"We ... got ourselves cleverly settled for the night ...

" Soldiers' Shelter on Campaign During the War for Independence John U. Rees (Published in Military Collector & Historian, vol. 55, no. 4 (Winter 2003-2004), 213-223.) Part V. "We built up housan of branchis & leavs ..." Continental Army Brush Shelters, 1775–1777 Contents A. "This night we lay out without shelter ...”: Overview of American Soldiers' Campaign Lodging B. "We maid us some Bush huts ...": Brush Shelters, 1775 and 1776. C. "Huts of sticks & leaves": Washington's Army in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 1777. _________________________
“… the Company … never were encamped nor were the Militia Reg’t or even the Continental Light Horse or Foot Regiments or parties – it was not the fashion in those days. They laid in houses & barns in woods & Swamps & open fields on the ground” Pvt. David Bogert, Militia, Bergen County, New Jersey, 1832 pension deposition.1

In the preceding segments of this series we have looked at tentage, transportation problems, soldier–built shades and sheds, and British use of brush huts. In the conclusion we take a wide view of Continental soldiers' campaign lodgings, try to ascertain why ad hoc structures were built, delve into the names Continental troops had for the shelters they built, and present a chronological survey of American brush hut use during the war. "This night we lay out without shelter ..." Overview of American Soldiers' Campaign Lodging Two soldiers' diaries serve to show the wide range of shelters used by Continental troops, the frequency with which each different type was employed and under what conditions. Since the two accounts cover a large proportion of the war day by day they also show evidence of differing trends of usage as the war progressed. Both men were officers who rose from the ranks. Ebenezer Wild of Massachusetts, a corporal in 1775, was promoted to sergeant the year after; he continued in that rank until October 1779 when he was appointed ensign. In May 1781 Wild was promoted to 2d lieutenant, ending the war in that post. Rhode Islander Jeremiah Greenman started as a private in Arnold's 1775 Quebec expedition, and was imprisoned in Canada in 1776. In January 1777 Greenman was appointed sergeant in the 2d Rhode Island, rising to ensign in May 1779, and finally to lieutenant in 1781. Wild's account covers the years 1776 to 1779, and 1781; Greenman is used to


fill the void for 1780 and his 1777 diary is included to provide a one–year comparison with Wild's narrative.2 Since this section of the monograph examines makeshift shelters let us take a look at just how often the two diarists mentioned them. In Wild's five year long narrative (1776–1781, the 1780 journal is missing) he mentions building a plank shed in 1776, a series of brush huts in late November and December 1777, makes no mention of them at all in 1778 and 1779, and then notes intermittent use of brush huts, booths, and "bowries" in June, July, and September 1781. Jeremiah Greenman’s eight–year account mirrors Wild's experience, additionally recording a twenty–five day period of living in brush shelters while confronting the British in New Jersey in summer 1780, and building a brush hut later that same year while on guard duty. Data from the two diaries shows that tents were by far the predominant shelter type, but that the percentage of tent usage decreased in those years with the longest periods of contact with, or maneuvering against, enemy forces. Buildings (private homes, barns, meeting houses, taverns, and in one case the Connecticut State House) were often taken advantage of when on the march in a suitably populated area; not only did buildings afford better shelter in inclement weather, but their use could save precious time since the need to pitch and take down tentage was done away with. Facing the lack of any other covering, soldiers sometimes built brush shelters for protection from precipitation, the hot sun, or cold weather. When time and materials were available use of makeshift constructs averaged only about four percent of the time. Bedding down under the "canopy of heaven" suited the purposes of lightly laden, quick moving troops, especially in good weather. Below are data gleaned from the two diaries; the first series of tables gives the findings for individual years; the two following tables show totals for the six years examined.3
Data on Shelters Noted in Soldiers' Narratives Ebenezer Wild, 6th Continental Regiment, 1776, 1st Massachusetts Regiment, 1777–1781 Jeremiah Greenman, 2d Rhode Island Regiment, 1777–1780 Days in Days in Days in Days Lay Makeshift Days on Year Tents Buildings in Open Shelters Shipboard 1776 92 12 5 1 0 Wild (83.7%) (10.9%) (4.6%) (0.95%) Total days: 110 plank hut 7 August to 30 November (March from Boston to Fort Ticonderoga, fortress garrison.) 5 days shelter uncertain. 1777 Wild 122 30 19 7 4 (67%) (16.5%) (10.4%) (3.9%) (2.2%) Total days: 182 brush huts 9 April to 19 December (March from Boston with recruits to Stillwater, New York; includes active operations against Burgoyne's army. In late November Wild's regiment joined Washington's army at Whitemarsh and went to Valley Forge a month later.) 1 day's shelter uncertain, 70 days sick absent.


Data on Shelters Noted in Soldiers' Narratives (continued) Days in Days in Days in Days Lay Makeshift Days on Year Tents Buildings in Open Shelters Shipboard 1777 104 36 18 12 0 Greenman (61.2%) (21.2%) (10.6%) (7.1%) Total days: 170 brush huts 26 May to 18 December (Morristown, New Jersey; operations against the British in New Jersey, march north to New York, Continental Village garrison, march south through New Jersey into Pennsylvania, Fort Mifflin and Fort Mercer garrisons, Whitemarsh camp, march to Valley Forge.) 37 days' shelter uncertain. 113 2 15 0 0 (86.9%) (1.6%) (11.6%) Total days: 130 10 June to 3 November (March from Valley Forge to Monmouth Courthouse, then north across the Hudson to Rhode Island, operations against British forces there, Rhode Island winter cantonment.) 17 days absent on trip to Boston. 1779 Wild 113 15 0 0 0 (88.3%) (11.7%) Total days: 128 31 May to 3 October (Rhode Island encampment, march to New York, New York encampment.) 1780 111 0 8 25 0 Greenman (77.1%) (5.6%) (17.4%) Total days: 144 brush huts 7 June to 29 October (Operations against British forces in New Jersey, various encampments in northern New Jersey and New York, West Point garrison.) 1781 Wild 148 52 51 3 31 (51.9%) (18.3%) (17.9%) (1.2%) (10.9%) Total days: 285 brush huts 19 February to 29 November and booths (March from West Point to Virginia, operations against British forces in Virginia, Yorktown siege operations, march north to New York winter cantonment.) 1778 Wild


Data on Shelters Noted in Soldiers' Narratives (continued) Combined Statistics for Five Years (1776–1781) (Wild's diary, 1776–1779, and 1781; Greenman, 1780) Days in Days in Days in Days Lay Makeshift Days on Year Tents Buildings in Open Shelters Shipboard 1776–1781 699 111 98 36 35 (71.4%) (11.4%) (9.7%) (3.7%) (3.6%) Total days: 979 or (Wild's diary, 1776, 1778–1779, and 1781; Greenman's diary, 1777 and 1780) Days in Days in Days in Days Lay Makeshift Days on Year Tents Buildings in Open Shelters Shipboard 1776–1781 681 117 97 41 31 (70.4%) (12.2%) (10.1%) (4.2%) (3.2%) Total days: 967

For a comparison within an even more limited timeframe let us turn to Lt. Ebenezer Wild's 1781 narrative detailing daily shelter during Lafayette's maneuvers against Cornwallis in Virginia. For the four months studied (6 May to 9 September) Col. Joseph Vose's Massachusetts light troops slept in tents 67 days out of a total of 129. The remainder of the time the heavy baggage was sent back into the country for safety or, on occcasion, remained with the main body while Vose's Battalion was sent on detached service. Between 6 May and 7 July, a time when the enemy was a constant threat, tents were used only 29 percent of the time; on the other hand, after British forces crossed the James River on their way south to Portsmouth tents sheltered Vose's troops seventy–five percent of the time. (See table below.)4


Number of Days the Tents were Present With Vose's Light Infantry Battalion May to September 1781 1. 6 May to 7 July 1781 (first two months) (The time of the arrival of the baggage from Baltimore until Cornwallis' forces crossed over the James River towards Portsmouth) Days Days Not Present Total Present (Sent to the Rear, etc.) Days 19 45 65 (Tents used as shelter 29% of the time) 2. 8 July to 10 September 1781 (final two months) Days Days Not Present Total Present (Sent to the Rear, etc.) Days 54 11 65 (Tents used as shelter 75% of the time) 3. 6 May to 10 September 1781 (entire four month period) (From the time of the arrival of baggage from Baltimore until Lafayette's detachment joined the French troops at Williamsburg) Days Days Not Present Total Present (Sent to the Rear, etc.) Days 67 62 129 (Tents sheltered the troops 52% of the time)

As previously intimated, there were several reasons why tents were unavailable, making it necessary for soldiers to find an alternative. Tentage may have been lost or in poor supply, sent away with the army's baggage due to the enemy's proximity, or left behind because of the need to travel quickly. In all these instances buildings, or woods and open fields supplied the place of absent tents. Given the proper circumstances, soldiers were occasionally able to construct brush huts, sometimes on their commander's orders, probably more often on their own initiative. And while brush huts were sometimes used together with tents, as with Vose's Battalion in 1781, the mixed tents and wigwams seen in a watercolor of the 19 September 1777 British dragoon camp at Tredyffrin, Pa., and British and German troops during the Monmouth campaign, such instances were the exception rather than the rule.5


"At this place we built an agreeable Bush house ..." American Brush Huts from Canada to South Carolina Continental troops had a number of names for the brush dwellings they built; many terms were variations on the same theme, some indicate the different building materials used. Here is an extensive sampling: "brush Hutt," "bush housen," "bush tent," "Pine huts," "hemlock bowhouses," "shelter ... [of] boughs of trees," "hut made of bows," "huts ... [of] dry bushes," "housan of branchis & leavs," "temporary huts covered with leaves," "Huts of sticks & leaves," "huts [of] brush and leaves," "bush hut ... Covered ... with Bark," "housen ... of the Barkes of the Treas," "booth" (or "buth"), and "bowers" (or "bowries"). (Huts constructed with boards, planks, corn shocks, and/or straw, generally called sheds, were discussed in part II of this series, section titled, "'The troops hutted with Rails and Indian Corn Stocks ...': Sheds, Planked Huts, and Straw Tents, 1775–1777.") Before proceeding let us address the problem of terminology: hut could mean either "a soldier's lodge in the field" or a rude but more substantial log construct for winter housing; bowrie or bower usually meant a flat–topped sun shade, but in some instances seems to have referred to a brush lean–to possibly used for both shade and overnight lodging (Gen. George Washington added to the confusion when he wrote of his troops living in bowers in summer 1780, though the men themselves told of building brush huts), and wigwam, an appellation popular with British troops, conveniently though ambiguously covered a multitude of makeshift structures under its umbrella.6 Besides "bower" only one other name, booth, stands out. A number of accounts indicate that booth was often just another generic name for a hut made of "branchis & leavs," but a few tantalizing references suggest the name may also have meant a specific form of brush shelter. Suffice it to say that construction details are not easy to pin down. The Oxford English Dictionary variously and vaguely defines a booth as a "temporary dwelling covered with boughs of trees or other slight materials," a "temporary structure covered with canvas or the like," or "A covered stall at a market; a tent at a fair ..."; not much help there. Additionally, an attempt to tie the term booth to a specific region shows that of the eleven soldiers who used it in their writings, five were from New England, and five from the Middle states (New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware), and one from Virginia; discounting the two men from New Hampshire and Virginia, who used "booth" to describe flat–topped shades (i.e., bowers) we are still left with four soldiers from New England and five from the middle states. Again, nothing definitive.7 Be that as it may, there were two New Englanders who, within brief periods, used several different appellations for brush structures, thus intimating the booths they built had some distinguishing feature setting them apart from other brush huts. Additional booth references can be found in the ensuing chronological narrative, but the two aforementioned New England accounts will be reiterated here. Rhode Islander Jeremiah Greenman mentioned booths on three occasions in November and December 1777, the only times he used the term "buth" in his eight–year–long diary. Greenman's description of the weather as being "very cold" weather indicates these structures were some form of brush hut rather than shades; only brush huts would provide some small measure of insulation


from the cold, mostly by serving as a crude windbreak for the occupants. At Whitemarsh Greenman first wrote of building "housan of branchis & leavs"; later, when British forces threatened, his regiment was sent out of the lines (from December 1st to the 10th) where the men built "buths." During the same period, on 8 December, Connecticut surgeon Albigence Waldo wrote of the men laying in "open huts," which suggests that Greenman's booths may also have been open–faced structures. Additionally, within two weeks Greenman had used two different names for the structures he and his comrades built in New Jersey and at the Whitemarsh camp. Given the context, Greenman's "buths" were likely hastily constructed and less substantial than the "housan of branchis and leavs" built behind the Whitemarsh fortifications.8 Another intriguing account comes from Massachusetts Lt. Ebenezer Wild, who served with Vose's Light Infantry under the Marquis de Lafayette in 1781. From late June through the beginning of September Lieutenant Wild made note of three types of soldier–built makeshift shelters: "bush huts", "bowries," and booths. He wrote of erecting "bowries" for shelter from the sun, and on one occasion mentioned building "bush huts (the weather being exceeding warm)"; this last is an indication that brush huts were cooler than sleeping in tents and were sometimes used as shades.9 Wild mentioned building booths on only one occasion, near Williamsburg, Virginia:
[5 September 1781] Built booths and lay still all day.The enemy have retired into York ... [6 September] At 3 o'clk A.M. we paraded & marched about 4 miles, and halted in a field ... where we continued about two hours; then paraded and marched back to our booths. After halting about three hours ... we marched to Williamsburg ...10

In both instances he spent the daytime hours at the booths, as well as overnight on the evening of the 5th. Given the information above it seems likely "booths" were merely a lean–to sufficient for both shade and overnight lodging, but until further corroboration is found this remains only conjecture. * * * * * * * * * * * * As has been seen in a previous installment, the British Army made deliberate, widespread use of wigwams several times during the war, viz., the June to December 1777 operations in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, the 1778 Monmouth campaign, and Lord Cornwallis's 1780–81 operations in North Carolina and Virginia. Smaller British detachments also built brush wigwams and bowers, and sheds of plank, sod, and straw on other occasions throughout the war, taking their use as a matter of course. Rudely built brush shelters were used by Continental soldiers from the war's onset, but in general it was unusual for campaigning American troops to go for as long as a month without tents. While it is true that various types of makeshift shelters, including brush huts, booths and bowers, were used in the absence of tentage, local houses, meeting houses, or barns, the reliance upon soldier– built structures was usually only the matter of a few days to a week or two, only until the heavy baggage was able to rejoin the army. And while British commanders purposely divested their forces of tents, relying on brush constructs to shelter their men, only occasionally did American generals follow suit. Additionally, Continental soldiers slept "with no other covering than the canopy of heaven" more often than they resorted to brush huts. In the next section of this monograph we will examine soldiers' accounts of brush huts throughout the war. At the same time their narratives also tell of other shelter types used, serving to place brush huts within a larger context and to give some


insights as to how often, where, and why they were built. Several other questions beg asking; where did these citizen–soldiers come up with the idea of building makeshift shelters when no other covering was at hand? Were they familiar with them from peacetime travel or wilderness outings? Was their use handed down by veterans of the French and Indian War, or were they based on commonly–known shelters for the poor, or farmhands and other itinerant workers? While no clearcut answer is at hand, or perhaps even possible, we do know brush huts, "housan," and booths occasionally served the troops to good purpose.11 "We maid us some Bush huts ...": Brush Shelters, 1775 and 1776. In the first two years of the war brush shelters were used only intermittently and on a small scale. In his "account of A journey from Ticonderoga to Canada" in 1775 Sgt. Bayze Wells, 4th Connecticut Regiment, wrote of travelling through the wilderness with several other men on the way to Chamblee, Canada. On 28 July 1775 he noted, "travild till Night made A hut and tarr[ie]d all Night it Raind allmost all Night." In late August Wells was sent from Fort Ticonderoga to take provisions north to the Onion River, arriving at his destination on September 2d: "at Bakers harbor about Sun Set built A fire and Made A bush tent." While it is possible some of General Benedict Arnold's soldiers built brush shelters on their march through the Maine wilderness to Quebec, only Jeremiah Greenman's diary was examined for this treatise. Greenman tells of encamping a number of times, likely in tents since the troops carried them in their bateaux; when most of these watercraft were abandoned on 27 October some of the men commenced "cuting up the tents for to make bags" to carry food. Prior to that occurrence it is possible some of Arnold's troops slept under their bateaux, too.12 Let us look now look at two 1776 accounts by soldiers serving in the Lake Champlain region. Lt. Col. Israel Shreve led a portion of the 2d New Jersey Regiment northward to join the unit's advance companies already at Quebec. He wrote his wife from Fort Ticonderoga on 19 April, "Just arived at this place ... Last night I with our three Companies, Capt. Willis & [Josiah] Harmer [1st Pennsylvania Battalion] Slept in the woods at the foot of a mountain where there was no appearance of human trace, we made Large fires Lop[p]ed Bushes to keep of[f] the Due, and Slept very well / this night Got in a Good house ..." Shreve's shelter must have been crude indeed, but the constructs described by Massachusetts soldier Jehiel Stewart in autumn 1776 were likely more substantial. After marching with his regiment to Ticonderoga, Stewart went north with a reconnaisance party; he eventually joined Brig. Gen. Benedict Arnold's Lake Champlain fleet, later participating in the Battle of Valcour Island. On 25 September Stewart wrote "This Day Capt Ferguson went [as] head of the four Days Skoutin we had about 123 in the party and we Camped by a little brook and mad[e] Some hemlock bowhouses [i.e., huts made of hemlock boughs] and Camped Down." Stewart and his comrades went aboard one of Arnold's row gallies on 2 October. Four days later he noted, "we went a Shoare on a Island all the Skouting party and we maid us some Bush huts and Camped Down that night." They returned to the vessel the following day; Stewart's narrative contained no other references to brush huts.13


"Huts of sticks & leaves": Washington's Army in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 1777. Seventy– seventy–seven brought with it an escalation in warfare, and saw hard–fought, active campaigning by armies in New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania. It is likely American Continentals and militia soldiers serving in New York under Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates occasionally resorted to brush huts as they opposed Lt. Gen. John Burgoyne's invading army, but we will focus on the widespread use of makeshift shelters by Gen. George Washington's troops. While British forces campaigning in New Jersey in June 1777 purposely dispensed with tentage and built "booths" in large numbers, the American commander also resorted to brush huts to shelter his troops for a brief time. A few days after the British abandoned their booths at Millstone and Middlebush and returned to New Brunswick, New Jersey, Washington wrote to Maj. Gen. John Sullivan, then at Princeton: "Head Quarters, Middle Brook, June 23, 1777 ... The Weather is still so unfavourable that I have no thoughts of putting the Army in Motion till tomorrow morning at 4 OClock provided it is fair ... I would not have you turn out the Men, for without Tents, they, their Arms and Ammunition would suffer much." The army did indeed move the next day, divested of its heavy baggage, to a new "Camp at Quibble Town." General orders for 24 June directed the men to build brush huts for covering: "In case of an alarm, the army is to be drawn up in two lines on the northern side of the brook ... The troops to make the best shelter they can, with boughs of trees." Washington's men moved to new positions two days later, still without tents: General orders, 26 June, "The troops ... will lodge themselves in the best manner they can this night, near the gaps in the mountains." On the 28th the commander in chief finally ordered "The several regiments ... to send for their tents, and pitch them where they are now posted."14 Two weeks earlier General Sullivan's division, in danger of being cut off from the main army, had been ordered to Rocky Hill, near Princeton. An officer of the Delaware Regiment, Capt. Robert Kirkwood, told his father that after an overnight stay at Rocky Hill on the night of 13–14 June they "marched to Correll's ferry on the Delaware ... to secure our baggage on the other side of the river. When we had come in sight of the ferry we were ordered one and a half miles back, where we lay that night at the roots of trees. I was so tired that I slept as sound as I ever did on a bed. The next day ... we began our march back by the same road we came the day before ... and marched on until we came to a place called Sowerland Mountain, where we encamped and immediately set to building booths of birch." The troops camped at Sourland Mountain were part of a force of 2,000 Continentals and militia posted at Steel's Gap, two miles from Middlebrook.15 Following the Battle of Short Hills on 26 June, British Gen. Sir William Howe's forces withdrew to Staten Island; after a period of inactivity a sizeable British army was put aboard ships, setting sail on 23 July 1777. Now began a time of uncertainty for the American Commander in Chief. To guard against alternative movements up the Delaware or Hudson Rivers, Washington first marched his troops towards Philadelphia, then back north, with some divisions actually crossing the Hudson River before once again being ordered to return to Pennsylvania. After receiving conflicting reports concerning the enemy's destination, on 10 August news arrived that the British fleet had been sighted below the Delaware Capes, heading south. The American army settled in for what would be a thirteen–day stay at the Crossroads, near the Forks of the Neshaminy, in Bucks County,


Pennsylvania, thirty miles north of Philadelphia.16 On 22 August General Washington received word that the British fleet was high up the Chesapeake Bay; the next day his 11,000 man army broke up the Crossroads camp and marched south. Two days later Lord Richard Howe's fleet disembarked 15,000 British and German troops at Head of Elk, Maryland. From "Head Quarters Newport [Delaware] 7th Sepr 1777" Washington wrote of having learned "that the Enemy has Disencumber'd themselves of all their Baggage even tents Reserving only their Blankets"; he then told his soldiers of "the necessaty of following the example & Ridding ourselves for A few days of all things we possible[y] can dispence with ..." Two days after the 11 September battle at Brandywine Creek the army's tents were reduced in number, with non–commissioned officers, musicians, and privates being packed eight to a common tent, instead of the usual six. From this point until the end of December brush huts became de rigueur for sheltering soldiers on both sides.17 Near White Horse Tavern on 16 September the abortive Battle of the Clouds ended with a heavy storm of wind and rain; Washington's forces retreated from the field, halting at Yellow Springs, where they "Stay'd all night on the Brow of a hill without tents." A New Jersey officer wrote of that day, "the 16th Sep.t Drawn up in line for battle Near the White Horse on Advantagious Ground, Out Parties Skirmishing but a heavy Rain Preventd [a] Genr.l Action Commencing, the Ene.y & Our Troops both Retiring, we lay that Night in the heaviest and most Pertua [perpetual?] Rain I Ever knew without Covering but the H[eaven's].C[anop].y and boughs of Trees ..." The Commander in Chief's orders affirmed that other soldiers were able to find or construct some kind of shelter from the storm; General orders, 17 September, "The Commanding Offrs. of Brigades are immediately to dispatch two or three active Offrs. into the rear of the line of march yesterday as far back as Genl. Maxwells Qurs. where the Army last drew up to examine all House barns & Huts on the way, to collect & bring on all Stragglers from the Army ..." Ens. John Markland, 6th Pennsylvania Regiment, related that "from the Battle of Brandywine until their encampment near Skippack, they [Washington's army] were constantly engaged in heavy, rapid, and severe marches, without tents or baggage. These articles having been sent far into the rear, their shelter at night being frequently nothing more than a few rails placed slantwise against a fence, with a few dry leaves, if they could be procured."18 Several times in autumn 1777 the baggage of Washington's army was sent to the rear for safekeeping. During that same period various detachments were detailed for independent operations; one of them was Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne's Pennsylvania division which was detached in mid–September to the vicinity of Paoli Tavern to threaten the British rear guard and supply train.19 Lt. Col. Adam Hubley, 10th Pennsylvania Regiment, recorded the division's movements and the shelters used:
On the ... 17th Sept. Genl. Waynes Division received marching orders,– about 4 o'Clock in the Afternoon, we moved off and about 2 or 3 o'Clock in the Morning arrived within about 1 ½ Miles from the Enemies Encampment, we Continued on this Ground and lay on our Arms untill about 10 o'Clock same morning [18 September] – We then received intilgence of the Enemies Advancing towards us. genl. Wayne gave orders to the Division, to retire about one or two Miles, upon, some heights – we accordingly mov'd, & took post on the same – nothing material happening, that day, we were ordered to make fires, & take rest in the evening – We lay at that place nearly all next day [19 September], towards evening we moved off in the


rear of this Encampment about 1 1/2 miles – The same Night, we received orders, to return to our former ground & take post for that Night ... we Continued on the ground that Night,– and next day [20 September] untill about 4 o'Clock, we then received orders, to get ready for a March, and accordingly the Division, form'd, But the weather threatening with rain Genl. Wayne, gave orders, for the division to make Booths, etc., in order to secure their Arms & Ammunition from being damag'd by the rain, wh[ich] were punctualy exicuted, the Division after securing their Arms, etc. took to rest, and about twelve or One o'Clock, that night, Genl. Wayne, came up to me, as I was laying under a tree w[it]h some of my Officers, and desired we would immediately get our Men under Arms, that there was an Alarm and that the Enemy was Advancing.

While Colonel Hubley slept outdoors, Maj. Samuel Hay of the 7th Pennsylvania took advantage of more substantial shelter; Hay related that "between the Hours of 12 & 1 O'clock in the Morning Maj. Nichols Came to the Booth where I lay and awaked Myself and Some Other Officers which was lying therein and Order'd us to get the Regiment under arms Immediately ..."20 Several British accounts of the Paoli Battle mention the American dwellings. British sergeant Thomas Sullivan wrote "our Party ... rushed in upon their Encampment... [and] directed by their fires, killed and wounded not less than 300 in their Huts..." Another letter by an anonymous British officer echoes Sullivan's account: "We rushed on thro a thick wood ... We then saw their Wigwams or Huts partly by [the] almost extinguished light of their fires and partly by the [gleam] of a few stars ..." The only contemporary depiction we have of American brush huts may be seen in the 1782 painting "Battle of Paoli" by Xavier della Gatta. The huts are clearly made of brush–covered limbs, but their form is hard to determine; they can be discerned as either cone–shaped structures or formed like A–frame tents.21 The 1777 autumn and ensuing winter were rainy and cold. Connecticut private Joseph Martin described soldiers' living conditions in November, just prior to the White Marsh encampment. Martin's regiment crossed the Delaware River into Pennsylvania and
marched till evening, when we went into a wood for the night. We did not pitch our tents, and about midnight it began to rain very hard, which soon put out all our fires and we had to lie 'and weather it out.' The troops marched again before day ... We continued our march until sometime after dark, when we arrived in the vicinity of the main army. We again turned into a wood for the night. The leaves and ground were as wet as water could make them. It was then foggy and the water dropping from the trees like a shower. We endeavoured to get fire by flashing powder on the leaves, but this and every other expedient that we could employ failing, we were forced by our old master, Necessity, to lay down and sleep if we could, with three others of our constant companions, Fatigue, Hunger, and Cold.22

Late November saw an increase in the use of brush shelters after Continental troops took up and fortified the hills of Whitemarsh. This was the first time during the war that Washington's main army purposefully relied on soldier–built brush huts for an extended period (the brush shelters used by the army in New Jersey five months earlier were used for only a short time). For that reason, and given the number of extant contemporary accounts, we will examine in detail the period of the Whitemarsh camp through the army's arrival at Valley Forge. A number of soldiers mentioned makeshift coverings during this time; we will start with 2d


Rhode Island sergeant Jeremiah Greenman's Whitemarsh narrative, beginning with the journey from New Jersey. On 25 November his regiment left their tents standing at Mount Holly and "proceeded on our march to haddonfield / went about a mild from town & encampt in a thick woods ..."
[26 November] Continuing in ye woods near haddonfield ...we built buth [booths] to lay in very cold. [27 November] this morn we marcht from the woods ... proceeded on as far as mount holey ware our tents was ... [28 November] ... struck our tents came as far as burlington ... crost ye Diliware [River] ... proceeded on our march ... [and] incampt in ye woods very cold & clowdy wether. [29 November] ... very wet & cold / marcht all day in ye rain / at night incampt in ye woods near Crucked billet ... [this was likely the rainy day Joseph Martin described, see above.] [30 November] ... at nite came to wite ma[r]sh ware we built up housan of branchis & leaves to keep ye rain off but not much good. [1 to 10 December] this morn turn'd out very cold / slung our packs marcht off about two milds on a hill [i.e., Edge Hill] ware we bilt up buth ware we continued until ye eleventh [of December] in wich time we was alarmed a number of times ... we marcht down on a plain peas of ground jist below the hill ware we incamped & formed a line ware we continued a few owers / then came to our buths again ...23

Greene's commander, Col. Israel Angell, left his own impressions of the Whitemarsh camp:
Decr. 2nd. 1777. ... Sett of[f] ... for the grand Army, where we arived by Eleven oClock [AM] and found our people Encamped in the woods, where they had built huts of bushes and leaves. I went to a hous near the Camp[;] there tarried this Night. 3rd. ... it has been a Raw Cloudy and Cold Day. Decr. 4th. 1777. We have Remained in peas and quietness ... at Night I left my Lodgings in a hous and went into the Woods with the troops. 5. This morning at Three oClock our Allarm guns was fired on which the Baggage was all imeadetly loaded into the waggons and drove off, and all the troops got under arms, and march'd to their Allarm posts, where we Continued till the Sun was near two hours high, then dismist the troops to git their breackfast, about ten oClock there was a firing on the right of our lines of Small arms, but what was done I have not heard ... our troops went to their huts at Night. [After several alarms during the day of the 6th, Angell's men again slept in their huts.] 8th. We all lay upon our Arms last night, keeping our Divisions together. all the General Officers lay in Camp last night as it was Expected there would be a general Attack in the Morning ... but all was Still and quiet ...24

In his account of conditions at Whitemarsh, Private Martin described the shelters he and his comrades built, noting that "the heavy baggage being sent back to the rear of the army, we were obliged to put us up huts by laying up poles and covering them with leaves, a capital shelter from winter storms." Pvt. Elijah Fisher of Massachusetts echoed Martin's account when he noted in his 8 December journal entry, "The Baggage was sent away, both tents and kittles and beds. To the


sixteenth we had no tents," a relatively lengthy time in which brush huts were the only covering the troops could rely on.25 Another soldier, Albigence Waldo, surgeon of the 1st Connecticut Regiment, left a daily record of living conditions at the Whitemarsh camp:
[1 December 1777] We marched on to Head Quarters [at Whitemarsh, Pennsylvania] and our Division (McDougals) encamped on the Left of the Second Line ... Here Huts of sticks & leaves shelter'd us from the inclemency of the Weather and we lay pretty Quiet until [5 December] At 3 o'clock a.m. the Alarm Guns were fired and Troops immediately paraded at their several Alarm posts ... at Night our Troops lay on their Arms, the Baggage being all sent away except what a man might run or fight with. [One of British General Howe's aides, Friedrich Meunchausen, noted on this day, "During the night we rested on our arms. It was a beautiful spectacle to see the great numbers of our and Washington's fires."] [8 December] ... At 12 o'clock at Night our Regt, with Sixteen more were Ordered to parade immediately before [head quarters] ... We were there by One, when Intelligence came that the Enemy had made a precipitate retreat and was safely got into the City ... We were now remanded back with several draughts of Rum in our frozen bellies, which made us so glad we all fell asleep in our open huts, nor experienced the coldness of the Night 'till we found ourselves much stiffened by it in the Morning. [9 December] We came from within the breastworks, Where we had been coop'd up four tedious Days ... and resumed our old [brush] Hutts East of the Breastwork. The rest of the Army Chiefly had their huts within the Lines ... [10 December] Lay still.26

Sgt. Ebenezer Wild also wrote of the Whitemarsh camp and the shelters he and his regiment, the 1st Massachusetts, used. Wild's unit had participated in the battles around Saratoga and the capture of General Burgoyne's army. They arrived at Whitemarsh on 30 November, sleeping in tents for most nights until 5 December, when their "tents were struck and loaded with the rest of the baggage, and set out to go to Newtown ... We lay on our alarm post till after dark. Then we marched to the place where our tents [had been] pitched, and lay there in the woods without any covering."27
6 Dec. [1777] ... a little after sunrise we marched to our alarm posts & grounded our arms. In the afternoon it clouded up. We moved back a little in the woods and built huts with the dry bushes, for we had no axes to cut any. 7 Dec. We turned out and formed a line of battle ... after dusk ... we returned to the woods where we were before; but had no axes to cut wood for fires nor covering. 11 Dec. ... lay in the woods this night without our tents.28

The tents had been brought back to camp and used by some regiments on the night of 10 December; they were struck the next day and loaded in baggage wagons in preparation for another movement. (Capt. Paul Brigham, 8th Connecticut Regiment, wrote on 11 December, "nothing But ye heavens for our Covering this Cold frezeing night.")29 Lt. James McMichael, 13th Pennsylvania, detailed the army's itinerary as it made to the site of its winter camp.


[11 December 1777] At 3 A.M. we struck tents, passed White Marsh Church, and on to the upper bridge over the Schuylkill ... We then turned W.N.W. and proceeded thro' Hickorytown and encamped near Swedes Ford. [12 December] At 6 P.M. we marched to the bridge [made of wagons], which we crossed in Indian file, and at 3 A.M. encamped near the Gulph [mill], where we remained without tents or blankets in the midst of a severe snow storm. [19 December] At 10 A.M. we marched from the Gulph and took post near the Valley Forge, where our ground was laid out for cantonments.30

Sergeant Wild mentioned building brush huts at the Swede's Ford camp:
12 Dec. ... We were turned out about daylight, and packed our clothes and provision ready to march off. After that we had orders to stay and cook all our provision. We built ourselves huts with brush and leaves, and got ourselves cleverly settled for the night ... But after sunset ... We marched about 5 miles and crossed Scollkill [Schuykill River] ... We marched about 3 miles, and stopped on a very high hill and thick woods. We had no tents, nor axes to cut wood to make fires. It was a very bad snow storm when we stopped.31

Although it seems Elijah Fisher mistook the date (he noted it as the 16th), it is likely he is describing the soldiers shelters at Swede's Ford and the difficulties they endured on December 12th and 13th:
The howl army had orders to march at sunset and about Dark it did begun to storm ... and the snow Come ... and then set in to rain ... At twelve at night we Come into a wood and had order[s] to bild ourselves shelters to brake of the storm and make ourselves as Comforteble as we could but jest as we got a shelter bilt and got a good fire and Dried some of our Cloths and begun to have things a little Comfurteble though but poor at the best thare Come orders to march and leave all we had taken so much pains for so we marches to the Gulfemills and bilt us Camps till the baggage Come up.32

Lt. Col. Samuel Smith of Maryland was likely writing of the same time when he noted in his memoirs:
The day [the army] marched, it was met by a violent snow–storm ... the Army bivouacked as best as it could. The Fourth Regiment, of which he was Lieutenant–colonel, secured itself from the storm long before night; and the Officers slept soundly on their blankets, with a large fire at their feet. The cover was made with two forked saplings, placed in the ground, another [sapling] from one to the other. Against this, fence–rails were placed, sloping, on which leaves and snow were thrown, and thus made comfortable.33

Massachusetts Lt. Col. Dudley Colman mentioned brush huts when he wrote his wife on 13


December. "I am in hopes we shall give Genl. Howe some good stroke Yet before Winter but it grows late in the Year to keep the Field we have had no Tents for more than a Week nor any covering except a brush Camp & that to build almost every Night however I am in good health & hearty as ever I was in my Life."34 We continue with Sergeant Wild's narrative of the Gulph Mills camp:
13 Dec. [at the Gulph] We lay here in the woods this forenoon ... had orders to ... march; but did not march then, but ... had orders to ... make ourselves as comfortable as we could for the ensuing night ... [General orders, 13 December 1777, stated that the "Weather being likely to be fair the Tents are not to be pitched but the axes in the Waggons are to be sent for without delay that the Men may make fires and hutt themselves for the ensuing Night."] 15 Dec. [1777] Last night there were two huts ... burnt in our regt. ... 16 Dec. We had orders to march at 10 o'clk. We did not march this day, but stayed in our huts all day. It rained very steady all day. 17 Dec. We had orders to march at 10 o'clk, but the weather prevented it. 18 Dec. ... We should have marched to day, but this day being set apart by Congress for a day of public thanksgiving, the troops are ordered to lay still ...35

Colonel Angell left his own impressions of the encampment, including the use of tents to cover brush shelters:
Decr. 13th. Marched this Morning from the ... ford about five or Six miles. There turn'd into a peace of woods, between Eight and nine oClock in the morning and got our Breakfasts. There tarried that night and the night following, [when] we built us Huts of bushes and leaves and lodg'd Comfortable that night, in peace ... Decr. 16. This morning being very Stormy the Orders for marching was Countermanded, and our tents Ordered to be brought to our Encampment where they arived about three oClock in the afternoon, and was either pitched or Spread over our huts, and we still Remain'd peasable in our Quarters the night following, it being a Stormy Night ...36

Two Connecticut men also wrote of the army's Gulph stay; Capt. Paul Brigham noted on the 15th, "Lay out and nothing to cover us But ye heavens for 4 nights Together," while Surgeon Waldo described the weather and living conditions on 16 December, "Cold Rainy Day, Baggage ordered over the Gulph of our Division, which were to march at Ten, but the baggage was order'd back and for the first time since we have been here the Tents were pitch'd, to keep the men more comfortable. Good morning Brother Soldier (says one to another) how are you? All wet I thank'e, hope you are so (says the other)."37 On 19 December Washington's troops marched to the site of their prospective winter quarters at Valley Forge. The 2d Rhode Island's colonel related troubles the army encountered that last night at the Gulph: "19th. This morning was A Sever Cold one, as it Cleared off last Evening with a Strong Norwest wind which blew So that it blew our fires into Some of our huts and burnt them Down. it broke down one tree across a tent where five men lay a Sleep but providentily hurt but one man, and he had his thigh brooke."38 Joseph Clark, deputy quartermaster of General Stephen's Division, told of using brush shelters in the first days of the new cantonment: "The camp moved to near the Valley Forge, where we


immediately struck up temporary huts covered with leaves. In a few days we began the building of our log huts." Some men likely remained in brush huts until more permanent structures were built; most were like Surgeon Waldo who related on 25 December, "We are still in Tents – when we ought to be in huts ..." The New Jersey Brigade left Valley Forge for Darby December 22nd to oppose a large British foraging expedition; they returned on the 31st. Capt. Samuel Forman, 4th New Jersey, noted in his diary, "4.th Jan.y 78 began to build Hutts finishd ab.t the 15.th and Moved in them ..." Many other soldiers completed their log huts sometime in January, some were not securely housed until early February, all the while making use of tents or some other type of impermanent structure. A captain in the 3rd Jersey Regiment, referring to log huts, wryly commented on 12 January that he and his fellows would have to "give up our Notions of Jersey & Content ourselves in these Wigwams this Winter ..."39 The final part of our Revolutionary War campaign shelter series will examine American brush shelters from the 1778 Monmouth Campaign to the war’s end. Endnotes 1. David R. Bogert, Revolutionary War Pension and Bounty – Land – Warrant Application Files, National Archives Microfilm Publication M804, , reel 279, W3502. 2. Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the Revolution, April, 1775, to December, 1783 (Washington, D.C.: The Rare Book Shop Publishing Co., Inc., 1914), 261, 591. 3. "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd series, vol. VI (Boston, Ma., 1891), 79–160. Robert C. Bray and Paul E. Bushnell, eds., Diary of a Common Soldier in the American Revolution: An Annotated Edition of the Military Journal of Jeremiah Greenman (DeKalb, Il., 1978), 73–88, 172–187. 4. 1781 data compiled from "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," PMHS, 137–140, 142–143, 146, 149–150, and "Journal of Captain John Davis of the Pennsylvania Line," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 5 (1881), 292. 5. Watercolor of British 16th Light Dragoon camp at Tredyffrin, 19 Sept. 1777, Thomas J. McGuire, "British Images of War at Brandywine and the Tredyffrin Encampment," Pennsylvania Heritage, vol. XXVIII, no. 4 (Fall 2002), 24. 6. Huts and Wigwams: Hut, "a soldier's lodge in the field." Source cited as Edward Phillips (1658), The new world of English words; or, a general dictionary (1662, 1678, 1696; ed. by J. Kersey, 1706), Oxford English Dictionary, Compact Edition (Glasgow, New York, and Toronto, Oxford Univ. Press, 1971), 1354. Interestingly, in the letters and diaries studied only two American soldiers were found who used the term "wigwam" in their writings; New Jersey Capt. William Gifford used it to describe the Valley Forge winter huts and Rhode Islander Jeremiah Greenman twice told of coming across "sum Indians wigwan [sic]" on Benedict Arnold's 1775 march to Quebec. William Gifford to Benjamin Holme, from Valley Forge, 12 January 1778, Revolutionary War Documents, New Jersey Historical Society. Bray and Bushnell, Diary of a Common Soldier, 15, 19. 7. Booths: Origin of booth: buode (Middle High German), "hut, tent," OED Compact Edition, 250.


The earliest mention of booths in the War for Independence regards British brush shelters in summer 1777. Col. Timothy Pickering noted "On the 19th [June 1777], General Howe decamped with the greatest precipitation from Millstone [New Jersey], and retired to Brunswick ... That part of his army which had advanced to Middle Bush and Millstone had no tents, but lodged in booths." New Yorker Ebenezer Hazard observed these same structures the following month: "[August] 7th. [1777] ... Great Devastation was made by the Enemy at Somerset Court House ... two Orchards were cut down that Booths might be made for the Soldiers, of the Branches of the Trees. The Enemy's advanced Guard was kept in an Orchard just back of the Court House; their main Body laid about half a Mile farther on a beautiful rising Ground: their Booths still remain there." Delaware captain Robert Kirkwood gave the earliest mention of American booths in New Jersey in June 1777, while three Pennsylvania officers noted that Gen. Anthony Wayne's troops built booths in their camp the day of the Paoli Battle in September 1777. Two of the soldiers who wrote of booths were obviously describing flat–topped shades or bowers. Brig. Gen. John Muhlenberg, "Cross Roads" camp, Bucks County, Pennsylvania, 10 August 1777: "B[rigade].O[rders]. As it is uncertain how long we shall remain in the Present Encampment the Soldiers are to fix Booths before their Tents to shelter them from the Heat."; New Hampshire captain Daniel Livermore used booth to name a large sun shade cum dining area. He wrote on 5 July 1779, near Forty–Fort, Pennsylvania, "This day General Poor makes an elegant entertainment for all the officers of his brigade, with a number of gentlemen from other brigades, and from the town ... The dining room was a large booth, about eighty feet in length, with a marquee pitched at each end." Both these uses of the term go against common convention; all other soldiers called the described structures bowers or shades. The eleven soldiers who wrote of booths were: Ebenezer Hazard (N.Y.), British booths in New Jersey, June 1777. Timothy Pickering (Mass.), British booths in New Jersey, June 1777. Robert Kirkwood (Delaware), New Jersey, June 1777. John Muhlenberg (Va.), shades for common soldiers' tents, Pennsylvania, August 1777. Daniel Broadhead (Pa.), Pennsylvania, September 1777. Samuel Hay (Pa.), Pennsylvania, September 1777. Adam Hubley (Pa.), Pennsylvania, September 1777. Jeremiah Greenman (R.I.), Pennsylvania, November 1777. Joseph Martin (Ct.), New Jersey, June 1778. Daniel Livermore (N.H.), large sun shade(bower)/dining area, Pennsylvania, July 1779. Ebenezer Wild (Mass.), sun shade and/or overnight lodging late summer/early autumn, Virginia, 1781. Octavius Pickering, The Life of Timothy Pickering, I (1867), 142. "Ebenezer Hazard's Diary: New Jersey During the Revolution," New Jersey History, XC, no. 3 (whole no. 350) (Autumn 1972), 173. "Orderly Book of Gen. John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg, March 26–December 20, 1777," The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 34 (1910), 345. Journal of Captain Daniel Livermore, 3rd New Hampshire Regiment, 5 July 1779, Journals of the Military Expedition of


Major General John Sullivan Against the Six Nations of Indians in 1779 (Glendale, N.Y.: Benchmark Publishing Co., Inc., 1970), 182. For the other American booth references (in chronological order) see narrative in section headed "At this place we built an agreeable Bush house ...": American Brush Huts from Canada to South Carolina. 8. Bray and Bushnell, Diary of a Common Soldier, 87–88. 9. "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," PMHS, 142–143, 146, 149. 10. Ibid., 149. 11. "with no other covering than the canopy of heaven," 28 June 1778, "Samuel Adams's Private Miscellaneous Diary Ann: Dom: 1778. Kept partly in the Town of Dorchester and partly in his Excellency General Washington's Camp at Valley Forge, White Plains, Fredericksburgh, &c ...," Samuel Adams Diaries, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. 12. "Journal of Bayze Wells of Farmington May, 1775 – February, 1777, at the Northward and in Canada," Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, vol. 7 (1899), 244, 250–251. Bray and Bushnell, Diary of a Common Soldier, 17. 13. Israel Shreve to Mary Shreve, Ticonderoga, 19 April 1776, Israel Shreve Papers, Buxton Collection, Prescott Memorial Library, Louisiana Tech University. Journal of Jehiel Stewart, 1775–1776, Pension Files, reel 2290, W25138. 14. British booths in New Jersey, 1777: The Life of Timothy Pickering, 142. "Ebenezer Hazard's Diary," New Jersey History, 173. Washington to John Sullivan, 23 June 1777; General orders, 24, 26, and 28 June 1777, John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources 1745–1799, 8 (Washington, DC, 1933), 296, 297, 302–303, 308. For mention of the location of Sullivan's division on 24 June and of the "Camp at Quibble Town," see Frederic C. Detwiller, War in the Countryside: The Battle and Plunder of the Short Hills, New Jersey, June, 1777 (1977), 4; Brig. Gen. Samuel Parsons described the "American Camp at Quibbletown" as "two miles in front of the mountain where the army is posted, on the road to Quibbletown [present–day New Market] and one and one–half miles north of that town, two and one–half miles northwest of Samptown [South Plainfield], three miles west of Browsetown [Scotch Plains Gap], six miles from Middlebrook, and one mile from Bound Brook." Mr. Detwiller adds the caveat that "'Quibbletown' at the time of the Revolution often included the whole area between present day New Market and the pass above Plainfield." 15. Christopher Ward, The War of the Revolution (New York, N.Y., 1952), 325–326. Sourland Mountains: "This is the most southerly ridge of mountains in [Hunterdon] county [New Jersey]. They extend from the Delaware River near Well's Falls north and eastward until lost in the plains of Somerset County." Well's Falls are the rapids just below present–day Lambertville, New Jersey, and New Hope, Pennsylvania. Phyllis B. D'Autrechy, Hunterdon County Place Names (Flemington, N.J.: Hunterdon County Cultural and Heritage Commission, 1992), 58, 67. 16. Ward, War of the Revolution, 328–333. 17. Ibid., 334–336. Joseph Brown Turner, ed., The Journal and Order Book of Captain Robert Kirkwood of the Delaware Regiment of the Continental Line (Port Washington, N.Y., 1970), 146– 147. 18. Ward, War of the Revolution, 356–357. George Weedon, Valley Forge Orderly Book of General George Weedon of the Continental Army under Command of Genl. George Washington, in


the Campaign of 1777–8 (New York, N.Y.: Arno Press, 1971), 52. John Markland, "The Revolutionary Services of John Markland," PMHB, 9 (Winter 1885), 106. 19. Ward, War of the Revolution, 358. 20. Col. Daniel Broadhead, 8th Pennsylvania, echoed Colonel Hubley's account: "On the evening of the 17th Sept. [1777], Genl. Wayne's Division rec'd Marching Orders about 4 o'Clock in the afternoon[;] the Division was in Motion and Marched towards the Enemy[.] at about 2 o'Clock in the Morning we arrived within two Miles of the Enemy, and lay on our arms untill about 10 o'Clock when the Genl. informed us the Enemy were Advancing & Ordered us to Retire, which we did to a piece of high Ground about 1–1/2 Miles to our Rear ... in the Evening were Ordered to make Fires & take Rest. We lay at that place untill the next Evening [19 September] when we recieved Orders to March to the Rear about two Miles which we did, but about 7 or 8 o'Clock in the Evening the Genl. desired me to follow the Troops & order them back to the Same Ground ... Nothing happened During the Night nor the next Day [20 September] 'till four o'Clock[;] We then Rec'd Orders to prepare for a March. Accordingly the Division formed but the weather being Cloudy and threatening Rain we were Ordered to build Booths to secure our Arms & Ammunition & go to Rest. The next morning between the Hours of twelve & one o'Clock the Enemy made an attack on our Right ..." Thomas J. McGuire, "Testimony of Pennsylvania Line Officers Regarding the Events Surrounding the Paoli Massacre, September 20–21, 1777, Given at the Court of Inquiry Held in Camp, October 13 and 14, 1777" (MSS, 1995: copy in the collections of the David Library of the American Revolution), papers from the Peter Force Collection, Library of Congress, series 9, conts. 21–24, MSS 17, 137; reel 104. See also, Thomas J. McGuire, Battle of Paoli (Mechanicsburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 2000), 82–83. 21. Henry Pleasants, Jr., "The Battle of Paoli," PMHB, 72 (1948), 45–46. "Battle of Paoli" by Xavier della Gatta (1782), painting in the collections of the Valley Forge Historical Society, Richard M. Ketchum, ed., The American Heritage Book of the American Revolution (New York: American Heritage Publishing Co., Inc, 1958), 225. 22. Joseph Plumb Martin, Private Yankee Doodle – A Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier (Boston and Toronto, Little, Brown & Co., 1962), 97–98. 23. Bray and Bushnell, Diary of a Common Soldier, 87–88. 24. Joseph Lee Boyle, "The Israel Angell Diary, 1 October 1777–28 February 1778," Rhode Island History, vol. 58, no. 4 (November 2000), 118–119. 25. Martin, Private Yankee Doodle, 98. William B. Lapham, ed., Elijah Fisher's Journal While in the War for Independence ... 1775–1784, (Augusta, Me., 1880), 7. 26. Hugh F. Rankin, ed., "Albigence Waldo's Diary: A Surgeon at Valley Forge, 1777–1778," Narratives of the American Revolution (Chicago: R.R. Donnelley & Sons Co., 1976), 176–179. Ernst Kipping and Samuel Stelle Smith, At General Howe's Side, 1776–1778 (Monmouth Beach, N.J.: Philip Freneau Press, 1974), 46. 27. "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," PMHS, 103–104. 28. Ibid., 104. 29. Edward A. Hoyt, ed., "A Revolutionary Diary of Captain Paul Brigham November 19, 1777–


September 4, 1778," Vermont History, vol. 34 (1966), 15. 30. "Diary of Lieutenant James McMichael, of the Pennsylvania Line, 1776–1778," PMHB, XVI, no. 2 (1892), 156–157. 31. "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," PMHS, 104–105. 32. Lapham, Elijah Fisher's Journal, 7. 33. "The Papers of General Samuel Smith. The General's Autobiography," The Historical Magazine, VII, 2nd series, no. 2 (February 1870), 91. 34. Colman, Dudley (13th Massachusetts Regiment). Letter to his wife, 13 December 1777, Dudley Colman Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society (MHS). 35. "Journal of Ebenezer Wild," PMHS, 105. General orders, 13 December 1777, George Weedon, Valley Forge Orderly Book of General George Weedon of the Continental Army under Command of Genl. George Washington, in the Campaign of 1777–8 (New York: The New York Times & Arno Press, 1971), 155. 36. Boyle, "The Israel Angell Diary," 120–121. 37. Hoyt, "Diary of Captain Paul Brigham," VH, 15. Rankin, "Albigence Waldo's Diary," 183. 38. Boyle, "The Israel Angell Diary," 121 39. "Diary of Joseph Clark," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, VII (1853–1855), 108. Rankin, "Albigence Waldo's Diary," 190. Anonymous diary, Revolutionary war (tentatively attributed to Jonathan Forman, captain, 4th New Jersey Regiment), Fellows Papers, box 2, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Rush Rhees Library, University of Rochester; transcribed by Bob McDonald and John U. Rees. William Gifford to Benjamin Holme, from Valley Forge, 12 January 1778, Revolutionary War Documents, New Jersey Historical Society.


Sign up to vote on this title
UsefulNot useful