DeKalb Pike). The commander-in-chief and staff stopped at the house of Mordecai Moore, then continued on. The exact location of Moore’s residence is unknown, but Dr. McHenry’s estimate of seven miles distance from the Shannon home places it along State Road, between Gwynedd

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Friends Meeting and Welsh Road. The army’s main body proceeded via State Road and Bethelehem Pike to Doylestown Road, ending their day’s march at Doylestown, camping on the high ground along the road. Their distance this day totaled about eighteen miles. (Doylestown Road is present-day Route 202. As it enters Doylestown it becomes West State Street, then East State Street, and on through town. The course is the same as the 18th century thoroughfare, but one-way traffic makes impossible driving the actual eastwards route. Once outside Doylestown proper the road name is changed once again, to Doylestown-Buckingham Pike/Route 202.)

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(Map on Previous Page.)

Another section of the Clinton map, showing the army’s route from Norriton to Doylestown. On the upper right N.B. indicates New Britain, present-day Chalfont in New Britain Township, then known as Butler’s Mill. Clinton Map 250 (Brun 538), circa 1777, unfinished, pen and ink map indicating the roads in eastern Pennsylvania between the valleys of the Delaware and the Susquehanna, showing part of the modern counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, Montgomery, Lehigh, Northampton, Lancaster, and Lebanon, mss. map on 2 sheets, 96.5 x 136 cm., scale ca. 1:126,720, Sir Henry Clinton Papers, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Shows the road net used to march from Valley Forge to Coryell’s Ferry.
___________________________ (Map on Following Page.) Route from Doylestown to Buckingham (Bogart’s Tavern), where the road intersects with the York Road, leading east to Coryell’s Ferry. The hill on the map’s right-hand side (where the side road is marked “To Howels Ferry”) is where Buckingham Friend’s Meeting stands. The meetimghouse was used as a hospital during the war. Robert Erskine (17351780), map, “From near Doyles Tavern, Swedes Ford Road into the old York Road + along it towards Morristown,” by Robert Erskine F.R.S. Geogr. A. U.S. and Assistants, New-York Historical Society; (format, 31.0 cm. wide by 40.0 cm.high, 1 map), “Military topographic map. Covers Bucks County, Pennsylvania. Shows roads running through Doylestown, Buckingham and Lahaska. Also shows buildings and owners' names, landforms and streams. Shows relief by hachures. Title proper from recto is the work of a later editor-Simeon DeWitt or his assign--subsequent to 1820. Title from verso is in Erskine's hand and may be cited as such. Index title, statement of responsibility, date and series title also by Erskine, but on separate index sheet filed at head of series. Series numbering inferred by cataloger. Pen-and-ink, pencil on laid paper. Watermark: "T M W" accompanied by dove, similar to Gravell and Miller American watermarks nos. 658 amd 659. Creased, torn, frayed and abraded. Mounted on cloth, bound and cropped, disbound and silked by subsequent owners. Cleaned after removal of backings 1999; some fill remains. Sheathed in mylar.” Erskine’s maps are available online via New York University and NY-HS, “Witness to the Early American Experience,” World Wide Web, http://maass.nyu.edu/archives/ (search on keyword, “Erskine”).

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Ferry below Bristol, Pennsylvania, 1777, by Charles Willson Peale. This period drawing gives some idea of how Coryell’s Ferry may have looked at the time, though, given the large numbers of troops and vehicles crossing in 1777, the landings on each side at Coryell’s were likely widened. Martin P. Snyder, City of Independence: Views of Philadelphia Before 1800 (New York, Praeger Publishers, 1975), fig. 193.

Wagons used to carry baggage and stores for the Continental Army were of no standard size or type. Some had a bonnet cover (as pictured) to protect the cargo, while others used a close cover drawn directly over the lading. Depending on the weight of the load, wagons were drawn by two or four horses. Illustration from William Tatham, Historical and Practical Essay of the Culitivation and Commerce of Tobacco (London, 1800). Tatham was present in the James River basin area of Virginia in the 1760s and 70s.

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“4 Wagons & Horses, and 1000 Men at a Try.” The Mechanics of Ferrying an Army A large-scale ferrying operation was an intricate affair, requiring skilled boatman operating several types of flat bottom watercraft, some able to carry only troops, others suitable as well for wheeled vehicles and animals. While there are no eyewitness accounts of the June 1778 Coryell’s Ferry river crossing, Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene’s directions for a 1780 Hudson River passage give some idea of what was involved:
[King’s Ferry, August 1780] The Officer commanding at the place of embarkation will take care that the Troops embark in regular order that the Waggoners are sent on Board the Boats as fast as they arrive or as fast as the Boats are ready to receive them: The horses are to be embarked at the same time that the Waggons are; and to avoid confusion, there must be a proper division of the Boats, one part for the Waggons, one part for the horses, and one part for the Troops. The Troops and horses are not to land at the Wharf. A good strong party is to be posted on the Wharf to run the Waggons on board the Boats. Great care is to be taken that the horses are not injured in putting them on board the Boats. Neither men, horses or Waggons are to be allowed to cross out of the line of march ... unless so ordered by the Commander in Chief. No person is to be permitted to give any directions or orders that is not of the party for embarkation.20

From Greene’s King’s Ferry account we can surmise that there was at least one wharf on eech shore at Coryell’s Ferry to accommodate vehicles. One significant difference between the two crossings is the rivers’ width; the Delaware at Coryell’s Ferry is about 1,000 feet wide, while the Hudson River crossing at King’s Ferry is almost four times that, at 3,960 feet (three-quarters of a mile). Despite that the two operations would have been similarly executed.21 Described in a June 1777 synopsis of Delaware River crossings as “Rapped Deep & wide 400 Yds across,” Coryell’s Ferry had been much-used that year, but the June 1778 three-days ferrying was by far the largest and most complicated operation.22 Then Quartermaster General Thomas Mifflin gives us a look at the watercraft at Coryell’s Ferry on 8 June 1777, when he informed the commander–in–chief,
We have here 3 large Artillery Flats, [and] four Scows, each of which will carry a loaded Wagon with Horses, 4 flat boats, each to carry 80 Men, 13 Boats on Wagons at this place and 5 others on the Way 6 Miles from this Ferry each of which Wagon Boats will carry 40 Men[,] All which will transport 3 p[ieces]. Artillery with Matrosses & Horses, 4 Wagons & Horses, and 1000 Men at a Try.23

It is likely that these vessels, with perhaps more added, were present at the ferry in 1778. The flatboats at the very least were propelled with oars, and poles if the water was shallow enough. Poles would have been particularly useful on the downriver side to keep the craft from drifting downstream; approximately three-quarters of a mile below the ferry a series of rocky shoals and rapids made hazardous any downriver passage. Given the heavy traffic over Coryell’s Ferry in 1777, the large number of vessels used at the crossing, and the relative narrowness of the river at that point, it is also feasible that one or several guide ropes, perhaps one for each vehicle-bearing flatboat, would have been slung across the river to more easily and expeditiously direct them towards the opposite shore. Troop carrying vessels (especially the forty-man wagon boats, pointed at each end)

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Overhead and side view of a mid-18th century French wagon ferry from Diderot's Encyclopedie. Approximate dimensions are 61 feet long by 22 feet wide. Encyclopedie, ou Dictionnaire Raisonne des Sciences, des Arts et des Metiers, par une Societe de Gens de Letres (Paris, 1751-1765), plate XLVI, fig. 22, "Plan d'un bac."

An 18th century French flatboat used for transporting horses, measuring 54 feet long by 15 feet wide. The large Continental army scows were likely similar in form. Encyclopedie, ou Dictionnaire Raisonne des Sciences, des Arts et des Metiers, par une Societe de Gens de Letres (Paris, 1751-1765), plate XLVI, fig. 20 "Plan d'un passe cheval."

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were propelled by oars, smaller and more maneuverable, and could have landed their loads above or below the actual ferry crossing. The 20 to 22 June Delaware River crossings were likely performed by local boatmen in John Coryell’s employ, along with other men assigned the task. Edmund Dalrymple of Amwell Township, Hunterdon County, New Jersey, was one of the ferrymen. Dalrymple served in the militia during the war and noted in his 1833 pension deposition, “I was stated [stationed] at Coryells ferry on the Delaware under Capt George Ely … I helped to ferry Washingtons army across the Delaware shortly previous to the battle of Monmouth.”24 “Halt on the first strong ground after passing the Delaware ...” June 20th River Crossing The crossing of Lee’s and Wayne’s divisions involved approximately 5,459 troops, 12 cannon with limbers, 68 wagons and at least 309 horses. Supposing the same number of watercraft in use at Coryell’s Ferry in 1777 were available in 1778 (capable if carryng “3 p[ieces]. Artillery with Matrosses & Horses, 4 Wagons & Horses, and 1000 Men at a Try”), the 20 June ferrying operation likely comprised six trips to the Jersey side of the river (carrying all the troops, 12 field pieces and limbers, 30 wagons, and draft horses), plus six more trips carrying only wagons and teams. Though the river is less than one-quarter mile wide, the rain of the previous several days may have caused a rise in the water, perhaps adding to the difficulty of loading and propelling the flat boats, cumbersome enough when empty, more so when loaded with men, horses, and vehicles. Even so, given the relatively short distance, it is feasible that loading the craft, traversing the river, unloading in New Jersey, plus the return trip, likely took about thirty minutes or a bit less, and the time for the entire June 20th crossing about 6 hours. Of course, this is supposing that the landing areas on both sides of the Delaware were broad enough to allow several boats to load and unload at the same time. It should also be noted that the two divisions were likely aided in their late–day crossing by the long hours of sunlight one day before the summer solstice.25 With the British route of march still uncertain Major General Lee, as overall commander of the advance troops, was ordered, “to halt on the first strong ground after passing the Delaware at Coryells ferry till further orders unless you should receive authentic intelligence that the enemy have proceeded by a direct rout to South Amboy (or still lower). In this case you will continue your March to the No[rth]. [a.k.a., Hudson] River … If my memory does not deceive me there is an advantageous spot of ground at the Ferry to the right of the road leading from the Water.” Despite these last instructions, and assuming his destination still to be the Hudson River, Lee’s troops continued on three miles into New Jersey, camping in and around Amwell Meeting (present-day Mount Airy) on the York Road.26 Remaining with the three divisions camped at Doylestown, General Washington informed President of Congress John Laurens at 4:00 P.M. on the 20th,
I am now advanced with the main body of the Army within Ten Miles of Coryel's ferry, and shall halt to refresh the Troops, and for the night, (as the weather is very rainy). Genl. Lee with the six Brigades … will reach the Ferry this Evening. My last accounts from Jersey were from [militia] Genl. [Philemon] Dickinson, dated Yesterday at 3 o'Clock P.M. These say, the Enemy had then advanced to Eyres Town, three miles below Mount

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Holly, and were busily engaged in repairing the Bridge which had been destroyed. Genl. Dickinson adds, that there had been a brisk firing for some minutes between the Enemy and Maxwell's Brigade or a part of it in their advance …27
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Lee’s and Wayne’s Divisions began the day at New Britain, moved through Doylestown, and continued along the Doylestown-Buckingham Pike (Route 202). Upon reaching Buckingham proper the Pike made a right hook and joined with the York Road (the old route has been altered, but the spur exists in present-day Bogarts Tavern Road, now a dead-end lane; Bogart’s Tavern, Nathanael Green’s headquarters in 1776, still exists as the General Greene Inn at the corner of York Road and Route 413/Durham Road). Lee’s troops turned left on York Road towards the Delaware River. After a six and a half mile march York Road angles right, downhill towards the Coryell’s Ferry western landing (now Ferry Street, in New Hope). On the New Jersey side, the eastern terminus of the ferry has been turned into a broad parking lot, but if you walk east through the lot, you can cross the canal over a footbridge, and walk up Lambertville’s Ferry Street. Following Ferry Street to the eighteenth century route of York Road can roughly be done. First, continue to the end of Lambertville’s Ferry Street where it morphs into Lily Street, then turn left onto Route 179. Follow Route 179 approximately 150 feet and turn left on West Franklin Street. At the next intersection, turn right on York Street, which soon turns left on to the original Old York Road ascent. Route 179 largely follows the old road, which occasionally diverges off to the right of the modern route. Route 179/York Road will lead you to Mount Airy (three miles from the Delaware River); the old road cuts right through Mount Airy, situated on high ground, and a well-chosen, defensible camping area for Washington’s troops.
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(Map on Following Page.) Detail from Robert Erskine’s map, “Crossing Correll’s ferry … to Ringoe’s Tavern.” The Coryell’s Ferry crossing is to the right (east); the Benjamin Paxson home, “Rolling Green,” can be seen on the west side, just left of the letters “CH.” Robert Erskine (1735-1780), map, “No 73 [third] Crossing Correll’s ferry towards Morristown to Ringoe’s Tavern” by Robert Erskine F.R.S. Geogr. A. U.S. and Assistants, New-York Historical Society; (format,54.0 cm. wide by 35.0 cm.high, 1 map), “Military topographic map. Covers the townships of Solebury in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and of Delaware and West Amwell in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. Shows roads running through Deer Park and New Hope in Pennsylvania; Lambertville, Mount Airy and Ringoes in New Jersey. Pen-and-ink, pencil on laid paper. Watermark: ‘G R’ under shield, similar to Gravell and Miller foreign watermark no. 301. Heavily soiled, creased and abraded. Mounted on cloth, bound and cropped, disbound and silked by subsequent owners. Cleaned after removal of backings 1999; some fill remains. Sheathed in mylar. In pencil on recto: ‘No 73 3rd’.” Erskine’s maps are available online via New York University and NY-HS, “Witness to the Early American Experience,” World Wide Web, http://maass.nyu.edu/archives/ (search on keyword, “Erskine”).

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Drawing of an 18th or 19th century ferry-flat recovered from the Trent River in North Carolina. This craft measured slightly over 31 feet long by 11 wide, and is calculated to have carried a 4 1/2 ton load. Michael B. Alford, "The Ferry from Trent: Researching Colonial River Ferries," Tributaries (Journal of the North Carolina Maritime History Council), vol. 1, no. 1 (October 1991), 13-14.

An English Carrier’s wagon similiar to those used by the British army in 1776 and early 1777. These vehicles were found to be too heavy for military use, though some American army wagons may have been been as unwieldy. This example, built at Colonial Williamsburg and completed in late 2007, weighs approximately 2,700 pounds, close to the 1,300 pounds recorded for later British military wagons. (Wagon constructed by the Colonial Williamsburg wheelwright shop; photo courtesy of same.)

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“The number of boats … will render the passage of the troops very expeditious.” June 21st Ferry Operation The following day, the 21st, at 6:00 A.M. the commander–in–chief wrote from Doylestown, “This morning the main army would have been in motion by four o'clock had it not been for the rain, however as there is a prospect of the bad weather giving way, we shall be under march in a few hours.” Not long after that he notified Maj. Gen. Benedict Arnold, commanding at Philadelphia, “June 21, 1778 … [Col. Daniel] Morgan's [rifle] corps … are now advancing as the whole Army is to the Delaware. We have been much impeded by the rain. The Troops with Genl. Lee crossed the River last night. I am in haste, etc.” Later in the day Washington related that besides the “Rain [that] prevented our marching so early this morning as I intended, the succeeding heat and badness of Roads rendered it impossible for the Army to advance any farther than the other side of the ferry.”28 Sergeant Wild described his experiences that day,
21 June. About 9 o’clk it ceased raining. We struck our tents & fell in & were counted off in order to march. About 11 o’clk we marched off, and made no halt till we got within about a quarter of a mile of the Dilewear [Delaware], where we pitched our tents on an eminence’ and we had orders to be ready to cross the ferry tomorrow morning at 4 o’clk.29

The day’s route must have been arduous, the General having “arrived myself about three o'Clock to day on the East side of the Delaware and the main body of the Army on the other, from whence they will cross to morrow.” (The distance covered this day from the Doylestown camp to the west landing of Coryell’s Ferry totaled nine and a half miles.) To expedite the next day’s operations “this afternoon [21 June] has been employed in passing the Artillery and such Baggage as could be got over.” The expertise gained in the 1777 ferrying operations no doubt enabled Washington to note, “The number of boats and state of readiness in which every thing is for the purpose, will render the passage of the troops very expeditious.”30 The army baggage traveled “in the Rear of the Column of Troops,” and consisted of:
The Commander in Chief's Baggage ... The Adjutant General's, Paymaster Generals Engineers Muster Master General [and] Auditor of Accounts [wagons] The Baggage of the Marquis de la Fayettes De Kalbs Division the Baggage of Lord Stirlings Division and then the Waggons of the Quarter Master General's department Flying Hospital and lastly the Com[missar]y. and Forage Master General's Waggons.31

Some effort was made to reduce the number of vehicles crossing into New Jersey, Nathanael Greene writing to Moore Furman, deputy quartermaster for New Jersey, from “Buckingham June 21, 1778,”
Sir I want to know what number of Teams and what quantity of forage you can provide us with at Coryell’s Ferry. We have a great many hir’d and impressed Waggons belonging to this State which I wish to dismiss if possible on this side of the River; and therefore want to know what assistance you can give us that I may regulate my conduct accordingly. We shall reach the ferry this forenoon and encamp on this side to Night and cross early in the morning. The teams we shall want, will be for the Commissary of provisions and forage. We have nearly baggage Waggons enough.

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The ferry at Coryells is attended with a very great expence, if not accompanied with an equal degree of imposition; I wish to know whether it would be agreeable to you to undertake the regulation thereof.32

The conglomeration of baggage, plus brigade artillery and artillery support vehicles, initially consisted of 21 field pieces and perhaps as many as 234 wagons with 984 horses. Subtracting at least 27 commisary and foraging wagons, with 108 horses, would lessen the vehicles for the 21/22 June crossing to 207 vehicles, and 876 draft animals, still a daunting number. The lead elements of the three infantry divisions must have arrived at the ferry landing no later than 3:00 PM on June 21st. The field pieces would have required seven trips, and those seven crossings would also have accommodated at least 28 wagons and teams. Given 30 minutes per crossing (back and forth) those crossings alone would have taken three and a half hours. The remaining daylight hours may have admitted two more crossings, carrying 7 wagons each, leaving 165 vehicles and teams plus the three infantry divisions still to ferry on 22 June.33 That same day the General issued orders for June 22d from his quarters at the Richard Holcombe house on the Jersey side of the ferry:
Head Quarters, Coryell's–Ferry, June 21, 1778 … A Gill of spirits pr. man to be issued to the Troops this day. Those Brigades which are out of provision will draw this afternoon at Mr. Simpson's on the Hill the West–Side of the Ferry. No men are to be permitted to bathe till sunset. The Troops are to begin to cross the Ferry at half past three o'Clock tomorrow morning precisely, at which time the new Guards are to parade on the East Side the Ferry and the old ones on the West where the officers who are to march in the Rear will also assemble. The General to beat at three quarters past two and the troop at a quarter past three in the morning.34

The location of Mr. Simpson’s is uncertain, but must have been relatively near the road, and likely at the top of the hill leading directly down to the ferry. That high ground is also the probable site where the divisions of Lafayette, DeKalb, and Lord Stirling (comprising approximately 8,400 troops) camped the night of June 21/22. The name Coryell’s Ferry referred to the villages on both banks of the river, and it was on the New Jersey side that Dr. McHenry noted at 10:00 P.M. on the 21st,
Additional waggons ordered for the tents which were wet and heavier in consequence. A rapid morning’s march. The heat excessive – Some of the soldiers die suddenly. Reach Coryels ferry. Encamp on the Pennsylvania side. The General crosses – with the spare baggage and the artillery. Headquarters at one Holcombs in the Jersey. Here are some charming girls – But one of the drums of the [Commander–in–Chief’s life] guard more a favorite than [Alexander] Hamilton. Division of Lee and Wayne [on the Jersey side] 4 miles in advance of Coryells.35
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Image of artillery field piece and two-horse limber, from a powder horn engraving. This drawing is from Harold L. Peterson, Round Shot and Rammers: An Introduction to Muzzleloading Land Artillery in the United States (South Bend, In.: South Bend Replicas, 1969), 59. Also see photograph of powder horn in Harold L. Peterson, The Book of the Continental Soldier (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1968), 132. ____________________________________ (Map on Following Page.) Detail from Robert Erskine’s map, “No 73 Crossing Correll’s ferry towards Morristown to Ringoe’s Tavern.” The ferry crossing is to the right (east); the Benjamin Paxson home, “Rolling Green,” can be seen on the west side, just left of the letters “CH.” Robert Erskine (1735-1780), map, “No 73 [third] Crossing Correll’s ferry towards Morristown to Ringoe’s Tavern” by Robert Erskine F.R.S. Geogr. A. U.S. and Assistants, New-York Historical Society; (format,54.0 cm. wide by 35.0 cm.high, 1 map), “Military topographic map. Covers the townships of Solebury in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and of Delaware and West Amwell in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. Shows roads running through Deer Park and New Hope in Pennsylvania; Lambertville, Mount Airy and Ringoes in New Jersey. Also shows buildings and owners' names, landforms and streams. Shows relief by hachures. Title proper from recto is the work of a later editor--Simeon DeWitt or his assign--subsequent to 1820. Title from verso is in Erskine's hand and may be cited as such. Index title, statement of responsibility, date and series title also by Erskine, but on separate index sheet filed at head of series. Series numbering inferred by cataloger. Pen-and-ink, pencil on laid paper. Watermark: ‘G R’ under shield, similar to Gravell and Miller foreign watermark no. 301. Heavily soiled, creased and abraded. Mounted on cloth, bound and cropped, disbound and silked by subsequent owners. Cleaned after removal of backings 1999; some fill remains. Sheathed in mylar. In pencil on recto: ‘No 73 3rd’.” Erskine’s maps are available online via New York University and NY-HS, “Witness to the Early American Experience,” World Wide Web, http://maass.nyu.edu/archives/ (search on keyword, “Erskine”).

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“The Troops are passing the River … and are mostly over.” June 22d Crossing The final river passage took place on Monday, 22 June 1778. According to Dr. Adams the weather was “Cloudy some rain …” A Rhode Island soldier with Lee’s Division wrote the same day, “Continuing in amwell / wraining wether ...” The operation commenced at 3:30 A.M., and the three divisions to be crossed, with remaining vehicles, numbered 8,390 troops, and 165 wagons and their attendant animals (at four per wagon); this count does not include officers’ horses, with at least five per regiment, uncounted army followers and support personnel. The vehicles alone would have meant twenty-four trips, in all requiring perhaps 12 hours, ending about 4 or 5 o’Clock PM. The number of troops would have taken nine trips across, and consumed about four and a half hours. In any event, the crossing at one point of so many men, vehicles, and animals in the space of three days would have taxed the directing officer’s ingenuity and patience, as well as the stamina of the ferrymen.36 After reaching the Jersey shore the troops formed in their respective regiments and marched the three miles to Amwell Meeting, where they joined Lee’s two advance divisions. Ebenezer Wild, who crossed with Glover’s Brigade of DeKalb’s Division, wrote of the day’s events,
22 June. At 5 o’clk the General was beat. We struck our tents and loaded our baggage. Between 6 & 7 o’clk we fell in & were counted off in order to march. About 8 o’clk we marched down to the ferry & crossed. We marched about a mile and a half in the Jerseys, and made a halt there till about 1 o’clk. Then we marched about 2 miles further, where we came up with Genl Lee’s Division and encamped in a field.37

During the day General Washington informed Congress,
the Troops are passing the River at Coryel's and are mostly over. The latest intelligence I have had respecting the Enemy, was yesterday from General Dickinson. He says that they were in the morning at Mo[o]res Town and Mount Holly, but that he had not been able to learn what rout they would pursue from thence; nor was it easy to determine, as from their then situation, they might either proceed to South Amboy or by way of Brunswick. We have been a good deal impeded in our march by rainy weather. As soon as we have cleaned the Arms and can get matters in train, we propose moving towards Princetown, in order to avail ourselves of any favourable occasions that may present themselves of attacking or annoying the Enmey [sic].38

He later notified General Dickinson in New Jersey, “The whole army is now across the River incamped about three miles from it. Tomorrow morning very early, we march towards Princeton.”39

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“The Army will march off …” June 22d and 23d, Camp at Amwell Meeting Dr. McHenry noted preparations for the army’s advance towards Princeton:
22d. [June] Gen. Dickinson writes that the enemy advance – That he is at the draw bridge 4 miles below Trenton, and preparing for a vigorous defense of that post. – The enemy’s superiority in horse making it impossible for our handful of calvary to stand their ground. Genl. [Louis Lebègue] du Portail, [a French] Engineer, ordered forward to reconnoiter a position near Princetown. Sourland hills and Rocky hill reported by the Engineer. The nearest part of the former chain of hills 5 miles distant from Princetown – running in the direction of North by East. Rocky hill has the advantage in point of water. – The roads of retreat from Sourland must be opened towards Aimwel road – The country rocky and difficult.40

With the last of the troops across the river and at or nearing the camp at Amwell Meeting, Washington kept his headquarters at the Holcombe house until the night of the 22d. A bill noted as paid to Richard Holcombe is headed, "Near Coryells Ferry, 9 oClock evnig." The receipt listed thirty–eight dinners @ 3 pounds, 9 shillings, "bread butter and other necessaries £ 1:17:6," and "To Trouble &c. made in the house £ 1:17:6."41 With the Delaware River behind them, the only obstacles between the Continental Army and Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton’s Crown forces were miles of countrys ide, dusty thoroughfares of varying quality, and oppressively hot weather. The last army orders from “Head Quarters, Coryell's Ferry,’ dated “Monday, June 22, 1778,” issued additional directives for controlling the army on the march and in their encampments:
The soldiers to have their Arms well cleaned and afterwards carefully inspected, together with their Ammunition, by their respective Officers. The tents and heavy baggage, if there is any, will be separated from the Army for some days; the Officers will content themselves with a few Necessaries during that time; The Quarter Master General will make his Arrangements accordingly. He will give orders respecting the movement of the separated baggage: None but Invalids and men unfit for the fatigues of a march are to go as guards to the baggage ... When circumstances will permit the Artificers and Pioneers are to advance before the Van Guard of the Army and repair the roads with Fascines and Earth instead of Rails which serve to cripple the horses. The Quarter Master General will fall upon some method to have straw equally and regularly distributed to the men, when they arrive at the ground of Encampment to prevent Confusion and Waste. On a march the Major General of the day will pay particular Attention that the Column advances in compleat order and not so fast in front as to fatigue and distress the Rear. The Brigadier of the day with the Officers ordered to remain in the Rear will see that every thing is properly conducted there; the Guards kept to their duty and all damage to the fruit trees prevented, of which the whole road hitherto exhibits such shameful proofs. Commanding Officers of Companies will see that their men fill their Canteens before they begin the march, that they may not be under a necessity of run[n]ing to every spring and injuring themselves by drinking cold water when heated with marching … If the weather should prove very rainy in the morning [of the 23d] the Troops are not to march; in any case, if they march the tents are to be left standing and the baggage guards are, when dry to strike and load them in the Waggons. Lieutt. Colo. Coleman will take command of the baggage guard.42

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Beginning on the 23d, Washington’s army was reorganized, reflecting the proximity of British forces and the need to place the divisions on a footing to form line of battle as quickly as possible. After orders for June 22d stated,
The following Brigades during the march are to compose the Right Wing of the Army and be commanded by Major General Lee: Woodford's, Scott's, No. Carolina, Poor's, Varnum's and Huntington's. First Pennsylvania, 2nd. Pennsylvania, Late Conway's, Glovers, Larneds, and Paterson's are to compose the Left Wing and be commanded by Major General Lord Stirling. The Second line is to consist of 1st. and 2nd. Maryland, Muhlenberg's, Weedon's and Maxwell's (when it joins) and be commanded by Major General the Marquis De la Fayette. The Army to march from the left.43

As they left Amwell Meeting on the morning of 23 June, the army was formed as follows:
1st. Commander in Chiefs [baggage] to form the Front of the Column 2d. Adjutant Generals [baggage] 3. Pay Master Generals 4. Quarter Master Generals 5. Engineers 6. Auditors of Accounts 7. Clothier Generals, Judge Advocate, Comy. [of] Prisoners & Post Office 8. Baggage of the Army according to the Line of March as follows – viz. – 1st. Pattersons --------| 2d. Learneds | Lord Stirlings 3. Glovers |--- Baggage in Front 4. late Conways | 5. 2d Pennsylvania | 6. 1st. – Ditto – --------| 7. late Weedons --------| The Marquis 8.. Muhlenbergs |--- de la Fayettes 9. second Maryland | Baggage in Front 10. first Ditto | 11. the Baggage of Artillery 12. Huntingtons --------| 13. Varnums | 14. Poors |--- General Lees 15. North Carolina | Baggage in front 16. Scotts | 17 Woodfords --------| 9. The flying hospital 10. The Commissary General 11. The Forage Teams

The Teams are to march as near to each other as possible & on no pretence break the Line or double up – nor to stop for water unless by orders from the Officer commanding the Baggage Guard for the Whole to halt for that purpose -

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The Army will march off, leave the Baggage on the Ground and their Tents standing – which the Guards left in charge of the Baggage are to load in the Waggons when the Tents shall be completely dry – The whole then to remain loaded at the present Encampment until the Day after tomorrow unless they should receive other Orders – in Case they should not, they are then to move in the most Direct route towards Somerset Courthouse halting near Sower Land hill at the distance of nine or Ten miles from Princetown – The Provision & Forage belonging to the Brigades to march with the Army – 44

Pictured is the typical Continental Army warm weather wear consisting of linen hunting shirt and linen overalls, clothing worn by many regiments during the Monmouth campaign. This soldier carries a camp kettle, one kettle being allotted to each six-man mess group. Illustration by Peter F. Copeland; “7th Virginia Regiment, 1777,” Peter F. Copeland and Donald W. Holst, Brother Jonathan print series. Courtesy of the artist.

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Col. Daniel Morgan’s Corps of Riflemen had been posted in advance of the army, as noted in the 22 June orders, “The Officer and twenty five men from each Brigade who are to be annexed to Colo. Morgan's Corps are to be sent to his quarters early tomorrow morning about a mile in front of the Army. The two Light Infantry Companies in the North Carolina Brigade will be attached to Colo. Morgan's Corps instead of the twenty five therefrom, mention'd in the first order of this day.” Morgan’s troops were then sent ahead to join Brig. Gen. William Maxwell’s New Jersey Brigade and the militia harassing the British columns travelling north. The commander-in-chief immediately informed New Jersey militia General Philemon Dickinson of that as well as another small reinforcement: “All the effective horse under Colo. Moylan will instantly march to join you. I am augmenting Colo. Morgans Corps which will also speedily march to your assistance. I need not observe to you that every thing ought to be done to keep up the spirits of your Militia.”45 These were the first and smallest of four forces detached from the main army to push forward against the enemy columns. “Just after we halted we sent out a large detachment …” Camp and Council: Hopewell Township, 23 to 24 June Directions for the 23 June movement to Hopewell stipulated that “The General will beat at three oClock in the morning and the Army march at four o'Clock precisely ...”46 Sergeant Wild wrote of the day,
This morning at 5 o’clk the General was beat, & we turned out & got ready to march. About 7 o’clk we marched off, but left all our tents standing & our heavy baggage behind us. We marched about 10 miles, & halted on the road about 4 hours, & turned into a field to cook provision, & had orders to march at 11 o’clk at night. Our tents did not come up this night, but what little time we had to sleep we slept in the open field, which was only from 11 o’clk at night till 4 in the morning. The reason we did not march at 11 o’clk was because we could not get provision till late.47

From “Hopewell Township, near the Baptist Meeting House, ½ past 7 O'Clock P.M., June 23, 1778” the commander-in-chief notified General Dickinson, still shadowing enemy, “As soon as this comes to hand (if you have not done it before) I would beg of you to send me as full and explicit an account of the enemy's present position as you can possibly obtain. I would wish to receive it before morning, as it will be a matter of great influence in directing my movements.” Thus, Washington remained unsure where to direct the main body of his army when they next marched.48 Army orders issued the night of the 23d directed the soldiers to “cook their Provisions and in every respect be in the greatest readiness possible for a march or Action very early in the morning.” They continued, “The Commissary of Military Stores will deliver out Arms tomorrow to the returns signed by Commanding Officers of Regiments or Corps, who will send very early to the Artillery Park for such numbers as are wanting to complete their men now on the ground fit for duty.” An addition to these directives, another from an order book belonging to the 10th Virginia Regiment called for “Fifty Black Men to Compose a Corps of Poineers …”; military pioneers did the manual work of the army, and in this case their main objective was to repair the road ahead for the troops and baggage wagons. (The creation of a temporary unit composed solely of black

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soldiers is also worthy of note.)49 Once again, Sergeant Wild recounts the events of the second day at Hopewell:
24 June. This morning at 4 o’clk the General was beat. We got up, fell in & were counted off in order to march, but we did not. Our tents came up to us, & we pitched them on the field, where we lay all night. We had no orders to march this day, but slept very quietly in our tents all day.50

A Council of War was held the same day to determine the several commanders’ opinions on the best course to follow in pursuing the enemy. Besides General Washington, five major generals participated (Charles Lee, Nathanael Greene, William Alexander, the Marquis de Lafayette, and Friedrich Wilhelm de Steuben), as well as seven brigadier generals (Henry Knox, Enoch Poor, Anthony Wayne, William Woodford, John Paterson, Charles Scott, and Louis Lebègue Duportail.) Minutes of the meeting noted:51
His Excellency informs the Council, that by the latest advices he has received, the Enemy are in two columns, one on the Allen Town and the other on the Borden Town Road. The front of the latter near the Drawbridge, at which the two Roads unite in the main Cranbury road; Their force from the best estimate he can form is between 9 and 10,000 rank and file. That the strength of the Army on this Ground, by a Field return made two days since, consisted of 10,684 rank and file; besides which there is an advanced Brigade[of New Jersey Continentals] under General [William] Maxwell of about 1200. That, in addition to this force, from the account given by General Dickinson, there appear to be about 1200 Militia, collected in the Neighbourhood of the Enemy, who in conjunction with General Maxwell are hovering on their flanks and rear and obstructing their march. He further informs the Council, that measures have been taken to procure an aid of Pennsylvania Militia; which have not as yet produced any material effect. General [John] Cadwalader with fifty or Sixty Volunteers and a detachment of Continental Troops, amounting to about 300, were to cross the Delaware yesterday morning and fall in with the Enemy's rear, General [John] Lacey had crossed with 40 men. He observes to the Council that it is now the seventh day since the Enemy evacuated Philadelphia during which time, they have marched less than 40 miles; That the obstructions thrown in their way, by breaking down Bridges, felling Trees &c were insufficient to produce so great delay, as is the opinion of General Dickinson himself, who has principally directed them; and that the opposition, they have otherwise received, has not been very considerable. Under these circumstances, and considering the present situation of our national affairs and the probable prospects of the Enemy, the General requests the sentiments of the Council on the following questions: Will it be adviseable for us, of choice, to hazard a general action? If it is, should we do it, by immediately, making a general attack upon the Enemy, by attempting a partial one, or by taking such a position, if it can be done, as may oblige them to attack us? If it is not, what measures can be taken, with safety to this Army, to annoy the Enemy in their march, should it be their intention to proceed through the Jerseys. In fine, what precise line of conduct will it be best for us to pursue? 52

In the end, the generals decided against forcing a general action with British General Sir Henry Clinton’s troops, but authorized sending forward a fifteen hundred man

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detachment to harass the flank and rear of the strung out Crown column. Notably, Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne, known for his aggressive nature, was the only officer involved in the discussion who did not sign the proceedings. The force to be detached consisted of fifteen hundred troops under Brig. Gen. Charles Scott. Henry Dearborn, lieutenant colonel of the 3d New Hampshire Regiment, recorded,
24th a Detatchment of 1500 Pick’d men was taken to Day from the army to be Commanded by Brigadier Genrl. Scot who are to act as Light Infantry … Colo. Cilley & I am in one Regt. of the Light Infantry – Genrl. Scot march’d to Day towards the Enimy, who are at Allin Town … we march’d thro Prince Town & Proceeded 3 miles towards allin Town & Incamp’d we have no Tents or baggage – 53

Orders issued on the evening of the 24th mentioned the possibility of a move for the troops remaining at Hopewell, but gave no intimation that it would happen the following morning:
Head Quarters, Hunt's House, Wednesday, June 24, 1778 … Officers are on no Account to be absent from their Encampment and are to be particularly vigilant to prevent their men from stragling. The Troops in point of provision and every other respect are to be held in constant readiness for moving when the General beats which will be the signal for marching. The Commanding Officers of Corps are to make accurate returns of the Axes, Tomahawks and other such tools in possession of their Corps.54
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The army’s route to Hopewell wound through a maze of back roads and farm lanes, plus a portion of the King’s Highway, and local guides were certainly needed. Traveling on York Road/Route 179, two miles north of Mount Airy, Gulick Road turns off on the right from a short jug handle just off modern York Road. Gulick Road leads to Route 31/King’s Highway. Taking a right on Route 31, travel approximately 1.5 miles, and turn left on Linvale Road. Snydertown Road turns off to the right less than a half mile up Linvale Road. Take a right at the intersection of Snydertown and Stony Brook Roads, travel a short distance, then a left on to Van Dyke Road. From this point the army’s route led over farm lanes and fields to their new encampment on the high ground north of the village. General Washington’s headquarters at Hopewell were in the John Hunt house, on Province Line Road, approximately three quarters of a mile north of Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike. There may once have been a road or farm lane that led to the Hunt house, but there is no through road today (2012). Modern-day maps of the Hopewell area show Feather Bed Lane leading west from Van Pelt Road. Feather Bed Lane looks to join with Hopewell-Amwell Road/Linbergh Lane, eventually joining with Province Line Road, but Feather Bed Lane is closed after the intersection with Hopewell-Wertsville Road. (For a discussion of the roads traveled by the army from Coryell’s Ferry to Hopewell, see Addenda below.)
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Map source: Cleon E. Hammond, John Hart: The Biography of a Signer of the Declaration of Independence (Newfane, Vt.: The Pioneer Press, 1977), 69.

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“Giving the Enemy a stroke is a very desireable event …” Advancing to Englishtown, 24 to 28 June Progress, June 25, 1778. During this campaign James McHenry rarely failed to provide an informative and lively account of events, and this day was no exception:
25th. March to Rocky hill. Cross the Millstone [river] by a bridge, and hault at Kingston. Breakfast at Mrs. Berians – good tea and agreeable conversation. A dinner in the woods. – The General receives advice that the English right column marched from Imleys Town by the road to Monmouth court house. The Marquis de la Fayette is detached to support Scott, with 2000 men – with orders to take command of the whole detached troops. The young Frenchman in raptures with his command and burning to distinguish himself moves towards the enemy who are in motion. It is night before the main body of our army marches, and then only to Laurens’s [John Laurence’s Longbridge farm, currently the town of Monmouth Junction], 4 miles from Kingston.55

Sergeant Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment, Glover’s Brigade of Dekalb’s Division, recounted the day from a common soldier’s perspective.
25 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General was beat throughout the whole army; at 6 o’clk the Troop beat. We fell in & were counted off in order to march. We left all our tents standing & our heavy baggage behind us. We marched off, and making several short stops on the road to rest we arrived at Kingstown between 12 & 1 o’clk. We marched into a large field there and made a halt, it being very hot weather. Just after we halted we sent out a large detachment, to see if they could make any discovery of the enemy, under the command of the Markis Delefiat [Marquis de Lafayette]. About sundown we moved ahead about a quarter of a mile further, into a field where we expected to take up our lodgings for the night. But we had not been here above a quarter of an hour before the long roll beat. We fell in to our arms and marched about 5 miles, and halted in the road all night.56

During that time a second large force was detached under Maj. Gen. Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette. The commander-in-chief described Lafayette’s command and objective:
The next day [25 June] … I dispatched a third detachment of a thousand select Men, under Brigadier General Wayne, and sent the Marquis de la Fayette to take the command of the whole advanced Corps, including Maxwells Brigade and Morgans light infantry; with orders to take the first fair opportunity of attacking the Enemy's Rear.57

Washington continued,
In the evening of the same day [25 June], the whole Army marched from Kingston where our Baggage was left, with intention to preserve a proper distance for supporting the advanced Corps, and arrived at Cranberry early the next morning [of 26 June].58
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After leaving the Hopewell camp Washington’s army took modern-day Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike east to Rocky Hill. After crossing the Millstone River, the troops turned south on Kingston-Rocky Hill Road/Laurel Avenue towards Kingston, where they stopped for the afternoon into early evening.

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From Kingston Continental troops followed the Ridge Road east to John Lawrence’s Long Bridge farm (Monmouth Junction); the distance from Hopewell to the first stop at Kingston was 9.6 miles, from there to Longbridge another 4.1 miles, making 13.7 miles covered for the day.
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Kingston and Longbridge Farm are nicely pictured in this 1762 map. Howard Rice, Jr., New Jersey Road Maps of the 18th Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981)

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Progress, June 26, 1778. The stay at Longbridge lasted from sunset (approximately 7:19 P.M.) or late evening to 5 A.M. on the 26th. Once again Sergeant Wild recounts his day.
26 June. At 5 o’clk we fell in to our arms & were counted off in order to march. About half after --- o’clk we began our march and marched about 5 miles, and halted in the road & drew two days allowance of pork & flour. We cooked our provision. Between 4 & 5 o’clk we began our march again, but we had not got but a very short way before it began to rain, which caused us to stop. It held raining above an hour successively, and was attended with very heavy thunder and sharp lightning. It being late when it stopped raining, we took our lodgings in the road without anything to cover us, or any thing to lodge on but the wet ground, & we in a very wet condition.59

Doctor McHenry noted of the day, “March to Cranberry, and hault 7 miles from Laurence’s farm. – A heavy rain,” while General Washington wrote, “The intense heat of the Weather, and a heavy storm unluckily coming on made it impossible to resume our march that day without great inconvenience and injury to the troops.”60 The general revealed more details of the army’s situation in a letter to Lafayette:
June 26, 1778. Dear Marquis: I received your favors of last night and this morning. I have given the most positive and pointed orders for provisions for your Detachment and am sorry that they have not arrived ... Tho giving the Enemy a stroke is a very desireable event, yet I would not wish you to be too precipitate in the measure or to distress your men by an over hasty march. The Weather is extremely warm and by a too great exertion in pushing the Troops, many of them will fall sick and be rendered entirely unfit for Service. I am etc. Cranbury 45 m past 9 O'Clock A.M. I am now arrived here with the Head of our line. I must repeat again my wish that you do not push on with too much rapidity. You may be, in case of Action, at too great a distance to receive succour and exposed from thence to great Hazard. The Troops here are suffering for want of provision, as well as those with you, and are under the necessity of halting, till they are refreshed. Had this unfortunate circumstance not intervened, the severe rain now falling would compel them to delay their march for the present. Your provision is on the Road.61

Surgeon Samuel Adams mentioned yet another force detached to march against the enemy ahead of the main army, “fair & light showers with thunder - the Army proceeded on to Cranbury - a detachment sent off under Gen'l Lee …”62 Originally, Charles Lee, second in seniority only to Washington, was offered the command eventually given Lafayette, but demurred. Lee soon had second thoughts, explaining his change of heart in a June 25 letter to the commanding general:
When I first assented to the Marquis of Fayette's taking the command of the present detachment, I confess I view'd it in a very different light than I do at present I consider'd it as a more proper busyness of a Young Volunteering General than of the Second in command in the Army; but I find that it is consider'd in a different manner; They say that a Corps consisting of six thousand Men, the greater part chosen, is undoubtedly the most honourable command next to the Commander in Chief, that my ceding it woud of course have an odd appearance I must intreat therefore, (after making a thousand apologies for the trouble my rash assent has occasion'd to you) that if this detachment does march that I may have the command of it; so far personally, but to speak as an Officer I do not think

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that this detachment ought to march at all, untill at least the head of the Enemy's right column has pass'd Cranbury; then if it is necessary to march the whole Army, I cannot see any impropriety in the Marquis's commanding this detachment or a greater as advance Guard of the Army; but if this detachment with Maxwells Corps Scotts, Morgans and Jackson's are to be consider'd as a seperate chosen active Corps and put under the Marquis's Command until the Enemy leave the Jerseys; both myself and [William Alexander] Lord Sterlin[g] will be disgrac'd.63

The commander-in-chief laid out his reasoning in sending forward this new force,
The Enemy, in Marching from Allen Town had changed their disposition and placed their best troops in the Rear, consisting of all the Grenadiers, Light Infantry, and Chasseurs of the line. This alteration made it necessary to increase the number of our advanced Corps; in consequence of which I detached Major General Lee [26 June] with two Brigades to join the Marquis at English Town, on whom of course the command of the whole devolved, amounting to about five thousand Men.64

Rhode Island Sergeant Green, with Varnum’s Brigade, moved forward with Lee. The going must have been difficult for the troops, given hot weather coupled with rain.
F[riday] 26. this morn started very early / pushed on 6 milds as far as a small town cal'd Crambury ware we made a halt ware we heard of the enemy being about 18 milds a head & the enemy a pushing on for Sandy hook. hear we stayed three owers & drawed sum provision / our Division was order'd forrid [forward] under the Command of Genl Lee / went about 6 milds & made a halt / Sum very heavy Shower of wrain & Thundr.65

General Washington issued no army orders on the evening of the 26th, but at least one of his brigadier generals did. Charles Woodford’s directive to the four Virginia regiments under his command was brief, but reflects the possibility of soon going into action:
Cramberry June 26th. 1778 [Officers of the day] Majr. Genl. Lord Stearling Brigadier Woodford Coll. Vorce Lt. Coll. Cropper Bringer up [in the rear of the army] Coll Swift B[rigade]. Majr. McOrmick B.O. A Very Exact Affective Return to be made tomorrow Morning to the Brigade Major Commanding Officers of Cores are Requested to Examine into the State of Arms and Ammunition & Accoutrements and have their Arms put in the best order & if any Ammunition is Damagd. they will Draw a Sufficiency to Compleate their Men to 40 Rounds and return the Damagd.66
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The army left Longbridge Farm heading east along Ridge Road, turning south on the thoroughfare now known as Georges Road, and camped just north of the town of Cranbury.

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This 1781 map show the road net from Kingston via Cranbury to Englishtown. The road from Kingston to “Cross Roads” is the Ridge Road, along which lay Longbridge Farm. Map of Middlesex County, reduced from the original survey

by John Hills, asst. engineer, 1781. Library of Congress. 37

Progress, June 27, 1778. Doctor Adams this day noted, “27th S: fair and excessive hot! we marched in the morning to Penelopon's Creek [Manalapan Bridge]. The detachments that had been sent off halted this night at English Town 4 miles in front of the Main Army.”67 Conditions again were not conducive to hard marching, as attested to by Sergeant Wild,
27 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General beat. We got up fell in to our arms and were counted off in order to march. We drew a gill of whiskey a man, and about 7 o’clk we began our march, and marched about 4 miles & stopped in the road to rest and get water. After stopping about a half an hour we marched again about a mile further, and it being excessive hot, we halted again. I expected we should go further but we stopped here all day. We had no orders for marching at sundown. I had the flank guard while we marched this day. We lay in the open field. Hard thunder, &c. &c.68

The heat and humidity during this campaign were notable, even in a region known for such weather. German Capt. Johann Ewald, Hessian Field Jaeger Corps, noted on the 27th, “Since the [British] army had lost over two hundred men on yesterday's march through the intolerable heat, it stopped today to rest [at Monmouth Courthouse] ..." Lack of water, too, was a problem. Capt. Paul Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment, with Varnum’s Brigade of Lee’s Division, “on ye 27th Began our march a Little Before Sunrise on this march we suffer much for Water to Drink Came within about 6 miles of the Enimy where we spent the Rest of the Day,” and New Jersey militia Col. Sylvanus Seely recounted, “Jun 27th, marched to a meeting house near English Town; our men suffered greatly with heat and drought.” Exact temperatures were rarely available, but James Parke recorded in Philadelphia, “Very warm from 26 to 30 [June] Therm[ometer] 85 to 91.” When British general Sir Henry Clinton reported on the June 28th battle he twice mentioned the temperature. To his sisters he wrote, “with the thermometer at 96 - when people fell dead in the street, and even in their houses - what could be done at midday in a hot pine barren, with everything that [the] poor soldier carries? It breaks my heart that I was obliged under those cruel circumstances to attempt it." And in a July 1778 letter to the Duke of Newcastle, “nothing but the intolerable heat prevented [success]; the Thermometer at 94 in the shade, is not a climate for troops to act with vigour in at noon day …”69
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When Washington’s troops halted on the 27th they were positioned at Manalapan Bridge (on the Manalapan Brook, where present-day Hoffman Station Road crosses that waterway; their route from Cranbury followed Cranbury-Half Acre Road to the Prospect Plains Road, then a left turn on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road, which crosses the Manalapan Brook). The place name was spelled (and misspelled) in several variants, including “Monolopy” and “Penolopen.” A field return of Washington’s army, likely erroneously dated June 28th 1778, was probably done the previous day given that it was tallied at “Ponolopon Bridge.”
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At some point in the day (by 1 P.M., if not earlier) the commander-in-chief rode from Manalapan Bridge to Englishtown to confer with Charles Lee. While there he sent several letters, including one to Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling, who commanded the army in Washington’s absence.
English Town, June 27, 1778. My Lord: Altho Col Meade has already signified to you my desire that our present Camp should be minutely reconnoitred, it is a matter of such serious importance that I cannot forbear repeating to you my wish that yourself aided by General du Portail and some other officers would critically examine the position, all it's avenues, and the adjacent ground, that in case we should have occasion to make use of it, we may be prepared to avail ourselves of its advantages, and apply the best possible remedy to its defects … You will naturally determine the proper places for pickets.70

He also kept Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates apprised of the situation,
English Town, -- P.M., June 27, 1778 … Owing to the delays occasioned by rainy weather and the intense heat when it was fair (tho' these may have been equally disadvantageous to them) we have not been able to come up with the enemy yet. They are now at Monmouth Court house, and we have some strong detachments advanced as far as this to-day, which is about 7 Miles from thence. Col. Morgan is on their right flank, and there are some corps of Jersey Militia acting around them in different parts. It is difficult to say where they design to embark, some think they will push for the Hook. Others to shoal harbour, as there appears to be a preparation of Vessels and craft there. There have been many deserters. On wednesday evening 420 had got into Philadelphia since the evacuation; besides, it is to be presumed there are many in the Country, as not a day passes without some diminution of their force in this way. The deserters are mostly foreigners. I think you were right in reducing the rations of meat and increasing it in flour and rice. Our supplies of the former are scarce and difficult to obtain of the latter they are plenty and easy.71

Washington’s extant papers reveal a single army order for the evening of the 27th, but the 10th Virginia order book contains a second. The first order noted,
Monolopy June 27th 1778 [Officers of the day] Majr. Genl. Lord Stearling - Brigadier Patterson Coll. Patton Lt. Coll.Millon and Lt. Coll. Ford Bringer up [in the rear of the army] Lt. Coll Wigglesworth Brid. Majr. Stag As we are now nigh the enemy and of Consequence Vigilence & precaution more Assentially necessary the Commanr. in Chief desires and injoins it upon all Officers to keep their Posts & their Soldiers Compact so as to be ready for a March at a Moments Warning as Circumstances May require.72

That version comes from Virginia book; the headquarters original mirrors the text, but is headed “Head Quarters, Penolopen, Saturday, June 27, 1778.” The second June 27 order is dated July 1778, but falls in the order book between orders for June 26 and June 27 1778.

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G.O. July [sic, actually June] 27th 1778 No Drum to be Beat on the March except for signals (Viz) to halt in front for the Rear to Come up three long Rolls – to march when the Rear is come up a Common March. to Quickin the March the Granadiers March. These Signals to begin in the Rear under the Directions of the B. Genl. of the Day and are to be respected by the Orderly Drum of every Battalion from to front. An Orderly Drum is to be kept ready Braced with each Battalion for that Purpose. When the whole line is to halt for refreshment the first part of the Genl. will be Beat in front and is to be Respected by every orderly Drum down the Rear --- The Troops are to be Compleated with Provision (salt Meat if Possible) up to the 29th. Inclusively & have it Cookd. The Commanding Officers of Regts. will see this order Executed as soon as possable.73

This second order for 27 June 1778 may be disputed. Points favoring a June 1778 attribution are that it matches no other general order for June or July 27th during the war years, the directive is obviously intended for marching troops, and the call for provision being provided up to and including 29 June jives with June 30 1778 orders directing another issue of food. Forward to Battle, June 28, 1778. Ebenezer Wild, with the main body of the army at Manalapan Bridge, recorded the morning’s march,
28 June. This morning about 6 o’clk the General beat; in about an hour afterwards the Troop beat. We fell in & marched off. Went about 4 miles, & made a little halt to sarch [search] our arms and ammunition. Every man was compleated with 40 rounds apiece. We left all our packs and blankets, and marched on in pursuit of the enemy as far as we could. About 2 o’clk came up with them.74
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The road from Manalapan Bridge led east on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road to a right turn on to Hoffman (or Hoffman Station) Road, then a right on Buckelew Avenue. In a bit less than 2,000 feet the road turned left on to Tracy Station Road, then right on Lasatta Avenue. The last thoroughfare leads to Water Street, a right turn on which leads directly to Englishtown. (Just west of Englishtown and Weamaconk Creek, along Lasatta Avenue, is a hill where a portion of General Lee’s Advance Force regrouped after the morning action on 28 June, and where Washington’s army camped the day after the Monmouth battle.) Upon reaching Englishtown, make a right on Main Street, then a left on to Englishtown-Freehold Road; that road leads directly to Freehold/Monmouth Courthouse, and was the route taken by Lee’s troops and the main army as they advanced on the British rearguard.
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At 6 A.M. General Washington had informed General Gates from “Head Quarters, Middlesex County … In my letter of yesterday I pointed out the situation of the two armies. This morning at 4 O'clock the enemy began to move; we are following them fast, and mean to harrass them as much as possible.”75 He wrote later to John Laurens, President of Congress,
English Town, 6 Miles from Monmouth, - after 11 A.M., June 28, 1778. Sir ... I am now here with the main body of the Army and pressing hard to come up with the Enemy. They encamped yesterday at Monmouth Court House, having almost the whole of their front, particularly their left wing, secured by a marsh and thick wood and their rear by a difficult defile, from whence they moved very early this morning. Our

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advance, from the rainy weather and the intense heat, when it was fair (tho' these may have been equally disadvantageous to them) has been greatly delayed. Several of our men have fallen sick from these causes, and a few unfortunately have fainted and died in a little time after. We have a select and strong detachment more forward under the general Command of Major Genl. Lee, with orders to attack their rear, if possible. Whether the detachment will be able to come up with it, is a matter of question, especially before they get into strong grounds. Besides this, Morgan with his Corps and some bodies of Militia are on their flanks. I cannot determine yet, at what place they intend to embark. Some think they will push for Sandy Hook, whilst other suppose they mean to go to Shoal Harbour. The latter opinion seems to be founded in the greatest probability, as, from intelligence, Several Vessels and Craft are lying off that place. We have made a few prisoners, and they have lost a good many men by desertion. I cannot ascertain their number, as they came in to our advanced parties and pushed immediately into the Country. I think five or Six Hundred is the least number that have come in, in the whole. They are chiefly foreigners.76

James McHenry recounted the events of the 27th and 28th, ending our narrative just at the opening of the Battle of Monmouth Courthouse:
27. March early in the morning 6 miles on the road to English Town. – The enemy still on the ground at Monmouth. The Marquiss files off by the left of English Town to put us in a situation to cooperate. Major Gen. Lee thinks himself overlooked as being an old officer, in the commands being given to the Marquiss. To prevent disunion, Lee is detached with 2 brigades to join the Marquiss, and as senior officer to the command. His detachment consists of 5,000 men, four-fift[h]s of whom were picked for this service. Morgan hovering on the enemy’s right flank, and the militia under Gen. Dickinson on their left. Their right stretched about one mile and a half beyond Monmouth court house – in the parting of the roads leading to Shrewsbury and Middletown – and their left along the road from Allen Town to Monmouth about 3 miles on this side the court house. Their right flank skirted by a small wood – their left by a thick forest & morass running towards their rear. And their front covered by a wood and for a considerable extent to the left with a morass. Tonight Gen. Lee receives orders to attack as soon as they begin their march. 28th. The Baron Steuben and Col. Laurens reconnoitre. find the encampment up, and their rear formed at the court house. They appear ready to march. Gen. Lee informed of this by Col. Laurens. Gen. Lee moves his men to the attack … 77 “Our advanced Corps … took post in the evening on the Monmouth Road …”

Movements of Continental Detachments Followng the British, 24 to 28 June 1778 During the Monmouth Campaign several detached bodies of troops, most of them Continentals, shadowed or harassed Crown columns as they traveled from Coopers Ferry (modern Camden, New Jersey) to Monmouth Courthouse. Brig. Gen. William Maxwell’s New Jersey Brigade (1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th Regiments) were stationed at Mount Holly when British forces began their march. Given the disparity in numbers, the best Maxwell’s men and scattered detachments of the state’s militia could do was to fall back and delay the enemy as much as possible.78 (To follow the movements of the New Jersey

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Continentals, see “'Beware of being Burgoyned.': Marching Toward Monmouth, Delaware River to Freehold, 18 to 27 June 1778" Appendix A of "'What is this you have been about to day?’: The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth" http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthToc.htm) The New Jersey militia saw extensive service during this period, but there is no comprehensive accounting of their whereabouts. Militia commander Maj. Gen. Philemon Dickinson, did note militia dispositions on June 25th:
Head Quarters Chamber’s Tavern June 25, 1778 Colonels [Samuel] Furman [2nd Regiment Monmouth County], [Joseph] Haight [2nd Regiment Burlington County] & [Asher] Holmes [1st Regiment Monmouth County], with their respective Battalions, are ordered to gain the Enemies Right Flank & join Col. [Daniel] Morgan’s detachment, who are to annoy the Enemy in that Quarter as much as in their power. They will consist of 3 Col – 1 Lt. Col – 3 Maj – 7 Cap – 15 Sub[altern]s – 13 Serjt – 12 Corp – 163 Priv. Colonels [John] Neilson [2nd Regiment Middlesex County] & [John] Webster [1st Regiment Middlesex County] with their Battalions will take post in Front of the Enemy, throw every possible obstruction in their Rout, impeded their march & harass them, whenever opportunity present. This Detachment will consist of 2 Col – 1 Lt. Col – 1 Maj – 6 Capt. – 16 Sub[altern]s – 19 Serjts – 13 Corps – 218 Privates. Capt. Lane & 25 of his Company of axmen to attend Col. Neilson. Col. [Nathaniel] Scudder [1st Regiment Monmouth County] with his Battalion will join Brig’r Genl [Charles] Scott on the left flank of the Enemy consisting of 150 Privates. The whole of the remaining Militia, are to be equally divided & to do duty on the lines alternately, Officers as well as privates.79

Militia companies from Hunterdon and Somerset Counties also in blocking actions during the campaign. Col. Daniel Morgan’s Rifle Corps, augmented by two North Carolina light infantry companies, were sent forward from Amwell on June 23d. General Washington directed Morgan “to take the most effectual means for gaining the enemys right flank, and giving them as much annoyance as possible in that quarter. Among the Militia annexed to your Corps, General Dickinson will take care that there are persons perfectly acquainted with the country and roads; so as to prevent every delay and danger which might arise from the want of intelligent guides.” The colonel took seriously the directive to operate on the British right flank, and during the battle of the 28th was postioned to the east of the British column leading from Freehold but never participated in the day’s action.80 The Advance Force: Scott’s, Wayne’s, Lafayette’s, and Lee’s Detachments. The three large forces sent ahead of the army beginning on June 24th were enumerated, and some of their movements described as well, by the commander-in-chief in a postcampaign report:
On [24 June] … I made a second detachment of 1500 chosen troops under Brigadier Genl. Scott, to reinforce those already in the vicinity of the Enemy [i.e., Maxwell’s New Jersey Brigade, Morgan’s Corps, and New Jersey militia] the more effectually to annoy and delay their march. The next day [25 June] … I dispatched a third detachment of a thousand select Men, under Brigadier General Wayne, and sent the Marquis de la Fayette to take the command of the whole advanced Corps, including Maxwells Brigade and Morgans light infantry; with orders to take the first fair opportunity of attacking the Enemy's Rear. In the evening of the same day [25 June], the whole Army marched from Kingston where our

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Baggage was left, with intention to preserve a proper distance for supporting the advanced Corps, and arrived at Cranberry early the next morning [of 26 June]. The intense heat of the Weather, and a heavy storm unluckily coming on made it impossible to resume our march that day without great inconvenience and injury to the troops. Our advanced Corps, being differently circumstanced, moved from the position it had held the night before, and took post in the evening on the Monmouth Road, about five Miles from the Enemy's Rear; in expectation of attacking them the next morning on their march. The main Body having remained at Cranberry, the advanced Corps was found to be too remote, and too far upon the Right to be supported either in case of an attack upon, or from the Enemy, which induced me to send orders to the Marquis to file off by his left towards English Town, which he accordingly executed early in the Morning of the 27th.81

James McHenry provided a few more details on the three detachments:
25th. … The Marquis de la Fayette is detached to support Scott, with 2000 men – with orders to take command of the whole detached troops … The young Frenchman … moves towards the enemy who are in motion. … 27. … The Marquiss files off by the left of English Town to put us in a situation to cooperate. Major Gen. Lee thinks himself overlooked as being an old officer, in the commands being given to the Marquiss. To prevent disunion, Lee is detached with 2 brigades [that actually occurred on the 26th] to join the Marquiss, and as senior officer to the command. His detachment consists of 5,000 men, four-fift[h]s of whom were picked for this service. Morgan hovering on the enemy’s right flank, and the militia under Gen. Dickinson on their left.82

Daily Movements of Detachments Later Incorporated into Lee’s Advanced Corps. 23 June 1778. Capt. Jonathan Forman, 4th New Jersey Regiment, Maxwell’s Brigade: “the 23d Ab.t 5 OC in the Morning they [British forces] then Approaching [we] were Paraded they Advanc.d with their Horse so as to fall on our Rear in Crossing the brige, when our Small Parties Skirmished w.th them Some time, but we Retiring to Trenton with a Part of the Milt.a [militia] leaving a Part behind to Defend a Pass at [ -- ] Mill w.th Cap.t Jones Artill[er].y [probably Gibbs Jones, Roman's Independent Company of Pennsylvania Artillery, appointed captain 1 June 1778] we Moving on with the B[rigade]. to Maid[e].n Head”83 24 June 1778. Captain Forman, “24th Ab.t 8 in the Morning March.d to [Chambers?] Tav[er].n Ab.t 4 M[iles]. from A[llen].Tn.o where the E[nemy]. then lay, in the Afternoon Moved to Pens Ne[c]k.”84 On the same day Brig. Gen. Charles Scott’s detachment left Hopewell. Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn of New Hampshire wrote,
24th a Detatchment of 1500 Pick’d men was taken to Day from the army to be Commanded by Brigadier Genrl. Scot who are to act as Light Ingantry … Colo. Cilley & I am in one Regt. of the Light Infantry – Genrl. Scot march’d to Day towards the Enimy, who are at Allin Town … we march’d thro Prince Town & Proceeded 3 miles towards allin Town & Incamp’d we have no Tents or baggage – 85

Bernardus Swartwout, a gentleman volunteer with the 2d New York Regiment, also marched under Scott

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24th June A detachment was ordered out to act as light infantry to the army … of which I was one – in the Brigade commanded by Gen. Scott & Regt: under Col. Cilley of New Hampshire – in the afternoon leave the main army and marched till very late at night, the halt in the woods three or four miles west of Princeton.86

25 June 1778. This day a second large force, commanded by Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne under the overall command of Maj. Gen. Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette, was sent forward to operate against Sir Henry Clinton’s columns. Captain Forman noted on the 25th, “Ab.t 4 O.Clk in the Aftrnoon Marchd to Heights Tn.o where we were Join.d by G[eneral]. Sc[o]tts Light Troops and the Marquis [de Lafayette] Continuing to keep on the E[nemy's]. left.”87 Lt. Col. Alexander Hamilton, principal aide to the commander-in-chief, wrote Lafayette on this date from Cranbury,
We find on our arrival here, that the intelligence received on the road is true. The enemy have all filed off from Allen Town on the Monmouth road. Their rear is said to be a mile Westward of Laurence Taylor's Tavern, six miles from Allen Town. General Maxwell is at Hyde's Town {Hightstown], abt. three miles from this place. General Dickenson is said to be on the enemy's right flank, but where cannot be told. We can hear nothing certain of General Scott but from circumstances he is probably at Allen Town. We shall agreeable to your request consider and appoint some proper place to rendezvous, for the union of our force, which we shall communicate to General Maxwell and Scott and to yourself. In the meantime, I would recommend to you to move towards this place as soon as the convenience of your men will permit. I am told Col. Morgan is on the enemy's right flank. He had a slight skirmish with their rear this forenoon at Robert Montgomery's, on the Monmouth road leading from Allen Town. We shall see General Maxwell immediately and you will here from us again. Send this to the General [Washington]. We are just informed that General Scot passed by Hooper's Tavern, 5 miles from Allen Town, this afternoon at 5 OClock.88

Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn recorded the activities of General Scott’s force and other events,
25th this morning we march.d within 5 miles of the Enimy - & Halted & Drew Provision. Sent a small Party of Horse to Reconoightir the Enimy. At 12 O Clock we ware Inform.d that the Enimy ware on their way to Monmouth Coart House. Which is Towards Sandy Hoock. Our main army is Near Prince Town, we are now Prepared to Harress the Enimy. Genrl. Scot 1500 men Genrl. Maxwell 1000 Colo. Morgan 500 – Genrl. Dickerson 1000[New Jersey] Millitia; & 200 Horse. the above Detatchmts are on the Flanks and Rear of the Enimy … at 4 O Clock P:M we marchd to Allin Town & Incamp.d. – the Enimys Rear is 5 miles from us – 89

Another of Scott’s soldiers, Bernardus Swartwout, noted the same day, “The Horn blowed (a substitute for a drum in the [light] Infantry corps) we marched about four miles – halted & put ourselves in a fighting position – the enemy were close by – we moved to Allenstown and halted for the day.”90 26 June 1778. Captain Forman, 4th New Jersey: “26[th] March.d to Robins[']s tavern [present-day Clarksburg, New Jersey] the En[em].y Moving towards Monmouth.”91 Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton, now with with Lafayette's detachment, wrote Washington from Robins Tavern (eight miles from Allentown) on this date,

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We have halted the troops at this place. The enemy, by our last reports, were four miles from this (that is their rear) and had passed the road which turns off towards South Amboy, which determines their rout towards Shrewsbury. Our reason for halting is the extreme distress of the troops for want of provisions. General Wayne's detachment is almost starving, and seem both unwilling and unable to march further till they are supplied. If we do not receive an immediate supply, the whole purpose of our detachment must be frustrated. This morning we missed doing any thing from a deficiency of intelligence. On my arrival at Cranbury yesterevening, I proceeded by desire of the Marquis immediately to Hides Town and Allen town, to take measures for cooperating with the different parts of the detachment, and to find what was doing to procure intelligence. I found every precaution was neglected, no horse was near the enemy, or could be heard of 'till late in the morning; so that before we could send out carries and get the necessary information they were in full march, and as they have marched pretty expeditiously we should not be able to come up with them during the march of this day; if we did not suffer the impediment we do on the score of provisions. We are intirely at a loss where the army is, which is no inconsiderable check to our enterprise if the army is wholly out of supporting distance, we risk the total loss of the detachment in making an attack. If the army will countenance us we may do something clever. We feel our personal honor as well as the honor of the army and the good of the service interested and are heartily desirous to attempt whatever the disposition of our men will second and prudence authorize. It is evident the enemy wish to avoid not to engage us. Desertions I imagine have been pretty considerable to day; I have seen 8 or 10 deserters and have heard of many more. We have had some little skirmishing by detached parties, one attacked their rear guard with a degree of success killed a few and took seven prisoners. Marquis and Gen Dickenson send their compliments. My writing makes theirs unnecessary. An officer just comes in who informs that he left the enemy's rear five miles off, still in march about half an hour ago. To ascertain still more fully their route I have ordered a fresh party on their left towards the head of their column. They have three Brigades in rear of their baggage.92

For news of Scott’s detachment, we turn once again to our previous correspondents. Lt. Col. Henry Dearborn, 3d New Hampshire:
26th we march’d Early this Morning after the Enimy. The weather is Extreemly Hot, we are Obliged to march very Modirate … we are Join’d to Day by the Marquis De lefiette with a Detatchment of 1000 men. We advanced within three miles of the Enimy, & Incamp’d. the Enimy are about Monmouth Court House, on good Ground – 93

Gentleman Volunteer Bernardus Swartwout, 2d New York: “26th. At the sound of the horn we marched eight miles and halted, owing to a heavy shower of rain which lasted some time – After it abated marched two miles and halted in a wood.”94 On this day Maj. Gen. Charles Lee was sent forward with his division to take command of the forces already advanced under Generals Lafayette, Scott, and Wayne. Eventually, the Advanced Force he took into battle on June 28th also included the New Jersey Brigade and Col. Henry Jackson’s Continental detachment. Sergeant Greenman of the 1st Rhode Island Regiment wrote,

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F[riday] 26. this morn started very early [with the main army] / pushed on 6 milds as far as a small town cal'd Crambury ware we made a halt ware we heard of the enemy being about 18 milds a head & the enemy a pushing on for Sandy hook. hear we stayed three owers & drawed sum provision / our Division was order'd forrid [forward] under the Command of Genl Lee / went about 6 milds & made a halt / Sum very heavy Shower of wrain & Thundr.95

Company officer Paul Brigham serving with Lee described his experience:
on ye 26 Exceeding hot this Day Som Thunder and Rain. By the Best Inteligence the Enemy are makeing their way to the Hook [Sandy Hook] | Woodfords and Varnums Brigades Began their march towards Munmouth marchd 5 or 6 miles Lay out in an [orchard] on Ground Slept Very well with only my Great Coat 96

27 June 1778. Jonathan Forman, Jersey Brigade: “27.th began our March Early in the Morning March.d to English Tn.o Gen.l Scott march[in].g in the rear of the Enemy Near burnt Tav.n then moving by the left Joined us up wth at English Tn.o where we were Joined by a part of the main Army.”97 Hamilton, still with Lafayette’s force, wrote General Scott, “This part of the troops marches instantly. We are to join in the Monmouth road one mile this side of Taylor's Tavern. You will govern yourself accordingly. If you can find Morgan let him be desired again to keep close to the enemy and attack when we attack. You will endeavour to keep up a communication of intelligence."98 Bernardus Swartwout, Scott’s Detachment: “27th. Early this morning, at the sound of the horn we marched three miles and were ordered back to our old ground, then filed off in a bye road, on the left flank of the enemy – marched within one mile of English Town and made brush huts.”99 Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn wrote,
27th we march.d Early this morning within one mile of the Enimy & ware ordered by an Express from Genrl. Washington to Counter March to where we Incamp’d Last night, & from thence to file off to English Town (which Lay 7 miles on Our Left as we followed the Enimy) & their Join Genrl. Lee Who was there with 2000 men. the weather Remains Exceeding Hot & water is scarce we ariv.d at English Town about the middle of the Day & Incamp’d. the Enimy Remain at Monmouth. Genrl. Washington with the Grand army Lays about 5 mile in our Rear. Deserters come in in Large numbers.100

Sergeant Greenman, with Lee’s Division, noted:
S[aturday] 27. this morn turn'd out from amung the wett grass. from [illeg.] pushed on 6 milds near Englishtown ware we draw'd 40 rounds of Cartireges / then marcht into the wood ware we heard a Number of Cannon fir'd toward the Surthurd of us / then we march'd about half a mild to the left of the army ware we stopt a Nower / then we ware order'd to sling our packs / we marcht half a mild into a Medow almost to the wright whare I took quarts. under a huckel bury buch. for it was very hot indeed / in the Night it wrain'd & cold.101

Capt. Paul Brigham, 8th Connecticut, also with Lee, told of the soldiers’ living conditions, on the march and in camp: “on ye 27th Began our march a Little Before Sunrise on this march we suffer much for Water to Drink Came within about 6 miles of the Enimy where we spent the Rest of the Day Exceeding Sharp Thunder and Liting and Som Rain at night ...”102

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28 June 1778. On the morning of the battle Maj. Gen. Charles Lee’s scattered forces, united at Englishtown, set off to confront the enemy. Henry Dearborn sets the scene:
28th haveing Intiligence this morning before sun Rise that the Enimy ware moving, we ware Ordered, together with the Troops Commanded by the Marquis & Genrl. Lee (in the whole about 5000) to march towards the Enimy … at Eleven o Clock A.M. after marching 6 or 7 miles we arriv’d on the Plains Near Monmouth Court House, Where a Collumn of the Enimy appeared in sight … 103

___________________________ A few days after the Monmouth battle Gen. George Washington sent his campaign report to Congress:
… the whole Army marched from Kingston where our Baggage was left, with intention to preserve a proper distance for supporting the advanced Corps, and arrived at Cranberry early the next morning [of 26 June]. The intense heat of the Weather, and a heavy storm unluckily coming on made it impossible to resume our march that day without great inconvenience and injury to the troops. Our advanced Corps, being differently circumstanced, moved from the position it had held the night before, and took post in the evening on the Monmouth Road, about five Miles from the Enemy's Rear; in expectation of attacking them the next morning on their march. The main Body having remained at Cranberry, the advanced Corps was found to be too remote, and too far upon the Right to be supported either in case of an attack upon, or from the Enemy, which induced me to send orders to the Marquis to file off by his left towards English Town, which he accordingly executed early in the Morning of the 27th. The Enemy, in Marching from Allen Town had changed their disposition and placed their best troops in the Rear, consisting of all the Grenadiers, Light Infantry, and Chasseurs of the line. This alteration made it necessary to increase the number of our advanced Corps; in consequence of which I detached Major General Lee [26 June] with two Brigades to join the Marquis at English Town, on whom of course the command of the whole devolved, amounting to about five thousand Men. The main Body marched the same day [27 June] and encamped within three Miles of that place [i.e., Englishtown]. Morgans Corps was left hovering on the Enemy's right flank and the Jersey Militia, amounting at this time to about 7 or 800 Men under General Dickinson on their left. The Enemy were now encamped in a strong position, with their right extending about a Mile and a half beyond the Court House, in the parting of the Roads leading to Shrewsbury and Middletown, and their left along the Road from Allen Town to Monmouth, about three miles on this side the Court House. Their Right flank lay on the skirt of a small-wood, while their left was secured by a very thick one, and a Morass running towards their rear, and their whole front covered by a wood, and for a considerable extent towards the left with a Morass. In this situation they halted till the morning of the 28th.104

The first phase of the 28 June 1778 Battle of Monmouth Courthouse took place about five and one half miles east of Englishtown; accounts of that engagement by Doctor McHenry and Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn may be read in the addendum below.

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Monmouth Battlefield. Large portions of Monmouth Battlefield, near Freehold, N.J., have been preserved as a state park, and anyone with an interest in that action would be well–rewarded by a visit. For directions and contact information, see, http://mars.superlink.net/~monmouth/battlefield.html Those interested in learning more about the campaign and battle of Monmouth may read, "’What is this you have been about to day?’: The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth” (John U. Rees), available online at http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthToc.htm This work is a detailed primer of the entire battle, with nine appendices on various aspects of the campaign and its participants. Additional articles about the armies and military participants of the War for Independence can be accessed at www.revwar75.com/library/rees/40

A Continental soldier wearing a military cocked hat, regimental coat, breeches, and carrying a blanket sling (tumpline) in lieu of a knapsack. He is reaching for his cartridge pouch, evidently in the process of loading his firelock. Illustration by George C. Woodbridge, from George C. Neumann, Swords and Blades of the American Revolution (Texarkana, TX, 1991).

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Echoes of 1778, Three Years After. Following the January 1781 Pennsylvania Line mutiny, the enlisted men were discharged or furloughed, and the regiments reconstituted from new enlistees and reenlisted veterans. In May three provisional Pennsylvania battalions marched to Virginia, while six skeletal regiments remained behind to gather new men. That September a fourth provisional battalion was sent south to join the others. Lt. Enos Reeves wrote of his experience traveling to join the troops:
“On Monday Lt. McLean and I set off for the City of Philadelphia. Came round by the [Yellow] Springs, lost our way by going the back road and found ourselves near the Bull Tavern at the Valley Forge. We dined near Moor Hall, came thro’ our old Encampment, or rather the first huts of the whole army. Some of the officers’ huts are inhabited, but the greater part are decayed, some are split up into rails, and a number of fine fields are to be seen on the level ground that was cleared, but in places where they have let the shoots grow, it is already like a half grown young wood. We crossed to the Lancaster Road near the Spread Eagle, and then made the best of our way to the city of Philadelphia, where we arrived a little after dark, and put up at the sign of ye Battle of Monmouth.”105
* * * * * * * *

Author’s Afterword: Vestiges of the 1778 Continental Army march from Valley Forge to Monmouth Courthouse can still be seen today. The roads from Valley Forge to Coryell’s Ferry have, for the most part, been incorporated into the modern road net. Some parts of the route have been rerouted in modern times to straighten the roads for modern traffic, but by and large the old course can still be discerned. Among other landmarks, Robert Shannon’s home, Washington’s headquartersthe the first night after he left Valley Forge still stands in Norristown Farm Park, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, the Presbyterian Church and cemetery on East Court Street in Doylestown, marks the western side of the ridge where part of Washington’s army (likely DeKalb’s Divison) camped the night of 20/21 June 1778. The intersection of Route 202 and Holicong Road marks the location of “Grintown” where Lee’s Division halted on the 20th before continuing on, to and across the Delaware River. The old Paxson Farm is still at the intersection of Route 202 and Aquetong Road, where, if the family stories are true, part of the army camped, and Ferry Street in New Hope still leads down to the Coryell’s Ferry landing. On the New Jersey side, the western terminus of the ferry has been turned into a broad parking lot is on the New Jersey side, but if you walk east through the lot, you can cross the canal over a footbridge, and walk up Lambertville’s Ferry Street. The Holcombe house, where Washington and his staff were quartered, is still standing in Lambertville, set back from North Main Street (Route 29), near Elm St., between the entrance of the Phillips-Barber Health Center and a farm market. Moving inland, Mount Airy, site of Amwell Meeting where the troops camped from 20 to 23 June, is a small village off the main roadway. Hopewell boasts the John Hunt house (army headquarters for two days), and open fields where the troops camped on the high ground north of town. Heading eastward through Rocky Hill, Kingston, Cranbury, Englishtown, and if you wish, following British and German forces to their embarkation at Sandy Hook, any number of locales and buildings connected to the campaign are still extant. Finally, we return to Pennsylvania. The village of Aquetong was on the York Road nearly midway between Lahaska and the Great (Ingham’s) Spring, at the intersection with present-day Aquetong Road. “Rolling Green” the “fine Colonial mansion,” still to be seen on the west side of York Road, then known as Paxson’s Corner, was owned by Benjamin Paxson at the time of the War for Independence. Family history notes that, “a soldier, who was taken ill and died there after the army had moved on, was buried on the Paxson property.” In 1926 Henry D. Paxson told of ‘a relic preserved by the Paxson family … a wooden bowl left by a Continental soldier from a

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southern State, who had been taken ill with a fever and was nursed by the family [until his death].” The incident likely occurred during the Monmouth campaign, Henry Paxson claiming that Lee’s Division camped near the residence in 1778. While it is unlikely Lee’s troops stayed there, perhaps a portion of General Washington’s other three divisions did, and, in any case, the entire army passed by in mid-June 1778. Further details of the bowl and a discussion of the soldier who owned it may be read in, John U. Rees, (Rewritten in 2012 as “The common necessaries of life …” A Revolutionary Soldier’s Wooden Bowl,” including, “’Left sick on the Road’: An Attempt to Identify the Soldier Left at the Paxson Home, ‘Rolling Green,’ June 1778.”) http://tinyurl.com/at3dj3e

Paxson family soldier’s mess bowl. Owned by Solebury Township Historical Society. Acknowledgements
I wish to thank John and Barbara Hencheck of Lambertville for information concerning the Old Bungtown Road; Beth Landers, Librarian of the Bucks County Historical Society’s Spruance Library; T.J. (Jim) Luce, author New Jersey’s Sourland Mountain, for sharing the 1779 Robert Erskine map, his advice on the army’s march to Hopewell, and assistance with local place names in Amwell and Hopewell Townships; and Les Isbrandt of the New Hope Historical Society for his willingness to publish an earlier version that focused on the 1778 Coryell’s Ferry crossing. This work in its present form would not have been possible without the help of Joseph Lee Boyle, and Garry W. Stone, Monmouth Battlefield State Park Historian.

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Addendum Driving Directions, Continental Army Route from Valley Forge to Englishtown
The route of Gen. George Washington’s army in June 1778 can easily be traced today, following, more or less, modern thoroughfares. Beginning on the north side of the Schuylkill, at the site of Sullivan’s bridge (Fatland Ford), proceed to Pawlings Road, travelling northeast to Egypt Road. Take Egypt Road east to Ridge Pike, then south on that road to Whitehall Road. Travelling east on Whitehall will bring you to Germantown Pike; turning right (south) takes you past the entrance to Norristown Farm Park, where General Washington stayed at Dr. Robert Shannon’s mansion (still to be seen just inside the park’s main entrance) overnight on June 19 1778. Lee’s troops may have camped here on the night of 18 June, or travelled further before resting. Moving further south on Germantown Pike at the intersection with Swede Road turn left (east), and then turn left on Route 202/DeKalb Pike (known in the early 19th century as State Road). You will pass Gwynedd Friends Meeting (noted on an 18th century map as “North Wales Meeting”), and continue on to the intersection with Route 309/Bethlehem Pike. Turning left (northeast) Routes 202 and 309 merge for almost a mile, Route 202 then turns right (east) towards New Britain and Doylestown. In the center of Doylestown, at the intersection with Route 611/Main Street the old road goes straight, but now is one-way going west. To pick up the old DoylestownCoryell’s Ferry Road/Route 202 turn right on Main St., then left on Oakland Avenue, go straight (east) on Oakland to the intersection with Route 202, and turn right. Follow Route 202 to the intersection with Route 413/Durham Road in Buckingham. The old road turned right (now a dead-end spur called Bogart’s Tavern Road), then made a left (east) by Bogart’s tavern (now called the General Greene Inn) on to the York Road. Heading east you will pass through Holicong (“Green Town”), and Lahaska (where Buckingham Friends Meeting is located), to the intersection with Aquetong Road; the Paxson house “Rolling Green” is on the left, on the west side of Aquetong Road. If you wish to go on to the Coryell’s Ferry landing, where the army crossed over to New Jersey, continue east on Route 202. The old road (Old York Road) occasionally veers off to the right from the modern highway. As you near the river into New Hope, Ferry Street angles off to the right and leads down to the original site of the ferry landing. On the New Jersey side of the Delaware River, the road from Coryell’s Ferry to Amwell Meeting/Mount Airy, via York Road, can be easily traced today. On the New Jersey side, the eastern terminus of the ferry has been turned into a broad parking lot, but if you walk east through the lot, you can cross the canal over a footbridge, and walk up Lambertville’s Ferry Street. Following Ferry Street to the eighteenth century route of York Road can roughly be done. First, continue to the end of Lambertville’s Ferry Street where it morphs into Lily Street, then turn left onto Route 179. Follow Route 179 approximately 150 feet and turn left on West Franklin Street. At the next intersection, turn right on York Street, which soon turns left on to the original Old York Road ascent. Route 179 largely follows the old road, which occasionally diverges off to the right of the modern route. Route 179/York Road will lead you to Mount Airy (three miles from the Delaware River); the old road cuts right through Mount Airy, situated on high ground, and a well-chosen, defensible camping area for Washington’s troops. The army’s route to Hopewell wound through a maze of back roads and farm lanes, plus a portion of the King’s Highway, and local guides were certainly needed. Traveling on York Road/Routre 179, two miles north of Mount Airy, Gulick Road turns off on the right from a short jug handle just off modern York Road. Gulick Road leads to Route 31/King’s Highway. Taking a right on Route 31, travel approximately 1.5 miles, and turn left on

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Linvale Road. Snydertown Road turns off to the right less than a half mile up Linvale Road. Take a right at the intersection of Snydertown and Stony Brook Roads, travel a short distance, then a left on to Van Dyke Road. From this point the army’s route led over farm lanes and fields to their new encampment on the high ground north of the village. General Washington’s headquarters at Hopewell were in the John Hunt house, on Province Line Road, approximately a half mile north of Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike. There may once have been a road or farm lane that led to the Hunt house, but there is no through road today (2012). Modern-day maps of the Hopewell area show Feather Bed Lane leading west from Van Pelt Road. Feather Bed Lane looks to join with Hopewell-Amwell Road/Linbergh Lane, eventually joining with Province Line Road, but Feather Bed Lane is closed after the intersection with Hopewell-Wertsville Road. The route from the Hopewell camp begins at the John Hunt House. Travelling south on Provine Line Road, turn left (east), taking Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike to Rocky Hill. After crossing the Millstone River, turn south on Kingston-Rocky Hill Road/Laurel Avenue towards Kingston, where they stopped for the afternoon into early evening. From Kingston Continental troops followed the Ridge Road east to John Lawrence’s Long Bridge farm (Monmouth Junction). The army left Longbridge Farm heading east along Ridge Road, turning south on the thoroughfare now known as Georges Road, and camped just north of the town of Cranbury. The next day their route from Cranbury followed Cranbury-Half Acre Road to the Prospect Plains Road, then a left turn on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road, which crosses the Manalapan Brook). The place name was spelled (and misspelled) in several variants, including “Monolopy” and “Penolopen.” The day of the battle Washington’s main force took the road from Manalapan Bridge; the route that traces the 18th century thoroughfares roads leads east on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road to a right turn on to Hoffman (or Hoffman Station) Road, then a right on Buckelew Avenue. In a bit less than 2,000 feet the road turns left on to Tracy Station Road, then right on Lasatta Avenue. The last thoroughfare leads to Water Street, a right turn on which leads directly to Englishtown. (Just west of Englishtown and Weamaconk Creek, along Lasatta Avenue, is a hill where a portion of General Lee’s Advance Force regrouped after the morning action on 28 June, and where Washington’s army camped the day after the Monmouth battle.) Upon reaching Englishtown, make a right on Main Street, then a left on to Englishtown-Freehold Road; that road leads directly to Freehold/Monmouth Courthouse, and was the route taken by Lee’s troops and the main army as they advanced on the British rearguard.
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Day by Day Recap of Route
June 19 1778 General Washington’s three divisions followed the course taken by Charles Lee’s troops (his own and General Wayne’s divisions), across the Schuylkill, along Pawling’s and Egypt Roads, down the Ridge Pike to Whitehall Road, and then south on Germantown Pike. Armstrong and Wild both noted the distance traveled this day as nine miles, placing the end of the first day’s march for Washington’s main body on Germantown Pike, near Dr. Robert Shannon’s house. That locale served as army headquarters on the night of June 19-20, and the commander-in-chief’s sleeping tent was likely erected near the house. (Shannon’s mansion may still be seen at Norristown Farm Park, just off Germantown Pike.) June 20 Washington’s three divisions, plus the bulk of the baggage and artillery had followed in the path of Lee’s force, down Swede Road, then east on State Road (DeKalb Pike). The commander-in-chief and staff stopped at the house of Mordecai Moore, then continued on.

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The exact location of Moore’s residence is unknown, but Dr. McHenry’s estimate of seven miles distance from the Shannon home places it along State Road, between Gwynedd Friends Meeting and Welsh Road. The army’s main body proceeded via State Road and Bethelehem Pike to Doylestown Road, ending their day’s march at Doylestown, camping on the high ground along the road. Their distance this day totaled about eighteen miles. (Doylestown Road is present-day Route 202. As it enters Doylestown it becomes West State Street, then East State Street, and on through town. The course is the same as the 18th century thoroughfare, but one-way traffic makes impossible driving the actual eastwards route. Once outside Doylestown proper the road name is changed once again, to Doylestown-Buckingham Pike/Route 202.) June 20-22 Lee’s and Wayne’s Divisions began the day at New Britain, moved through Doylestown, and continued along the Doylestown-Buckingham Pike (Route 202). Upon reaching Buckingham proper the Pike made a right hook and joined with the York Road (the old route has been altered, but the spur exists in present-day Bogarts Tavern Road, now a dead-end lane; Bogart’s Tavern, Nathanael Green’s headquarters in 1776, still exists as the General Greene Inn at the corner of York Road and Route 413/Durham Road). Lee’s troops turned left on York Road towards the Delaware River. After a six and a half mile march York Road angles right, downhill towards the Coryell’s Ferry western landing (now Ferry Street, in New Hope). On the New Jersey side, the eastern terminus of the ferry has been turned into a broad parking lot, but if you walk east through the lot, you can cross the canal over a footbridge, and walk up Lambertville’s Ferry Street. Following Ferry Street to the eighteenth century route of York Road can roughly be done. First, continue to the end of Lambertville’s Ferry Street where it morphs into Lily Street, then turn left onto Route 179. Follow Route 179 approximately 150 feet and turn left on West Franklin Street. At the next intersection, turn right on York Street, which soon turns left on to the original Old York Road ascent. Route 179 largely follows the old road, which occasionally diverges off to the right of the modern route. Route 179/York Road will lead you to Mount Airy (three miles from the Delaware River); the old road cuts right through Mount Airy, situated on high ground, and a well-chosen, defensible camping area for Washington’s troops. June 23 The army’s route to Hopewell wound through a maze of back roads and farm lanes, plus a portion of the King’s Highway, and local guides were certainly needed. Traveling on York Road/Routre 179, two miles north of Mount Airy, Gulick Road turns off on the right from a short jug handle just off modern York Road. Gulick Road leads to Route 31/King’s Highway. Taking a right on Route 31, travel approximately 1.5 miles, and turn left on Linvale Road. Snydertown Road turns off to the right less than a half mile up Linvale Road. Take a right at the intersection of Snydertown and Stony Brook Roads, travel a short distance, then a left on to Van Dyke Road. From this point the army’s route led over farm lanes and fields to their new encampment on the high ground north of the village. General Washington’s headquarters at Hopewell were in the John Hunt house, on Province Line Road, approximately three quarters of a mile north of Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike. There may once have been a road or farm lane that led to the Hunt house, but there is no through road today (2012). Modern-day maps of the Hopewell area show Feather Bed Lane leading west from Van Pelt Road. Feather Bed Lane looks to join with Hopewell-Amwell Road/Linbergh Lane, eventually joining with Province Line Road, but Feather Bed Lane is closed after the intersection with Hopewell-Wertsville Road.

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June 25 After leaving the Hopewell camp Washington’s army took modern-day Route 518/Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike east to Rocky Hill. After crossing the Millstone River, the troops turned south on Kingston-Rocky Hill Road/Laurel Avenue towards Kingston, where they stopped for the afternoon into early evening. From Kingston Continental troops followed the Ridge Road east to John Lawrence’s Long Bridge farm (Monmouth Junction); the distance from Hopewell to the first stop at Kingston was 9.6 miles, from there to Longbridge another 4.1 miles, making 13.7 miles covered for the day. June 26 The army left Longbridge Farm heading east along Ridge Road, turning south on the thoroughfare now known as Georges Road, and camped just north of the town of Cranbury. June 27 When Washington’s troops halted on the 27th they were positioned at Manalapan Bridge (on the Manalapan Brook, where present-day Hoffman Station Road crosses that waterway; their route from Cranbury followed Cranbury-Half Acre Road to the Prospect Plains Road, then a left turn on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road, which crosses the Manalapan Brook). The place name was spelled (and misspelled) in several variants, including “Monolopy” and “Penolopen.” A field return of Washington’s army, likely erroneously dated June 28th 1778, was probably done the previous day given that it was tallied at “Ponolopon Bridge.” June 28 The road from Manalapan Bridge led east on Route 614/Hoffman Station Road to a right turn on to Hoffman (or Hoffman Station) Road, then a right on Buckelew Avenue. In a bit less than 2,000 feet the road turned left on to Tracy Station Road, then right on Lasatta Avenue. The last thoroughfare leads to Water Street, a right turn on which leads directly to Englishtown. (Just west of Englishtown and Weamaconk Creek, along Lasatta Avenue, is a hill where a portion of General Lee’s Advance Force regrouped after the morning action on 28 June, and where Washington’s army camped the day after the Monmouth battle.) Upon reaching Englishtown, make a right on Main Street, then a left on to Englishtown-Freehold Road; that road leads directly to Freehold/Monmouth Courthouse, and was the route taken by Lee’s troops and the main army as they advanced on the British rearguard.
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The Road to Hopewell. There has been some contention as to the route Washington’s troops took after they crossed the Delaware River in 1778. Having studied correspondence, diaries, and weather conditions, there is no doubt the army began their march via the Old York Road, a wellknown highway often used by Continental forces as they marched and countermarched across New Jersey in the summer of 1777. General Washington originally based his route on the supposition that British Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton intended to take his army to North Jersey, and still held that possibility open as late as 22 June, two days after Lee’s Division crossed at Coryell’s Ferry. Thus when Major General Lee received his marching instructions on 18 June he was told “you are to halt on the first strong ground after passing the Delaware at Coryells ferry till further orders unless you should receive authentic intelligence that the enemy have proceeded by a direct rout to South Amboy (or still lower). In this case you will continue your March to the No[rth]. River agreeably to

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former orders and by the rout already given you.” In the event, Lee’s Division, after crossing the Delaware on 20 June, advanced three miles into New Jersey and then halted, still uncertain of Clinton’s course. This supports a march via the York Road, as advancing three miles up what is known as the Old Bungtown Road, then for all intents a farmer’s path or “driftway,” committed the army to march via Hopewell and Princeton.106 Having begun their advance on the most direct route to north Jersey from the ferry landing, and still assuming General Clinton’s force was heading for Northern New Jersey, General Washington received word from New Jersey militia Brig. Gen. Philemon Dickinson the British were threatening Trenton. Military Secretary James McHenry noted in his diary for 22 June, “Gen. Dickinson writes that the enemy advance – That he is at the draw bridge 4 miles below Trenton,” and Joseph Clark, deputy quartermaster of Woodford’s brigade recorded, “Monday morning, June 22d, the whole army encamped near the new meeting house, having got word that the enemy were moving toward Trenton, the army marched next morning towards them, and encamped at Hopewell …” Being apprised of the need to alter the army’s course to Princeton, General Washington, with the aid of local guides, turned his troops towards Hopewell, across the Sourland Hills. Two miles further up York Road, one and a half miles before Ringoes, a side road (presentday Gulick Road) turns off towards the King’s Highway, and was the route taken on the movement towards Princeton. (See Hammond map, “Washington’s March from Coryell’s to Baptist Meeting [Hopewell]”).107 Connecting landmarks to Washington’s initial line of march was initially difficult. Sgt. Jeremiah Greenman, with Lee’s Division, repeatedly noted the place where they camped before moving on to Hopewell:
S[unday] 20 [June]. this morn the genl beet att two oClock / we Struck our tents / marcht about 7 milds & made a halt at a small town cal'd green town / then pushed on in the rain / Crost the dilliware / pushed on about 5 milds to Amwell ware we piched our tents in a field ... S 21. this morn att the beet of the Genl struck our tents. march about a mild then was order'd to march back in to the field ware we incampt ware we continued all day. Exspecting Genl. Washington to cros the dilliware. very hott whether. order'd to be in readyness for to march in the morn. M 22. Continuing in amwell / wraining wether / Genl Washington crost the river with a large Number of troops / T 23. this morn started from amwell / the hole army marcht toward prince town / marcht about ten milds & stopt [at] hopewill.108

Amwell was an ambiguous place name, but Lee’s Division camped at or near presentday Mount Airy, three miles from the river. The distance is corroborated by both Lt. Col. Henry Dearborn, also with Lee’s Division, and Sgt. Ebenezer Wild, who crossed with DeKalb’s Division on the 22d. Dearborn wrote, “20th we Cross. Corrells ferry & Proceeded 3 miles & incamp.d … 22d our Whole army Incamp.d about 3 miles from Correels Ferry in Jersey,” while Sergeant Wild noted, “22 June … About 8 o’clk [A.M.] we marched down to the ferry & crossed. We marched about a mile and a half in the Jerseys, and made a halt there till about 1 o’clk. Then we marched about 2 miles further, where we came up with Genl Lee’s Division and encamped in a field.” Add these to Joseph Clark’s mention that “June 22d, the whole army encamped near the new meeting house,” and the Robert Erskine map showing the location of “Amwell Meeting House.”

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Both refer to the Second English Presbyterian Meeting established at Amwell/Mount Airy in 1754.109
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The Bungtown Road Controversy. Several secondary sources claim that a portion of Washington’s army traveled towards Hopewell over the Bungtown Road (described in several sources as a “driftway,” meaning a rough track or path used by local farmers for herding cattle, etc.). The same sources admit any such detachments were likely cavalry as the nature of that throughway could not handle large numbers of troops with their attendant animals and vehicles. Besides the steep hills and rough nature of the track, the route’s unsuitability for heavy traffic would have been made worse by the rain that fell on June 19th, 20th, and again on the 22nd. It is highly unlikely any troops, unless they were militia or very small parties of Continental cavalry or infantry, traveled the Bungtown Road during the move to Hopewell. One possibility, still doubtful, is that Col. Stephen Moylan’s 4th Continental Light Dragoons with other cavalry, detached on 22 June, marched directly from Coryell’s Ferry over Bungtown Road to join General Dickinson’s New Jersey militia near Trenton.110 Be that as it may, the now-defunct thruway, likely in use by farmers during the Revolution, offers a lovely walk through woods, fields, and wetlands. The path at one point crosses an old stone bridge of uncertain age and remarkable workmanship. These, then, are the directions to access the old Bungtown Road. By heading up Ferry Street, and continuing on as it becomes Lily Street, then across Route 29, and up Route 518 about 50 feet (modern Route 518, leading to Hopewell, began as the Georgetown and Franklin Turnpike, built in 1820-22), you can turn to the left on to Quarry Street/RocktownLambertville Road. About 150 yards further on the old Bungtown Road (now called Stymiest/Rock Road) turns off to the right. After turning in from Quarry Street/Rocktown-Lambertville Road, Bungtown Road ends after about a half mile, but any hardy soul, equipped with directions, can walk the original road, now closed and at times hard to follow. The road trace ends on Rock Crest Road leading to Rock Road West. The original path then headed northeast on present-day Rock Road West in the general direction of Hopewell.111
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Weather During the Monmouth Campaign
(Excerpted from, John U. Rees, “’Exceeding Hot & water is scarce …’: Monmouth Campaign Weather, 15 June to 7 July, 1778,”Appendix Q of, "’What is this you have been about to day?’: The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth,” http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthToc.htm )
19 June 1778 (At or near Valley Forge) Surgeon Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “19th F: Cloudy some rain …” Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment “on ye 19th ... Came up with the Brigade about 2 o'Clock the whole Devision Pitched Tents Something Rainy Towards night” 20 June 1778 (Doylestown) Surgeon Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “20th S: very rainey P.M. …” (Coryell’s Ferry) Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment 20 June, “... marcht a bout 7 milds & made a halt ... then pushed on in the rain / Crost the diliware …” 21 June 1778 (Coryell’s Ferry) Surgeon Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “21st Sabb: Cloudy very hot …” Sergeant Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment “21 June. [1778] About 9 o’clk it ceased raining. We struck our tents & fell in & were counted off in order to march.” 22 June 1778 (Coryell’s Ferry/Amwell) Surgeon Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “22nd M: Cloudy some rain …” Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment “22d … Rainy night ...” Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment 22 June, “Continuing in amwell / wraining wether ...” 23 June 1778 (March from Amwell to Hopewell) Surgeon Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “23rd T: Cloudy …” Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment 23 June, “… misty wraining wether.” 24 June 1778 (Hopewell)

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Surgeon Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “24th W: fair …“ 25 June 1778 (Kingston/Long Bridge) Surgeon Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “25th Th: fair & hot …” Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment “the 25th … Exceeding hot this Day Lay out all This night marched Early in the morn” Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment 25 June, “… very hot sultry wether ...” 26 June 1778 (Cranbury) General Washington (1 July letter) The army arrived at “Cranberry early [in] the … morning [of 26 June]. The intense heat of the Weather, and a heavy storm unluckily coming on made it impossible to resume our march that day without great inconvenience and injury to the troops.” Surgeon Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “26th F: fair & light showers with thunder …” Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment “on ye 26 Exceeding hot this Day Som Thunder and Rain. By the Best Inteligence the Enemy are makeing their way to the Hook [Sandy Hook] | Woodfords and Varnums Brigades Began their march towards Munmouth marchd 5 or 6 miles Lay out in an [orchard] on Ground Slept Very well with only my Great Coat” (Near Cranbury) Lt. Colonel Dearborn, 3rd New Hampshire Regiment (Brigadier-General Charles Scott’s detachment) “26th ... The weather is Extreemly Hot, we are Obliged to march very Modirate …” Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment (Major-General Charles Lee’s detachment) 26 June, “... pushed on 6 milds as far as a small town cal'd Crambury ... hear we stayed three owers ... our Division was order'd forrid under the Command of Genl Lee / we went about 6 milds & made a halt / Sum very heavy Shower of wrain & Thundr.” Volunteer Swartwout, 2nd New York Regiment (Brigadier-General Charles Scott’s detachment) 26 June, “At the sound of the horn we marched eight miles and halted, owing to a heavy shower of rain which lasted some time--After it abated marched two miles and halted in a wood.” 27 June 1778 British Army Route of March (Headquarters, Monmouth Courthouse) Captain Ewald, Field Jaeger Corps "The 27th. Since the army had lost over two hundred men on yesterday's march through the intolerable heat, it stopped today to rest ..."

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Lieutenant von Krafft, Regiment Von Bose “27 June Sat. … At midnight [27/28 June] another and much more terrific thunderstorm than the previous one came up, with heavy rain, so that again we got wet through. At daybreak we were ordered to leave our [picket] post and betake ourselves to the regiment …” Washington’s Army Route of March (Manalapan Bridge) Surgeon Samuel Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery Regiment “27th S: fair and excessive hot!” Captain Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment “on ye 27th Began our march a Little Before Sunrise on this march we suffer much for Water to Drink Came within about 6 miles of the Enimy where we spent the Rest of the Day Exceeding Sharp Thunder and Liting and Som Rain at night ...” (Englishtown) Lt. Colonel Dearborn, 3rd New Hampshire Regiment (Brigadier-General Charles Scott’s detachment) “27th … the weather Remains Exceeding Hot & water is scarce we ariv.d at English Town about the middle of the Day & Incamp’d.” Colonel Seely, Morris County militia “Jun 27th, marched to a meeting house near English Town; our men suffered greatly with heat and drought.” Sergeant Greenman, 2nd Rhode Island Regiment (Major-General Charles Lee’s detachment) 27 June, “this morn turn'd out from amung the wett grass ... pushed on 6 milds near Englishtown ... [after some further marching and halting] we marcht half a mild into a Medow ... I took quart[er]s. under a huckel bury buch. for it was very hot indeed / in the Night it wrain'd & cold.” Weather Sources "Samuel Adams's Private Miscellaneous Diary Ann: Dom: 1778. Kept partly in the Town of Dorchester and partly in his Excellency General Washington's Camp at Valley Forge, White Plains, Fredericksburgh, &c ...," Samuel Adams Diaries, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. Robert C. Bray and Paul E. Bushnell, eds., Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution: An Annotated Edition of the Military Journal of Jeremiah Greenman, (DeKalb, DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1978), 120-124. Lloyd A. Brown and Howard H. Peckham, eds., Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn, 17751783 (Chicago: The Caxton Club, 1939; reprinted Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, Inc., 1994), 123-129. Johann Ewald, Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal, Joseph P. Tustin, ed. (New Haven and London,: Yale University Press, 1979), 132-139. Edward A. Hoyt, ed., "A Revolutionary Diary of Captain Paul Brigham November 19, 1777-September 4, 1778," Vermont History, vol. 34 (1966), 25-30. "Journal of Lieutenant John Charles Philip von Krafft, of the Regiment Von Bose, 1776-1784," Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1882 (New York: New-York Historical Society, 1883), 40-49. Sylvanus Seely Diary, original in Morristown National Historic Park Collection, transcription (World Wide Web), http://www.popenoe.com/Diary/Seely%20Diary%203.htm

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Bernardus Swartwout, diary 10 November 1777-9 June 1783, Bernardus Swartwout Papers, New-York Historical Society, 4-6. George Washington to the President of Congress, 1 July 1778; to John Augustine Washington, 4 July 1778, John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources 1745-1799, vol. 12 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1934), 139-143, 156-158. Ebenezer Wild, "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd series, vol. VI (Boston, Ma., 1891), 108-111.

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Selected Accounts of the March from Valley Forge to Englishtown
Fifteen-year-old Sally Wister commented on the troops marching from Valley Forge. At the time of the Monmouth Campaign she and her family resided in North Wales (Gwynedd), at “the old house at Penllyn, - the Foulke mansion …” The Foulke mansion is located on present-day Penllyn and Bluebell Pikes.
Sixth Day [Saturday], Morn, June 19th. … We have heard an astonishing piece of news! The English have entirely left the city! It is almost impossible! … Sixth Day. Eve. A light horseman has just confirm’d the above intelligence! This is charmante [charming]! They decamp’d yesterday. He (the horseman) was in Philadelphia. It is true. They have gone. Pat a doubt. I can’t help exclaiming it to the girls, “Now are you sure the news is true? Now are you sure they have gone?” “Yes, yes, yes!” they all cry, “and may they never, never return.” Dr. Gould came here to-night. Our army are about six miles off, on their march to the Jerseys. Seventh Day, Morn. [20 June] O.F. [Owen Foulke] arrived just now, and relateth as followeth: - The army began their march at six this morning by their house. Our worthy General Smallwood [the Wisters had entertained Gen. William Smallwood and his staff the previous October] breakfasted at Uncle Caleb’s [Caleb Foulke]. He ask’d how Mr. and Mrs. Wister and the young ladies were, and sent his respects to us. Our brave, our heroic General Washington was escorted by fifty of the Life Guard, with drawn swords. … We have been very anxious to know how the inhabitants of Philadelphia have far’d. I understand that General Arnold, who bears a good character, has the command of the city, and that the soldiers conducted [themselves] with great decorum. Smallwood says they had the strictest orders to behave well; and I dare say they obey’d the order. I now think of nothin g but returning to Philadelphia.

Note: Sally’s Uncle Caleb Foulke, father of Owen Foulke (O.F.), lived at “the Meredith house, on the Swedes’ Ford road.” That thoroughfare is just above State Road (modern-day DeKalb Pike). It runs from a junction with DeKalb Pike north of Gwynedd Friends Meeting, ands runs in a southwesterly direction, terminating at the intersection with Township Line Road. Gwynedd Friends Meeting lies just below Swede’s Ford Road, at 1304 DeKalb Pike. In his 1884 work Henry Jenkins mistakenly recounted the route of the army:
When the American army moved from Valley Forge to New Jersey, in June 1778, the whole of it doubtless marched through Gwynedd, and at least a part of it encamped there over night, June 1920. … The march from Valley Forge was down the main roads, including the Perkiomen and Skippack, to the Swede’s Ford road, and then across on it by Doylestown to Wells’s Ferry [sic, actually Coryell’s Ferry] (New Hope), where the army crossed the river into New Jersey. That Washington himself encamped in Gwynedd on the night of the 19 th is quite likely [actually, G.W.

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stayed at Dr. Robert Shannon’s house at Norriton, present -day Farm Park on the grounds of the old Norristown State Hospital] …

Surgeon Samuel Adams, 3rd Continental Artillery
"18th Th: fair & very hot - the enemy this morning left Philadelphia, crossed the Delaware into N. Jersey & our Army recd. orders to March ... 19th F: Cloudy some rain - our whole Army marched from their camp at the Valley towards Coryells ferry ... 20th S: very rainey P.M. - the Army encamped at Night near Doyle's Town in Bucks County ... 21st Sabb: Cloudy very hot - part of the Army crossed the Delaware at Coryells Ferry ... 22nd M: Cloudy some rain - the remainder of the Army crossed the Ferry ... 23rd T: Cloudy - the Army marched on to Hopewell left our Tents & heavy baggage in the rear & slept the Night in an Ammunition waggon. 24th W: fair - the Army remained in [Hopewell] except a Detachment of light troops sent off under Genl. Scott - I rode over to Prince Town & returned ... 25th Th: fair & hot - the Army Marched on halted at Kingstown from 12 o'clock till sunsett, then marched again halted about 12 at Night at a place called Long Bridge - this day a large detachment sent forward under the command of the Marquis de la Fayette ... 26th F: fair & light showers with thunder - the Army proceeded on to Cranbury - a detachment sent off under Gen'l Lee ... 27th S: fair and excessive hot! - we marched in the morning to Penelopon's Creek. The detachments that had been sent off halted this night at English Town 4 miles in front of the Main Army.

Henry Dearborn, lt. colonel, 3rd New Hampshire Regiment
27th we march.d Early this morning within one mile of the Enimy & ware ordered by an Express from Genrl. Washington to Counter March to where we Incamp’d Last night, & from thence to file off to English Town [page 126] (which Lay 7 miles on Our Left as we followed the Enimy) & their Join Genrl. Lee Who was there with 2000 men. the weather Remains Exceeding Hot & water is scarce we ariv.d at English Town about the middle of the Day & Incamp’d. the Enimy Remain at Monmouth. Genrl. Washington with the Grand army Lays about 5 mile in our Rear. Deserters come in in Large numbers. 28th haveing Intiligence this morning before sun Rise that the Enimy ware moving, we ware Ordered, together with the Troops Commanded by the Marquis & Genrl. Lee (in the whole about 5000) to march towards the Enimy … at Eleven o Clock A.M. after marching 6 or 7 miles we arriv’d on the Plains Near Monmouth Court House, Where a Collumn of the Enimy appeared in sight. A brisk Cannonade Commens’d on both sides. The Collumn which was advancing towards us Halted & soon Retired, but from some moovements of theirs we ware Convince’d they Intended to fight us, shifted our ground, form.d on very good ground & waited to see if they intended to Come on. We soon Discovere’d a Large Collumn Turning our Right & an Other Comeing up in our Front With Cavelry in front of both Collumns Genrl. Lee was on the Right of our Line who Left the ground & made Tracks Quick Step towards English Town. Genrl. Scots Detatchment Remaind on the ground we form.d on until we found we ware very near surrounded- & ware Obliged to Retire which we Did in good order altho we ware hard Prest on our Left flank.- the Enimy haveing got a mile in Rear of us before we began to Retire & ware bearing Down on our Left as we went off & we Confin’d by a Morass on our Right. after Retireing about 2 miles we met his Excelency Genrl. Washington who after seeing what Disorder Genrl. Lee.s Troops ware in appeer’d to be at a Loss whether we should be able to make a stand or not. however he order’d us to form on a Heighth [Perrine Hill], & Indevour to Check the Enimy, we form.d & about 12 Peices of Artillery being brought on the hill with us: the Enimy at the same time advancing very Rappedly finding we had form.d, they form.d in our front on a Ridge & brought up their Artillery within about 60 Rods* [330 yards] of our front. When the briske[s]t Cannonade Commenced on both sides that I Ever heard. Both Armies ware on Clear Ground & if any thing Can be Call.d Musical where there is so much Danger, I think that was the finest musick, I Ever heared. however the agreeableness of the musick was very often Lessen’d by the balls Coming too near – Our men being very much beat out with Fateague & heat which was very intence, we order.d them to sit Down & Rest them Selves … Soon after the Cannonade became serious a Large Collum of the Enimy began to turn our Left [this was in front of Proctor’s Artillery, behind which Maxwell’s New Jersey brigade was formed]. Some Part of our Artillery Play’d upon them very Briskly & they finding their main Body ware not advancing, halted. The Cannonade Continued about 2 ½ Hours & then the Enimy began to Retire from their Right. Genrl. Washington being in front of our Regt. when the Enimy began to Retire from their Right he

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ordered Colo. Cilley & me with abt. 300 men to go & attact the Enimies Right wing which then was Passing thro an orchard, but when they found we ware about to attact them they formed & stood Redy to Receive us, when we arriv’d within 200 yards of them we form.d Batallion & advanc’d, (the Last of which was within 60 yards of the Enimy) we Could advance but slowly, the Enimy when we ware takeing Down the Last fence, give us a very heavy fire which we Did not Return. after takeing Down the Last fence we march’d on with armes shoulderd Except. 20 men who we sent on their Right to scurmish with them while we Pass.d the fences. the Enimy finding we ware Determined to Come to Close quarter, fil.d off from the Left & Run off upon our Right into a swamp & form.d in the Edge of it. We Wheel.d to the Right & advanc.d towards them. they began a heavy fire upon us. we ware Desending toward them in Open field, with Shoulder’d armes until we had got within 4 Rods* [22 yards] of them when our men Dress’d very Coolly & we then gave them a very heavy fire from the whole Batallion. they had two Peices of artillery across a small Run which Play’d with grape very briskly upon us but when they found we ware Determin’d to Push upon them they Retreeted to their main body which was giving way & ware Persued by some Parties from our Line. We persued until we got Possesion of the field of Battle, where we found 300 Dead & a Conciderable number of wound[ed]. among the Dead was Colo. Mungton & a number of other officers. the Enimy Retire’d across a Morass & form’d. Our men being beat out with heat & fateague it was thought not Prudent to Persue them. Great numbers of the Enemy Died with heat & some of ours. We Remain’d on the field of Battle & ware to attact the Enimy Early Next morning but they Prevented us by a Precipate Retreet in the middle of the night. they Left 5 Officers wounded at Monmouth Court House the Enimies Whole Loss in the Battle of Monmouth was 327 kill’d 500 wounded 95 Prisoner ------Our Loss 63 kill’d 210 wounded here ends the famous Battle of Monmouth.” (* rod: 16.5 feet or 5.5 yards.)

Captain Paul Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment
“on ye 18th [June 1778] ... G[eneral] Lees Devision marchd 4 or 5 miles and Encamped on ye 19th ... Came up with the Brigade about 2 o'Clock the whole Devision Pitched Tents Something Rainy Towards night on ye 20th Struk Tents at 3 o'Clok this morn and marched and Crossed ... the Delaware at Carrels [Ferry] marchd about 3 or 4 miles Piche Tents on ye 21th Struck Tents at 3 Clock begand our march But Soon had orders to Turn Back and incamped on our old Ground His Excellency Crossed the River yesterday on 22d the Enemy [at] mount Holly [New Jersey] yesterday Rainy night ... on 23d marched Early for Princes town [New Jersey] Stopd short about 6 miles the army Took Different Routes. acounts warn that the Enemy Ware Between Trent[on] & Bourden town [New Jersey] our army Lay Still this night on ye 24th Lay Still this morn and our Baggage Came ... heard that the Enemy had filed of[f] to the Right and ware making their way towards Woodbridge on the 25th marched and Left Princetown on our Right made a halt at Kingstown the Marqus [Lafayette] and G[eneral] Waine went out with a Detachment - Exceeding hot this Day Lay out all This night marched Early in the morn on ye 26 Exceeding hot this Day Som Thunder and Rain. By the Best Inteligence the Enemy are makeing their way to the Hook [Sandy Hook] | Woodfords and Varnums Brigades Began their march towards Munmouth marchd 5 or 6 miles Lay out in an [orchard] on Ground Slept Very well with only my Great Coat on ye 27th Began our march a Little Before Sunrise on this march we suffer much for Water to Drink Came within about 6 miles of the Enimy where we spent the Rest of the Day Exceeding Sharp Thunder and Liting and Som Rain at night ...”

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Sergeant Ebenezer Wild, 1st Massachusetts Regiment
“21 June. [1778] About 9 o’clk it ceased raining. We struck our tents & fell in & were counted off in order to march. About 11 o’clk we marched off, and made no halt till we got within about a quarter of a mile of the Dilewear [Delaware], where we pitched our tents on an eminence’ and we had orders to be ready to cross the ferry tomorrow morning at 4 o’clk. 22 June. At 5 o’clk the General was beat. We struck our tents and loaded our baggage. Between 6 & 7 o’clk we fell in & were counted off in order to march. About 8 o’clk we marched down to the ferry & crossed. We marched about a mile and a half in the Jerseys, and made a halt there till about 1 o’clk. Then we marched about 2 miles further, where we came up with Genl Lee’s Division and encamped in a field. 23 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General was beat, & we turned out & got ready to march. About 7 o’clk we marched off, but left all our tents standing & our heavy baggage behind us. We marched about 10 miles, & halted on the road about 4 hours, & turned into a field to cook provision, & had orders to march at 11 o’clk at night. Our tents did not come up this night, but what little time we had to sleep we slept in the open field, which was only from 11 o’clk at night till 4 in the morning. The reason we did not march at 11 o’clk was because we could not get provision till late. 24 June. This morning at 4 o’clk the General was beat. We got up, fell in & were counted off in order to march, but we did not. Our tents came up to us, & we pitched them on the field, where we lay all night. We had no orders to march this day, but slept very quietly in our tents all day. 25 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General was beat throughout the whole army; at 6 o’clk the Troop beat. We fell in & were counted off in order to march. We left all our tents standing & our heavy baggage behind us. We marched off, and making several short stops on the road to rest we arrived at Kingstown between 12 & 1 o’clk. We marched into a large field there and made a halt, it being very hot weather. Just after we halted we sent out a large detachment, to see if they could make any discovery of the enemy, under the command of the Markis Delefiat [Marquis de Lafayette]. About sundown we moved ahead about a quarter of a mile further, into a field where we expected to take up our lodgings for the night. But we had not been here above a quarter of an hour before the long roll beat. We fell in to our arms and marched about 5 miles, and halted in the road all night. 26 June. At 5 o’clk we fell in to our arms & were counted off in order to march. About half after --o’clk we began our march and marched about 5 miles, and halted in the road & drew two days allowance of pork & flour. We cooked our provision. Between 4 & 5 o’clk we began our march again, but we had not got but a very short way before it began to rain, which caused us to stop. It held raining above an hour successively, and was attended with very heavy thunder and sharp lightning. It being late when it stopped raining, we took our lodgings in the road without anything to cover us, or any thing to lodge on but the wet ground, & we in a very wet condition. 27 June. This morning at 5 o’clk the General beat. We got up * fell in to our arms and were counted off in order to march. We drew a gill of whiskey a man, and about 7 o’clk we began our march, and marched about 4 miles & stopped in the road to rest and get water. After stopping about a half an hour we marched again about a mile further, and it being excessive hot, we halted again. I expected we should go further but we stopped here all day. We had no orders for marching at sundown. I had the flank guard while we marched this day. We lay in the open field. Hard thunder, &c. &c. 28 June. This morning about 6 o’clk the General beat; in about an hour afterwards the Troop beat. We fell in & marched off. Went about 4 miles, & made a little halt to sarch [search] our arms and ammunition. Every man was compleated with 40 rounds apiece. We left all our packs and blankets, and marched on in pursuit of the enemy as far as we could. About 2 o’clk came up with them. Our Division formed a line on the eminence about a half a mile in the front of the enemy, and our artillery in our front. A very smart cannonading ensued from both sides. We stayed here till several of our officers & men were killed and wounded. Seeing that it was of no service to stand here, we went back a little ways into the words; but the cannonading still continued very smart on bout sides about two hours, when the enemy retreated and we marched up & took possession of their ground. This place is called Monmouth. It has been very hot all day. Numbers of our men had fainted and given out with the heat before we came up to the enemy. We lay here all night in the field. 29 June. Very warm this morning. We lay still here till 5 o’clk, at which time the General beat, and we marched to the ground where we left our baggage yesterday, and lay there all night without any tents. 30 June. Excessive hot this morning. We lay still here all day. 1 July [1778]. This morning between 1 & 2 o’clk the General was beat. We got up & fell in, & were counted off in order to march; but we were delayed till almost daylight, and then we marched off & went 9

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miles without making of any halt, which brought us to a place called Spots Wood. We arrived here about 8 o’clk in the morning, and make a general halt here. …”

Sgt. Jeremiah Greenman, 2d Rhode Island Regiment
“T 18. [June 1778] ... last night about twelve oClock att the beet of the Genl. struck our tents / marcht about 4 milds & incampt in a large field F 19. this morn att the beet of the Genl struck our tents / marcht fore or five milds / Stopd a few moments then pushed on as far as Newbriton ware we halted about one oClock & piched our tents in a larg field ware we taried all day. S 20. this morn the genl beet att two oClock / we Struck our tents / marcht about 7 milds & made a halt at a small town cal'd green town / then pushed on in the rain / Crost the dilliware / pushed on about 5 milds to Amwell ware we piched our tents in a field ... S 21. this morn att the beet of the Genl struck our tents. march about a mild then was order'd to march back in to the field ware we incampt ware we continued all day. Exspecting Genl. Washington to cros the dilliware. very hott whether. order'd to be in readyness for to march in the morn. M 22. Continuing in amwell / wraining wether / Genl Washington crost the river with a large Number of troops / T 23. this morn started from amwell / the hole army marcht toward prince town / marcht about ten milds & stopt [at] hopewill. then the Rijmts marcht off / Left part of our division on the Ground wich was command'd by Genl Lee / then we marcht in to a field ware we fixed our arms, & lay on the the Ground in the field / misty wraining wether. W 24. this morn thare was a detachtmt of 5 thousan men sent toward the enemy / Continuing in hope will / holding our Selvs in readyness for to march ... T 25. this morn the Genl. beet / we peraded the Rijt. & slung our packs marcht as far as rockey hill ware made a small halt / then pushed on as far as kingstown ware we made a halt and sent out a large guard. very hot & sultry wether / we have Intiligence of the enemy being about fourteen milds off & the Militia clost [close] after them ... att Sun down marcht into a field ware we grounded our arms & order'd to stay by them ware we stayed about half a Nowr / then marcht 5 milds and halted in a flax field at a place cal'd long Bridge. F 26. this morn started very early / pushed on 6 milds as far as a small town cal'd Crambury ware we made a halt ware we heard of the enemy being about 18 milds a head & the enemy a pushing on for Sandy hook. hear we stayed three owers & drawed sum provision / our Division was order'd forrid [forward] under the Command of Genl Lee / went about 6 milds & made a halt / Sum very heavy Shower of wrain & Thundr. S 27. this morn turn'd out from amung the wett grass. from [illeg.] pushed on 6 milds near Englishtown ware we draw'd 40 rounds of Cartireges / then marcht into the wood ware we heard a Number of Cannon fir'd toward the Surthurd of us / then we march'd about half a mild to the left of the army ware we stopt a Nower / then we ware order'd to sling our packs / we marcht half a mild into a Medow almost to the wright whare I took quarts. under a huckel bury buch. for it was very hot indeed / in the Night it wrain'd & cold. S 28. Englishtown / this morn att two oClock we slung our packs / advanc'd towards the enemy about 3 milds from ware lay / part of the militia & light horse that was on the wright engag'd the enemy / then our Division under the Command of Genl Lee advanced towards the enemy / thay form'd in a Sollid Collom then fir'd a voley att us / thay being so much Superier to our Number we retreated / thay begun a very heavy Cannading / kil'd a few of our Rijmt. then we form'd again under a fence ware the light horse advanced on us / we began a fire on them very heavy / then the footmen rushed on us / after firing a Number of rounds we was obliged to retreat. a Number of our men died with heat a retreating. A Number of troops form'd in the rear of us and sum artillira wich cover'd our retreat. thay began a fire on the enemy, then thay [the British] retreat'd ... we went back to the ground ware we left in the morning att English town ... M 29. Continuing in English town. this day we buried all the dead / the enemy gone off intirly / very hott indeed so that the men that wan [went] on a march retreating yesterday throy'd away thay packs & so forth and a Number dyed before ye enemy retreated back. T 30. Continuing in a field near to English town / water very scarce indeed / Such a Number of Solders that water is almost as scares as Liquor & what is got is very bad indeed ... this afternoon we draw'd two days provision & fit for a march.”

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Dr. James McHenry, assistant secretary to General Washington
1778. Early this morning by intelligence from McLane, Sir Henry Clinton and the British army evacuated Philadelphia and took post on the Jersey side. Everything being arranged for our march – a division under General Lee proceeded towards the Delaware in the evening. 19th. [June 1778] The whole army in motion – March to Norringtown Township, Encamp on Stony run. Head Quarters at a Doctor Shannons. A good farm house – good cheer – and a pretty situation. A letter from Genl. Dickinson to his Excellency – The enemy, the General writes, at Eyres Town, three miles below Montholly. – The militia collecting to give them opposition. Some little skirmishing – The enemy repairing a bridge which our people had broke down. 20th. March at 4 o’clock in the morning. – Hault at Mordecai Moors, about 7 miles from Shannons … The army encamps for the night 8 miles from Moors and 25 from Philadelphia. Head Quarters at Jonathan Fells. A rainy evening. Let me see, what company have we got within doors. – A pretty, full-faced, youthful, playfull lass. – The family quakers, meek and unsuspicious. – [Alexander] Hamilton [another of Washington’s aides], thou shalt not tread on this ground – I mark it for my own. Enter not this circle. The pretty girl gives me some excellent milk, and sits and chats with me till bedtime. – She was too innocent a subject for gallantry, so I kissed her hand – telling her that we should be all gone before she got up – but not to forget that one man is often more dangerous to a woman than a whole army. In the morning, as we were about to move, we were stopped by a deputation from the Seneca, Tuscarora, and Oneida Indians, who requested an audience of the Genl. Their speaker informed the General that the Indians which he represents [the Oneida and Tuscarora were allied with the Americans, the Seneca sided with the British; all were tribes of the Iroquois nation are now at war with the Americans, but that this circumstance did not prevent him from trusting himself with his enemy when in search of the warrior Astiarix, whom he understood was a prisoner with the Americans. [Here McHenry paraphrases the emissary’s prolonged oration, telling of his mission, and the importance of Astiarix] … His Excellency replied to this bold and animated speech through the interpreter – that he did not know anything of the warrior, Astiarix – that perhaps he might be in Virginia [where he was captured] – that if a prisoner, his life was safe: - that he was sorry to be at war with the Senecas, Tuscororas & Oneidas, and that he wished to bury the hatchet, &c, &c, - He then desired the Indians to observe the army (which was drawn up and ready to march) – suggesting that if peace could not be made upon reasonable terms with the Indians, he must send these men, pointing to the troops, to make it. [In fact, many of those same soldiers were sent against the Iroquois in northern Pennsylvania and New York in summer 1779.] – The Indians then took leave, and the army took up its line of march. 10 o’clock. [21 June 1778] Additional waggons ordered for the tents which were weat and heavier in consequence. A rapid morning’s march. The heat excessive – Some of the soldiers die suddenly. Reach Coryels ferry. Encamp on the Pennsylvania side. The General crosses – with the spare baggage and the artillery. Headquarters at one Holcombs in the Jersey. Here are some charming girls – But one of the drums of the guard more a favorite than Hamilton. Division of Lee and Wayne [on the Jersey side] 4 miles in advance of Coryells. General [Benedict] Arnold [commander at Philadelphia] advises that the Enemy’s advanced guard commanded by Genl. Leslie consists of 2,000 – the main body 5,000 – rear guard 2,000 – under Knyphausen … 22d. Gen. Dickinson writes that the enemy advance – That he is at the draw bridge 4 miles below Trenton, and preparing for a vigorous defense of that post. – The enemy’s superiority in horse making it impossible for our handful of calvary to stand their ground. Genl. du Portail, Engineer, ordered forward to reconnoiter a position near Princetown. Sourland hills and Rocky hill reported by the Engineer. The nearest part of the former chain of hills 5 miles distant from Princetown – running in the direction of North by East. Rocky hill has the advantage in point of water. – The roads of retreat from Sourland must be opened towards Aimwel road – The country rocky and difficult. 23d. The army takes the road from the Stone Schoolhouse to Rocky hill Hault near Sourland hights – Hopewell. 4 miles from Princetown.

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Rocky hill reconnoitered. A good position relative to Kingston in case that should be the enemy’s route. The Millstone river unfordable ... The order of march – 3 o’clock. 600 men detached under Col. Morgan to hang upon the enemy in conjunction with the militia. 24. In consequence of intelligence from Gen. Dickinson we remain on the ground we took yesterday – The day spent in digesting intelligence and in decyphering the enemy’s int entions. 1400 picked men ordered to march towards the enemy under Brigadier General Scott. General Arnold orders Jackson’s detachment to cross the Delaware. Gen. Cadwalader endeavours to induce the Philadelphia Volunteers to march with him to the enemy’s rear. The seventh day since the evacuation of Philadelphia and the enemy tent near Allen’s Town. This gives rise to a conjecture that their slow movement is not the consequence of obstructions – broken bridges &c., but that it proceeds from a desire to give us battle. I don’t think so. Gen. Dickinson writes that the enemy failed in an attempt to rebuild a bridge 4 miles from Trenton, owing to the fire of his militia. A Council of War – The majority against putting the enemy in a situation which might bring on a general engagement. – The General however determines to attack. 25th. March to Rocky hill. Cross the Millstone by a bridge, and hault at Kingston. Breakfast at Mrs. Berians – good tea and agreeable conversation. A dinner in the woods. – The General receives advice that the English right column marched from Imleys Town by the road to Monmouth court house. The Marquis de la Fayette is detached to support Scott, with 2000 men – with orders to take command of the whole detached troops. The young Frenchman in raptures with his command and burning to distinguish himself moves towards the enemy who are in motion. It is night before the main body of our army marches, and then only to Laurens’s, 4 miles from Kingston. 26. March to Cranberry, and hault 7 miles from Laurence’s farm. – A heavy rain. The armies at no great distance from each other. Our troops anxious to engage. – The enemy encamped at Monmouth court house in two lines, and in a strong position. 27. March early in the morning 6 miles on the road to English Town. – The enemy still on the ground at Monmouth. The Marquiss files off by the left of English Town to put us in a situation to co-operate. Major Gen. Lee thinks himself overlooked as being an old officer, in the commands being given to the Marquiss. To prevent disunion, Lee is detached with 2 brigades to join the Marquiss, and as senior officer to the command. His detachment consists of 5,000 men, four-fift[h]s of whom were picked for this service. Morgan hovering on the enemy’s right flank, and the militia under Gen. Dickinson on their left. Their right stretched about one mile and a half beyond Monmouth court house – in the parting of the roads leading to Shrewsbury and Middletown – and their left along the road from Allen Town to Monmouth about 3 miles on this side the court house. Their right flank skirted by a small wood – their left by a thick forest & morass running towards their rear. And their front covered by a wood and for a considerable extent to the left with a morass. Tonight Gen. Lee receives orders to attack as soon as they begin their march. 28th. The Baron Steuben and Col. Laurens reconnoitre. find the encampment up, and their rear formed at the court house. They appear ready to march. Gen. Lee informed of this by Col. Laurens. Gen. Lee moves his men to the attack – but is repulsed and retreats. Detail of the Engagement The enemy advanced two regiments by files into the woods near the court house – These being reported to Genl. Lee as heavy columns he immediately ordered a hault and Varnum’s Brigade to repass a bridge which they had just crossed. The enemy were now more closely reconnoitred and Gen. Lee ordered the troops to advance. But our advance troops had got into disorder – were much exhausted by marching and countermarching and the moment lost for attacking the enemy. They had now formed their order of battle and came on briskly to the charge with the calvary in front.

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Our few horses were charged by their whole calvary and were obliged to give way till supported by the infantry. Livingston & Col. Steuart were orderd to turn their left – when the enemy charged their front – These regiments were then ordered to fall back and form in the village. From thence they retired to Rus house and the rest of the detachment through the woods. Genl. Lee again ordered a retreat leaving a fine defile unguarded. In this juncture Genl. Washington met the detachment having received no notice of the order for retreat. He was much surprised, chagrinned and disappointed – and instantly preceiving there was no time to be lost – for the enemy were in full view and full march to improve the advantage they had gained over Lee’s detachment – he directed some of the disordered troops to form, till the main body could take a position of support. The moment was critical and the safety of the whole army depended upon a firm position. Col. Steuart & Col. Ramsey’s troops were nearest the General – He encouraged the men – he took the officers by the hand – he told them hw much depended on a moments resistance, and he said he was satisfied every thing would be attempted. Col. Ramsey and Col. Steuart have him assurances of their utmost exertions, and in that instant the whole was involved in the smoke of battle. As these two regiments were to sustain the assault of the whole British line, it is not to be supposed they could make a long opposition. – They were obliged to give way and retreated into the woods – but not before they had given our main body time to form and take an advantagious ground. Two Regiments of Varnums Brigade under Lt. Col. Olney received the next shock of the enemy who keep advancing. The British cavalry dashed upon them with great impetuosity, but could not stand a cool and well directed fire form our troops. This opposition did Olney great honor. We had now everything disposed for a general action – Our center was covered by a morass – the left commanded an extent of open ground on the flank which made it difficult for the enemy to turn in rear - & the right was covered by a ravine and close wood. Lord Stirling commanded our left wing and Genl. Greene the right. Olney was at length obliged to give way – but he did it with great dignity – Livingston who acted on his right was very powerful in his fire and did much execution. Lord Stirling planted a battery of cannon on the right of his wing, and made a detachment of Infantry under Col. Scilly and Col. Barker of the 1 st Virginia Regt. which penetrated the woods and fell vigorously on the enemy’s right flank. – This obliged the enemy to give way. After this small repulse they appeared in motion towards our left. Gen. Wayne kept them at bay in front, having occupied a barn and orchard, which he defended with bravery. At this instant, when they pressed upon Wayne and on all sides, Gen. Green took possession of a piece of ground on their left with a brigade under the immediate command of Gen. Woodford. It was now the fate of our army was to be decided – the firing was supported with equal vigor – and neither party seemed inclined to give way – all was dubious – when Gen. Greene opened with a battery of cannon on the enemy – This and Gen. Wayne’s fire at length forced them to retire with considerable loss – and gave us the ground upon which they had fought, and all their wounded and killed. … at evening the two front lines of the two armies within musket shot of each other rest upon their arms ... we [Washington and his staff] composed ourselves to sleep behind the line of battle under a large tree. 29. Bury the dead. Col. Burmer on our side – a Capt. of Artillery &c. – and Col. Moncton on the part of the enemy with the honors of war – and about 245, of the enemy’s privates. The enemy gain the heights of Middletown and we return to Englishtown. … The soil near English Town sandy – and water very scarce. Genl. Lee ordered under an arrest for retreating – misbehaviour &c. 30th. The army marches to Spottswood. Pass through Brunswick – and make Head Quarters at Ross Hall. The mistress of the house a pretty widdow. A fine prospect comprehending Brunswick from Ross Hall. This place still exhibits marks of war, and the remains of some elegant houses in ruins along the banks of the Raritan.

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We rest ourselves on this ground till the 5th. The 4 being the anniversary of Independence it is celebrated with a feu de joye. The fire from the two lines of the army with the intermingled discharge of cannon animating and brilliant. In our route to Paramus where a part of the army had encamped in order to rest and refresh we had an opportunity of seeing the falls of the Pasaic. We crossed an old bridge very much out of repair on the Pasaic river, and in about half a mile, reached the falls. The river is about 40 yards broad – The cleft of the falls is from 4 to 12 feet broad. … [after a lengthy monologue lauding the charms of the Passaic River and environs, McHenry continues] But a soldier has other objects to fill up the measure of his idle hours – more amusing but rarely so commendable. … I was interrupted by a call from the General … Charming Pasaic – Adieu! I found the General & suite seated under a large spreading oak – within view of the spray diversified by a beautiful rainbow. A fine cool spring bubled out most charmingly from the bottom of the oak. The travelling canteens were immediately emptied, and a sudden repast spread before us consisting of cold ham – tongue - and excellent biscuit. With the assistance of a little spirit we composed some grog – over which we chatted away a very cheerful hour, and then took leave of the friendly oak – its refreshing spring – and the meek falls of the Pasaic. … It was about 6 o’clock the next morning when we bad[e] adieu to the Hermitage (headquarter while the army was at Paramus], coasting it through narrow and stony roads, to a place called Haverstraw in the State of New York.

Sources: Howard M. Jenkins, Historical Collections Relating to Gwynedd: A Township of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, Settled , 1698, by Immigrants from Wales, second edition (Philadelphia: published privately, 1897), 313, 347, 356-357; see 313-348 for complete Sally Wister diary. "Samuel Adams's Private Miscellaneous Diary Ann: Dom: 1778. Kept partly in the Town of Dorchester and partly in his Excellency General Washington's Camp at Valley Forge, White Plains, Fredericksburgh, &c ...," Samuel Adams Diaries, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library (hereafter cited as Samuel Adams Diary, New York Public Library). Lloyd A. Brown and Howard H. Peckham, eds., Revolutionary War Journals of Henry Dearborn, 1775-1783 (Chicago: The Caxton Club, 1939; reprinted Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, Inc., 1994), 123-129. Ebenezer Wild, "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd series, vol. VI (Boston, Ma., 1891), 108-111. Robert C. Bray and Paul E. Bushnell, eds., Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution: An Annotated Edition of the Military Journal of Jeremiah Greenman (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1978), 210-124. Edward A. Hoyt, ed., "A Revolutionary Diary of Captain Paul Brigham November 19, 1777September 4, 1778," Vermont History, vol. 34 (1966), 25-30. James McHenry, Journal of a March, a Battle, and a Waterfall, being the version elaborated by James McHenry from his Diary of the Year 1778, begun at Valley Forge, & containing accounts of the British, the Indians, and the Battle of Monmouth, Helen and Henry Hunt, eds. (Greenwich, Ct.: privately printed, 1945), 1-5.
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Continental soldier in marching order, circa 1777-79. Having no haversack, his food would have been carried in his knapsack or the sheet-iron kettle he carries for his mess squad. (Bob Krist,  2010)
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John U. Rees, "’What is this you have been about to day?’: The New Jersey Brigade at the Battle of Monmouth” http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthToc.htm
Narrative 1. Introduction 2. "In readiness to march at a moment's warning ...": Pre-Battle Dispositions and Plans 3. "To get up with the enemy": Major General Charles Lee's Force Sets Off 4. "I found the whole of the troops upon my right retreating ...": Morning Confrontation at Monmouth Courthouse 5. "The day was so excessively hot ...": Lee’s Retreat 6. “They answered him with three cheers ...”: Washington Recovers the Day 7. “The Action was Exceedingly warm and well Maintained …”: Infantry Fighting at the Point of Woods, Hedge-row, and Parsonage 8. "The finest musick, I Ever heared.": Afternoon Artillery Duel, and Cilley’s Attack on the 42nd Regiment 9. “Detached to assist in burying the dead …”: Battle’s Aftermath 10. “The March has proved salutory to the troops.”: Post-Battle: The Continental Army Moves North 11.“A very irregular & ill managed Embarkation.”: Post-Battle British March to Sandy Hook 12. "The defective constitution of our army ...": Casting Blame for the Morning Debacle 13. Battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778: Event Synopsis Appendices A. “Beware of being Burgoyned.”: Marching Toward Monmouth, Delaware River to Freehold, 18 to 27 June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthA.htm B. “The whole army moved towards the Delaware …”: Continental Army March from Valley Forge to Englishtown, N.J., 18 to 27 June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthB.htm C. “General Lee being detached with the advanced Corps …”: Composition of Charles Lee’s Force http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthC.htm D. “Our Division formed a line on the eminence …”:Washington’s Main Army Order of Battle, 28 June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthD.htm E. “A large Number of troops …”: Continental and British Army Field Returns, 28 June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthE.htm F.“I resolved nevertheless to attack them …”: American Monmouth Battle Accounts http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthF.htm G. “Charge, Grenadiers, never heed forming”: British Accounts of the Monmouth Battle http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthG.htm H. "More Glorious to America than at first Supposed ...": New Jersey Officers Describe the Battle of Monmouth http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthH.htm I. "They answered him with three cheers ...": New Jersey Common Soldiers' Pension Depositions http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthI.htm J. “A very smart cannonading ensued from both sides.”: Maxwell’s Jersey Brigade Artillery and the Afternoon Cannonade at Monmouth http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthJ.htm K. “Jun 29th, Buried the Dead …”: Casualties in the Battle of Monmouth http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthK.htm L. “We are informed by several persons …“: Contemporary Newspaper Accounts http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthL.htm M. “That damned blue Regiment …”: Continental Army Clothing during the Monmouth Campaign http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthM.htm N. “General Wayne's detachment is almost starving.”: Provisioning Washington’s Army on the March, June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthN.htm O. “The canopy of heaven for our tent”: Soldiers' Shelter on Campaign, June 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthO.htm P. “Be pleased to fill up the vacancy with the eldest Captain in the line …”: Field Officers, Commissioned Officers, and Staff of the 2nd New Jersey Regiment December 1777 to May 1779 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthP.htm Q. “Exceeding Hot & water is scarce …”: Monmouth Campaign Weather, 15 June to 7 July, 1778 http://revwar75.com/library/rees/monmouth/MonmouthQ.pdf

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______________________________ Related works by the author on military material culture and the Continental Army: Clothing "'The Great Neglect in provideing Cloathing': Uniform Colors and Clothing in the New Jersey Brigade During the Monmouth Campaign of 1778":
"The Jersey Blues:" The New Jersey Regiments, 1755-1776 "Never...Our Proper Quantity:" The New Jersey Brigade of 1777 "The Regiments Have No Uniforms or Distinguishing Colours:" Uniform Coats and the New Jersey Brigade During 1778 “The following Articles of Cloathing …”: 1778 Nine Months Levies’ Apparel “Only a few light things in the Spring.": Clothing the Jersey Brigade’s Long Term Soldiers, 1778

Military Collector & Historian, two parts: vol. XLVI, no. 4. (Winter 1994), 163-170; vol. XLVII, no. 1 (Spring 1995), 12-20. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/neglect1.htm and http://revwar75.com/library/rees/neglect2.htm "’The taylors of the regiment’: Insights on Soldiers Making and Mending Clothing, and Continental Army Clothing Supply, 1778 to 1783,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 63, no. 4 (Winter 2011), 254-265. Enlistment and Consciption Continental Army draft , vol. 1, 250 (300 words), Entries in Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd Edition, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006) “`The pleasure of their number’: 1778, Crisis, Conscription, and Revolutionary Soldiers’ Recollections”
Part I. “’Filling the Regiments by drafts from the Militia.’: The 1778 Recruiting Acts” Part II. "’Fine, likely, tractable men.’: Levy Statistics and New Jersey Service Narratives” Part III. "He asked me if we had been discharged …”: New Jersey, Massachusetts, New York, Maryland, and North Carolina Levy Narratives”

ALHFAM Bulletin, vol. XXXIII, no. 3 (Fall 2003), 23-34; no. 4 (Winter 2004), 23-34; XXXIV, no. 1 (Spring 2004), 19-28.

vol.

"`He Come Out with us this time As a Volunteer': Soldiers Serving Without Pay in the Second New Jersey Regiment, 1777-1780," Military Collector & Historian, vol. XLV, no. 4 (Winter 1993), 154-155. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/volunteer.htm Miscellaneous Material Culture Blankets, vol. 1, 77-78 (250 words); Cartridge boxes, pouches, canisters, vol. 1, 173-174 (250 words); Knapsacks and the soldiers’ burden, vol. 1, 591 (300 words); Entries in, Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd Edition, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006) "`White Wollen,' 'Striped Indian Blankets,' 'Rugs and Coverlids': The Variety of Continental Army Blankets," The Brigade Dispatch, vol. XXVI, no. 4 (Winter 2000), 11-14. http://www.revwar75.com/library/rees/variety.htm

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"The Care and Cleaning of Firelocks in the 18th Century: A Discussion of Period Methods and Their Present Day Applications", published in The Brigade Dispatch, vol. XXII, no. 2 (Summer 1991), 2-11, and Muzzleloader, vol. XXI, no. 4, (September/October 1994), 62-66. Military Music Music, Military, vol. 2, 763-765 (1500 words), Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd Edition, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006) Artwork Narrative: Pamela Patrick White, “`Each morning we… had to play and beat the Reveille’: Continental Army Musicians,” (2004) http://www.whitehistoricart.com "`The musicians belonging to the whole army': An Abbreviated Study of the Ages of Musicians in the Continental Army," The Brigade Dispatch, two parts: vol. XXIV, no. 4 (Autumn 1993), 28; vol. XXV, no. 1 (Winter 1994), 2-12. Abridged version of this article published in Percussive Notes, Journal of the Percussive Arts Society (August 2005), 64-66. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/musician1.htm and http://revwar75.com/library/rees/musician2.htm Rations, Food Preparation and Cooking Utensils Soldiers’ rations, vol. 2, 1066-1068 (1250 words), Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd Edition, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006) "`To subsist an Army well ...': Soldiers' Cooking Equipment, Provisions, and Food Preparation During the American War for Independence”:
"’All the tin Camp-kettles they can procure ...’: Iron Pots, Pans, and Light -Weight Military Kettles, 1759-1782”

“’The extreme suffering of the army for want of … kettles …’: Continental Soldiers and Kettle Shortages in 1782” “’A disgusting incumbrance to the troops …’: Linen Bags and Carts for Carrying Kettles” “’The Kettles to be made as formerly …” Kettle Capacity and Weight, and Archaeological Finds” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 53, no. 1 (Spring 2001), 7-23. "`To the hungry soul every bitter thing is sweet.’: Soldiers' Food and Cooking in the War for Independence” Part 1.
"The manner of messing and living together": Continental Army Mess Groups “Who shall have this?”: Food Distribution "A hard game ...": Continental Army Cooks

Military Collector & Historian, vol. 62, no. 4 (Winter 2010), 288-298. Part 2.
“On with Kittle, to make some hasty Pudding …”: How a "Continental Devil" Broke His Fast 1. The Army Ration and Cooking Methods. 2. Eating Utensils. 3. The Morning Meal. 4. Other Likely Breakfast Fare.

Military Collector & Historian, vol. 63, no. 1 (Spring 2011), 12-25.

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“`Six of our regt lived together …’: Mess Groups, Carrying Food … (and a Little Bit of Tongue) in the Armies of the Revolution”
Mess Groups Food Distribution Carrying Food The Burden of Rations And … Tongue

http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/tongue.pdf

“The common necessaries of life …” A Revolutionary Soldier’s Wooden Bowl,” including, “’Left sick on the Road’: An Attempt to Identify the Soldier Left at the Paxson Home, ‘Rolling Green,’ June 1778.”) http://tinyurl.com/at3dj3e
“`As many fireplaces as you have tents': Earthen Camp Kitchens”:
Part I. "`Cooking Excavations': Their History and Use by Soldiers in North America" Part II. "Matt and I Dig a Kitchen."

The Continental Soldier, vol. XI, no. 3 (Summer 1998), 26-32. First published in Fall 1997 Food History News; also published as "Earthen Camp Kitchens,” Muzzleloader, vol. XXX, no. 4 (September/October 2003), 59-64. RevWar75 online version titled: "`As many fireplaces as you have tents ...': Earthen Camp Kitchens”:
Part I. "`Kitchens sunk ... for the soldiers to Cook in.': The History of Cooking Excavations and Their Use in North America" Part II. Complete 1762 Kitchen Description and Winter Covering for Field Kitchens Part III. "`Ordered to begin work ...': Digging a Field Kitchen"

http://revwar75.com/library/rees/kitchen.htm Food History News series (selected articles): "’It was my turn to cook for the Mess’: Provisions of the Common Soldier in the Continental Army, 1775–1783,” Food History News, 7, no. 1 (Fall 1995): 2, 8. "’Sometimes we drew two days rations at a time.’: The Soldiers' Daily Issue,” FHN, 7, no. 3 (Winter 1995): 2–3. "’Drew 2 pound of Shugar and 1 pound of Coffee’: Extraordinary Foodstuffs Issued the Troops,” FHN, 8, no. 1 (Summer 1996): 2–3. "’The unreasonable prices extorted ... by the market People’: Camp Markets and the Impact of the Economy,” FHN, 7, no. 4 (Spring 1996): 2–3. "’Complaint has been made by many of the Inhabitants’: Soldiers' Efforts to Supplement the Ration Issue,” FHN, 8, no. 2 (Fall 1996): 1–2, 7. "’Whilst in this country’: Sullivan's Expedition and the Carolina Campaigns,” FHN, 8, no. 3 (Winter 1996): 2, 6–7. "’Hard enough to break the teeth of a rat.’: Biscuit and Hard Bread in the Armies of the Revolution,” (Also in the same issue, information on cooking with biscuit and hardtack during the American Civil War and the War for Independence in "Joy of Historical Cooking: Using Hardtack & Crackers."), FHN, 8, no. 4 (Spring 1997): 2, 3–5, 6–7. "’The essential service he rendered to the army’: Christopher Ludwick, Superintendent of Bakers,” FHN, vol. IX, no. 1 (Summer 1997), 2, 6. “’The Gingerbread Man’: More on Washington’s Baking Superintendent, Then and Now,” FHN, 17, no. 1 (Summer 2005): 2.

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"’As many fireplaces as you have tents’: Earthen Camp Kitchens,” FHN, 9, no. 2 (Fall 1997): 2, 8–9, plus “Matt and I Dig a Kitchen: Recreating an 18th–Century Cooking Excavation,” FHN, 9, no. 3 (Winter 1998): 2. Also published as "Earthen Camp Kitchens,” Muzzleloader, 30, no. 4 (September/October 2003): 59–64. For online version see (World Wide Web), http://revwar75.com/library/rees/kitchen.htm "’Our pie–loving ... stomachs ... ache to even look.’: Durable Foods for Armies, 1775–1865,” FHN, 9, no. 4 (Spring 1998): 2, 7–8. "’Tell them never to throw away their ... haversacks or canteens’: Finding Water and Carrying Food During the War for Independence and the American Civil War,” FHN, 10, no. 1 (37): 2, 8– 9. "’The victuals became putrid by sweat & heat’: Equipment Shortages, the Burden of Rations and Spoilage During the War for Independence and the War Between the States,” FHN, 10, no. 2 (38): 2, 6–7. "’False hopes and temporary devices’: Organizing Food Supply in the Continental Army”:
part I. “’To subsist an Army well’: An Organizational Overview,” FHN, 12, no. 3 (47): 2, 9–10. part II. “’Owing to this variety of waste …’: Producing, Storing, and Transporting Bread,” FHN, 12, no. 4 (48): 2, 9–10. part III. “’We now have 500 head of fat cattle’: Procuring, Transporting, and Processing Livestock,” FHN, 12, no. 4 (48): 2, 8–9.

“’A perfect nutriment for heroes!’: Apples and North American Soldiers, 1757–1918,” FHN, 14, no. 1 (53): 2, 6. “’The oficers are Drunk and Dancing on the table …’: U.S Soldiers and Alcoholic Beverages,” FHN, 14, no. 2 (54): 2. “’The repast was in the English fashion …’: Washington’s Campaign for Refined Dining in the War for Independence,” FHN, 14, no. 3 (55): 2. "’Give us Our Bread Day by Day.’: Continental Army Bread, Bakers, and Ovens”:
part I. “’Waste and bad management …’: Regulating Baking,” FHN, 15, no. 4 (60): 2, 9. part II.“’A bake–house was built in eleven days …’: Contemporary Baking Operations and Army Masonry Ovens,” FHN, 15, no. 1 (61): 2, 8. part III. “’Seeing that the Ovens may be done right …’: Bake Oven Designs,” FHN, vol. 15, no. 3 (63): 2, 8. part IV. “’The mask is being raised!!’: Denouement: Early–War Iron Ovens, and a Yorktown Campaign Bakery,” FHN, 16, no. 4 (64): 2.

“’Invited to dine with Genl Wayne; an excellent dinner …’: Revolutionary Commanders’ Culinary Equipage in Camp and on Campaign”:
part 1 “’Plates, once tin but now Iron …’: General Washington’s Mess Equipment,” FHN, 17, no. 2 (66): 2, 8. part 2 “’40 Dozens Lemons, in a Box’: British Generals’ Provisions and Mess Equipage,” FHN, vol. XVII, no. 3 (67): 2, 8. part 3 “’A Major General & family’: Nathanael Greene’s Food Ware,” FHN, vol. XVII, no. 4 (68), 2. part 4 “’My poor cook is almost always sick …’: General Riedesel Goes to America,” FHN, vol. XVIII, no. 1 (69): 2–3,

“’A capital dish …’: Revolutionary Soldiers and Chocolate,” FHN, vol. XX, no. 3 (79): 2, 9, 12. "’A better repast’: Continental Army Field and Company Officers’ Fare,” FHN, vol. XX, no. 4 (80), 2–3.

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Shelter "`We ... got ourselves cleverly settled for the night': Soldiers' Shelter on Campaign During the War for Independence," part I, "`The most expensive & essential article of camp equipage': Tents in the Armies of the Revolution":
“Put our Men into barns …”: The Vagaries of Shelter “We Lay in the open world": Troops Without Shelter on Campaign "State of Marquees and Tents delivered to the Army...":

http://revwar75.com/library/rees/shelter1.htm Military Collector & Historian, vol. 49, no. 3 (Fall 1997), 98-107. part II, "`The Allowance of Tents is not sufficient ...': An Overview of Tents as Shelter:"
"The Allowance of Tents is not sufficient...": An Overview of Tents as Shelter "The fewer the Waggons to the Army, the better...": Transporting Tents

http://revwar75.com/library/rees/shelter2.htm Military Collector & Historian, vol. 49, no. 4 (Winter 1997), 156-168. part III, "`The camps ... are as different in their form as the owners are in their dress ...': Shades, Sheds, and Wooden Tents, 1775-1782":
"Not a bush to make a shade near [at] hand ...": Bush Bowers, "Arbours," and "Shades," 1776-1782 "An elegant shade ...": Officers' Bowers “The Men employed in making Bowers before their Tents...": Shades for Common Soldiers "The troops hutted with Rails and Indian Corn Stocks ...": Sheds, Planked Huts, and Straw Tents, 17751777

http://revwar75.com/library/rees/bowers.htm Military Collector & Historian, vol. 53, no. 4 (Winter 2001-2002), 161-169. part IV, "`We are now ... properly ... enwigwamed.': British Soldiers and Brush Huts, 1776-1781" http://revwar75.com/library/rees/shelter4.htm Military Collector & Historian, vol. 55, no. 2 (Summer 2003), 89-96. part V, “`We built up housan of branchis and leavs ’: Continental Army Brush Shelters, 17751777,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 55, no. 4 (Winter 2003-2004), 213-223. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/huts5.pdf part VI, "`We built up housan of branchis & leavs ...’: Continental Army Brush Shelters, 17781782,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 56, no. 2 (2004), 98-106. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/huts6.pdf Tactics and Military Manuals

Military manuals, vol. 2, 721-722 (250 words); Tactics and maneuvers, vol. 2, 1137-1138 (300 words); Entries in, Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd Edition, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006)
“`Knowledge necessary to a soldier …’: The Continental Officer’s Military Reading List, 17751778,” Military Collector & Historian, vol. 59, no. 1 (Spring 2007), 65-71. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/manuals.pdf

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Transportation Transport (wheeled), vol. 1, 1159-1160 (750 words), Mark M. Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution: Library of Military History, Harold E. Selesky, ed. (2nd Edition, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2006) "`Employed in carrying cloathing & provisions': Wagons and Watercraft During the War for Independence":
Part I. "`Country Waggons,' `Tumbrils,' and `Philadelphia Carts': Wheeled Transport in the Armies of the Revolution" Part II. "Sloops, `Scows,' `Batteaux,' and `Pettyaugers': Continental Army Rivercraft, 1775-1782"

ALHFAM Bulletin, vol. XXIX, no. 3 (Fall 1999), 4-9, and The Continental Soldier, vol. XII, no. 2 (Winter 1999), 18-25. http://www.continentalline.org/articles/article.php?date=9902&article=990202 ALHFAM Bulletin, vol. XXIX, no. 4 (Winter 2000), 8-16, and The Continental Soldier, vol. XIII, no. 1 (Winter/Spring 2000), 34-46. http://www.continentalline.org/articles/article.php?date=0001&article=000101 “`Little chariots painted red …’: Continental Army Vehicle Paint Colors,”Military Collector & Historian, vol. 60, no. 2 (Summer 2008), 154-156. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/paint.pdf Unit Histories "’I Expect to be stationed in Jersey sometime...’: An Account of the Services of the Second New Jersey Regiment”: Part I, December 1777 to June 1778 (1994, unpublished, copy held in the collections of the David Library of the American Revolution, Washington Crossing, Pa.), contains seventeen appendices covering various subjects including studies of the casualties incurred by the New Jersey Brigade (1777-1779), the uniform clothing of the New Jersey Brigade (1776-1778), the use of the nine-month draft in 1778, and names of all the officers and enlisted men of the regiment. Also included is a collection of pension narratives of the common soldiers of the New Jersey Brigade:
The March to Winter Quarters: 13 December to 25 December 1777 General Orders, 20 December to 25 December 1777 Countering the "depredations of the Enemy": 23 December to 28 December 1777 The Valley Forge Camp in the Waning Days of 1777 A. General Orders: 25 December to 31 December 1777 B. "I fancy we may ... Content ourselves in these Wigwams ...": 1 January to 19 March 1778 Valley Forge in the First Months of 1778 General Orders, 1 January to 19 March 1778 "I Expect to be stationed in Jersey sometime ...": 22 March to 1 April 1778 General Orders of the Army, 20 March to 28 March 1778 "The Enemy Giting intelligence of our movement ...": 4 April to 30 May 1778 General Orders of the Army, 8 April to 6 May 1778 Reinforcements and Alarms: The Actions of Brigadier General William Maxwell and the Remainder of the Jersey Brigade, May 7 to May 24, 1778 The Institution of Nine-Month Enlistments from the New Jersey Militia, February to June 1778 Procuring Arms and Equipment for the Regiment, March to June 1778 Clothing the Men in the Spring of 1778 The Jersey Brigade is Reunited, May 28 to June 19, 1778

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(Continued) Appendices (partial list) Company Strengths and Dispositions, December 1777 to May 1779 (including tables of casualties, deserters, etc.) Monthly Regimental Strength as Taken from the Muster Rolls, December 1777 to May 1779 Listing of Field Officers, Company Officers, and Staff, December 1777 to May 1779 Company Organization, December 1777 to May 1779 A. Lineage of Companies, 1777 to 1779 B. Continuity of Company Command Through May 1779 Proportion of Men from 2nd N.J. of 1776 Who Reenlisted in 2nd N.J. of 1777 A Listing of Non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of the 2nd N.J. of 1778

"'One of the best in the army.': An Overview of Brigadier General William Maxwell's Jersey Brigade," The Continental Soldier, vol. XI, no. 2 (Spring 1998), 45-53. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/njbrigade.htm "`None of you know the hardships of A soldiers life …’: Service of the Connecticut Regiments in Maj. Gen. Alexander McDougall’s Division, 1777-1778” (2009)
“I am … Packing up my baggage in order to March”: Service on the North River, and Movement into Pennsylvania, May to September 1777 “God Grant I may Always be Preserv'd …”: The Battle of Germantown and Schuylkill Expedition, October 1777 “So small A Garrison never attaind Greater achievments …”: Forts Mifflin and Mercer, and Maneuvers in New Jersey, November 1777 “Nothing to cover us But ye heavens …”: The Whitemarsh Encampment and Early Days at Valley Forge, December 1777 “This is a very Different Spirit in the Army …”: Wintering Over at Valley Forge and Spring Training, January to June 1778 “Sixty three bullet holes were made through the colours …” : Summer Campaign and the Battle of Monmouth, June 1778 “The Troops of the whole line will exercise and manoeuvre …”: The March to New York and the White Plains Encampment, July to September 1778 “The Enemy are upon the eve of some general and important move.”: The Fredericksburgh Camp and Shifting Commanders, September to October 1778 “Their countrymen would … conclude the Devil was in them …”: McDougall’s Division Takes Post in Connecticut, October and November 1778 “Grievances … Justly complained of by your Soldiers …”: The Connecticut Line Winter Camp, December 1778 to January 1779

http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/CT-Div.pdf and http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/biblio.pdf Women Following the Army "`The proportion of Women which ought to be allowed': Female Camp Followers with the Continental Army":
Discussion of Numbers of Female Followers "Rations... Without Whiskey": Women’s Food Allowance "Some men washed their own clothing.": Women's Duties and Shelter "Coming into the line of fire.": Women on the March or on Campaign

The Continental Soldier, vol. VIII, no. 3 (Spring 1995), 51-58. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/proportion.htm

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"`The multitude of women': An Examination of the Numbers of Female Camp Followers with the Continental Army":
1777 and 1780: A Common Thread? 1776 to 1782: “Necessary to keep the Soldier's clean" 1781: "Their Wives all of whom ... Remained" - Women on Campaign With the Army 1781: "The women with the army who draw provisions" 1782: "Rations ... Without Whiskey" - Colonel Henry Jackson's Regimental Provision Returns 1783: "The proportion of Women which ought to be allowed ..."

The Brigade Dispatch (Journal of the Brigade of the American Revolution) Three parts: vol. XXIII, no. 4 (Autumn 1992), 5-17; vol. XXIV, no. 1 (Winter 1993), 6-16; vol. XXIV, no. 2 (Spring 1993), 2-6 (Reprinted in Minerva: Quarterly Report on Women and the Military, vol. XIV, no. 2 (Summer 1996)). http://revwar75.com/library/rees/wnumb1.htm "`The number of rations issued to the women in camp.': New Material Concerning Female Followers With Continental Regiments":
Female Followers with the Troops at Wyoming:Prelude to Sullivan's Campaign, 1779 "Provisions and Stores Issued to the Grand Army": Female Followers at Middlebrook, 1779 “The women belonging to their respective corps": Further Analysis and Comparison of the Returns of Women

The Brigade Dispatch, vol. XXVIII, no. 1 (Spring 1998), 2-10; vol. XXVIII, no. 2 (Summer 1998), 2-12, 13. http://revwar75.com/library/rees/wnumb2.htm

About the author: John Rees grew up in Wrightstown, Pennsylvania, and has lived in Solebury, Pa. since 1984, with his wife Linda and two sons, Evan and Christian. Since 1986 he has written over 150 articles and monographs on various aspects of the common soldiers' experience, focusing primarily on the War for Independence. Current works and interests include soldiers’ food (1755 to the present day), Continental Army conscription (1777-1782), African-Americans in southern Continental regiments, and the common soldiers’ burden. John’s work has appeared in the ALHFAM Bulletin (Association of Living History, Farm, and Agricultural Museums), American Revolution (Magazine of the American Revolution Association), The Brigade Dispatch (Journal of the Brigade of the American Revolution), The Continental Soldier (Journal of the Continental Line), Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture, Journal of the Johannes Schwalm Historical Association, Military Collector & Historian, Minerva: Quarterly Report on Women and the Military, Muzzleloader Magazine, On Point: The Newsletter of the Army Historical Foundation, Percussive Notes (Journal of the Percussive Arts Society), and Repast (Quarterly Publication of the Culinary Historians of Ann Arbor). He was a regular columnist for the quarterly newsletter Food History News for 15 years writing on soldiers' food, wrote four entries for the Oxford Encyclopedia of American Food and Drink, thirteen entries for the revised Thomson Gale edition of Boatner’s Encyclopedia of the American Revolution, contributed a chapter to Carol Karels’ The Revolutionary War in Bergen County (2007), and two chapters to Barbara Z. Marchant’s Revolutionary Bergen County, The Road to Independence (2009). A partial article list plus many complete works are available online at http://www.revwar75.com/library/rees/ . Selected Civil War monographs posted online at http://www.libertyrifles.org/research/ Additional articles and research posted at http://www.scribd.com/jrees_10

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