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Al-Masaq: Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean
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A Thirteenth-Century Scholar in the Eastern Mediterranean: Sirāj al-Dīn Urmavī, Jurist, Logician, Diplomat
Louise Marlow Version of record first published: 14 Dec 2010.
To cite this article: Louise Marlow (2010): A Thirteenth-Century Scholar in the Eastern Mediterranean: Sirāj al-Dīn Urmavī, Jurist, Logician, Diplomat, Al-Masaq: Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean, 22:3, 279-313 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2010.522386
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Al-Masa ¯ q, Vol. 22, No. 3, December 2010
A Thirteenth-Century Scholar in the Eastern Mediterranean: Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Urmavı ¯, Jurist, Logician, Diplomat
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This essay examines the career of the Shafi 6¯ ı jurist and logician Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Urmavı ¯ (1198–1283), who combined his scholarly and judicial activities with ambassadorial appointments to Frederick II, King of Sicily and Holy Roman Emperor, ¨legu ¨. Originally from Azerbaijan, Sira and the Ilkhan Hu ¯ j al-Dı ¯n spent most of his professional life in Ayyu Cairo and, from 1257, in Seljuk Konya, where he spent the ¯bid final decades of his life as chief qadi. Through a contextualised reading of the extant biographical information for Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n, the article draws particular attention to two aspects of his physical and professional trajectory. First, the essay situates Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s career in the context of processes of cultural change in thirteenth-century Anatolia. It seeks to demonstrate both the transfer and adaptation to the Anatolian urban milieu of social– cultural patterns attested for the a 6ya ¯ n in neighbouring predominantly Muslim societies, and the shaping of the social and cultural functions of immigrant scholars to Anatolia by local conditions. Second, the article identifies Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n as a prominent participant in an intellectual community engaged in inter-cultural exchange across political and confessional boundaries in the thirteenth-century eastern Mediterranean. Keywords: Sira ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Urmavı ¯, jurist; Frederick II, Holy Roman emperor and king of Sicily; Embassies and ambassadors; Anatolia – society; Konya, Konya, Turkey – scholars; Ru ¯ m (sultanate)
In the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Iranians in considerable numbers emigrated from their native cities to points to the east and west. This Iranian diaspora contributed significantly to the Islamisation and more specifically the Persianisation of northern India and Anatolia.1 The movement, which antedated the Mongol irruptions, seems to have begun as a response to a general deterioration of economic conditions in the Iranian cities.2 The Mongol advances accellerated the movement of Iranians to the west, and intensified the influx of
Correspondence: Louise Marlow, Director, Middle Eastern Studies, Wellesley College, 106 Central Street, Wellesley, MA 02481-8203, USA. E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org Richard W. Bulliet, Islam: The View from the Edge (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), pp. 145–168; Carole Hillenbrand, ‘‘Ra ¯ vandı ¯, the Seljuk court at Konya and the persianisation of ´sogeios, 25–26 (2005): 157–169. Anatolian cities’’, Me 2 Bulliet, View from the Edge, 129–144.
ISSN 0950–3110 print/ISSN 1473–348X online/10/030279-35 ß 2010 Society for the Medieval Mediterranean DOI: 10.1080/09503110.2010.522386
Persian-speaking scholars, mystics, poets and others into Anatolia.3 This essay pursues the topic of scholarly migration to Anatolia through an exploration of the professional life of one thirteenth-century Persian-speaking migrant, the eminent Sha ı jurist, logician and philosopher Sira ¯ fi 6¯ ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Mahmu ¯ Bakr Urmavı ¯ ¯ d b. Abı _ (r. 594–682/1198–1283), who was appointed to the post of chief qadi of Konya, a capital city of the Seljuks of Ru ¯ j al-Dı ¯n was one of a number of scholars, ¯ m. Sira proficient in Persian and Arabic, whose migration to Anatolia in the second half of the thirteenth century contributed to the transformation of the leading Anatolian cities from places of refuge to destinations that were increasingly integrated into their professional itineraries. Born in Urmiya, in Azerbaijan, Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n was already 60 when he settled in Konya. His earlier travels had taken him to Mosul, probably Damascus, and, most significantly, Egypt, where he became a member of the a 6ya ¯ n, the civilian elite, and appears to have spent several years.4 Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n thus occupied a prominent position in at least two contrasting thirteenth-century societies, to the south and north of the Mediterranean Sea. His writings encompass a range of fields, and bring together the religious, ‘‘transmitted’’ (naqlı ¯) and ‘‘rational’’ ( 6aqlı ¯) sciences. His scholarly production attests to the continuing transmission of religious and philosophical learning, in Persian and Arabic, to Anatolia in the course of the thirteenth century. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n also participated significantly in the diplomatic and intellectual interactions among the Muslim and Christian courts of the central and eastern Mediterranean regions of the period. The experience of a single individual naturally provides limited information, but when situated in a larger context, it illuminates the particularities of the world in which he lived. This article attempts, to the extent that the evidence permits, to trace Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s professional activities, and to explore the factors involved in his migration from one environment to another, as well as the means by which he negotiated his entry into a new society. It also considers the degree to which immigrant scholars such as Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n facilitated the transfer to Anatolia of social-political patterns attested for the ‘ulama ¯ ’ of contemporary Egypt, and conversely, the impact of thirteenth-century Anatolia’s distinctive conditions on the roles of scholars who settled there. Owing to the extended periods of time that Sira ¯j al-Dı ¯n spent in Egypt and Anatolia, his case provides instructive material for a comparative study of the lives of the a 6ya ¯ n, especially the higher-ranking ulema, in these two thirteenth-century societies. Several studies of the predominantly Muslim societies of the eastern Mediterranean in the thirteenth century have drawn attention to the interdependence of rulers, military elites, networks of a 6ya ¯ n and the urban populations.5
For a celebrated example from approximately 618/1221, see Najm al-Dı ¯n Ra ¯ zı ¯, Mirsa ¯ d al- 6iba ¯ d min _ al-mabda8 ila ı, 1363/1984), ¯ bkha ¯ neh-yi Sana ¯ 8¯ ¯ l-ma 6a ¯ d, ed. H. al-Husayni al-Ni 6matullahi (Tehran: Kita pp. 9–11; ¼ Hamid Algar, The Path of God’s Bondsmen from Origin to Return (Delmar: Caravan Books, ´-ottomane (Istanbul–Paris: l’Institut franc 1982), pp. 41–43. See further Claude Cahen, La Turquie pre ¸ ais ´ tudes anatoliennes d’Istanbul, 1988), pp. 216–217, 329; ¼ The Formation of Turkey: The Seljukid d’e Sultanate of Ru ¯m: Eleventh to Fourteenth Century, trans. and ed. P.M. Holt (Harlow: Longman, 2001), pp. 163, 261. Since Holt’s translation of Cahen’s indispensable study does not include the footnotes of the original, references will be given to the French and English versions. 4 On the use of the term a 6ya ¯ n, see Michael Chamberlain, Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus, 1190–1350 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 4, n. 4. 5 Ira M. Lapidus, Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), esp. pp. 79–142; Jonathan Berkey, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo: A Social
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¼ Formation. prevailed in Anatolia as in Egypt and Syria. Transmission. Cahen. 161. including his ambassadorial appointment. pp. Bazm-o razm (Istanbul: Evkaf Matbaas|. Berkey. Muslim Cities.8 These features of thirteenth-century Anatolia indicate patterns of interdependence. many of the Muslim notables were. as Claude Cahen noted. obliged them to seek the support and intermediacy of the local notables. 210. 143–287. 1981).10 At the same time. like Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. indeed. Jr. situated in the context of his personal ties to a particular network of a 6ya ¯ n. many of the Seljuk rulers of Rum were connected. 2003).7 As will be demonstrated. 213. Knowledge. among other factors. Berkey. amirs and a 6ya ¯ n has often been linked to the ‘‘alien’’ or ‘‘outsider’’ status of the rulers and military elites. IL: University of Chicago Press. 91–94. The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization (Chicago. The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East. 10 ´-ottomane. or recent converts and their immediate descendants. esp. Berkey.11 The four main parts of the present article will address. like Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n.. For a general discussion. pp. see 6Azı ¯z b. the interdependence among rulers. pp. the Egyptian and Syrian sources themselves record several cases of scholars who. . Moreover. Transmission. whose lack of common background and interests with the urban populations. 11–12. The historiographical and biographical literature pertaining to the ulema of thirteenth-century Egypt and Syria is abundant. while differently configured according to local conditions. Chamberlain. II: 64–69. 4–11. .6 In the context of thirteenthcentury Anatolia.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 281 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 In the context of Ayyu ¯ bid and Mamlu ¯ k Egypt and Syria. Exploration of the Anatolian sources in conjunction with those produced in neighbouring regions facilitates the generation of a fuller and more differentiated picture of urban society and culture in thirteenth-century Anatolia. yet comparable patterns of interdependence prevailed. in this diverse and relatively newly Islamised society. immigrants. 1974). the gradual but far-reaching processes of social and cultural transformation taking place complicate the ascription of ‘‘alien’’ status. including the families of prominent judges. Ardashı ¯r Astara ¯ ba ¯ dı ¯. a scholar died there. George Makdisi. Chamberlain. the factors involved in his decision to leave Egypt for (footnote continued) History of Islamic Education (Princeton. esp. 38. see also M. ‘‘If . 45–46. ¼ Formation. 95–127. Cahen. which. 8 Several judges married Seljuk princesses. The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley. Muslim Cities. 9 Among the many examples. 6 Lapidus. 1971). 158. The Rise of Colleges: Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Chamberlain.S. his professional life in Egypt. moved among locations in Egypt. Knowledge. see especially Lapidus. through ties of marriage and other alliances. 1928). 44–78. 600–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.G. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s intellectual interests and scholarly work. Knowledge. remote from colleagues accustomed to write biographical notices and obituaries. 205–207. sources for Anatolia in the same period are relatively limited. his name was in danger of being forgotten’’. the reign of the Seljuk 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II (r. pp. 7 Speros Vryonis. 644–655/1246–1257) in particular has been noted for the numbers and prominence of Greek Christians in the administration and in the life of the court at Konya. 1991). 44–47. NJ: Princeton University Press. Syria and Anatolia. Jonathan P. at the same time. esp. to multiple constituencies. in turn. La Turquie pre . CA: University of California Press. and has supplied ample material for several indispensable studies. La Turquie pre 11 ´-ottomane. 160. 64. Hodgson. 212.9 By contrast. esp.
the scholar and his context The available information regarding Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s professional life derives from a small number of oblique autobiographical references in his own work and notices. 1328–1356/ ¯ h al-sa 6a ¯ da wa-misba ¯ h al-siya ¯ da (Hyderabad: Matba 6at da _ _ _ _ _ 1911–1937). The text is preceded by the editor’s extremely helpful introduction (5–158). ¯ ra ¯ t. 1378/1999).6A _ _ _ _ (Hyderabad: Matba 6at Majlis Da ¸ko ¨ pru ¨ zade. II: 297.6Uthma ¯ niyya. Ibn al. 761/1359) (al-Safadı ¯. Khayr al-Dı ¯n al-Ziriklı ¯. n. Al-Yu ¯nı ¯ (r. Tas _ Mifta ¯ 8irat al-ma 6a ¯ rif al-Niza ¯ miyya. 277–278. and the urban population. mentions that the deceased Shafi 6i jurist had committed Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s ıl and Luba Tahs¯ ¯ b to memory at a precocious age and in a short amount of time. and his subsequent career in Konya. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Urmavı ¯. 1408/ ¯ l. Isma ¯ 6¯ _ al-Baghda ˘ itim ¯ dı ¯. 1846. ed. ıl. Ibn Qa ¯ d¯ ¯n ¯ t al-Sha ¯fi 6iyya. II: 331). 1941–1955). who died prematurely in ¯ b al-Dı ¯n Ahmad b. SI 817. 14 Li Guo. Ha ¯ jjı ¯ Khalı ¯fa (d. the larger civilian elite. Zabihullah Safa. 848–849. See also the example of Khalı ı (d. ¯ 8irat al-Ma 6a ¯ rif al. Hadiyyat al. 1951–1955).6Ima ¯ d. VI: 37.13 ¯ b Mat a _ These compositions played an important role in teaching and learning soon after and even during the author’s lifetime. 1357–1378/1978– ¯ rı ¯kh-i adabiyya ¯ t dar Ira ¯ n (Tehran: Intisha ¯ dharba 1999). . 27–33. bibliographical and historiographical sources. III: 216. ¯ m (Beirut: Da ¯ VIII: 42. 1996). I: 245. 92.14 __ The first of these two works was sufficiently well known that some biographers ıl’’ (sa ıl). most of which were in Arabic and several of which indicate his intellectual affinity with the great Sha ı philosopher and theologian Fakhr al-Dı ¯ fi 6¯ ¯n al-Ra ¯ zı ¯ (r. 640–726/1242–1326). on the principles of jurisprudence. Early Mamluk Syrian Historiography: Al-Yu ¯ t al-zama ¯ n (Leiden: Brill. J. the abridgement of the Mahsu ¯ ¯ ¯l __ Kita ın of al-Ra ¯ zı ¯. and _ Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 12 Al-Tahs¯ ıl min al-Mahsu ¯d 6Alı ¯ Abu ¯ la. 308. ¯ nı ¯nı ¯’s Dhayl Mir8a II: 228.282 Louise Marlow Anatolia. T abaqa ¯ t al-Sha ¯ fi 6iyya l-kubra ¯ (Cairo: _ ¯ lim Kha ı Shuhba.6Ala ¯ 8¯ ¯ n al. with particular reference to his relations with the ruling authorities.d. an Sira j al-Dı n’s most celebrated Arabic works include his Kita ¯ ¯ ¯ b al-Tahs¯ _ _12 of al-Ra zı . Ta ¯ ra ¯ t-i Da ¯ nishga ¯ h. 1067/1657) emphasises _ the high esteem in which the Mat a ¯ li 6 was held. V: 155. an abridgement of the Arba 6¯ religion (usu ¯l al-dı ¯n). Editor’s Introduction. its pedagogical importance. 6Abd al. T abaq ¯ d¯ ¯ at. a two-part work devoted to logic and dialectical theology. 543–606/1149–1209). on the principles of ¯ b al-Luba ¯ b. see Ta ¯ j al-Dı ¯n al-Subkı ¯. 1351/1933).6a ¯ rifı ¯n: Asma ¯ 8 al-mu8allifı ¯n wa-a ¯ tha ¯ r al-musannifı ¯n (Istanbul: Milli Eg _ Bas|mevi. I: 61. I. 13 On these and other works of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. Tarbiyat.6asr _ _ wa-a 6wa ¯ r al-fikr al-mu 6a ¯ sir. 1998). Ibra _ 700/1300. A 6ya ¯l b. Carl Brockelmann. sometimes in his own voice. Compilers of biographical and bibliographical works emphasise Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s scholarly writings. 6Abd al-Hamı ¯ Zunayd (Beirut: Mu8assasat al-Risa __ __ _ 1988).15 referred to Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n simply as ‘‘the author of the Tahs¯ ¯ hib al-Tahs¯ __ _ _ __ Writing in the seventeenth century. T abaqa al-Matba 6a l-Husayniyya. M. and the _ _ Kita ¯ li 6 al-anwa ¯ r. Kaykaldı ¯ al. II: 1715–1717. 1979).). Brill. 1399/1979). 1998]. 666–667.6ilm lil-mala ¯ yı ¯n. in his ¯ nı obituary for Shiha ¯ hı ¯m al-Jazarı ¯. GI 614–615. pp. al-Tahs¯ __ Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur (Leiden: E. II: 406. Kashf al-zunu ¯ jjı ¯ Khalı ¯fa Ka ¯ tib C ¯n 6an asa ¯ mı ¯ l-kutub wa-l-funu ¯n (Istanbul: _ _ ıl Pas ¸a Matba 6at Wika ¯ lat al-Ma 6a ¯ rif al-Jalı ¯la. scattered across a number of biographical. 261. The concluding section will compare Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s life among the a 6ya ¯ n in the Egyptian and Anatolian settings. Shadhara ¯ t al-dhahab fı ¯ akhba ¯ r man dhahab _ _ (Cairo: Maktabat al-Qudsı ¯. a logical and philosophical treatise. the Baya ¯ n al-haqq. al-A 6la ¯ r al. ed. II: 262. 235–236. Da ¯ zma ¯ n-i cha ¯ p va¯ nishmanda ¯n-i A ¯ yja ¯ n (Tehran: Sa intisha ıl. 50–66. Ha ¸ elebi. ¯ n al-nasr [Beirut: Da _ _ 15 Ibn Qa ı Shuhba. 6A. 848. Damascus: Da ¯ r al-fikr.
‘‘The cycle of knowledge: intellectual traditions and encyclopaedias of the rational sciences in Arabic Islamic Hellenism’’. while not uncontested. 277–278. a work of philosophy. al-A 6la ¯ n va-dar zaba ¯ n-i fa ¯ rsı ¯ ¯ m. 766/1365). 21 Chamberlain. 606/1210). Yusufi (Tehran: Intisha _ _ ¯ra See al-Ziriklı ¯. IV: 100. 749/ ¯ rifı ¯n. Kashf al-zunu ¯ dı ¯. p. pp.6Ima _ _ Shadhara ¯ t al-dhahab. Gerhard Endress. composed in Persian and dedicated to the Seljuk ruler of Konya. colleagues and associates suggest that he belonged to a network of accomplished Shafi 6i scholars. Rashı ¯d al-Dı ¯n ¯ mi 6 for the vizier Ghiya _ _ Fazl Alla ¯ h (d. ¯ t. al-Ziriklı ¯ m. Qutb al-Dı ¯n composed the Lawa ¯ th al-Dı ¯n Muhammad b. Arabic and Medieval Latin Traditions.21 Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. 1363/1984–1985). 644–655/1246–1257). was widely prized among the cultural elites of the eastern Mediterranean regions. _ I: 108–109. 127.-H. ed. al-Baghda _ _ _ Hadiyyat al.19 As will be seen. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯j ¯ 8u ¯ 8if al-hikma. 177. as will be seen below. VIII: 42. T abaqa ¯ jjı ¯ Khalı ¯fa. II: 2002. 17 _ F. ed. 902. 20 Endress. ¯n. I: 150–151. Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s scholarly network Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n lived in an era when the combination of the rational and the religious sciences. As Konrad Hirschler has recently 16 Kashf al-zunu ¸ko ¨ pru ¨ zade. 1993). 1351/1972). 736/1336). Gutas. Journal of Islamic Studies 8 (1997): 154. G. Ta ¯ rı ¯kh-i adabiyya ¯ t. Tarbiyat. I: 94–95. Charles Burnett (London: The Warburg Institute. in Organizing Knowledge: Encyclopaedic Activities in the Pre-eighteenth Century Islamic World. III: 236–237. Tarbiyat. 18 Al-Subkı ¯. Glosses and Commentaries on Aristotelian Logical Texts: The Syriac. ‘Ottomans–Safavids–Mughals: shared knowledge and connective systems’. 180. Risa ¯q-i ¯leh dar tahqı _ ahva ¯ pkha ¯ neh-yi majlis. V: 155. Ha ¯n. References to Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s intellectual lineage. Safa. 19 ¯ra Lat a ¯ ra ¯ t-i bunya ¯ d-i farhang-i I ¯ n. See also the titles listed by Ibn al-Afka 1348). 85–86.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 283 the commentaries it generated. was among the many contemporary observers who praised the Ayyu ¯ mil (r. ¯ l-o zindiga ¯ nı ¯-yi Mawla ¯ na ¯ Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Muhammad (Tehran: Cha _ _ Muhammad 6Ali Mudarris. Ta ¯ rı ¯kh-i nazm va-nathr dar I _ (Tehran: Intisha ¯ ra ¯ t-i furu ¯. ‘‘Aspects of literary form and genre in Arabic logical works’’. ed. Gh. 1315/1937). 130–131.20 Several authors of biographical notices for the period appear to have valued such wide-ranging learning above more specialised expertise in a narrower field. 127. 61.16 Ha ¯ jjı ¯ Khalı ¯fa’s extensive discussion of the Mat a ¯ zı ¯ l-Tahta ¯ li 6 _ _ _ and the supplementary literature that it inspired reflects their adoption into the 17 curricula of Ottoman (and also Safavid) madrasas. See further Badi 6 al-Zaman Furuzanfar. Sa 6id Nafisi. 2006). VIII: 42. 615–635/ ¯ bid al-Malik al-Ka 1218–1238) for his sponsorship of and participation in a broad variety of disciplines and interests. ‘‘Cycle of knowledge’’. Robinson. Rayha ¯ nat al-adab fı ¯ tara ¯ jim al-ma 6ru ¯fı ¯n bi-l-kunya aw l-laqab (Tabriz: n. Sira ¯ s II (r. a commentary on the Isha ¯na ¯ (370–428/980–1037). furnishes a small number of autobiographical references. Knowledge. Da ¯ nishmanda ¯ n. II: 406. and ¯ ra ¯ t of Ibn Sı works on philology and disputation ( 6ilm al-jadal). and at the same time philosopher-theologian. .6a ¯.18 Also among Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s writings is the Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. hybrid in _ _ genre. Da ¯ ghı ¯ nishmanda ¯n. in D. ethics and counsel.d. I: 246. Endress (Leiden and Boston: Brill. VI: 207. ¯ 8if al-hikma. As Gerhard Endress has put it. the period saw ‘‘the rise of a rank of scholars assuming a general competence: the philosopherscientist. a continuation of the Niha ¯n Ibn al-Athı ¯r ¯th of Majd al-Dı ¯ ya fı ¯ gharı ¯b al-hadı _ (d. in particular the Lawa ¯n ¯ mi 6 al-anwa ¯ r of Qutb al-Dı _ al-Ra ¯ nı ¯ (d. Ibn al. al-A 6la ¯ nı ¯ (d.). Other Arabic works ascribed to _ Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n include a commentary on the Wajı ¯ lı ¯ (450–505/1058– ¯z of al-Ghaza 1111). II: 1715–1716. Mifta ¯ d. expert in the naqlı ¯ and 6aqlı ¯ branches of knowledge and favoured by certain members of the ruling families of the era. at home in the courts as well as in the madrasa’’. 277. the Lat a _ _ al-Dı ¯n’s only known work in Persian. See also Tas ¯ h al-sa 6a ¯ da.
see Ibn Qa ¯ t.26 Ibn Khallika ¯n (608–681/1211–1282). Ibn Yu ¯ nus had mastered 14 (or 24) branches of knowledge (fann) (Ibn Khallika ¯ n. T abaqa ¯’s remarks on Ibn Yu ¯ t. Siyar a 6la ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n. for example. Encyclopedia of Islam . became acquainted with Ibn Yu ¯ nus and visited him several times in Mosul in 626/1228–1229. see Makdisi. the case of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n suggests further the degree to which personal networks overlapped. I.24 after his many years of association with it. including the principles of jurisprudence and theology. Ibn Yu ¯ nus taught at a number of institutions. Wafaya ¯ s (Beirut: Da ¯ r Sa ¯ dir. 639/1241) and his slightly older relation Afdal _ al-Dı ¯n al-Khu ¯ (d. 15–42. M. II: 571. II: 25–26. astronomy. see F. pp. 114. ¯ r al. 1351/1932). 24 On Yu ı Shuhba. ed. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s scholarly production was weighted towards the rational sciences. Medieval Arabic Historiography. T abaqa ¯. . ‘‘Ibn al-Fuwat¯ ı’’. this madrasa subsequently came to be known as the Kama ¯ liyya. Hallaq. Rosenthal. remarked on his unparalleled abilities to comprehend and Konrad Hirschler. music. Abu ¯ ma ¯ Sha (d. Jawa and its attribution. V: 311.22 Despite the incomplete nature of the available evidence. Knowledge. p.25 He was learned in a vast range of sciences. exegesis. T abaqa ¯ llah ¯t. shared local roots. Wael B. so that links among individuals rested on a variety of factors. Muhammad. and in significant measure. T abaqa ¯ d¯ ¯ t. 1993). _ the city of his birth. Wafaya ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n. and his reputation. V: 311. 19. he returned to Mosul. 22 . The Rise of Colleges. al-Asnawı ¯ t. 1414/ ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n wa-anba ¯ 8 abna ¯ 8 al-zama ¯ n. most prominently. On the importance of such ties of friendship with particular reference to this region and period. hadı ¯th. T abaqa ¯ d¯ ¯ nus b. mathematics. II: 571. logic. on the networks in which they participated. T abaqa ¯ l al-Dı ¯n al-Asnawı ¯. al-Subkı ¯. 646/1249). whose father was a close friend of Ibn Yu ¯ nus (ka ¯ na baynahu wa-bayn al-wa ¯ lid . _ _ On Ibn Yu ı. formed the core of his network. such as common scholarly training and religious affiliation. VIII: 25–26. 697/1298). 1422/2001]. 1401/1981). After a period of study at the Niza ¯ miyya in Baghdad. including the madrasa where his father. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s teacher Kama ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Mu ¯ Ibn Yu ¯ sa ¯ nus (d. C. III: 769–770. III: 222).6Ulu ¯ m lil-Taba _ 26 According to several accounts. and shared attendance at the majlis of a given ruler or other eminent personage. Hirschler. There. 6Abda _ _ al-Juburi (Riyadh: Da ¯ 6a wa-l-Nashr. V: 158. XXIII: 86. 6Abba _ 1994). II: 118). 86. See also al-Safadı ¯ nus’s reputation (A 6ya ¯ n. ed. had taught. depended above all on his mastery of the science of logic. family connections. see Chamberlain. 23 See. min al-mu8a ¯ nasa wa-l-mawadda l-akı ¯da)27 and who. Encyclopedia of Islam . also a well-known scholar. On Ibn Yu ¯ nus’s teaching in _ _ _ Mosul. These figures included. V: 311–312.23 Other specialists with expertise in these disciplines. Medieval Arabic Historiography: Authors as Actors (London and New York: Routledge. during and after his lifetime. (On this work ¯ bi 6a.284 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 demonstrated in his study of two contemporaries of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. As the list of his works indicates. Wafaya ¯. al-Subkı ¯. Ibn Qa _ _ _ Shuhba. Ibn Taymiyya Against the Greek Logicians (Oxford: Clarendon Press.6Arabiyya. xiv. and who shared Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s intellectual links with Fakhr al-Dı ¯n al-Ra ¯ zı ¯. V: 158. . al-Dhahabı ¯ m al-nubala ¯ 8 [Beirut: Mu8assasat al-risa ı ¯ la. 149–150. scholars’ professional standing _ depended not only on the rulers who appointed them to posts but also. pp. _ ı’’. Arabic grammar and philology. ed. 2006). esp. al-H awa ¯ nus’s poetry. 25 Ibn Khallika ¯ n. Jama ¯t al-Sha ¯ fi 6iyya. history and poetry. medicine. ‘‘Ebn al-Fowat¯ _ 27 Ibn Khallika ¯ n. 665/1267) and Ibn Wa ¯ sil (d. see also Ibn al-Fuwat¯ ¯ dith al-ja ¯ mi 6a wa-l-taja ¯rib al-na ¯ fi 6a fı ¯ l-mi8a _ _ al-sa ¯ d (Baghdad: al-Maktaba l.) Melville. ¯ najı Kama ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Ibn Yu ¯ nus was among the leading Shafi 6i jurists and scientists of his day. through his father.
1993). al-Nuju ¯ t. 1–8. the most ır al-Dı illustrious of whom was probably the great scientist and philosopher Nas¯ ¯n _ Tu ¯ (597–672/1201–1274). and according to ¯ najı Ibn al. VIII: 289. Abu ¯ l-Fida ¯ b al-Mukhtasar fı ¯ akhba ¯ r al-bashar _ (Cairo: al-Matba 6a al-Husayniyya al-misriyya. esp. Beitra Mathematik bei den Griechern and Arabern (Erlangen: Kommissionsverlag von Max Mencke. ¯ m. for whom he explicated the Torah and Gospels. II: 125.30 The Syriac bishop and historian Barhebraeus (d. Editor’s Introduction. Dhayl Mir8a ¯ 8irat al-ma 6a ¯ rif al. 162. n. was a close associate or relative (qarı ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. 1419/1998). where Ibn Yu ¯ nus alone provided the correct answers. 225–285. 32 Ibn Khallika ¯ n. 1963–1971). V: 312–313. 34 Al-Yu ¯nı ¯. pp.6ilmiyya. T abaqa ¯ n’s respect and ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n. T abaqa ¯birdı ¯. Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. V: 314. EI2 V : 821). V: 312. Editor’s Introduction. V: 160. Wafaya ¯ . XXIII: 85–87. Ibn Taghrı ¯m al-za ¯ hira fı ¯ mulu ¯k Misr wa-l-Qa ¯ hira (Cairo: _ _ Mu8assasat al-misriyya al. 1194–1250). 6Uyu ¯ r al-kutub al.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 285 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 explicate scholarly works. al-A 6la ¯ m. al-Ka ¯ mil sent him to Badr al-Dı ¯n Lu8lu8 (d. 646/1249). . Ibn Taghrı ¯m al-za ¯ hira. 264–265. 30 Ibn Abı ¯ Usaybi 6a. al-Nuju ¯ t. hailed originally from Azerbaijan. he pursued intensive studies in the Persian-speaking 28 Ibn Khallika ¯ n. he had numerous students. Ibn Qa _ _ _ _ al-A 6la ıl. _ _ _ T abaqa ı Shuhba. T abaqa ¯ d¯ ¯ at. Ibn Qa ¯t. and he attempted to dissuade at least one potential student from its pursuit. 1922). Siyar. al-Subkı ¯ t.d. 668/1270) reports that when an envoy from _ Frederick II (r. arrived at the court of al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil with a series of mathematical queries. 83. al-Subkı ¯. V: 158–159. See also H. ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n. al-Ziriklı ¯. Abu ¯ l-Fida _ T abaqa ı Shuhba.33 ¯ sı _ Shaykh Afdal al-Dı ¯n Muhammad b. WZKM 53 (1957): 274. See also Heinrich Suter. 84). al-Mukhtasar. ¯ t. where he studied under Ibn Yu ¯ nus’s broad ¯ nus. Badr al-Dı ¯n had become Atabeg of Mosul on the death of the Zengid Na ¯ sir al-Dı ¯n Mahmu ¯ d in 619/ _ _ 1222.6a ¯ mma. _ _ _ VI: 343. V: 158–159. 24. ¯ najı _ _ according to al-Yu ¯nı ¯.6Uthma ¯ niyya. al-Ziriklı ¯. 657/1259) in Mosul. 1286) reports that the Christian philosopher (hakı ¯ dhurı ¯) of Antioch. L. III: 170. ¯m) Theodore (Tha _ who joined Frederick II’s entourage at an uncertain date between 616/1220 and 635/1238 and served as an intermediary between the Emperor and Muslim intellectuals. Frederick II’s philosopher’’.29 Ibn Abı ¯ Usaybi 6a (d. Na ¯ ma ¯ var al-Khu ¯ (d. xv. and was retained as a vassal of Hu ¨ legu ¨ until his death in 657/1259 (Cl. al-Tahs¯ _ _ __ Chamberlain cites other examples of study circles that brought together adherents of several religions (Knowledge. ¯ nı ¯ t al-zama ¯ n (Hyderabad: Matba 6at majlis da _ 1374/1954). See also Ibn Qa _ Shuhba. ‘‘Lu 6lu8. T abaqa ¯ d¯ ¯birdı ¯.). II: 119.31 It is evident that many of his contemporaries held Ibn Yu learning in the highest esteem. Cahen. 1089/1679). ¯n al-anba ¯ 8 fı ¯ t abaqa ¯ t al-at ibba ¯ 8 (Beirut: Da _ _ _ p. al-Dhahabı ¯. especially those of Fakhr al-Dı ¯n al-Ra ¯ zı ¯. ‘‘Master Theodore. had spent two periods of his life in Mosul. V: 343. III: 170. Wafaya ¯. Kita ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n. 228–229. 85. _ 29 Ibn Khallika ¯ n. I: 6–9. Gottschalk. Nas¯ ır al-Dı ¯n al-T u ¯sı ¯’s Memoir on Astronomy (al-Tadhkira fı ¯ 6ilm al-hay8a) (New York: _ _ Springer-Verlag. 376. 33 F. c. pp. Ibn Yu ¯ nus acknowledged that many people associated the science of logic with corrupt beliefs (fasa ¯ d al-i 6tiqa ¯ d). and nn. Wafaya ¯ .28 Ibn Yu ¯ nus is noted for having taught not only Muslim students with Hanafi as well as Shafi 6i affiliations. Badr al-Dı ¯n’’. II: 212. but also Jews and Christians. 316–317. ‘‘Der Untergang der Hohenstaufen’’. VIII: 288–289. Ragep.6Ima ¯ d (d. al-Subkı ¯.34 ¯ nı ¯b) of Sira Al-Khu ¯.32 Such reticence notwithstanding. al-Asnawı ¯ t. II: 571. like Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. Some individuals nevertheless regarded his inclination towards the rational sciences with suspicion: in fact. King of Sicily and Holy Roman Emperor. ¨ ge zur Geschichte der 1995). Federico II e le nuove culture (Todi. He received official recognition of his authority with a caliphal diploma in 629/1232. II: 119. 31 Charles Burnett. V: 343.J. T abaq ¯. Ibn Khallika _ affection for Ibn Yu ı ¯ d¯ ¯ nus are indicated in his naming of his son after him (V: 317).
I: ii: 332. 61. XIII: 177.W.286 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 regions (ishtaghala fı ¯ fi 6i ¯ l. __ 41 The Ayyu ¯ involved the offering of condolences for the death of 6Ala ¯8 ¯ bid embassy carried by al-Khu ¯ najı al-Dı ¯n. 90–91. Shadhara ¯ t al-dhahab. A 6ya ¯ d. V: 236. 224–225 and passim.6ajam) before moving to Egypt. Handschriften der Ko Tarbiyat. S ilat al-takmila li-wafaya ¯ t al-naqala. R. 36 Ibn Abı ¯ Usaybi 6a. ¯ najı _ remarked on his distinction in the philosophical sciences as well as in matters of law (al-umu ¯r al-shar 6iyya). Ibn al. pp. 1977). Ma 6ruf _ _ _ _ (Beirut: Da ¯ r al-gharb al-isla ¯ mı ¯. 325.6Ima ¯ d. al-Suyu ¯ t. Stephen Humphreys. ed. _ 38 Al-Asnawı ı Shuhba. M. 1421/2001).35 He was a leading Sha judge and theologian as well as a physician. On the use of the term ishtigha ¯l to denote intensive study and possibly teaching.M. 2121. 541. H usn al-muha ¯. who had previously sent a number of embassies to the Ayyu ¯ bid court. pp.6ilmiyya. I: 275–276. philosopher and logician. Ibn al. with other rulers in the eastern Mediterranean regions. 290.6Ima ¯ d. On relations between _ al-Ka ¯ mil and 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ b fı ¯ akhba ¯ r banı ¯ Ayyu ¯b _ (Cairo: Matba 6at da ¯ r al-kutub. The Rise of Colleges. NY: State University of New York Press. no. 214–231. La Syrie du nord a ¸ ais de Damas. al-Bida ¯ r al-kutub al. pp. al-Wa ¯ fı ¯ bi-l-wafaya ¯ t (Wiesbaden: _ Franz Steiner Verlag. 1892). Knowledge. _ _ I: 502–503. Mustafa __ _ ¯ mma lil-Kita al. ‘‘Arabic logical works’’. 1947). 182. 90–91. II: 158. 634–644/1237–1246). 2003). Tas ¯ h al-sa 6a ¯ da. 616–634/1220–1237) as ruler of the Seljuk kingdom of Rum. Al-Khu ¯’s diplomatic mission to the new sultan ¯ najı carried significant responsibility: 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Kayquba ¯ d I. al-Dhahabı ¯. V: 162. T abaqa ¯ d¯ ¯ at. Ta ¯ rı ¯kh-i adabiyya ¯ t. Ziyada (Cairo: Lajnat al-ta8lı wa-l-tarjama wa-l-nashr. who had just succeeded his father 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Kayquba ¯ d I (r. Safa. 615–635/1218–1238) selected al-Khu ¯ as his ¯ bid al-Malik al-Ka ¯ najı ambassador to Ghiya ¯ th al-Dı ¯n Kaykhusraw II (r. Abu ¯ Sha ¯ jim rija ¯ l al-qarnayn al-sa ¯dis _ wa-l-sa ¯ r al-Kutub al-Ma ¯ likiyya. 6Uyu ¯ ma. al-Sulu ¯k. al-Khu ¯ was noted for his unparalleled expertise in the 6ulu ¯ najı ¯m al-awa ¯ 8il. III: 236. V: 43. 1972).39 It appears that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n wrote a commentary on the Mu ¯’s best-known work on logic. 1958). T abaqa ¯. al-Safadı ¯. 541–542. which had included gift-giving and the arrangement of a marriage between ` l’e ´poque des croisades (Paris: Institut franc their families. V: 237. Tarbiyat. Jala ı. al-A 6la ¯ m. I: 541. al-Ziriklı ¯. 310. Gutas. H usn al-muha ¯ l al-Dı ¯n al-Suyu ¯ t¯ ¯ d ara fı ¯ _ _ _ _ ta8rı ¯ hı ¯m (Cairo: Da ¯ r Ihya ¯ 8 al-Kutub al. 317. GAL GI 607. 1940). B. T abaq ı. 6A. 133–134. 1428/2007). Bada ¯ (Cairo: al-Hay8a al-Misriyya ¯ 8i 6 al-zuhu ¯r fı ¯ waqa ¯ 8i 6 al-duhu ¯r. pp. Abu ¯ l-Fadl Ibra _ _ _ 1967). p. Ta8rı ¯kh al-Isla ¯ m wa-wafaya ¯ t al-masha ¯ hı ¯r wa-l-a 6la ¯ m. 197–200. ed.41 At the time of al-Khu ¯’s return to Egypt. M. Ahmad b. ¯ najı al-Ka ¯ mil died. ed. al-Subkı ¯. had challenged al-Ka ¯ mil’s authority in northern Syria and adjacent areas. al-Asnawı ¯ t. T abaqa ¯t.6Ima ¯t _ _ al-dhahab. V: 236–237. were the subject of well-known commentaries and other supplementary texts. 59. 1193–1260 (Albany. and his expertise in diverse fields of knowledge. 6Uyu ¯n al-anba ¯ 8. Tara ¯n al-anba ¯ 8. I: 541.6Ima ¯ t al-dhahab. 40 GAL SI: 838. see Makdisi. Duda. Shadhara ¯ t al-dhahab. 206–210. Ibn al.36 Ibn Abı ¯ Usaybi 6a. . 371. Gottschalk. Ibn Iya ¯ s. and some of his books. SI 838. Al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil von Egypten und seine Zeit (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. ed. and the scholar went back to Ru ¯ m. Ibn Qa ¯ t¯ ¯ d ara. 37 Ibn Abı ¯ Usaybi 6a. From Saladin to the Mongols: The Ayyubids of Damascus. 457.6A ¯ b. 162. the ¯jiz. ¯ bi 6¼ al-Dhayl 6ala ¯ l-Rawd atayn (Beirut: Da _ Siyar. XXIII: 228. Hans L. no.A. perhaps al-Khu ¯ najı Ayyu ¯ mil I (r. 1387/ ¯kh Misr wa-l-Qa ¯ hira. such as the Kashf al-asra ¯ r. Ibn Kathı ¯r. who. no. IV: 497. Verzeichniss der arabischen ¨ niglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin (Berlin: A. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. VII: 344. 39 Al-Safadı ¸ko ¨ pru ¨ zade. where he assumed the post of 35 Ibn al. B.37 Above all. 1956–1973). had at the time of his death entered into an alliance against al-Ka ¯ mil. XIV: 557. Die Seltschukengeschichte des Ibn Bı ¯bı ¯ (Copenhagen: Munksgaard. 1959). Ibn Wa ¯ sil. ed. I: 200–201. Muhammad al-Husaynı ¯. see Claude Cahen. I: i: 254.38 He was the author of a number of works in the fields of logic and medicine. 637–638. V: 236–237. I: 245–246. See H. 1402/1982). W. I: 502. Mifta ¯. Ahlwardt. Ma 6ru ¯f (Beirut: Da ¯ r al-Gharb al-Isla ¯ mı ¯. al-Tahs¯ ıl. and Chamberlain. Da ¯ nishmanda ¯n.6Arabiyya. ¯ ya wa-l-niha ¯ya (Beirut: Da al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. Da ¯ nishmanda ¯n. Kita ¯f ¯ b al-sulu ¯k li-ma 6rifat duwal al-mulu ¯k. Asher. Shadhara ¯ n. al-Dhahabı ¯. V: 108–109. 1962–). M.40 In 634/1237. who met al-Khu ¯ in Cairo in 632/1234–1235 and studied under him. Shadhara ¯ najı ¯f (see further below). _ _ _ _ _ _ _ where al-Khu ¯ is also described as faylasu ¯ d. Editor’s Introduction. III: 715.
where in 641/1244 al-Malik ¯ najı al-Sa ¯ lih Najm al-Dı ¯n Ayyu ¯ b (r. in relation to whom his multi-disciplinary learning was. during al-Khu ¯ najı ¯ najı ¯ na hakı _ _ time being a judge in Egypt he had heard only favourable things about him. in Die Enzyklopa (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag. a widely _ _ circulated encyclopaedia of the sciences. V: 162. al-Bida ¯ ya. 76–78. 325.6A II (r. T abaqa ¯zı ¯. Ibn Wa ¯ b. 45 Abu ¯ ma. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n b.43 Like Ibn Yu ¯ faced suspicion from certain quarters on ¯ nus. H usn al-muha ¯ t¯ ¯ d ara. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ Sha ¯ al-Rawdatayn. disputation and philosophy (hikma). Jala ı (849–911/1445–1505) expressed astonishment at ¯ l al-Dı ¯n al-Suyu ¯ t¯ _ the dismissal of al-Khu ¯’s predecessor. V: 236–237. Abu ¯ ma. La Turquie pre 43 Ibn Wa ı Shuhba. with those based on the rational sciences of logic. al-Maqrı ¯k. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ d¯ ¯ at. Like them.46 A century later. One of the practical advantages of such broad knowledge. cf. ¼ Formation. Duda. XIII: 177.6Ima ¯ d. it is suggested. 637–647/1240–1249). addressed the (in his view mistaken) view that logic compromised religious belief. al-Asnawı ¯. al-Subkı ¯. al-Asnawı ¯t. Bada8i 6 al-zuhu ¯b. who had succeeded al-Malik _ _ ¯ dil al. 182. ¯ Sha ¯ Sha Medieval Arabic Historiography. 234). 2002). see Hirschler. Cahen. 335 _ _ (al-Khu ¯ returned by way of Aleppo. T abaqa ¯. 46 Ibn Kathı ¯r. whose ¯ Sha contempt for the rational sciences was well known. On Abu ¯ ma’s attitude towards the rational sciences. al-Khu ¯ returned once more to Egypt. ed. ‘‘Arabic logical works’’. ‘‘Cycle of knowledge’’’. was that it facilitated scholars’ interactions with a diverse range of people across religious and political boundaries. 214. Meier Funktionen’’. II: 158. Endress.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 287 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 qadi under Kaykhusraw II and remained in this position for some years. I: ii: 315.42 He also taught at the Sa ¯ lihiyya in Cairo and issued _ _ fatwas. 182. 49 Makdisi has indicated the relevance of training in disputation for ambassadors. _ _ _ I: 275. V: 43.45 and Ibn Kathı ¯r (d. _ however. he mastered a combination of scholarly disciplines. 635–637/1238–1240) after the latter’s deposition. Ibn al-Afka ¯ nı ¯. Shadhara ¯ t al-dhahab.49 In the tradition of Ibn Yu ¯ nus. Ibn Qa ¯r. Ibn Iya ¯ s. Ibn al. 541. 155. 60. 276.47 Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n followed the examples of Ibn Yu ¯ in several ¯ nus and al-Khu ¯ najı respects. who shared Abu ¯ ma’s antipathy towards the 6aqlı ¯ Sha ¯ disciplines.48 Like them. In his Irsha ¯ d al-qa ¯sid ila ¯ asna ¯ l-maqa ¯ sid.6ulu ¯m. see Gutas. whose capacious sense of the diverse branches of knowledge was attested in his encyclopaedic Ja ¯ mi 6 al. The Rise of Colleges. al-Khu ¯ najı 44 account of his expertise in the rational sciences. 128. 47 Al-Suyu ı. Dhayl. T abaq ¯ sil. 774/1373). I: 503. al-Khu ¯’s ¯ najı conduct in reaching his legal judgements (ahka ¯ m) was good. he combined his learning and teaching in the naqlı ¯ and 6aqlı ¯ sciences with the holding of high judicial office. Nevertheless. 44 and passim. It contributed to Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s appointment as an ambassador to non-Muslim rulers. _ _ _ _ 48 See further Hans Hinrich Biesterfeldt. who had taught Muslims and non-Muslims alike. integrating those based on traditional sacred textual authorities such as hadith and jurisprudence. Like them. al-Sulu ¯t. and his replacement by a rajul falsafı ¯. 44 See. observed that despite his prominence as a logician. V: 325. I: 502. V: 162. he stood in the intellectual lineage of Fakhr al-Dı ¯n _ al-Ra ¯ zı ¯. a significant asset. al-Dhayl 6ala ¯ sil. as will be seen. appointed him to the chief qadiship of Egypt. pp. ¯ najı _ Seltschukengeschichte. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n cited the Torah and the 42 Abu ¯ ma. In the face of the Mongol incursions that culminated in the Seljuk defeat at Ko ¨ sedag ˘ in 641/ 1243. T abaqa ¯ t. . whom he ¯ najı describes as shaykh al-Isla ¯ m wa-ima ¯ m al-a8imma sharqan wa-gharban. Ch. for instance. 161–162. concedes that despite al-Khu ¯’s ¯’s dedication to them (ka ¯man mant iqiyyan). 6Abd al-Sala ¯ m. _ _ ´-ottomane. who lived and wrote in Cairo in the first half of the eighth/fourteenth century. where Ibn Wa ¯ sil met him in 641. ‘‘Arabisch-islamische Enzylopa ¨ dien: Formen und ¨ die im Wandel vom Hochmittelalter bis zur fru ¨hen Neuzeit.
both men _ engaged in discussions with Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals. I: 15. again like Sira ¯ j al-D _ office of Shafi 6i chief qadi. Finally. I: 155. xix–xx. he demonstrated the scholarly passage open ¯ b. 20–21. 99. 61. like al-Khu ¯ najı to Azerbaijani scholars between Egypt and Anatolia. V: 155. See also Chamberlain. Ibn Wa ¯ sil (d. The experiences of these a 6ya ¯ sı ¯ n provide _ _ useful contextual information. If his teachers and family members formed the core of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s network. 26. who was associated through his father with Ibn Yu ¯ nus. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n acquired secondary ¯ nus and al-Khu ¯ najı ties to their students and associates. Towards the end of his life. VIII: 42. Ibn Khallika ¯ n travelled between Syria and Egypt and held judicial _ appointments in both regions.51 Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n and Ibn Wa ¯ sil were acquainted with one another. ¯ n. T abaqa ¯. as the evidence of the extant manuscripts of the Tahs¯ ıl suggests. Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. _ _ GAL GI 607. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n writes in the introduction to his Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma _ _ that he arrived in Konya in 655/1257. Ibn Qa ¯ d¯ ¯ at. 52 Al-Safadı ¯. where he eventually died. grammar.6a ¯ rifı ¯n.57 __ Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. 60. like Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. however. an outstanding leader in many sciences’’ (ka ¯ na fa ¯ d ilan _ ima ¯ man mubarrizan fı ¯ 6ulu ¯m kathı ¯ra). _ _ It may be noted. 697/ _ _ 1298). 17. Hadiyyat al. history and lexicography. Medieval Arabic Historiography. T abaqa ¯ t. Editor’s Introduction. 125.54 He appears to have spent the remainder of his life in the city. II: 404. his own broad sense of the qualifications that entitled an individual to be considered among the a 6ya ¯ n is attested by the comprehensiveness of his renowned biographical collection. Ibn Wa ¯ sil. Editor’s Introduction. Knowledge. where.55 Among Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s nisbas. he enjoyed looser connections with several other individuals who shared his affiliation with the Shafi 6i madhhab. 86. x). including jurisprudence. including Ibn Abı ¯ Usaybi 6a. al-Mukhtasar. in Ibn Wa ¯ sil’s case in Hama.56 it is possible that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n spent a period of time in Damascus. astronomy and history. II: 406. IV: 149–153. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ . al-Mukhtasar.288 Louise Marlow Gospels in his writings. given his familiarity with the Jewish and Christian scriptures. al-A 6la ¯ m. some later authorities include the designation al-Dimashqı ¯. Hirschler. By virtue of his connections with Ibn Yu ¯. 54 Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. Abu ¯ . Dhayl. Furthermore. he may have composed that work. A 6ya ¯ sil. on ¯ najı whose works he. I: 26. SI 838. Other modern scholars have likewise concluded that Sira ¯j __ al-Dı ¯n lived in Damascus (al-Ziriklı ¯. Abu ¯ l-Fida _ _ _ IV: 38. see further Yusufi. held the Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. and the latter’s residence in Cairo from _ 644/1246 until the early 660s/1260s probably coincided significantly with that of ¯ in. combined expertise in numerous arts. composed commentaries. the Wafaya ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n wa-anba ¯ 8 abna ¯ 8 al-zama ¯n. 53 Al-Yu ı Shuhba. Ibn Khallika ır al-Dı ¯ n and Nas¯ ¯n Tu ¯. Editor’s Introduction. his links with the intellectual tradition of Fakhr al-Dı ¯n al-Ra ¯ zı ¯. was a student of al-Khu ¯. ¯ l-Fida _ 732/1331) as ‘‘learned.52 In another example. The historian Ibn Wa ¯ sil. _ _ 55 Al-Subkı ¯. 6. described by Abu ¯ (d. Like Ibn Wa ¯ sil. ¯ dı ¯. al-Asnawı ¯t.53 The most widely attested piece of information regarding the professional life of Sira ı l-qud a ¯ j al-Dı ¯n is his service as chief judge (qa ¯ d¯ ¯ t) under the Seljuks of Rum at _ _ their capital of Konya. geometry.50 perhaps. the principles of religion and jurisprudence. 16. 13. Editor’s Introduction. including logic. and his cultivation of a wide range of scholarly interests. IV: 247 (see below). he followed his teacher’s example in offering instruction to the ahl al-kita ¯. Ibn Khallika ¯ n. T abaq ¯nı ¯. al-Tahs¯ __ 57 Al-Tahs¯ ıl. _ _ 56 Al-Baghda ıl. ¯ nı ¯ l-Fida _ _ _ II: 212–215. that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n does not appear in the Mu 6jam al-sama ¯ 6a ¯ t al-Dimashqiyya: Les 50 51 . and undertook extended diplomatic missions to the Hohenstaufen court. IV: 16. as deputy to the chief qadi in Cairo and chief qadi of Damascus. Ibn Wa ¯b.
however. and nn. According to the anonymous record of the Mana ¯ qib of the celebrated mystic Awhad al-Dı ¯n Kirma ¯ nı ¯ (d. Ibn Iya ¯ 8i 6 al-zuhu ¯r. Arlette Ne Traduction annote ¸ ais de Damas. see Chamberlain. ed. 63 Ibn Wa ¯ sil. _ _ 59 Ibn Khallika ¯ n. as well as for his foundation of religious–scholarly institutions and his renovation of venerated sites. who answered incorrectly and suffered ¯ najı embarrassment as a result). Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n relates that al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil held assemblies on Friday nights in the company of scholars and philosophers devoted to religious knowledge. I: 267. al-Ka ¯ mil ¯b. philosophy. 48–50. Bada ¯k. ¯ najı _ introduced by the phrase ‘‘in our own time’’ (dar ru ¯zga ¯ r-i ma ¯ ). hadith. 235. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s career in Egypt during the Ayyu ¯ bid period From several sources. p. 1979). I: i: 258–259.60 The Ayyu ¯ bid ruler’s patronage of scholars of many disciplines and his personal cultivation of broad learning attracted the attention and admiration not only of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n but also of other a 6ya ¯ n observes that al-Ka ¯ mil ¯ n affiliated with his network. c.63 It is unclear from Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s account. Gottschalk. ¯ 8i 6 al-zuhu ¯r. al-Dhahabı ¯ b duwal al-Isla ¯ m (Les dynasties de l’Islam). WZKM 51 [1948–1952]. 1996). 930/1524) notes that the ruler was fond of adab and conversed with poets too. Wafaya ¯. 635/1238). Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s career prior to his arrival in Konya. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n journeyed from Egypt to _ Malatya during the reign of 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Kayquba ¯ d I (r. the possible factors involved in his move from Egypt to Anatolia in the middle of the thirteenth century. 288. al-Sawwas and M. 62 Ibn Khallika ¯ n. it is likely that Sira ¯j ¯ najı al-Dı ¯n attended al-Ka ¯ mil’s sessions with him. I: i: 258–260. Given his association with al-Khu ¯.61 Ibn Khallika used to ask the fud ala ¯ 8 whom he received on Friday evenings difficult questions in _ every branch of knowledge ‘‘as if he were one of them’’ (yas8aluhum 6an al-mawa ¯ di 6 _ al-mushkila min kull fann wa-huwa ma 6ahum ka-wa ¯ hid minhum). Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ sil. poetry. on their initial meeting. al-Sulu ¯ s. II. S. Bada ¯ mil also composed poetry himself (H. the earliest of whom is al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil (r. V: 81.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 289 In what follows. or whether he simply knew of their occurrence.62 According to Ibn _ Wa ¯ sil and al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯ (d. V: 160–162 (according to Ibn Wa _ _ addressed questions on medical subjects to al-Khu ¯. 61 For a discussion of the Ayyu ¯ bid military elites’ cultural dependence on the a 6ya ¯ n. al-Bida ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n. 617–634/1220–1237) for (footnote continued) ` Damas. and his subsequent life in Konya. cf. c. See also Ibn Kathı ¯ ya. Leder. Contemporary ¯ najı sources mention Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n in connection with a sequence of Ayyu ¯ bid rulers. In this respect his professional migration mirrors that of his relative al-Khu ¯. 60 Ibn Iya ¯ s. al-Sulu ¯k. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. Knowledge. 64). Wafaya ¯r. 69. V: 81./1155–1349.M. with a focus on Anatolia’s gradual integration into broader patterns of contemporary scholarly life prevalent in the societies of the eastern Mediterranean.L. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯.59 Ibn Iya ¯ s (d. al-Sagharghi certificats d’audition a (Damascus: Institut franc ¸ ais de Damas. 146–160.58 Al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil was renowned for his holding of such assemblies. and the conduct of kings and caliphs. 615–635/1218–1238). 58 Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. ed. Transmission. 550–750 h. Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n had spent an unspecified period of time in Egypt. I shall discuss. Al-Ka ‘‘Die Friedensangebote al-Ka ¯ mils von Egypten an die Kreuzfahrer’’. in turn. 845/1442). I: 264. Kita ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n. Berkey. it is evident that before his arrival in Konya in 655/1257. Y. XIII: 151. 70. whether he himself witnessed these events and participated in them. among the scholars who frequented al-Ka ¯ mil’s _ sessions was Afdal al-Dı ¯n al-Khu ¯. ` gre (Damascus: Institut franc ´e des anne ´es 447/1055–6 a ` 656/1258.
also confirms that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. but also for diplomatic service in the regions surrounding the Mediterranean. and perhaps of the difficulty of retaining specialists of the calibre of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n and al-Khu ¯ in this period. a reflection of the relatively short supply of well-qualified individuals available in the region. IV: 279–280). the monarch suggested that the town was beneath his station. Hibatalla ¯ h al-Bukha ¯ rı ¯ l-Baghda ¯ dı ¯ (d. When Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n requested a posting to Malatya. again like al-Khu ¯. but returned to Baghdad where the Caliph al-Na ¯ sir appointed him to a judgeship. among other scholars whose work is relevant to this study.67 Situated in the larger context of his extended network. The passage incidentally conveys an eagerness on the part of the Seljuk rulers of Anatolia in the decades before the Seljuk defeat at Ko ¨ sedag ˘ to recruit prominent Muslim scholars to their cities. al-Arna8ut _ _ _ and R. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n would also be invoked in connection with Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Ru ¯. where. which draws on Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s authority. he was among the scholars who left Anatolia at the time of the battle ¯ najı of Ko ¨ sedag ˘ in 641/1243. 593/1197). a purpose for which. . the case of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n suggests that the broad intellectual competence so widely admired among the elites in the thirteenth century prepared individuals particularly well not only for judicial and pedagogical appointments. 25. 6Alı ¯ fi 6¯ ¯ b. Badı _ _ Bunya ıl. and that. 637–647/ ¯ n resident in Egypt during the reign of al-Malik al-Sa _ _ 1240–1249). Diplomatic relations between the Ayyu ¯bid and Hohenstaufen dynasties An important part of the context for Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s role as an ambassador for al-Sa ¯ lih is the pattern of diplomacy between the Ayyu ¯ bid and Hohenstaufen courts _ _ 64 Mana ¯ 6 al-Zama ¯ n Furuzanfa ¯ r (Tehran: ¯ qib-i Awhad al-Dı ¯n H a ¯ mid b.64 The function of the narrative in this overtly hagiographical context is to enhance the reputation of Shaykh Awhad al-Dı ¯n. and offered him a post as qadi in an Anatolian city of his choice. ¯ mı ¯ najı was resident in Egypt during the reign of al-Ka ¯ mil. T abaqa ¯ t. His son 6Alı ¯ b. the conduct of an earlier Sha ı scholar appointed to the judgeship in Konya. Seltschukengeschichte. T abaqa ¯ t. ¯ najı he travelled between Egypt and Anatolia. 1347/1969). ed. both scholars accepted judicial appointments. 6Alı ¯ (d. _ 66 Duda. if accurate. cf. 137–138. and where he eventually became chief _ qadi and deputy to the vizierate (al-Subkı ¯. as will be _ seen below. al-Subkı ¯. . Editor’s Introduction. whose successor would receive al-Khu ¯. as Lapidus observes with reference to the Mamluk period. but the jurist insisted. on the grounds that his only interest was proximity to Awhad al-Dı ¯n.65 ¯ najı The length of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s stay in Malatya is unknown. 234. like al-Khu ¯. 6Abd al-Hamid [Damascus: Da ¯ r al-fikr bi-Dimashq. _ IV: 284).66 It is in any event clear from other sources that he was among the a 6ya ¯ lih (r. ed. IV: 189. 565/1170). 91. Jonathan Berkey and Michael Chamberlain. state’’. ¯ najı welcomed Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. See further al-Tahs¯ __ 65 For example. But the report. Takmilat mukhtasar ta8rı ¯kh Dimashq li-bn 6Asa ¯ kir. Abı ¯ l-Fakhr-i Kirma ¯ nı ¯. 1425/2004]. . M. have drawn attention to the frequent involvement of the a 6ya ¯n of Egypt and Syria in extra-judicial capacities. born in Baghdad. relates that the Seljuk ruler. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n served _ in a judicial and pedagogical capacity in a madrasa close to the Friday mosque in Malatya. in the first half of the thirteenth century. 67 Muslim Cities. also travelled to Anatolia. The source.290 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 the purpose of visiting the shaykh. apparently met with some disapproval (lam yakun mahmu ¯d al-sı ¯ra fı ¯hi) (Ibn Manzu ¯ r. who sent him on an embassy to the Hohenstaufen court. they were connected with ‘‘the political and administrative concerns of the . ¯ d-i Tarjameh va-Nashr-i Kita ¯ b. Accordingly. Ira Lapidus. in which. It is possible that like al-Khu ¯.
377.D. S ilat al-takmila. 194–198. 183–184. see Gottschalk. Shaykh al-Shuyu ¯ kh was among the most powerful amirs of the Ayyu ¯ bid period. 184. 72 For a full discussion of the agreement and the background to it. 1386/1966). when Aragonese ambassadors to the Mamluk court sought to contract a treaty. Dahan. 317. 176–177. X: 56–57. Shadhara ¯ m al-za ¯ hira. had contracted a commercial ¯ dil (r. Frederick’s maternal grandfather.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 291 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 that had been developed by al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil I and Frederick II. 239. pp. al-Dhayl 6ala ¯ Sha ¯ l-Rawdatayn. 202–203. al-Dhahabı ¯ fı ¯.6Uthma ¯. al-Sulu ¯ t. had concluded truces with local crusading principalities as well as commercial treaties with Italian states. In earlier negotiations. ‘‘The crusader era and the Ayyu ¯ bid dynasty’’. Roger II.68 Negotiations among Muslim and Christian powers occurred. Early Mamluk Diplomacy (1260–1290). V: 238–239. exemplify the participation of individuals and households in a wide variety of overlapping functions and activities. but the diplomatic relations between al-Ka ¯ mil and Frederick attracted particular attention. 162–163. EI I (1986). al-Ta8rı ¯t ¯kh al-Mansu ¯ rı ¯: Talkhı ¯s al-kashf wa-l-baya ¯ n fı ¯ hawa ¯ dith al-zama ¯ n (Damascus: Matbu ¯ 6a _ _ _ _ _ Majma 6 al-Lugha al. I: Islamic Egypt. Abulafia. Malik al-umara ¯ 8 Fakhr al-Dı ¯n Yu ¯ suf b. 1963). they invoked ‘‘the precedent of the emperor with al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil had ¯ mil’’. in Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-century Syria. 80–84. in Christian and Muslim sources alike. I: i: 230–233. Gottschalk. al-A 6la ¯b. 267–282. father and predecessor of al-Ka ¯ mil. settled in 626/1229. From Saladin to the Mongols. Michael Chamberlain. and several members of the family. al-Husaynı ¯. pp.70 The Awla ¯ d al-Shaykh. 170–172. 596–615/ agreement with Egypt and also engaged in correspondence with its rulers. Liban.M. S. 202–203 and passim. Ko ¨ hler. ed. I: i: 215ff. he was frequently entrusted with diplomatic missions of the highest importance. Siyar. Brill. XIII: 179–180. See Sibt Ibn al-Jawzı ¯. see also H. al-Wa ¯ b Duwal al-Isla ¯ m. pp. Allianzen und Vertra 68 . Like his father.M. ‘‘The crusader era and the Ayyu ¯d ¯ bid dynasty’’. Treaties of Baybars and Qala ¯wu ¯n with Christian Rulers (Leiden: E. On the general tenor of relations between Frankish and Muslim rulers ¨ ge zwischen in the first half of the thirteenth century. I: i: 194ff. Humphreys.71 The mission involved protracted negotiations. See further Hadia Dajani-Shakeel. 64–82. for the cession of Jerusalem to Frederick. VIII: 776–778. Shaykh al-Shuyu ¯ kh (d. Gottschalk. see Humphreys. ‘‘Der Untergang der Hohenstaufen’’. VI: 363. XXIII: 100–102. 70 Born in Damascus after 580/1184–1185. V: 40. Ibn Wa ¯ sil. Crusader States and Their Neighbours.L. and. described by Chamberlain as ‘‘a kind of shadow ruling household’’. 234–235. necessarily. Jordanie. as is well known. 82–83. see Ibn al-Athı ¯r. pp. 1995). ed. ed. Al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil. 6Alı ¯ ¯ d (Damascus: Institut franc _ al-Hamawı ¯. Ibn Iya ¯ 8i 6 al-zuhu ¯r. allowed.72 Al-Ka ¯ mil’s initial overture to Frederick was prompted by his need See al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. no.6A 1200–1218). 190–215. 640–1517. pp. Ibn _ Taghrı ¯birdı ¯. the latter appointed him for a time as his deputy (na ¯ 8ib al-salt ana. D. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ d. ‘‘Awla 2 al-Shaykh’’. Mir8a ¯ 8irat al-Ma 6a ¯ rif ¯ t al-zama ¯ n fı ¯ ta8rı ¯kh al-a 6ya ¯ n (Hyderabad: Matba 6at Majlis Da _ _ al. ‘‘Die Friedensangebote al-Ka ¯ mils’’. Palestine: Topographie _ ˇ historique d’Ibn Sadda ¸ ais de Damas. but the ensuing ¯ truce. al-Maqrı ¯k. 1998). pp. al-Sulu ¯k. 26. quite frequently in the Mediterranean regions. Petry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 69 P. Carl F. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. From Saladin to the Mongols. Frederick II. Ibn Kathı ¯ ya. 223– 224. Holt. 156–158. Ibn Shadda ¯q _ _ ıra fı al-khat¯ ¯ dhikr umara ¯ 8 al-Sha ¯m wa-l-Jazı ¯ra. al-Safadı ¯. Gottschalk. despite a three-year period of imprisonment under al-Sa ¯ lih. From Saladin to the Mongols. and al. Holt. both positive and negative. al-Sulu ¯k.69 In 624/1226–1227. 1371/1952). 1993). pp. 48–50). ¯ niyya. Maya Shatzmiller (Leiden: E. ‘‘Diplomatic relations between Muslim and Frankish rulers 1097–1153 A. On the variously reported terms of the agreement and the population’s reactions to it in Jerusalem and Damascus. 252–255. 1402/1982).6Arabiyya. al-Nuju ¯ s. Fakhr al-Dı ¯n combined his military and diplomatic service with the hearing and transmission of hadith. I: 273. Muhammad b. see Michael A. al-Malik al-Ka sent the Amir Fakhr al-Dı ¯n Yu ¯ suf b. Bada ¯ d. IV: 241–246. 647/1250) as an envoy to Frederick II. _ al-Subkı ¯. al-Dhahabı _ Kita ¯. 130–131. al-Ka ¯r ¯ mil fı ¯ l-ta8rı ¯kh (Beirut: Da sa ¯ dir. A Medieval Emperor (London: Allen Lane. J. Brill. including Fakhr al-Dı ¯n. on _ _ _ the nature of this post during the Ayyu ¯ bid period. I: 211–212. XII: 482–483. 169–170. for example. Ibn al. J.6Ima ¯t al-dhahab. 765–766. Humphreys. Holt. 2004). From Saladin to the Mongols.’’. 1988). were trained in Shafi 6 ı fiqh. Humphreys. al-Bida ¯zı ¯. The Crusader States and Their Neighbours (Harlow: Pearson Longman. T abaqa ¯r. na ¯ 8ib al-mamlaka. Abu ¯ ma. in The Cambridge History of Egypt. P. _ _ 71 Chamberlain.
Gottschalk. The Kingdom of Acre and the Later Crusades (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. emphasise the productive intellectual contact that accompanied the diplomatic exchanges between the Ayyu ¯ bid and Hohenstaufen courts. they describe the Emperor’s respect and affection for al-Ka ¯ mil and especially for Fakhr al-Dı ¯n. 77 Ibn Wa ¯ sil. al-Hamawı ¯kh al-Mansu ¯rı ¯. al-Ta8rı ¯b. A History of the Crusades. From Saladin to the Mongols. where Frederick’s _ _ _ purported correspondence of 627 is reproduced (see further F. In a widely reported example. on one such occasion. al-Ka ¯ mil forwarded Frederick’s envoy to Badr al-Dı ¯n Lu8lu8. Ibn Wa ¯nı ¯. . Contemporaries and later writers praised al-Ka ¯ mil for his interactions as an equal with the scholars at his court. _ IV: 251). to whom he posed challenging questions on a variety of scholarly subjects. 73 See al-Yu ¯nı ¯. text and _ translations by U. Dhayl. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯. ordered the muezzins of the city to forgo the adha ¯ n. who submitted the Emperor’s queries to the attention of Ibn Yu ¯ nus. 1971). al-Maqrı ¯k.74 Several Arabic sources affirm Frederick’s receptivity towards Islam and Islamic culture. _ 76 Ibn Wa ¯ sil. appointed by al-Ka ¯ mil to serve as the Emperor’s guide to Jerusalem. Like some other Arabic historians. Frederick likewise directed a number of abstruse questions on scientific and philosophical matters in his letters to al-Ka ¯ mil. Steven Runciman. See also Runciman. al-Sulu ¯k. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ b. writing some decades after the death of the central figures ¯ sil and al-Yu ¯ nı _ involved in the negotiations over Jerusalem but in an era when the successors to al-Ka ¯ mil and Frederick had also entered into diplomatic relations. IV: 242– _ 243. fra pp. as noted above. Humphreys. 237.77 Frederick also corresponded directly with certain Muslim scholars. Ibn al-Fura ¯kh al-duwal wa-l-mulu ¯k. I: i: 230).73 Of particular relevance in the present context is the affirming intellectual and cultural climate portrayed in several Arabic sources as the setting against which the controversial political agreement regarding Jerusalem is said to have been reached. and M. Ibn al-Fura ¯ t (d. Holt. according to Ibn Wa ¯ sil and other Arabic _ historians. 184–185. al-Dhahabı ¯. and that the Popes (Gregory IX and Innocent IV) repeatedly excommunicated the Emperor. Lyons. Gabrieli. IV: 244–245. I: i: 232. II: 39. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯b. 193–198. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯zı ¯. Abulafia.C. the Emperor continued to send gifts and to maintain an active correspondence with al-Ka ¯ mil and his successors. History of the Crusades. most notably the Maghribi scholar Ibn Sab 6¯ ın (footnote continued) ¨ nkischen und islamischen Herrschern im Vorderen Orient (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter. only a concern to safeguard his own reputation and standing among the Franks (Ibn Wa ¯ sil. esp. I: 48. 1954). who gathered answers from the leading scholars in his dominions. 357–369. 176–185. al-Sulu ¯b. Mamlukes and Crusaders (Cambridge: W. 1991). after whose death in __ 624/1227 al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil is reported to have regretted his promise. Al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil. pp. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. Heffer and Sons. Vol. Frederick is said to have expressed disappointment when the qadi of Nablus. 82. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ t. 189–194. Ta8rı ¯b. 220–223. 156.292 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 for support against his brother al-Malik al-Mu 6azzam. The Emperor is also said to have made derogatory remarks about the Franks’ intellectual shortcomings in an exchange with Fakhr al-Dı ¯n (Ibn Wa ¯ sil. IV: 246. ‘‘Federico II e la cultura musulmana’’. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. al-Sulu ¯k. III. IV: 248–249. Ayyubids.76 Even after Frederick’s departure from Palestine. I: i: 231. Crusader States and Their Neighbours. II: 125. 74 Frederick is reported to have expressed little ambition for the regaining of Jerusalem. Frederick II. Rivista storica italiana 64 .75 The Muslim historians report that Frederick’s favourable disposition towards Muslims and Islamic culture aroused papal hostility. Kita ¯ nı ¯ b Duwal al-Isla ¯ m. 807/1405) avers that Frederick was secretly a Muslim himself. in whom Frederick is said to have confided. 75 Ibn Wa ¯ sil. 7–11). 202–203. sometimes at the expense of the Franks. III: 184–185. 180–188.
ed. ‘‘Frederick II’’. par S ° erefettin Yaltkaya (Paris: l’Institut Franc ¸ ais d’Arche 79 Burnett. 82 Powell. ¯b. culminating in his deportation of large numbers of Sicilian Muslims to Lucera in approximately 1221–1223. Christian or Jewish. ed. ‘‘Frederick II and the Muslims: the making of an historiographical tradition’’. 80 Ibn Wa ¯ sil. if pragmatic. and by implication. Gerhard Endress and Jan A.78 Charles Burnett has situated Frederick II’s correspondence with and patronage of intellectuals who wrote in Arabic.83 Karla Mallette has described Frederick’s correspondence with ‘‘distant. al-Mukhtasar. II: 125. 340. 83 See John Philip Lomax.. 1237–1254] and Manfred resembled their father in their love of the rational sciences). Simon (Leiden: Brill. Anne Tihon and Baudouin van den Abeerle (Turnhout: Brepols. I: 261–269. Presenting Frederick as an exception to prevailing negative perceptions of the Christian rulers of the Latin West served to excuse. Charles Burnett. in the context of ‘‘the liveliness of debate and the simultaneous existence of several great Hellenistic scholars in the Mediterranean basin as a whole’’. eminent Muslims’’ as a sign of his construction of ‘‘an idealized Muslim ‘virtual community’’’. Abu ¯ . al-Yu ¯ nı ¯ l-Fida _ _ Carole Hillenbrand. pp. 2000). John Victor Tolan (New York and London: Routledge. an element in his strategy of appropriating and manipulating certain aspects of Arabic culture and containing or distancing aspects that might threaten or undermine his authority and the stability of his kingdom in Sicily. 1943). conducted a ‘‘deliberate propaganda campaign’’ to defend their negotiations and eventual treaty with the Emperor. The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives (New York: Routledge. ‘‘Frederick II. ed. PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯nı ¯. ‘‘Mosul and Frederick II Hohenstaufen: Notes on Atı ˘ addı ¯raddı ¯n al-Abharı ¯ and Sira ¯g ¯n al-Urmawı ¯’’. 2000). in Occident et Proche-Orient: Contacts scientifiques au temps des Croisades. Correspondance philosophique avec l’empereur Fre ´ ologie de Stamboul. 38–39. Dhayl. 253. Frederick’s sons Conrad IV ¯ nı ¯ l-Fida _ [r. 2005). 265.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 293 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 (d. Isabelle Draelants. Frederick launched a ‘‘propaganda effort’’ to buttress his negotiations with the Ayyu ¯ bids who. 261–262. 145–163. the contraction of agreements with him. See further Dag Nikolaus Hasse. Burns S. The Kingdom of Sicily. and with his descendants who resembled him (according to Ibn Wa ¯ sil. 84 Karla Mallette. al-Yu ¯nı ¯ and Abu ¯ . p. 81 James M. in Averroes and the Aristotelian Tradition. 2000). perhaps even justify. and his cultivation of cordial relations with renowned Muslim figures elsewhere in the Mediterranean is striking. 175–197. 1995).81 It is also important to note that the cultivation of a positive image among Muslims in the Mediterranean represented a purposeful strategy on the part of Frederick: as James Powell has put it. 58–59. in part derived from concerted papal efforts to undermine Frederick by impugning his loyalty to Christianity. and the papacy’’. in their turn. pp.82 Indeed. 668 or 669/1271). n. ‘‘The ‘Sons of Averroes with the Emperor Frederick’ and the transmission of the philosophical works by Ibn Rushd’’. 10.84 ´ ´de ´ric II de Hohenstaufen. 1999). pp.79 The favourable image of Frederick that emerges from the accounts of Ibn Wa ¯ sil _ and al-Yu ¯nı ¯ should be situated in the context of the Muslim historians’ efforts to ¯ nı enhance the reputations of the Ayyu ¯ bid rulers who had entered into controversial. in Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages: Studies in Honor of Robert I. pp. Aertsen (Leiden: Brill. 1100–1250 (Philadelphia. the contrast between the often oppressive measures adopted by Frederick towards the Muslim inhabitants of Sicily. IV: 248. Powell. agreements with the Emperor. to legitimise the later negotiations conducted by the Mamlu ¯ ks with Frederick’s successors.80 The positive portrayal of Frederick in several Muslim sources provides a counterpoint to the hostile representations that appear in several Latin sources. ed. his Saracens. 78 . ‘‘Master Theodore’’. Larry J. Texte arabe publie Ibn Sab 6ˆ ın. whether Muslim. Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam. J.
see Gabrieli. reports that after al-Malik al-Sa ¯ lih came _ _ to power. _ Sira j al-Dı n spent some time in attendance on the Emperor.89 While the Emperor’s professions of admiration for Muslim culture and of personal affection for individual Muslims served distinctly instrumental purposes. See also Gottschalk. _ 88 Ibn Wa ¯ sil. 93 Ibn Wa ¯ sil.93 Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. in the original and in translation. the philosophical sciences and so on’’ (ka ¯ 8il wa-l. 276–80. 36. but his coronation took place only in 1258.88 _ _ Al-Yu ¯nı ¯. .85 From the accounts of Ibn Wa _ _ al-Yu ¯nı ¯. .87 According to Ibn Wa ¯ sil. Burnett. 267. ‘‘Der Untergang der Hohenstaufen’’. _ Francesco Gabrieli. who ‘‘is now qadi of Konya’’ to the court of the Emperor (Frederick II). who received Muslim visitors and corresponded with Muslim scholars. translated by E. pp. 85 86 _ . who himself conducted a diplomatic mission to the court of Frederick’s son _ 86 Manfred. confirms Ibn Wa ¯ nı _ _ Frederick welcomed Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. 144–148. IV: 247. where considerable prominence is given to Frederick’s engagement with Arabic and Islamic intellectual culture. it becomes clear ¯ nı that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s brief reference to this episode was based on his personal ambassadorial experience: it was he who served as al-Sa ¯ lih’s envoy to Frederick. 87 Ibn Wa ¯ sil wrote his Mufarrij al-kuru ¯b in 671–683/1272–1285. King of Sicily (r.92 Among the most intriguing elements in Ibn Wa ¯ lih’s embassy is that Sira ¯j ¯ sil’s account of al-Sa _ _ _ al-Dı ¯n. see al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. 1971). who describes Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n as ‘‘a leader in the rational sciences’’ (ima ¯ nı ¯ man fı ¯ l-ma 6qu ¯la ¯ t) and notes that the Emperor ‘‘loved the [scholarly] virtues. he resumed the pattern of diplomatic engagement with the Hohenstaufen dynasty by sending ‘‘the learned shaykh Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n al-Urmawı ¯’’.90 it is also acknowledged that the Emperor. 1258–1266). Verwandler der Welt2 (Go ¨ ttingen: Musterschmidt. 180–188. 252. al-Sulu ¯ nı ¯k. Eventually the logician returned in honour to al-Malik al-Sa ¯ lih. From Saladin to the Mongols. esp. Frederick II. ¯ ). Alex Metcalfe. II: 125. 288. 292–293. both of whom were acquainted with Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. ‘‘Master Theodore’’. composed a book on logic for him. pp. muhibban lil-fad a _ _ al-hikmiyya wa-ghayriha ¯ sil’s account. According to al-Yu ¯nı ¯. ‘‘Mosul and Frederick II’’. 275. engendering extremely positive relations (mawadda 6az¯ _ Emperor and al-Malik al-Sa ¯ lih. 90 Cf.6ulu ¯m ¯ na . See also Hans Martin Schaller. IV: 247.J. Hasse. who remained at his court for a long period of ıma) between the time. Kaiser Friedrich II. 251–289. is indicated in its perpetuation by al-Sa _ _ and Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n.294 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 The utility of the intellectual aspect of the Ayyu ¯ bid–Hohenstaufen relationship. Abulafia. initiated by al-Ka ¯ lih ¯ mil and Fakhr al-Dı ¯n. Ibn _ _ Wa ¯ sil. 92 Abulafia. Costello (London. Frederick II. ‘‘Mosul and Frederick II’’. 2003). 91 The extent of Frederick’s knowledge of Arabic is uncertain. and Hasse. where the Emperor’s connections with scholars from Mosul are particularly emphasised. 11–62. I: ii: 328–339. pp. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ b. In his Lat a ¯ j al-Dı ¯n relates an incident that took ¯ 8if al-hikma. For the political context for the initiative. 89 Al-Yu ¯nı ¯. 58. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯b. ‘‘Federico II’’. Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily: Arabic Speakers and the End of Islam (London: RoutledgeCurzon. Burnett. Mallette. ‘‘Master Theodore’’. probably understood Arabic. especially in the natural sciences. 1969). while in Frederick’s entourage. ‘‘Sons of Averroes’’. _ _ Manfred was elected King of Sicily after Conrad IV’s death in 1254. 6. Kingdom of Sicily. ‘‘King of the _ _ Franks’’ (malik-i afranj-i imbirat u ¯ sil and ¯r). 110–111. Arab Historians of the Crusades. who held him in the ¯ ¯ greatest respect. See also Burnett. 47–48. 274. Sira _ _ place during an embassy sent by al-Malik al-Sa ¯ lih to the Emperor. Dhayl. Humphreys.91 and demonstrated considerable interest in the knowledge that he acquired from Arabic books. 45–64. ‘‘just as there had been between the former and _ _ the latter’s father al-Malik al-Ka ¯ mil’’. esp. 248–54.
Arabic and Greek were falling into disuse in Sicily. 11–62. al-Mukhtasar. The ¯b. background for more pragmatic negotiations. Roger II (1095–1154) of Sicily. 95 94 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . Hasse. 98 Ibn Wa ¯ sil. Abu ¯ l-Fida _ _ Crusades. completed an original scholarly work. presumably in Arabic.98 Significantly. Medieval Encounters. Medieval Arabic Historiography. ‘‘Mosul and Frederick II’’. ‘‘Ibn Wa ¯ sil’’. Frederick II. undertaken in the context of an extended ambassadorial visit. it may have signified the powerful Emperor’s recognition of the _ superior intellectual status of Muslim scholars. Encyclopedia of Islam (1986). and his chief means of access to the Arabic scientific literature seems to have been provided by Christian philosophers and translators such as Michael Scot. the Kita ¯ b Nuzhat al-mushta ¯ q fı ¯ ikhtira ¯ q al-a ¯ fa ¯ q. 340–341. IV: 38–39. The community at Lucera would be suppressed in 1300. 60. also provided an acceptable. Kingdom of Sicily. 267–268. where Manfred had ordered the construction of a ‘‘house of knowledge’’. who openly professed and practised their faith. is somewhat reminiscent of the more extensive. For Ibn Wa ¯ sil’s readers. 9 (2003): 140–163. Karla Mallette. just as Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n ¯ najı sil had written such a work for Frederick. Jewish scholars also undertook some translations from Arabic for Frederick.99 In his diplomatic conduct. Hillenbrand. who treated him with great honour. 658–676/1260– _ 1277). IV: 38.97 In its context of inter-cultural diplomacy. and where all the inhabitants were Muslims from Sicily. who came to Sicily from Toledo.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 295 This information augments significantly the relatively limited documentary basis available for assessments of the presence and activities of Arabic-speaking intellectuals in Frederick’s dominions in Sicily and southern Italy. 15. El-Shayyal. 97 Burnett. for whom al-Sharı ¯f al-Idrı ¯sı ¯ had composed his geographical compendium. Gabrieli. ‘‘Federico II’’. even respectable. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ . in ‘‘one of the cities of Apulia’’ (Barletta) near Lucera. This gesture. ¯ l-Fida _ _ Hirschler. 49–50. In Frederick’s reign. ‘‘Sons of Averroes’’.95 Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. however. Ibn Wa ¯ sil recounts that _ he spent some time with the king. the historian was aware _ that he had been preceded in the role by Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. The intellectual component in such inter-cultural contacts. G. IV: 248. the book provided an intellectual meeting ground and certainly carried important symbolic significance as well. and moreover selected for the purpose a work of logic based on the writings of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s relative and the close intellectual associate of both men. Abulafia.94 Frederick sponsored translations of scientific works from Arabic into Latin. sent Ibn Wa ¯ sil in 659/1261 as an envoy to Manfred. Frederick II. 59–63. al-Mukhtasar. 6. Ibn Wa ¯ : thus emulated Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n: he presented a treatise of his own composition to the Christian ruler. who had been trained and educated by al-Sa ¯ lih and claimed to rule as his _ _ heir. ‘‘Translating Sicily’’. See also F.96 Charles Burnett has speculated that Frederick may have requested a book on logic from Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n as a result of having been recently tutored in the subject by an unidentified Sicilian Muslim scholar. When the Mamluk al-Malik al-Za ¯ hir Rukn al-Dı ¯n Baybars I (r. and Sicilian poets were initiating a new literary production in an Italianate vernacular. also known as the Kita ¯ b Ruja ¯ r (completed in 548/1154). a treatise on logic later _ revised in the form of a commentary on a work of al-Khu ¯. cosmopolitan intellectual exchange fostered at the court of Frederick’s maternal grandfather. 251–279. important in itself. 99 Abu ¯ . esp. Ibn Wa ¯ sil composed for Manfred the Risa ¯ la al-Anbru ¯riyya. Mallette. It seems likely that it functioned as a token of the giver’s learning and culture and the recipient’s intellectual receptivity and generous patronage. 96 See further Abulafia. III: 967.
Siyar. _ _ 104 Ibn al-Fura ¯ t.J. some of the Franks had crossed the Nile. to Hisn Kayfa to summon the deceased ruler’s son Tu ¯ nsha ¯ h to the ¯ ra throne. II: 26–31. 301–302. _ Ibn Wa ¯ sil. Badr al-Dı ¯n al. 59.M. al-Husaynı ¯. Like his teacher Ibn Yu ¯ nus and his colleague al-Khu ¯. From Saladin to the Mongols. As is well known. Crusader States and Their Neighbours. and Fakhr al-Dı ¯n. Ibn al. XIII: 179–180. al-Sulu ¯k. Shadhara ¯m al-za ¯ hira. 84–86. al-Nuju ¯ d. When these attempts failed. that when Louis IX (r. IV: 447.103 Ayyu ¯ bid forces subsequently intercepted and seized the Franks’ supplies.6Aynı ¯. I: ii: 339. and Fakhr al-Dı ¯n sent al-Fa ¯ ris Aktay. At the time of al-Sa ¯ lih’s death in 647/1249. in concert with the Amir _ _ Fakhr al-Dı ¯n Yu ¯ suf. al-Dhayl 6ala ¯ t al-zama ¯ n. 184. cf. 1980). X: _ 56–57. even though you had no books with you or any other [material] that might help you’’. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯b. V: 40. 317. inflicted a decisive defeat on the invading army at al-Mansura in 648/1250. Frederick sought vigorously to deter him. 29–31.102 Al-Sa ¯ lih’s widow Shajar al-Durr. ¯n (Cairo: al-Hay8a al-Misriyya al. the importance of his placement within his personal network. Bada ¯ 8i 6 al-zuhu ¯r. considered in the context of earlier and later embassies between the Ayyu ¯ bids and the Hohenstaufen rulers. the Franks. Instead we asked you about things that only the ancient philosophers knew. T abaqa ¯ t. al-Dhahabı ¯. 100 101 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . al-Subkı ¯r. S ilat al-takmila. Ibn Iya ¯ s. That their expertise in the rational sciences constituted an important consideration in the selection of Ibn Yu ¯ j al-Dı ¯n and Ibn Wa ¯ sil ¯ nus. XXIII: 100–102. I: 32–37. taken by surprise. _ 342–346.6Ima ¯ t al-dhahab. but also. under Louis _ _ IX (referred to in most of the Arabic sources as roi de France).C. took charge of affairs.101 The latest chronological reference that associates Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n with the Ayyu ¯ bid court falls during the brief reign of al-Malik al-Mu 6azzam Tu ¯ nsha ¯ h (r. A History of the Ayyu ¯bid Sultans of Egypt (Boston. Hirschler. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ n fı ¯ ta8rı ¯kh ahl al-zama ¯ n. 764/1363) _ that Manfred greeted Ibn Wa ¯ sil’s treatise with the words. to avoid exposing Egypt’s vulnerability. You answered [our questions].6A _ al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. Shajar al-Durr and Fakhr al-Dı ¯n concealed the fact of al-Sa ¯ lih’s death. Ayyubids. Amı ¯ b. ‘‘We did not ask you _ concerning what is licit and illicit in your religion. ¯ mma lil-Kita ed. _ _ al-Dhahabı ¯. Broadhurst. Ibn Kathı ¯ ya. undeterred by Frederick’s reported remonstrances. From The earlier episode took place at the time of the death of al.296 Louise Marlow Ibn Wa ¯ sil’s and al-Yu ¯nı ¯’s accounts thus place Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n in a particular group ¯ nı _ of a 6ya ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s ¯ n chosen to serve as envoys to the Hohenstaufen rulers. I: 211–212. one of al-Sa ¯ lih’s principal _ _ _ _ mamluks. V: 239. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s expertise in a broad range of disciplines ¯ najı suited him particularly well for the conduct of diplomatic relations with Muslim and non-Muslim rulers. Humphreys. Holt. and captured Louis IX. ¼ R. 1408/1988). _ 102 ¯ dil in 615/1218. al-Maqrı ¯k. I: ii: 356. reached ¯ ra __ al-Mansura. invested as al-Malik al-Mu 6azzam. al-Bida ¯zı ¯. Abu ¯ Sha ¯ al-Rawdatayn. al-Wa ¯ b Duwal al-Isla ¯ m. Kita ¯. 309. reached Damietta. based on a personal communication may be inferred from Ibn Wa s ¯ _ from Manfred’s mahmanda r . no. M.6A Saladin to the Mongols. was killed in 647/1250. the Emperor reportedly intervened by warning al-Sa ¯ lih of the _ _ Franks’ advance. 158–165. al-Safadı ¯ fı ¯. 1214–1270) was planning to ¯ invade Egypt in 647/1249. 647–648/ ¯ ra __ 1249–1250). Sira _ for such inter-cultural contact is suggested by the report of al-Safadı ¯ (d. see Humphreys. VIII: 776–778. p. 349–351. Mir8a ¯ ma. 252–255. Sira discharge of this diplomatic mission demonstrates not only the high regard in which he was held at the Ayyu ¯ bid court. A 6ya ¯ n. for the second time in the century. Ibn Taghrı ¯birdı ¯. al-Sulu ¯. in which you are a judge.104 Al-Safadı ¯. 103 Sibt Ibn al-Jawzı ¯. MA: Twayne Publishers. I: 278–283. had. By the time Tu ¯ nsha ¯ h. IV: 247. Medieval Arabic Historiography. I: 17–23. VI: 363.100 That Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s efforts were perceived to have been effective il’s account.
106 105 . Sira ¯j ¯ n. Dhayl. Sira ¯j al-Dı ¯n’s position among the a 6ya ¯ n in Egypt facilitated his rapid assumption of notable status following his arrival in Konya. 6Abd al-Hamı _ _ Kathı ¯r. just as al-Khu ¯ had left Egypt for Konya at the death of al-Ka ¯ mil. Ibn Iya ¯ 8i 6 al-zuhu ¯r. II: 27. al-Dhahabı ¯. I: 23–28. according to Ibn al-Fura ¯ t. and his successor Tu ¯ nsha ¯ h. probably beginning with al-Ka information indicates that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n belonged to a group of scholars who. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. al-Sulu ¯b. During the reign of al-Malik al-Sa _ _ al-Dı ¯n’s broad learning and social standing equipped him to maintain and develop the pattern of ostensibly cordial relations between the Ayyu ¯ bids and the Hohenstaufens. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ s. al-Sa _ _ al-Khu ¯’s death in 646/1249. I: 185–188. his brief rule ended when he was assassinated in 648/1250.6Aynı ¯. attended a disputation with al-Malik al-Mu 6azzam Tu ¯ nsha ¯ h. presumably took place at al-Mansura. as well as ¯n’s Ayyu ¯ ra ¯ bid sponsor. and Sira advantageous to leave the city during the years of struggle between the remaining members of the Ayyu ¯ j al-Dı ¯n ¯ ks. took up residence in Cairo and became prominent members of the a 6ya ¯ lih.109 If Sira ¯ bid ruling family and the Bahriyya Mamlu _ left as late as 655/1257. 140–142. Ibn al-Fura ¯k. may have contributed to his decision to leave ¯ najı Egypt permanently. which occurred immediately after Tu ¯ nsha ¯ h’s arrival in ¯ ra Egypt in 647/1249. From Saladin to the Mongols. trained in the manqu ¯la ¯ t and the ma 6qu ¯la ¯ t. al-Sulu ¯k. 108 Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. 24–25. I: 33. 302–303.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 297 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 During this period. I: 45–62. _ _ 109 See further Hirschler. Ayyubids. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. Bada ¯ ya. the deaths of Sira ¯j ¯ najı al-Dı ¯ lih. 265. It is conceivable that. Kita ¯ kir al-Kutubı ¯. Ayyubids. 110 See al-Yu ¯nı ¯. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. The available ¯ bid rulers. ed. with other eminent scholars and jurists.107 Collectively. 6. History. Humphreys. IV: 248. The years that followed al-Sa ¯ lih’s death in 647/1249 saw the _ _ departures of some other Cairene a 6ya ¯ j al-Dı ¯n may have considered it ¯ n. 329–340.108 Whether he had remained in Egypt after Tu ¯ nsha ¯ h’s assassination until his departure for Konya remains unknown. Ayyubids. I: 118. cf. who states that 6Ima ¯ d al-Dı ¯n succeeded al-Jama ¯l Yahya ¯ in the office (al-Sulu ¯k.6Aynı ¯ n. had been appointed qadi of Egypt after al-Khu ¯’s ¯ najı death. Ibn al-Fura ¯ t. I: ii: 354).105 Also present was the qadi 6Ima ¯ d al-Dı ¯n al-Hamawı ¯. III. M. Fawa ¯ nı ¯ b Duwal al-Islam. ¼ Broadhurst.106 The disputation. Ibn Sha ¯t al-wafaya ¯d (Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahda al-Misriyya. according to Ibn al-Fura ¯ t and al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. I: ii: _ 358–363 (where he is said to have ruled for 71 days). 107_ Ibn Wa ¯ sil. II: 32–34. Ibn ¯ t. The new monarch never reached Cairo. Mufarrij al-kuru ¯ t. I: 33. al. Medieval Arabic Historiography. these reports attest to Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s growing stature in Egypt under successive Ayyu ¯ mil. and the ¯ ra reasons for his move to Anatolia are not recorded. Bada ¯ n. al-Maqrı ¯zı ¯. I: 293–295. al. al-Bida ¯. 307. ¯ ra __ _ who. In this diplomatic role. he followed the example of the renowned Fakhr al-Dı ¯n Yu ¯ suf and moreover established the practice of composing and presenting scholarly works as part of inter-cultural ambassadorial contacts. 652–655/1254–657) may have inclined him to move. Ibn Iya ¯ 8i 6 al-zuhu ¯r. From Saladin to the Mongols. XIII: 197–198. the disturbances that followed the assassination of al-Malik al-Mu 6izz (648/1250. Humphreys.110 Ibn al-Fura ¯ t. I: 285 (where his rule is said to have lasted a mere 40 days). I: ii: 354. 1951). 6Iqd al-juma ¯ s. II: 27. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Urmavı ¯’s migration to Anatolia Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n informs us that he arrived at the court of 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II in Konya towards the end of 655/1257.
I: 24. 174–176. 646–663/1248–1265) and 6Ala ¯n K|l|c ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Kayquba ¯ d II. as the second son of Jochi (d. In this regard. the Seljuk territories in Anatolia constituted a dependency of Batu (d. the Seljuk ruler to whom Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n would soon dedicate his Persian work. al. may have played an important role in Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s decision. and the Mongol advance must have seemed relentless to many contemporary observers. 624/1227). n. ¼ Formation. I: 91. Anatolia. had itself suffered repeated military. the Mamluks’ victory over a Mongol army at 6Ayn Jalut in 658/1260 had not yet taken place. it is hoped. had fled from his capital to Antalya. and 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II. I: 410. 22 (1978): 208. La Turquie pre 228–230. 115 Duda. Central Asiatic Journal. see Peter Jackson. xi. and may. 646/1249) had raised the monarch’s oldest son 6Izz al-Dı ¯n ¯n al-Isfaha _ Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II (r.114 who. ed.115 When Batu issued a summons for 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Al-Yu ¯nı ¯. 112 111 . Rukn al-Dı ¸ Arslan IV (r. 1944]. Osman Turan. had received the western part of his father’s appanage on the latter’s death and was to become first khan of the ‘‘Golden Horde’’. Aksara 6i reports the date of the battle as 656/1258 (Karı ¯m ¨sa ˆ meret al-Aqsara ı [Aksara8i]. Following Ghiya ¯ th al-Dı ¯n’s death in 644/1246. Editor’s Introduction. Aksara8i. The Chronography of Gregory Abu ´-ottomane. translated from the Syriac by Ernest I: 136–137. The explanation seems insufficient. 36–38. 273. Seltschukengeschichte. The sources offer differing accounts. c. aged 11. 114 On the date of Batu’s death. Seltschukengeschichte. that conditions in Egypt and Syria – where plague broke out the following year111 – prompted Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s departure during these years of the consolidation of Mamluk power. 644–655/1246–1257). 239–40. 87. on either side of him. and perhaps likely. to the throne with his two younger brothers. the following section addresses the larger context for his movement to Konya. Aksara8i. Hu taken Alamut and was planning to conquer Baghdad. shortly before Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s arrival in Konya. ‘‘The dissolution of the Mongol empire’’. they cannot account for his choice of destination.298 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 While it is possible. cf. political and economic interventions in the decades following the Seljuks’ defeat at Ko ¨ sedag ˘ and was. increasingly absorbed into the Mongol sphere. when it is remembered that by the midthirteenth century. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. states that Ghiya ¯ th al-Dı ¯n’s death and 6Izz al-Dı ¯n’s accession took place in 647/1249–1250 (38). Musa ¯. 41). for example. evoke a fuller range of potential factors in his decision to settle there. however. Cahen. Indeed. the Seljuk army had suffered another major defeat at Aksaray. 654/1256). in 654/1256. Relations between the Seljuks of Ru ¯m and the Mongols in the mid-thirteenth century In 641/1243. Dhayl. 1932). the vizier Shams al-Dı ¯ nı ¯ (d. Tahs¯ _ _ __ 113 Duda. Musa ¯ 8¯ ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r wa-musa ¯ yarat al-akhya ¯ r. It has been suggested that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n sought refuge in Konya from the renewed advances of the Mongols. 634–644/1237–1246) to return to Konya as his deputy. Batu had allowed Ghiya ¯ th al-Dı ¯n Kaykhusraw II (r. the example of al-Khu ¯.6Aynı ¯ n. the proposal is plausible. Bar Hebraeus. A.112 On first consideration. ¯ 8if al-hikma. who had ¯ najı travelled more than once between Cairo and Konya. Mu ¨l-ahba ˆ r: Mog ˘ ollar zaman|nda Tu ¨ rkiye Selc u ¸uklular| tarihi [Ankara: Tu ¨ rk Tarih Kurumu Bas|mevi. ¯ nı Lat a ıl. p. ˆ 8l Faraj. while never subjected to devastation of the kind experienced in regions further to the east. from 641/1243. At the moment of Sira ¨ legu ¨ had already ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s arrival in Konya.113 In the absence of biographical information regarding Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s activities in this period. After the Seljuks’ defeat at Ko ¨ sedag ˘ . Wallis Budge (London: Oxford University Press.
41–43. the daughter of a priest. al. ¼ Formation. Seltschukengeschichte. esp. and held authority in the eastern regions of Anatolia. Encyclopedia of Islam (1997). conjoined with different patterns of external alliances. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 299 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n ¯ s II in 652/1254.6Ima ¯t al-dhahab. I: 362. 182–183. 147). 120 Duda. but died en route under suspicious circumstances and never returned to Konya. called the perva ¯ negı ¯’’ (Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. and they were later strengthened by his close association with the pervane. 649– 658/1251–1260) in Karakorum. On Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. concerning Malik Danis ¸mend Ahmad Gazi. Ibn al. 150. ‘‘Kara ¯ ma ¯ n-Oghullar|’’. including 6Izz al-Dı ¯n’s uncles.6Aynı ¯. 40.6Aynı (I: 144–145. to send him to Batu. 38–39. 440. 119 On intermarriage between the Greek Christian aristocracy and the Seljuk ruling family. Decline.123 Rukn al-Dı ¯n K|l|c by contrast. Decline. 238. ¼ Formation. resisted assimilation into the Mongol dominions. Seltschukengeschichte.122 In a demonstration of his interest in Turkman culture. UT: University of Utah Press. His mother. The Seljuks of Anatolia: Their History and Culture According to Local Muslim Sources. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. see further Ibn Sha ¯ kir. Cahen. V: 352. and later his sons. His co-operative relations with the Mongols dated from his father’s plans.120 in fact. Aksara8i. ¼ Formation. 227–229. these differences manifested themselves in the repeated outbreak of hostilities between them. 232.6Aynı ¯ n. La Turquie pre 234. in Turkish. implemented subsequently.121 6Izz al-Dı ¯n. Aksara8i. 341). 182.119 Greek and Byzantine individuals. 118 ´-ottomane. Seltschukengeschichte. various narratives ¸ Arslan IV. Aksara8i. trans. 122 See F. ‘‘Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n Sulayma ¯ n Parwa ¯ na’’. adopted Kayseri (sometimes Tokat) as his capital. 6Izz al-Dı ¸ Arslan IV. 278–279. 1992). 121 Vryonis.117 The two older brothers. 179. Fawa ¯ d. like him. 188. also enjoyed the strong support of the Turkman communities. although Ibn al-Fuwat¯ ı records it under the year 657 (al-H awa ¯ dith al-ja ¯ mi 6a. 149. who. La Turquie pre 124 Carole Hillenbrand. See further Duda. partitioned territories. no. Shadhara ¯ t al-wafaya ¯ t. Encyclopedia of Islam (1993). it was decided that his youngest brother 6Ala Kayquba ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n ¯ d II should attend in his stead. cf. 262–264. and ed. ´-ottomane.124 Duda. 116 117 . Decline. _ _ ´-ottomane. Cahen. through whom the Mongols ensured the effective representation of their objectives in Anatolia. I: 144–150. La Turquie pre 246. 466. Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n Sulayma ¯ n (d. Musa ¯. Gary Leiser (Salt Lake City. 676/1277). Vryonis. In the decades that followed their accession. Al. Aksara8i defines the pervane’s office as ‘‘the ima ¯ rat. 335. I: 145. 265. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n and Rukn al-Dı ¯n came to represent divergent political and cultural outlooks and their constituencies. Al. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II exercised authority in the western regions of Anatolia. 89). ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯n K|l|c ¯ s II and Rukn al-Dı reigned sometimes jointly and sometimes over separate. the romance in which the author Ibn 6Ala ¯ 8 assembled. 284. pp. and 6Izz al-Dı ¯n retained close ties with his Greek relatives and with the Byzantine court for much of his life. VII: 479. 39–40. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ records 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n’s death as occurring in 655 ¯ n. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n commissioned the Danis¸mendname. were particularly prominent during his reign. 238–239. IV: 619.118 From his capital at Konya. Cahen. 266. where his position required his readiness to accommodate Mongol interests. see Vryonis.116 From Batu’s camp 6Ala proceeded at an uncertain date to the camp of the Great Khan Mo ¨ ngke (r. Su ¨ mer. was Greek. _ 123 Mehmed Fuad Ko ¨ pru ¨ lu ¨ . Speros Vryonis has asserted that 6Izz al-Dı ¯n’s court ‘‘was run by his maternal uncles and their influence and Christian orientation were such that there was a sharp and dangerous split between Muslims and Christians in the dynastic politics of Konya’’.
he received several kings and notables bearing tributes and pledges of loyalty. set out for Burg where Rukn al-Dı ¸ Arslan IV had been detained. 718/1318).131 Michael Palaiologos also fled. seized several cities. 1259–1282). 185–186. and in 654/1256 inflicted a decisive defeat on the Seljuk forces at ın al-Dı Aksaray. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. Certain religious scholars also favoured resistance. 234. ¼ Formation.128 Owing to the intercession of various notables. under Baiju’s command.127 A Mongol army. 1968). La Turquie ´-ottomane. ed. Michael Palaiologos had taken refuge in Konya from Nicaea.132 The delegation returned ¯n K|l|c to Konya with Rukn al-Dı ¯n.6Aynı ¯. Aksara8i. subdued the fortress of Malatya. 273.125 When Hu arrived in Iran. 657/1259). whereupon Hu 125 ´ tienne Quatreme ` re Rashı ¯d al-Dı ¯n [Raschid-eldin]. which he ¯n (d. and later to Byzantine territory. 128 Al. M. ed. once Hu crossed in 653/1256. who acceded to the (sole) sultanate. including from Rum the two sultans 6Izz al-Dı ¨ legu ¨ ¯n and Rukn al-Dı ¯n. 150–153. civ. and for no longer than was necessary to fulfil the Mongols’ immediate needs ( 6Iqd al-juma ¯ n. La Turquie pre . I: 118. 40–42).126 At Konya. pre 127 At this time. Mashkur (Tehran: Kita ¯ shı Introduction. who would emerge as the first in the line of Ilkhans. Baiju being absent at the hunt.300 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 As noted above. The sequence of events that led to this eventuality began when the Great Khan Mo ¨ ngke appointed Hu ¨ legu ¨ (r. Rashı ¯d al-Dı ¯n. ¼ Formation. among other constituencies. on the counsel of. who was killed in the battle (Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. 241–242. ¯n. I: 424–425. 132 Duda. Cahen. 186.130 As noted above. See further Jackson. and she responded by entrusting the city to the khat¯ ıb. 216–219. Editor’s ¯ r-i Sala ¯ jiqeh-yi Ru ¯ m. c. found himself obliged to seek pasturage further west in Anatolia. Baiju (fl. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ n. 654–663/1256–1265). ‘‘Dissolution’’. I: 155–156). Seltschukengeschichte. ¼ Formation.129 although Baiju ordered Mu 6¯ ¯n to dismantle the capital’s fortifications. to complete the conquest of western Asia. the khat¯ _ townspeople to surrender their wealth as a ransom for their lives. 262–263. Decline. 129 According to al. pp. but before he had begun to move against the Isma 6ilis. Michael Palaiologos. 242–243. his position as sole sultan is reflected in coinage from the year 655/1257. including Mu 6¯ ¯n Sulayma ¯ n. on Rukn al-Dı ¨ legu ¨ ¯n’s behalf. and trans. the Byzantine capital since the Latin occupation of Constantinople in 1204. 131 Duda. Baiju. Duda. 126 Bar Hebraeus. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. to which he demanded permanent access. commander of the Mongol troops in northwestern Iran and Iraq. Seltschukengeschichte. 130 ´-ottomane. the Seljuk army suffered a major defeat in 654/1256. 184–185. Baiju stipulated that the gates _ should be opened and the townspeople’s safety assured. the khat¯ ıb brought the townspeople’s possessions to Baiju’s wife. 42–43. as well as the promotion of Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n Sulayma ¯ n to the office of ha ¯ jib al-hujja ¯b or amı ¯r ha ¯ jib. E (Amsterdam: Oriental Press. 273–275. the future Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos (r. 1350/1971). 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II fled to Antalya. Aksara8i notes the strong opposition to the Mongol demands of the qadi 6Izz al-Dı ¯n. Aksara8i. Seltschukengeschichte. 275. Konya largely escaped the destruction and pillage that had been visited ın al-Dı on other cities that had failed to capitulate.133 In the same year. p. Histoire des Mongols de la Perse. with no more than 50 Mongols allowed to enter the city. Cahen. According to Rashı ¯d al-Dı ¨ legu ¨ had set up camp close to the Oxus. entered Anatolia. _ _ _ 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II resolved to oppose Baiju’s demands.6Aynı ıb played an instrumental role in securing Konya’s safety. Histoire. see also I: 153. Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ˘ lu. 133 ´-ottomane. La Turquie pre Akhba ¯ bfuru ¯-yi Tehra ¯ n. He urged the ¯. 243. Chronography. who became a Muslim at the khat¯ ıb’s _ _ hands. together with some of the notables of Konya. 42. Cahen. who was currently in residence at the Seljuk court and serving as ‘‘constable’’ in charge of the sultan’s Christian troops. See further Vryonis. Baiju later told his wife that he had vowed to make Konya a gift to her in the event that he conquered the city.J.
189. where he was welcomed by the townspeople and coins were again struck in his name. 245. the city was emerging as a viable location in the trajectories of scholars.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 301 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 recalled him to participate in the campaign against Baghdad. Michael returned to Nicaea. the region enjoyed a flourishing commercial life.136 In Rabi 6 II 655/May 1257. 227. 241. 276. now fell under the control of Hu ¨ legu ¨ and his successors. on the ‘‘Greek Constable’’. Conditions in Konya in the mid-thirteenth century In the early thirteenth century. Seltschukengeschichte. on Mo the wake of his brother’s departure. Cahen. 186–187. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. he succeeded in retaking Constantinople from Baldwin II. It is likely that Rukn al-Dı ¯n intended to consolidate his position in the eastern regions where he had stronger support. Jackson. 65–66. previously a dependency of Batu.141 The purpose of the preceding account of events in Konya on the eve of Sira ¯j al-Dı ¯n’s arrival there has been to suggest that the search for refuge before the Mongol advance seems unlikely to have been a compelling factor in Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s migration. cf. ¼ Formation. 49. sought to alienate 6Izz al-Dı ¯n from the Muslim notables of Konya. from neighbouring societies. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n returned with the support of 3000 men provided by the Byzantine emperor. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. whom he does not identify by name. Seltschukengeschichte. 244–245. and Greek and Bar Hebraeus. n. 189. cited in Vryonis. including the office of beg ˘ lerbeg ˘ i. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n bestowed high status. 247. Aksara8i reports that the Constable. Cahen.134 Anatolia. made for Danishmandiyya. as the network of caravanserais constructed across Anatolia at this time suggests. suppressing resistance and executing his opponents. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. ‘‘Dissolution’’. and to pay his respects to Hu ¨ legu ¨ . Several contributing factors in this development may be enumerated. Chronography. ´-ottomane. who wrote in the first quarter of the fourteenth century.137 According to Aksara8i. Cf. the number was 300. 234. Seltschukengeschichte. Decline. 247. ´-ottomane. According to Acropolites. Rukn al-Dı ¸ Arslan IV and Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n K|l|c ¯n promptly departed from Konya. 1974). It is therefore instructive to consider the possible significance of positive factors in Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s decision to settle in Konya. Cahen. 550. see further Vryonis. 187. and adopted Tokan as their capital. 234. 186 and passim. returned to his throne in Konya.)140 6Izz al-Dı ¯n sought to re-establish his position by retaking the cities. 176. La Turquie pre 141 ´-ottomane.142 Turks and Greeks engaged in extensive commercial relations. 276–277.138 In Konya. especially Persian-speakers. ¼ Formation. Aksara8i. Cahen. XII. Duda. presumably Michael Palaiologos. 136 Duda. Christianus. 173. Duda. 49. 425. La Turquie pre 142 ´ but du XIIIe sie ` cle’’. Cahen.139 (When the Byzantine Emperor Theodore II Lascaris died in August 1258. ‘‘Le commerce anatolien au de ´ face de He ´ le ` ne Ahrweiler (London: Variorum Reprints. 6Izz al-Dı ¨ ngke’s orders and in ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II. As the example of al-Khu ¯ ¯ najı had already suggested. Vryonis.135 According to Aksara8i. I: 426. ¼ Formation. Decline. 135 134 . La Turquie pre 184. ¼ Formation. Turcobyzantina et Oriens Claude Cahen. from whence. 139 Aksara8i. 137 ´-ottomane. 49–51. La Turquie pre 138 Aksara8i. La Turquie pre 140 ´-ottomane. Vryonis. Decline. Pre 221–223. in July 1261. ¼ Formation.
T. The Triumphal Sun: The Works of Jala ¯ loddin Ru ¯mı ¯ (Albany. had left Balkh and settled in Konya by 628/1230–1231. Bar Hebraeus. mostly Greek Christian population. mustawfı ¯n Mı ¯ka ¯ 8¯ ¯ and later na ¯ 8ib al-salt ana. including immigrants and indigenous converts. Konya possessed a large. largely non-Muslim population of Malatya during his earlier residence there.144 The establishment of the Mongol protectorate reduced Konya’s political and economic significance. artisans and farmers. Decline. a large portion of Byzantine society in Anatolia had lived under Turkish rule for two centuries. 309 (Ibn Battu ¯ ta’s report may derive from _ __ _ hearsay). 221. 146 Vryonis. 235. to attract Muslim scholars. Claude Cahen. most notably. VIII. Cahen. esp. 147 See further Duda. occasional envoys. 99. p. courtiers. 675/1277). with the result that the Greek Christian element had been integrated into a new Anatolian Muslim society. __ _ _ __ _ _ __ _ ed. 1362). 164. Konya. La Turquie pre 144 143 . 382 and passim. I: 413. University of New York Press. Decline.151 Less attention Vryonis. _ 151 Annemarie Schimmel. 14–15. 150 Mana ¯ qib-i Awhad al-Dı ¯n.147 Vryonis points out that by the third quarter of the century. esp.146 Prominent statesmen such as Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Karatay. Jews and Christians. ¼ Formation.149 Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n is reported to have commented on the mixed. 223–244. Baha ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Muhammad Walad (d. 95. traders. and Amı al-Dı ıl (d. together with his teacher’s example of offering instruction to Muslims.302 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 Muslim merchants travelled between Constantinople and Konya.148 Christians interacted with Muslims as administrators. Decline. and rose to the highest ranks of the Seljuk administration. atabegs and viziers. Chronography. several prominent religious figures. 148 Vryonis. Turcobyzantina et Oriens Christianus. alongside a growing Muslim population of diverse heritage. 145 Vryonis. 243. secretaries. ‘‘Le commerce anatolien’’. some of them travelling over great distances. 223. and his familiarity with the Jewish and Christian scriptures doubtless provided a beneficial preparation for Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n as he assumed a prominent role in the urban environment of Konya. _ 628/1231) and his family. painters. Seltschukengeschichte. by the middle of the thirteenth century. Ibn Battu ¯ ta. NY: State ´-ottomane.6Ilmiyya.150 This earlier experience. pp. musicians. Genoese and Venetians. Decline. yet in the early fourteenth century. its broad streets and impressive markets. the city’s residents included Tuscans.143 At the time of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s arrival in the middle of the century. architects. 1978). Vryonis. ‘‘Une famille byzantine au service des Seldjuqides d’Asie Mineure’’. took up residence in the Seljuk domains. in significant measure as a result of earlier immigration as well as the deliberate investment of successive Seljuk rulers. 97–98.145 Throughout the thirteenth century. As is well known. Despite its relatively remote location from the older centres of Islamic learning and its comparatively small and recently constituted Muslim population. were both Greek _ in origin. Nuzhat al-qulu ¯ -yi ¯b (Tehran: Dunya _ kita ¯ b. 257. Decline. who had served the Seljuks since the reign of 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Kayquba ¯ d I and assumed the role of atabeg to 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯n ¯ s II. 218. Rihlat Ibn Bat t u ¯t a al-musamma ¯ tuhfat al-nazza ¯ r fı ¯ ghara ¯ 8ib al-amsa ¯ r. pp. some Christians participated in the Seljuk armies. and the large number of crafts practised by its artisans. including his son Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Ru ¯ (604–672/1207– ¯ mı 1273). Decline. 1992). Cahen. was in a position. Harb (Beirut: Da ¯ r al-Kutub al. which had become a large and prosperous city. 142–287. 149 Vryonis. visitors remarked on the city’s agricultural and commercial productivity. see also Hamdalla ¯ h Mustawfı ¯ Qazvı ¯nı ¯.
6Ala Ibn Bı ¨ rk ¯bı ¯. and consequently accepted relatively obscure positions. 646/1249). 79. The city constituted an important locus of the intellectual endeavours and exchanges that. V: 311. Seljuk rulers in Anatolia not infrequently sought to persuade scholars whom they received as ambassadors to remain in their territories permanently. religious scholars and men of letters. 153 ¨ 8l. 69. 25. n. n. but they established a pattern that continued throughout the century. Transmission. disposed some specialists to regard Konya. Medieval Arabic Historiography. 1376/1957). According to Ibn Bı ¯bı ¯. Berkey. Wafaya ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n. Shams al-Dı ¯ nı ¯ (d. 158. and see above. ‘‘Master Theodore’’. 158 See above. pp. philosophy and mysticism.154 Significantly.157 For Sira reservations are recorded. esp.155 As noted above. 152 . 59–60. despite the high regard in which it was held among many members of the elites. although there is no evidence that they suffered any professional limitations as a result of their intellectual proclivities (indeed. ¼ Formation. 1385/2006). But see also Chamberlain. La Turquie pre 154 Ya ¯ qu ¯ r sa ¯ dir. Badi 6 al-Zaman Furuzanfar. 156 Hirschler.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 303 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 has been paid to the rate at which jurists arrived from neighbouring regions. The Civilian Elite of Cairo in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton. 232–233. coincidentally the reputed site of Plato’s tomb. Adnan Sadik Erzi (Ankara: Tu Tarih Kurumu Bas|mevi.156 Ibn Yu ¯ ¯ nus and al-Khu ¯ najı had both experienced such ambivalence towards the rational sciences. Seltschukengeschichte. 264. cf. 161. as Burnett has emphasised. 214. Carl F. had assembled at his court an impressive group of amirs. Mawla ın. 1981). as Cahen has noted and as the earlier experience of al-Khu ¯ ¯ najı demonstrates. ¼ Formation. including poets and reciters. cf. although. as a hospitable environment for particularly diverse intellectual pursuits. NJ: Princeton University Press.159 ´-ottomane. El-Eva ¯ miru ¯ 8iyye fı ¯8l-umu ¯ri8l. 13. Knowledge. n. 569–583. Theodore of Antioch. Mu 6jam al-bulda ¯ n (Beirut: Da _ 155 Taking Barhebraeus’s mention of ‘‘Sultan 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n’’ to refer to the Seljuk Kayquba ¯ d I of Rum (Burnett. 228. La Turquie pre immigration into Anatolia was linked in part to the relatively small numbers of learned Muslim scholars in the region and the efforts of Muslim rulers to recruit them from elsewhere. Even in later periods. ed. 157 Ibn Khallika ¯ n. 251–252. Petry. crossed political and communal boundaries and characterised activities among the elites in the Mediterranean regions as a whole. after Ibn Yu ¯ nus assumed his father’s post at the Mosque of Amir Zayn al-Dı n of Irbil. 1956). IV: 410. p. spent a brief period of time in the city in the service of 6Ala ¯ 6 al-Dı ¯n (Kayquba ¯d I). pp.6Ala ¯ 8iyye [facsimile].158 but perhaps also an indication of Konya’s pronounced receptivity to rational enquiry. expertise in the rational sciences sometimes exposed scholars to suspicion and criticism. 209. 159 See above. ¯ ra ¯ t-i Mu 6¯ ¯ na ¯ Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Muhammad Mawlavı ¯ (Tehran: Intisha _ ´-ottomane.152 These examples date from the era that preceded the subordination of Konya to Mongol hegemony. 10. no such ¯ liyya after his long tenure there). 251–264. 82–87. 177–178. Cahen.153 It is possible that the Seljuks’ cultivation of scholars engaged in the rational and religious sciences. scholarly See Cahen. who wrote in the second half of the thirteenth century. the vizier who had ¯n al-Isfaha _ placed 6Izz al-Dı ¯n on the throne at the death of the prince’s father and exercised considerable power during the young king’s minority. the latter institution came to be known as ¯ al-Madrasa l-Kama ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. ¯ t. perhaps owing to biographers’ neglect of scholars who took up residence in Anatolia. Duda. 231–232). like Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n a student of Ibn Yu ¯ nus and later personal philosopher to Frederick II. Hirschler has suggested that some scholars inclined towards the rational sciences faced a reduced set of professional opportunities. 276–278.
Path of God’s Bondsmen. often in order to confirm the religious credentials of controversial Muslim mystics and. 11–12. were recognised ¯ sı _ _ by contemporaries (al-Yu ¯nı ¯ described the Ilkhan’s love of the rational sciences. amirs and administrators had also established a number of religious and educational institutions. physician and master of theological ır al-Dı complexities. also served as qadi of Sivas and Malatya under the Ilkhan Ahmad (r. Najm al-Dı ¯n Ra ¯ zı ¯ (573–654/1177–1256). 2: ‘‘In Anatolia’’. Hartmann. Mongol control of Anatolia did nothing to diminish and may have intensified this pattern. La Turquie pre 164 ´-ottomane. Wiedemann. with his brothers he had ¯ established and administered madrasas.6iba ¯ d. The Seljuk sultans appear to have welcomed such individuals and readily to have conferred judicial appointments upon them. including the Bu ¨ yu ¨ k Karatay madrasa founded in the city in 649/1251–1252. as well as other public facilities. Shiha ¯b ¯ d al.6iba ¯ d min al-mabda8 ila ¯ l-ma 6a ¯ d (618–620/1221–1223). who composed his Mirsa ¯ d al. Instead. ‘‘Kutb al-Dı ¯n al-Shı ¯ra ¯ zı ¯’’. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s expertise in logic aroused any concern whatsoever. 64. and dedicated the second recension of the work to 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Kayquba ¯d I (r. 680–683/1282–1284). ¼ Formation. A. A History of the Seljuks: Ibrahim Kafesog _ and the Resulting Controversy (Carbondale and Edwardsville. their sometimes unruly followers. in _ Anatolia. Dhayl. Algar. rulers. and his lavish support for the work of Nas¯ ¯n Tu ¯. Encyclopedia of Islam . Hu ¨ legu ¨ ’s interest in scientific ır al-Dı enquiry. c.162 Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Karatay had endowed a mosque and a za wiya at Konya.161 There _ appears to be no evidence to suggest that in this Anatolian milieu. and sometimes remained in their positions for considerable periods of time.163 The vizier Fakhr al-Dı ¯n 6Alı ¯ (d. Cahen. In Konya and other major towns. La Turquie pre Rogers. Gary Leiser. who sent him on an embassy to Syria.164 Such endowments ensured a hospitable welcome and generous support for several scholars. IL: Southern Illinois University Press. 6Umar _ al-Suhrawardı ¯ read the work during his stay in Anatolia and attached a written endorsement to it (Mirsa ¯. educational. p. 181. Path of God’s Bondsmen. several celebrated scholars with diverse interests and a variety of intellectual and aesthetic orientations took up residence in Anatolia. 45–46. _ _ 163 ´-ottomane. 687/ 1288) was similarly productive. 237. ¼ Formation. V: 409–411. it was his judicial authority that was invoked. religious and social practices. ¯ nı ‘‘even though he did not understand them’’). V: 547–548. 1988). 12–13. in Persian. J. and a funerary kha ¯ nqa ¯ h (678/1279–1280). student of Nas¯ ¯n Tu ¯. praises the Seljuks for their endowments of foundations and their sponsorship of scholars and mystics. II: 358. ‘‘Saldju ¯ kids VI: art and architecture’’.M. Mirsa ¯ d al. Qutb al-Dı ¯n _ Shı ¯ra ¯ zı ¯ (634–710/1236–1311). 115. among his foundations in Konya are the Ince Minare madrasa (656/1258). _ _ 162 Najm al-Dı ¯n Ra ¯ zı ¯. by extension. IX: 779).6iba ¯ d. Aksara8i. visiting jurists ¯ najı assisted in the running of newly endowed institutions and the establishment and perpetuation of judicial. VIII: 964– _ 970. 43–44. E. Al-Yu ¯nı ¯. an adjacent kha ¯ nqa ¯ h (668/1269–1270). 223. by the time of Sira ¯j al-Dı ¯n’s arrival. 161 160 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . as the examples of al-Khu ¯ and Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n suggest. A 6ya ¯ n. 617–634/1220–1237). If Konya’s heterogeneous and growing Muslim population provided a conducive intellectual environment for scholars of the rational sciences. ‘‘al-Suhrawardı _ al-Dı ¯n Abu ¯ Hafs 6Umar’’.304 Louise Marlow Over the decades. Encyclopedia of Islam (1986). Encyclopedia of Islam (1995). Cahen. in the leading Anatolian cities. ¼ Algar. the astronomer. both before and after the region was assimilated as a tributary into the Mongol domains. esteemed by successive Ilkhans and ¯ sı _ _ welcomed by the pervane. ¯ nı ˘ lu’s Interpretation Al-Safadı ¯. 168.160 In another example. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r.
‘‘Saldju ¯ kids V: administrative.168 Persian had acquired broader cultural significance as well: as Carole Hillenbrand has observed. retained its status as the leading (but not exclusive) medium for pursuit of the religious sciences. 601– _ _ 607/1192–1196.167 As in other regions under Seljuk rule. Editor’s Introduction. 167 Sadr al-Dı ¯n Konevi. like his mastery of the naqlı ¯ and 6aqlı ¯ sciences and his familiarity with the Jewish and Christian scriptures as well as a vast corpus of Islamic religious and scholarly writings. pp. n. 638/1240).C. In keeping with the receptivity of court and city to diverse intellectual and cultural forms. Cahen.6Arabı ¯ (d. Persian served as the language of the court and the administration. La Turquie pre 168 Aksara8i. EI2 VIII (1995): 953–959.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 305 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 Persian-speaking scholars were especially well placed to take up posts in Anatolia. 588–592. and in his _ _ discussion of the various sciences and their respective ranks. _ 170 Najm al-Dı ¯n Ra ¯ zı ¯. 237–256). in thirteenth-century Anatolia as elsewhere. 55–60. as his nisba suggests. 69–71). equipped him for particular levels of service and professional activity in Konya. including Baha ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Ru ¯ and ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Muhammad Walad. many of the Seljuk rulers in Anatolia assumed Persian names evocative of the Sha ¯ hna ¯ meh. Arabic. 1999]. 6Afı ¯f al-Dı ¯n Konevi (605–673/ ¯n Sulayma ¯ n al-Tilimsa ¯ nı ¯ (d. It is quite likely that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n spoke Turkish. Chittick. 2. its use was not limited to works of jurisprudence and theology. Mirsa ¯ d al. 262. 38. he devotes 172 Sira considerable attention to the importance of Arabic. Path of God’s Bondsmen. 2.169 and the arrival of several celebrated Persianspeaking figures. 169 ´-ottomane.165 As Richard Bulliet has shown. contributed to the growing cultural prestige of Persian and of Iranian culture. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r.171 He chose to compose his Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma in Persian. such as those composed by Ibn al. 28–29. 165. ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s demonstration of his bilingualism acquires particular significance in the context of a culture in 165 A corresponding advantage for individuals who were bilingual in Turkish and Arabic prevailed among immigrants to Mamluk Egypt in the later fourteenth century (Petry. al-Tahs¯ ıl. That a knowledge of Arabic and Persian. but he does not appear to have written in that language. Cahen. 1204–1210) (Julie Scott Meisami. At an even earlier date. _ Ra ¯ vandı ¯ had dedicated his (Persian) Ra ¯ hat al-sudu ¯ r va-a ¯ yat al-suru ¯r to Kaykhusraw I (r. _ _ . Hillenbrand. 217. 753–755. ‘‘Ra ¯ vandı ¯’’. I: 15–16. 166 See n. 7–8. 159–160. ¼ Formation. was necessary for correspondence and for administrative affairs is evident from the numbers of translations that were carried out in the Seljuk chancellery. La Turquie pre Bosworth.6iba ¯ d. 330. __ 172 Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. Najm al-Dı ¯n Ra ¯ zı ¯ notes the considerable demand for writings in Persian as early as the first quarter of the thirteenth century. Algar.166 The Iranian presence in Anatolia manifested itself in the growing prominence of Persianate cultural production. and the region became an increasingly desirable destination for bilingual scholars. 171 Cf. See W. well before the Mongol conquests intensified such movements. and in some cases Greek. above. Jala ¯ mı _ Najm al-Dı ¯n Ra ¯ zı ¯. 690/1291) and Sadr al-Dı _ 1207–1274) during their periods of residence in Anatolia. ‘‘Sadr al-Dı ¯n al-Ku ¯’’. C. ¼ Formation. As noted above. spent most of his life in Konya. 64. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II promoted Turkman culture and literary activity in Turkish. EI2 VIII (1995): ¯ nawı _ _ ´-ottomane. Iranian scholars had migrated to the Anatolian cities and elsewhere for largely economic reasons. The Civilian Elite. where he had taken up _ teaching by the year 643/1245–1246.170 Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s proficiency in the two major literary languages of the Muslim communities of the region. Persian Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century [Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.E. social and economic history’’. but included mystical and speculative works.
¼ Formation.176 In 649/ 1251–1252. ¼ Formation. Cahen.306 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 which scholars sometimes played prominent roles in negotiations among the multiple constituencies that came into contact in the region. Cahen. 101–104. for example. Seltschukengeschichte. 229–235. Karatay contributed to the construction in Baghdad of a tomb for al-Suhrawardı ¯. the caliph’s name alone appears. amirs and atabegs and among local constituencies. ¯n Muhammad Ra _ scholars contributed to the establishment or restoration of co-operation and mutual assistance among princes. negotiating agreements.6Aynı ¯. 181. Seltschukengeschichte. discussed below. La Turquie pre 246–247. Seltschukengeschichte. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s career in Konya After Baiju’s defeat of 6Izz al-Dı ¯n’s forces in 654/1256 and the subjugation of Konya. IV. and even defending cities and their populations. many years later. 181. like Karatay. the qadi 6Izz al-Dı ¯n. who had received an enthusiastic welcome in Anatolia. for instance. witnessing. ¼ Formation.175 Karatay had been in _ _ attendance when in 618/1221. As will be seen. ‘‘al-Suhrawardı ¯’’. La Turquie pre 175 Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. enjoyed good relations with the caliph.178 The available sources contain no record of 173 174 ´-ottomane. as ambassador to the latter. 181. In thirteenth-century Anatolia. Karatay sent his vizier.173 Karatay. Cahen. Duda. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n performed several of these functions following his arrival in Konya and his appointment as chief qadi of the capital. effecting reconciliations. 189. who. al. appointed the qadi 6Izz al-Dı ¯ zı ¯ (d. it may be noted that he arrived shortly before Hu ¨ legu ¨ ’s conquest of Baghdad and the execution of the caliph al-Musta 6sim in Safar 656/February 1258. who included a brief section on the caliphate in his Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. 280. a possibility rendered somewhat more likely by an account of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s later ambassadorial service. 162–163. by. interceding. 234. Duda. 237. 237. with a view to Hu ¨ legu ¨ ’s imminent campaigns in Iraq and Syria. mediating. civ. as atabeg to 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II. ¼ Formation. Duda. ¼ Formation. La Turquie pre 177 ´-ottomane. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ n. I: 150–151. 654/1256) to the vizierate. El-Evamiru ¯ 8iyye.177 The Seljuks’ cultivation of ties with the Abbasids may have made a positive impression on Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. 183. _ _ 176 ¨ 8l. 575–622/1180–1225) had sent _ Shiha ¯ b al-Dı ¯n 6Umar al-Suhrawardı ¯ (539–632/1145–1234) with the emblems of caliphal investiture (manshu ¯r-i salt anat va-niya ¯ bat-i huku ¯mat-i mama ¯ lik-i Ru ¯m) to _ _ the court of 6Ala ¯ 8 al-Dı ¯n Kayquba ¯ d I. 216.6Ala See Ibn Bı ¯bı ¯. and on most of the Seljuk coinage of 647–655/1249–1257. scholars acted as ambassadors to the courts of neighbouring and more distant rulers. La Turquie pre 178 ´-ottomane.174 In various capacities. Mo ¨ ngke. re-instituted the partition of the Anatolian territories between 6Izz al-Dı ¯n and Rukn al-Dı ¯n towards the end of 655/1257. 261–264. Cahen. ´-ottomane. Akhba ¯ r-i sala ¯ jiqeh-yi Ru ¯m. as in Egypt. the caliph al-Na ¯ sir (r. with no indication of Mongol overlordship. In a final consideration of the possible factors involved in Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s migration to Konya. 239. 778–782. who had just acceded to the throne. Sadr al-Dı ¯n Konevi was appointed to assist in _ the negotiation of a settlement between 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯n ¯ s II and Rukn al-Dı K|l|c ¸ Arsla ¯ n IV. La Turquie pre ´-ottomane. Hartmann. conveying communications. legitimising. Cahen. endorsing. . 276. _ It is conceivable that the ties between the Seljuks of Anatolia and the Abbasid caliphs added to Konya’s appeal to scholars such as Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. Editor’s Introduction.
1935–1945). and _ _ tr. Ta ¯ . 1974). 60–70. 180 Aksara8i. 182 Jackson.186 and it is possible that the latter may have considered intervention in Anatolia in support of 6Izz al-Dı ¯n at approximately this date. and with his relative al-Khu ¯’s earlier appointment to the qadiship of Konya. ´-ottomane. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¯ 8u ¯ s II fled to Byzantine territory. were effectively subject to Mongol control. 218. Rukn al-Dı ¯n’s dominions. brother of and eventual successor to Batu as ruler of the Golden Horde. and revoked the yarl|gh and pa ¯ 8izeh that the latter had received from Mo ¨ngke. Jacqueline Sublet (Damascus: Institut franc ¸ ais de Damas. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n returned to Konya and Rukn al-Dı ¯n to Tokat or Kayseri.184 It was in this context that 6Izz al-Dı ¯n was accused of negotiating with the Mamluks. Canard. 181 Aksara8i. 185 ´ gypte au XIIIe sie ´ entre Byzance et l’E ` cle et les relations diplomatiques de M. ´ dicace des livres dans l’Islam medieval’’. in Crusade and Settlement. and his cousin Hu ¨ legu ¨ . 6Iqd al-juma ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. see Jackson. in 675/1276. where in the following year they defeated a Mongol army. required their participation in his Syrian campaigns in 658/1260. see 223–225. See further Robert Irwin. but given Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s _ _ ceremonial dedication of the Lat a ¯n in 655/1257. it seems ¯ 8if al-hikma to 6Izz al-Dı _ _ likely that 6Izz al-Dı ¯n offered him the judgeship at that time. 55/2 (2000): 325–353. 237. al-Yu ¯ nı ¯ n. IL: Southern Illinois University Press. Arabic text 51. al-Mukhtasar. 196–207. 212.188 Michael VIII Palaiologos 179 On the ceremonial or ritual aspects involved in the dedication of books. p. ‘‘Dissolution’’. al-Mukhtasar. ‘‘Un traite ´ ologue avec les sultans mamlu ˆ 8u ˆ ks Baibars et Qala ˆ n’’. La Turquie pre 188 Abu ¯ . Dhayl. in Me ´langes offerts a ` GaudefroyMichel VIII Pale ´ ologie orientale. Cahen. 1260–1300’’. following the conquest of Baghdad the previous year. ed. Jackson. Peter W. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s ¯ najı qualifications for the post of chief qadi were unusually strong.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 307 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 the date of Sira ı l-quda ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s appointment as qa ¯ d¯ ¯ t. this time never to return to Konya. Baybars proceeded to occupy Kayseri. who. Aksara8i. 37–61. Demombynes (Cairo: Institut franc ¸ ais d’arche ‘‘Dissolution’’. 186–244. 256–270. esp. In 657/1259. ed. I: 222. pp. 231–235. Subsequent authorities renewed the appointment. Ibn al-Suqa ¯ 6¯ ¯ l-Fida ¯ lı ¯ kita ¯ b wafaya ¯ t al-a 6ya ¯ n.182 much of western Asia was involved in the hostilities that broke out at about this time between Berke (r. 184 See David Morgan. 60–62. 238. Canard. but Hu ¨ legu ¨ remained apprehensive of 6Izz al-Dı ¯n. ‘‘Dissolution’’. . Duda. c. Abu ı. ‘‘La de passim. 186 ´ ’’. see Houari Touati. 209–223. _ Seltschukengeschichte. which Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n held until his death. Musa ¯nı ¯. ¼ Formation. 183 On the sources of the conflict between the house of Jochi (the ‘‘Golden Horde’’) and Hu ¨ legu ¨ and his descendants. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n Kayka ¸ Arsla ¨ legu ¨ . 658–676/1260–1277) to conquer Syria and incorporate it into the Mamluk polity. I: 342–343. Jackson. Musa ¯ l-Fida ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. but the approach of a second Mongol army and the lack of unambiguous local support forced him to withdraw. that the Mamluk sultan led his troops into eastern Anatolia. Annales Histoire. 1986). 655–565/1257–1267). III: 218–219. Sciences Sociales. On the delay in Berke’s accession. ¯ 8u ¯n K|l|c ¯ n IV presented themselves to Hu ¯ s II and Rukn al-Dı preparing to advance against Aleppo. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. French tr. ‘‘Dissolution’’. in the eastern regions of Anatolia.181 Although Mongol expansion towards the Mediterranean and into Europe halted in the early 1260s.187 Faced once again with an advancing Mongol force.179 With his reputation among the a 6ya ¯ n of Ayyu ¯ bid Cairo already established. pp. IV: 9–10. The Middle East in the Middle Ages: The Early Mamluk Sultanate 1250–1382 (Carbondale and Edwardsville.185 Berke and Baybars had been engaged in correspondence from about 660/1261–1262.6Aynı ¯.180 Having complied with Hu ¨ legu ¨ ’s demands. 208–227. ‘‘Un traite 187 It was not until several years later. 282–284. Edbury (Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press.183 The Ilkhans’ repeated invasions of Syria throughout the century contributed in part to the resolve of al-Malik al-Za ¯ hir _ Baybars I (r. 70. 1985). al. 66. ‘‘The Mongols in Syria.
Al-Yu ¯ nı reports 6Izz al-Dı ¯n’s death as occurring in 672/1273–1274 (Dhayl. 194 Ibn al-Fuwat¯ ı. Rukn al-Dı ¯n K|l|c ¯ n IV once more took possession of Konya in 659/1261. Cahen.192 This brief affiliation did not prevent the _ _ development of close ties between Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n and those who subsequently administered the Seljuk domains. 195 Rashı ¯d al-Dı ¯n. who received him favourably (Chronography. and the Kita ¯ q-i Na ¯ sirı ¯ of Nas¯ ¯ sı ¯ b al-Fakhrı ¯ (c. Musa ¯nı ¯. especially the pervane Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n Sulayma ¯ n. Examples include the Mirsa ¯ d al. I: 63. the vizier. al-Yu ¯ nı ¯ marat _ _ ´-ottomane. IV: 11. a contact that cost the vizier his post and.190 With 6Izz al-Dı ¸ Arsla ¯n’s flight from Anatolia. the Akhla ¯n Tu ¯. Musa ¯ l-Fida ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. 250. however.193 After Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n. For a variety of reasons.6iba ¯ d of Najm _ _ _ al-Dı ır al-Dı ¯n Ra ¯ zı ¯. Dhayl. according to Abu ¯ – had him imprisoned ¯ l-Fida in Thrace. 479. where the year of 6Izz al-Dı ¯n’s release is stated to have been ¯ l-Fida _ 668/1269–1270 (IV: 11). although the frontiers and mountains remained under the control of Turkmans. under Berke and his successor. al-Mukhtasar. al-Ayni. 6Iqd al-juma ¯n. who refused to pledge obedience to Rukn al-Dı ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s status and position in the society to which he now belonged ¯n. and to a lesser extent with the other leading officers of the state. Canard.195 The incumbents of the major offices retained their positions. Musa ¯ dith al-ja ¯ mi 6a. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n corresponded with ¯ nı Fakhr al-Dı ¯n 6Alı ¯. while he was in the Crimea. where Abaqa is said to have invested ¯ nı Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n as his deputy in Anatolia (niya ¯ bat al-salt ana bi-l-Ru ¯m). 16. Abaqa (r. Sa ¯ hib Fakhr al-Dı ¯n 6Alı ¯. ¼ Formation. La Turquie pre 192 Lat a ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s contemporaries rededicated ¯ 8if al-hikma. _ Abu ¯ .308 Louise Marlow Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 (r. IV: 11. 683–690/1284–1291). I: 319–321. III: 7). 6Iqd al-juma ¯nı ¯ ¯ n. Hillenbrand. Cahen gives the date as 678/1279– _ ´-ottomane. na ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s association with Mu 6¯ ¯n al-Dı ¯n Mı ¯ka ¯ 8¯ ¯ 8ib al-salt ana. 17. now Emperor. I: 62). II: 62. but subsequently – in 662/1263–1264. 6Izz 1280 (La Turquie pre al-Dı ¯n visited Abaqa. IV: 11. relates that in 1279. Histoire. III: 66– ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. with Mongol approval. Seltschukengeschichte. Aksara8i. al.196 His retention in the office suggests his positive relationship with Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n. 353–354. I: 462). where. but the jurist_ _ logician appears never to have rededicated the work. La Turquie pre 191–195. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r.6izziyya. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. _ 193 _ According to Ibn Bı ¯bı ¯ and al-Yu ¯nı ¯. 191). 320. al-akhba ¯ r. al. with his son. see also 64. 708/1308-9). Dhayl. Dhayl. who returned to Anatolia. 191. and _ _ ın Amı ıl. initially received him in a hospitable manner. al-H awa ¯nı ¯. cv–vi. his liberty when the pervane learnt of it in 671/1273 (Duda. On the subsequent career of 6Izz al-Dı ¯n’s son Mas 6u ¯ d (d. was invested in Sivas. al-Yu ¯nı ¯. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ l-Fida ¯ n. II: 160–161. ¼ Formation. al-Mukhtasar. Cahen. 75. 6Iqd al-juma ¯ n. orchestrated the execution of Rukn al-Dı ¸ Arsla ¯n K|l|c ¯ n IV in c. 6Izz al-Dı ¯n was taken to Berke’s camp in the Crimea. 289. II: 347. to which he refers in one place as Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma al. II: 347. see Abu ¯ . _ 191 ´-ottomane. 214–216. Aksara8i.194 the pervane remained the dominant political figure in the Seljuk dominions for another decade. Akhba ¯ r-i sala ¯ jiqeh-yi Ru ¯m. 291. 63. _ 196 Aksara8i. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. Aksara8i. al-Yu ¯ nı 67. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r.6Aynı ¯ ¯ l-Fida date it to 677/1278–1279 (al-Mukhtasar. 663/1265 and installed the latter’s young son on the throne as Ghiya ¯ th al-Dı ¯n Kaykhusraw III (r.6Aynı ¯. 189 190 . ‘‘Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n’’. al-Mukhtasar. four or six years old when the pervane placed him on the throne. Erzurum and Erzincan by Abaqa and confirmed in these territories by Arghun b. he was treated with dignity for the remainder of his life. Aksara8i. 663–681/1265–1282). 75–77. 89. Dhayl.197 Sira _ Abu ¯ . 87. ¼ Formation. 89–90. 402–403.191 Sira survived the changing political configurations in Konya. Aksara8i. 197 Aksara8i. and Sira ¯j al-Dı ¯n was confirmed in his appointment as chief qadi of Konya. despite the latter’s wariness of 6Izz al-Dı ¯n’s contacts and suspected allies.6Aynı ¯. Bar Hebraeus. IV: 12. Editor’s Introduction. several of Sira _ _ works that bore some resemblances to the Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma. Ghiya ¯ th al-Dı ¯n is variously reported to have been two. 701/1302) of Ibn _ _ _ al-Tiqtiqa ¯. 71.189 Freed in the course of Berke’s incursions into Byzantine territory in 663/1264–1265. 1259–1282). 6Izz al-Dı ¯n left Konya shortly after Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s dedication of his Lat a ¯ 8if al-hikma to him. 89. Abu ¯ and al. 252–255. 249. ‘‘Un traite’’. III: 66–67).
See further al-Tahs¯ ¯ mı __ gatherings at the court. 2000). T abaq ¯. ¯ mı _ _ _ ır al-Dı who died in 673/1274. who died in 672/1274. Mana ¯ qib _ al. H usn al-muha ¯ d. II: 534. one of whom was Safı ¯ al-Dı ¯n al-Hindı ¯ al-Urmawı ¯ (d. _ _ _ _ VII: 72. Editor’s Introduction. many of whom. especially in Anatolia. maintained relations with 6Izz al-Dı ¯n and Rukn al-Dı ¯n. Furthermore. Shadhara ¯. al-Safadı ¯ n. a number of sources mention Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n among the notables invited to gatherings at the Seljuk court. and which had helped to establish his reputation before he settled in Anatolia. 277–282. Among these figures he lists Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Muhammad (Ru ¯). 116–121.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 309 al-Dı ¯n is also indicated in obituaries of the pervane. Nas¯ ¯n Tu ¯. in contrast to those of Cairo. who died in 672/1273. Sadr al-Dı ¯n Muhammad (Konevi). T abaqa ¯ d¯ ¯ at. Ibn Qa _ _ ¨ rkiye: Siya ˆ si tarih Alp Arslan’dan Osman Gazi’ye. al-Asnawı ı Shuhba. 1385). La Turquie pre 199 Al-Subkı ¯. and Aksara8i notes that many people came to Sira ¯’s earlier ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s majlis. M. II: 296–198. Safı _ _ _ with Ibn Taymiyya are related). together with Konya’s relative geographical remoteness. had one by one predeceased him. in 682/1283. his jalı ¯s and anı ¯s. left a significant mark on the scholarly tradition for later generations. may have affected his life as a scholar and his role as chief qadi. ¯ sı _ _ 198 who outlived the pervane and died. 1071–1318 (Istanbul: Turan Selc ¸uklular zaman|nda Tu ´-ottomane. Shams al-Dı ¯n Ahmad al-Afla ¯ kı ¯. ¯ t. it is likely that lower numbers of students travelled to the Anatolian cities than to Egypt and the major Syrian cities. T abaqa ¯. as noted above. ¼ Formation. Ibn Qa _ _ _ al-Suyu ı. probably decreased Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s opportunities for sustained contact with the international network of Shafi 6i specialists in the naqlı ¯ and 6aqlı ¯ sciences to which he belonged. still in office. I: 544. and there is some evidence to suggest that his role in the new environment was shaped by its distinctive character. see F.199 On the other hand. who was executed on Abaqa’s command in 676/1277. Contemporary records provide little information regarding Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s activities after he took up residence in Konya. Musa ¯ rifı ¯n. where they formed a component of the curriculum in Ottoman madrasas. II: 262. Ru ¯ likewise frequented ¯ r. V: 240. T abaq ¯ d¯ ¯ at. 200 Farı ¯du ¯ la ¯ r. ed. Konya itself possessed a vibrant and heterogeneous intellectual community. al-Ziriklı ¯ m. In addition. These factors. 1959–1261).6Ima ¯ t al-dhahab. he observes. and possessed a lower density of established religious scholars. 47–49. 555–556. and even corresponded with 6Izz al-Dı ¯n and the pervane. pp.200 It is possible that al-Khu ¯ najı six-year residence and judgeship facilitated Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s building of relationships within the city. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s presence in the circle surrounding the pervane has already been mentioned. Aksara8i. Musa ı Shuhba. Risa ¯ n b. 1971). Nes ¸riyat Yurdu. Ahmad Sipahsa ¯ leh-yi Sipahsa ¯ la ¯ r dar mana ¯ qib-i H azrat-i Khuda ¯ vandiga ¯ r. who spent 11 years in Konya and Sivas. Teachings ˆ l al-Din Rumi (Oxford: Oneworld. It is nevertheless instructive to consider the ways in which conditions in the Anatolian capital. 121.6a ¨ rk Tarih Kurumu Bas|mevi. Afshin Vafa8i (Tehran: Sukhan. 524.D. his writings. A 6ya ¯ al-Dı ¯n’s encounters ¯t. a leading _ Ash 6ari theologian and a major intellectual figure. 74. VI: 37. Aksara8i. See also Osman Turan. The intellectual world that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n found in Konya differed considerably from that which he had left in Cairo. and that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s abilities to forge new links in his intellectual network through teaching and intellectual discourse were also reduced: indeed. Ibn al. _ _ _ ed. Yaz|c| (Ankara: Tu ¯ marat al-akhba ıl. IV: 501–505 (in these sources. 207. East and West: The Life. I: 410. Lewis. Cahen. al-A 6la ¯ t¯ ¯ d ara. and Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. p. 715/1315). ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. 270. 90. T. Aksara8i adds to his reflections on Mu 6¯ ın al-Dı ¯n laudatory appraisals of his illustrious companions. Rumi Past and Present. biographical sources appear to have preserved the names of only two of his students. and Poetry of Jala 198 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . For instance. Konya’s Muslim community had developed relatively recently. if Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s settling in Konya limited the number of students who journeyed to study under him.
202 and the judge was in attendance at Ru ¯ mı hagiographical accounts. 761/1360).205 Both authors include reports that present Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n in a mediating role. I: 353–354. 242–268).6a ¯ rifı ¯n. after ¯ mı the Ibtida ¯’s son Sulta ¯ n Valad (see Lewis. 230. 344.6a ¯ rifı ¯n. without any public display. 90. I: 410. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. Badi 6 al-Zaman Furuzanfar (Tehran: Mu8assaseh-yi intisha Amı ¯r-i-Kabı ¯r. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s stature as the leading judicial authority of the Seljuk polity in Anatolia is invariably acknowledged. the jurist-logician. p. The Risa ¯du ¯ leh of Farı ¯n Sipahsa ¯ la ¯ r (completed between 712/1312 or 720/1320 and 739/1338). Nafaha ¯ qib-i Awhad al-Dı ¯n. 121. see further Vryonis. ¯ t al-quds (Tehran: Intisha _ _ __ 202 Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Ru ¯.310 Louise Marlow in the Anatolian context. 207 Al-Afla ¯ kı ¯. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s efforts to prove his superior learning inevitably fail. as the judicial authority to whom those who objected to Ru ¯’s teachings or practices. while others portray him as competitive with him. and the jurist emerges as a somewhat spiritually impoverished foil to Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n. 166–167.207 Ja ¯ mı ¯ (817–898/1414–1492). ¯ 8na ¯ meh of Ru ¯ mı _ 205 Al-Afla ¯ kı ¯.6a ¯ rifı ¯n. it constitutes the second oldest source for Ru ¯’s biography. 92–95. decides to test Ru ¯’s ¯ mı knowledge. 587. appealed. is invoked repeatedly in order to confer status and legitimacy on mystics whom other authorities considered mubtadi 6. Risa ¯leh dar tahqı ¯q-i ahva ¯ l-o zindiga ¯ nı ¯-yi _ _ Mawla ¯ na ¯ . but if its ostensible authorship and dating are accurate. chastened. in his Mana ¯ qib al. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n defends the spiritual greatness of Awhad _ ı. 74–75. In one episode. al-Afla ¯ qib al. On the charge of bid 6a against Awhad al-Dı ¯t _ _ _ al-uns min had ara ¯ ra ¯ t-i ittila ¯ 6a ¯ t. I: 165–166 (the version of the story recounted above). Fı ¯ ra ¯ t-i ¯ mı ¯hi ma ¯ fı ¯h. 201 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . 383–385. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. who _ _ appears to depend on the narrative of al-Afla ¯ kı ¯ to a considerable extent. Rumi. 203 Al-Afla ¯ kı ¯.203 In these largely ¯.204 Shams al-Dı ¯n al-Afla ¯ kı ¯ (d. The latter intuitively perceives the jurist’s questions and. Mana ¯ qib al. Furuzanfar. with whom the jurist became acquainted following his arrival in Konya. Mana ¯ qib al. In accounts of the latter kind. whose collection characteristically ascribes more supernatural feats to Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n than that of Sipahsa ¯ la ¯ r. See also Aksara8i. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n defends Ru ¯ against the charge of innovation (bid 6at) ¯ mı and affirms his incomparable knowledge of ‘‘all the exoteric sciences’’ ( 6ulu ¯m-i za ¯ hir). wishing to demonstrate his own superior learning.201 Another al-Dı ¯n Kirma ¯ nı ¯ in the face of the scepticism of Jama ¯ l al-Dı ¯n al-Wa ¯ sit¯ _ set of narratives link Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n with his illustrious fellow resident Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n Ru ¯. In one example. describes the qadi as ‘‘a second Sha fi 6 ı in all the ¯ ¯ rational and transmitted sciences’’. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n becomes a devoted follower (muhibb mukhlis). a group of jurists complain to Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n of Ru ¯’s ritual use of music ¯ mı and instruments. I: 411–412. written in the voice of a younger contemporary of Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n and an eye-witness to many of the episodes he recounts. Decline. 206 Sipahsa ¯ la ¯ r. cf. The dating of Sipahsa ¯ leh is problematic. portrays Sira ¯n Konevi as the ¯ j al-Dı ¯n and Sadr al-Dı _ leading and most honoured religious authorities in the period of the pervane’s administration. Mana ¯ qib al. 1370/1992). see Ja ¯ mı ¯. Musa ¯ marat al-akhba ¯ r. and whose arbitration establishes Ru ¯’s knowledge and ¯ mı wisdom to the confounding of his detractors. answers them before they have been posed. 1362/1983). Risa ¯ kı ¯.6a ¯ rifı ¯n. 80–81. I: 274–275. while Mana ¯n. Risa ¯ la ¯ r’s Risa ¯ leh. Mana ¯ leh. 83–84. as well as the conduct of some of his ¯ mı followers. recorded in both collections. ¯ mı The reference to a Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n in Ru ¯’s Fı ¯ mı ¯hi ma ¯ fı ¯h is likely to be an allusion to Urmavı ¯’s funeral.206 _ Some reports portray Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n as sympathetic towards and even devoted to Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n. On the mixed reactions among the ulema to the Mevlevi sema. According to an episode recounted by al-Afla ¯ kı ¯. as well as his unparalleled spiritual stature. ed. II: 593–594. 204 Sipahsa ¯ la ¯ r.6a ¯ rifı ¯n (completed in 754/1353–1354).
yet in the thirteenth-century Anatolian context. religious scholars everywhere were continually engaged in negotiating and defining the limits of ‘‘normative’’ religious practice. Maja ¯ bfuru ¯-yi Isla ¯ miyyeh. less frequently. 96–107. Transmission. and ‘‘conferred an additional degree of prestige on the chief qadis’’. 105–115. Venture. for some qadis the post was ‘‘itself the culmination of an official rather than a religious career’’. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s eminence as a jurist provided. whether through positive endorsement or. ¯ and 6aqlı ¯ than between those of za _ _ These narratives suggest that in the culturally and religiously mixed milieu of Konya. The duties performed by the a 6ya ¯ n of Konya. 212 Cf. According to al-Yu ¯nı ¯. 50–51. ¯ r Alla ¯ shtarı ¯ lis al-mu8minı ¯n (Tehran: Kita ¯ shı II: 110. a source of legitimacy for the distinctive forms of religious culture that were emerging in Anatolia. who ¯ nı _ _ cites Sira ¨ legu ¨ had taken ¯ j al-Dı ¯n himself as his authority. See also Hodgson. an effort that results only in illustrating the former’s spiritual inferiority to the latter. On his arrival in Hu ¨ legu ¨ ’s presence.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 311 acknowledging the jurist’s extraordinary public stature. 209 208 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . probably depended less on a formal division of functions than on the status and power of individuals. To some extent. Shu ¯ ¯ shtarı (d. it seems likely that such activities assumed a particular prominence in comparison with neighbouring societies in which predominantly Muslim communities had been established considerably earlier. 210 Lapidus. The high esteem of the ruling authorities constituted an important element in Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s status. 64–69.211 In the Anatolian context. ¯ t al-uns. like those executed by their counterparts in the Egyptian and Syrian cities. 137–8. simultaneously or sequentially. 233.212 indeed. Knowledge. Lapidus has observed that the process ‘‘served to vest a certain measure of influence over the ulema community in the hands of the Sultan’’. negative contrast. For example. recounts a similar anecdote in which Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n attempts to humiliate Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n. in the course of their professional lives. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s attention was drawn to a small boy who was playing there. and created opportunities that he would not otherwise have received. In his later hagiographic treatment of Jala ¯ l al-Dı ¯n. ‘‘The crusader era and the Ayyu ¯ bid dynasty’’. 462–463 (taking ‘‘Sira ¯ navı _ Nu ¯ h Shu ¯. 135–136. 211 Muslim Cities. the boundary between the official and the religious paths was frequently blurred. including judicial ones. it is possible that even greater flexibility prevailed. 1019/1610) referred to Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n as ‘‘one of the scholars of the exoteric [aspect]’’ (yekı ¯ hir). II. Nafaha ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Qu ¯’’ to refer to Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Urmavı ¯). In his analysis of the selection of chief qadis in the Mamluk domains. Lapidus notes further that. Chamberlain. see Berkey. the (unidentified) ruler of Ru ¯ hib Ru ¯m) sent the qadi as ¯ m (sa _ _ an envoy to the Ilkhan. the measure of influence attained by the pervane and the Ilkhans was modified by the relatively low numbers of ulema and the culturally and religiously mixed composition of the urban population. Chamberlain.210 In the later thirteenth-century Anatolian context. given the evolving needs of a heterogeneous and newly Islamising society. some time after Hu Baghdad in 656/1258. esp. and individuals combined a variety of functions.208 Many of the accounts juxtapose the jurist’s authority in the exoteric religious sciences with the mystic’s intuitive knowledge.209 The operative contrast was less between the ¯ az 6ulama ¯ -yi za _ categories of naqlı ¯ hir and ba ¯ t in. Observing that Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Ja ¯ mı ¯. as in Egypt and Syria. in the Mamluk context. On the Ayyu ¯ bids’ and Mamluks’ appointments of individuals to a range of posts. Muslim Cities. 91–135. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n was selected – under the Seljuks of Rum as under al-Malik al-Sa ¯ lih – to serve as an ambassador. 1375–1376/1955).
Decline. ‘‘Kara ¯ ma ¯ n-Oghullar|’’. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n rallied the townspeople. the year of Hu ¯ nı an example of al-Yu ¯nı ¯’s frequent invocations of his personal interactions with his sources. but found himself involuntarily drawn to him. Ibn Bı ¯qna ¯ meh. 213 Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . 283. and 345. ¯n al-Dı ¯n Mı ¯ka ¯ 8¯ Seltschukengeschichte. 316. and fought alongside his fellow citizens himself. issued a fatwa calling for resistance. 132–134. and when news of it reached Abaqa (r. but perhaps accentuated by the mixed and evolving nature of the environment and the relatively small numbers of qualified Muslim scholars. Sira ¯j 213 Al-Yu nı nı enjoyed good al-Dı n thanked Hu legu for these considerations. the latter issued a yarl|gh and pa ¯ 8izeh that again confirmed him in his post of chief qadi of the territories of Rum. Such ambassadorial assignments required good relations with the ruling authorities. qadis also depended on and drew authority from their local connections and their standing in their urban communities. II: 114. in Akhba ¯ r-i sala ¯ jiqeh-yi _ ¨rkiye. ¼ Formation. The example provides a parallel to cases in which the leading ulema occasionally called for defensive action in the Mamluk territories. see Li Guo. 329. In 676/1277–1278. 700–701. as several studies for neighbouring regions have indicated. Muslim Cities. Hu informed the qadi that he had appointed an instructor to educate the boy in the manners and customs of the Muslims (a ¯ da ¯ b al-Muslimı ¯n) and the religion of Islam. 130–142. ¯ nı Early Mamluk Syrian Historiography. Hodgson’s phrase) among the Muslim residents of Konya. 215 Lapidus. together with the respect he commanded among the townspeople.312 Louise Marlow was unable to take his eyes off the boy. Seltschukengeschichte. speaking through an interpreter. 214 ¨ 8l. Hu ¨ legu ¨ then explained that the boy was the son of the late caliph. is that it illustrates a further aspect of the multiple social and political roles of the ulema of Konya. Vryonis.214 In this instance. and that he would not be brought up in the religious culture of the Mongols. during the thirteenth century. Selc ´-ottomane. The career of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n again provides an Anatolian analogue. it is hoped that the preceding study may contribute to continuing scholarly investigations of migration among the civilian elites in the eastern Mediterranean regions. n. but. Ru ¸uklular zaman|nda Tu ¯m. 251–253. 208–210. whereupon Sira ¨ legu ¨ ¯ j al-Dı ¯n kissed the child’s feet. The period saw numerous cases of scholarly movement from one city to another within the Ayyu ¯ bid and Mamluk domains. when the Karamanids were preparing to lay siege to Konya. I: 6–7. ¨ ¨ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ relations with the Mamluk authorities. and is ¯nı ¯. II: 359–360. 566–67. Venture of Islam. La Turquie pre _ 271–273. however. 435). Mukhtasar-i Salju ¯ miru ¯ 8iyye. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n had come to command ‘‘substantial effective support’’ (in M. See further Turan.216 In summary.G. Dhayl. 620. Su ¨ mer. a diversity mirrored among the a 6ya ¯ n elsewhere in the region. and of related inter-cultural contacts across political and communal boundaries. 216 Hodgson. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n replied that he did not. Hu ¨ legu ¨ asked whether the judge recognised the child. esp. Its significance here. Contemporary and near-contemporary historians are effusive in their praise of the aged Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s conduct on this occasion. 311–313.215 and implies that in the course of his long tenure in the chief qadiship of the capital. The account appears sub anno 664. Cahen. and his account of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s embassy to Hu ¨ legu ¨ may carry legitimising implications for the subsequent continuance of the Abbasid caliphal line in Cairo. 663–680/1265– 1282). El-Eva ¯bı ¯. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n made use of his position as the supreme judicial authority in the Seljuk state. Duda. to mobilise mass support for purposes of civic defence.S. 192–193. as the Azerbaijani members of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s network Al-Yu ¨ legu ¨ ’s death. but. Amı ıl perished in the encounter (Duda.6Ala Ibn Bı ¯bı ¯.
especially to Persian-speaking individuals. At the same time that he promoted and transmitted both the religious and the rational sciences and represented Muslim rulers and communities in a variety of settings and contexts. But at the same time the larger Anatolian cities were emerging as viable locations in the itineraries of scholars. in the middle decades of the thirteenth century. Anatolia provided an additional set of destinations for Persianspeaking scholars in particular. the scholars who settled in the Anatolian cities recapitulated the multiple roles associated with the a 6ya ¯ n in neighbouring societies in their new environment. The reproduction in Konya of social and cultural practices was facilitated by the creation of institutions and by the growing numbers of scholars who. Downloaded by [University of Chicago] at 22:06 09 January 2013 . his fluency in the Jewish and Christian scriptures. within the Muslim community and among the various constituencies of the region. Much of the available information regarding Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s career in the chief qadiship indicates particularly the mediating and arbitrating aspects of his role. his role as an ambassdor to Frederick II and to Hu ¨ legu ¨ . like Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. much of Anatolia was in the process of assimilation into the sphere of Mongol control. and explanations for the continuing journeys of jurists and other professional figures to destinations in Anatolia must be sought elsewhere. This migration was not uni-directional. civic leader and mediator. The professional life of Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n Urmavı ¯ straddled two Mediterranean societies. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n performed the roles of scholar. but was undertaken pragmatically across the extensive scholarly and personal networks in which these individuals participated. but by the 1250s. his repeated interactions with non-Muslim individuals and communities. To a significant extent. the professional lives of such scholar-migrants were shaped by the local conditions they encountered. supporter of the caliphate and arbiter of legitimacy. At Konya. The character of the population and culture of Konya involved Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n in certain distinctive functions.A Thirteenth-Century Scholar 313 demonstrate. As Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n’s experience demonstrates. who journeyed there not simply in reaction to disadvantageous conditions in their former domiciles but because they offered distinctive professional and intellectual opportunities. including Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n. the Mongol advances had provided further stimulus to an Iranian diaspora that had been in progress for some time. the Egyptian and Anatolian. and his composition of a work on logic for the former demonstrate the range of such contacts across political and confessional divides in the Mediterranean regions. His intellectual links to Ibn Yu ¯ nus. moved between Anatolia and neighbouring societies – including Iran – with apparent facility. Earlier in the century. Sira ¯ j al-Dı ¯n was also an important participant in the system of broader inter-cultural intellectual exchange that characterised the Mediterranean basin during his lifetime. notwithstanding the very different conditions that prevailed there. representative and diplomat. and they in turn helped to shape the environments in which they settled. Negative factors of a wide variety must have contributed to the motivations of many migrants. such as determining the boundaries of a ‘‘normative’’ religious culture in the remarkably varied Anatolian context. teacher and jurist.
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