Trafficking in Men: The Anthropology of Masculinity Author(s): Matthew C.

Gutmann Reviewed work(s): Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 26 (1997), pp. 385-409 Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2952528 . Accessed: 14/03/2013 00:48
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Annu.Rev.Anthropol.1997. 26:385-409 Copyright? 1997 byAnnualReviewsInc. All rights reserved

IN MEN: The TRAFFICKING Anthropologyof Masculinity
MatthewC. Gutmann
Departmentof Anthropology,Brown University,Providence,Rhode Island02912 KEYWORDS:masculinity, difference, power, sexuality, change gender,

ABSTRACT Anthropology has always involved men talking to men about men, yet until fairly recently very few within the discipline had truly examinedmen as men. This chapterexplores how anthropologistsunderstand,utilize, and debatethe category of masculinity by reviewing recent examinationsof men as engendered and engendering subjects. Beginning with descriptionsof four distinct ways in which masculinity is defined and treatedin anthropology,special attention is paid to the relationsof difference, inequality,and women to the anthropological study of masculinities, including the awkward avoidance of feminist theory on the partof many anthropologistswho study manhood.Specific topics discussed include the diverse culturaleconomies of masculinity, the notion of culturalregions in relationto images of manhood, male friendship, machismo, masculine embodiment, violence, power, and sexual faultlines.

CONCEPTUALISSUES
Anthropology has always involved men talking to men about men. Until recently, however, very few within the discipline of the "study of man" had truly examined men as men. Although in the past two decades the study of gender comprises the most important new body of theoretical and empirical work in the discipline of anthropology overall, gender studies are still often equated with women's studies. It is the new examinations of men as engendered and engendering subjects that comprise the anthropology of masculinity today. There are at least four

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Further. for the Sambia"malenessitself emerges from femaleness. 16. of what it means in factor men's own cant subjectiveunderstanding Discussing changing gender identities in working-class Mexico City.and men's roles. Herdt(1994b. and frequentlythe regretablelack of writingon this this issue. Herdt(1994b.Herdtargued.386 GUTMANN distinct ways that anthropologistsdefine and use the concept of masculinity andthe relatednotions of male identity. Herdt(1994b.. anythingthat men thinkand do.Brandes (1980) describedhow male identitiesdevelop in relationto women.women's "presence" to be men." In the first major study of manhood in anthropology. "male identity is anatomically based.manhood.Herzfeld (1985. The final mannerof approachingmasculinity emphasizesthe generaland centralimportanceof male-femalerelations.only ninity but ratherfor a particular availableto men to achieve. The second is thatmasculinityis anythingmen thinkand do to be men. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Ortner& Whitehead1981). so that masculinity is consideredanythingthat women are not. 17) wrote thatwhile not "thepublic dogma"of men. (See also Gregor's(1985) premisethatamong the Mehinaku of Brazil. their ritualtraditions. 47) wrote of the importanceto men in a village on Crete of distinguishingbetween "being a good man" and "being excellence" of mangood at being a man. most anthropologists theoreticalrigorin approaching subject employ more than one of these concepts. Brandes arguedthat even if women are not physically present with men while working or drinking. In an examinationof folklore and men in ruralAndalusia. In the anthropologicalliteratureon masculinityto date." The Sambiamasculinity. what these men say about themselves as men. much attentionhas been paid to how men in differentculturalcontexts performtheirown and others' manhood.. The first concept of masculinityholds thatit is. phallic masculinity" such thatthe issue is not one of males strivingfor masculinityversus femikind of masculinitythat is. that is. Insufficientattentionhas actuallybeen paid to men-as-menin anthropology (Godelier 1986. 1) seeks to present"how men view themselves as male persons.") Nonetheless. The third is that some men are inherentlyor by ascriptionconsidered "moremanly"than other men.their females. p. by its nature. 322) accentuateswhat he calls "anintense.manliness.and even if they is a signifiarenot reflectedin men's conscious thoughts. Gutmann (1996) also arguedthat most men duringmost of their lives view male identities in comparisonwith female identities. by definition.thereforelies in paypathto understanding ing close attentionto Sambiamale idioms.. as elsewhere. Markingthe fluidity of these concepts. andmuch of what anthropologists This content downloaded on Thu. p. pp."because here it is the "performative liness that counts for more than merely being born male. p.in exploring male initiations among the Sambia. and the cosmos. among the Sambiain In his ethnographicstudy of"a masculine subculture" New Guinea.

In addition to different conceptual frameworks.THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF MASCULINITY 387 have writtenaboutmasculinitymust be inferredfrom researchon women and by extrapolationfrom studies on othertopics. THE HISTORICALMALE IN ANTHROPOLOGY "An Arapeshboy grows his wife. to Evans-Pritchard (1974)-for whom. and more. women andcattlewere both omnipresent and important. and men-only locations like men's houses andbars. women.Exemplaryof the firsttype is the widely readsurveyby Gilmore(1990).far from clear. or anthropologists or a combinationof all these-is.most studies of men-asmen in anthropologyfocus on only one or two of these topics.the review examines broadertopics that anthropologistshave redivisions of lacently relatedto men and manhood.two distinct topical approachesare evident in the anthropologicalstudyof masculinity. functionalistin orientation. bor.andthe oedipal complex. insists on ubiquitous if not necessarily universal male imagery in the world and on an underlying archetypaland "deep structure"of masculinity cross-culturallyand transhistorically. anthropologists have historically grown their native men: Ethnographers' claims to discovering exotic (or ubiquitous)masculinity in the far reaches of the globe have always rested on the central contributionsof anthropologists themselves in the creation of categories of maleness and its opposites in diverse cultural milieus.such as nationalcharacter. family. Otherstudies include descriptionsandanalyses of women as integral to the broaderstudyof manhoodandmasculinity. as Ardener(1989) famouslywrote. From Malinowski's (1929) interest in sexual drives (those of natives andanthropologistsalike). in retrospect. homosexuality. providing implicit evidence for Yanagisako & Collier's (1987) argumentthat there exists no unitary"man'spoint of view. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and friendshipties. p. This content downloaded on Thu. To what extent the views expressed have represented those of men. kinship. male authority(andhow it may reside in men otherthanthe father). while by default they have createdmyriadandcontradictory categoriesand definitionsof men. In the absence of systematictheorizationof masculinity. This study. the body. 90). and equally mute-anthropologists have played a not insignificantrole in the development and popularizationof "native" definitions and distinctions regarding masculinity.Some studies mainly treatmen-only events like male initiationand sex between men. In like manner. femininity. and contests over power. menonly organizationslike men's cults." wrote Mead (1963. " After tracing certain historical precedents for the contemporarystudy of masculinity.The other approachhas been to document the ambiguous and fluid natureof masculinity within particularspatial and temporal contexts.

the masculine will to war. Regardingthe unexaminedpremises of universalmale dominationand universal sex-role differences. Later anthropologists. 78) calls the fin-de-siecle challenges to modem masculinity and men as the "unmarked" category: "'unmanly'men and 'unwomanly' women.If men in Tahiti. and feminine in its sexual aspects. male rites of passage and socialization. 262). p. Increasinglybifurcatedmodels of man-womandualismswere linked. They and the movement for women's rights threatened that gender division so crucial to the constructionof modem masculinity. penile symbolism. and cognitive)."RuthBenedict (1934. p. in turn. determinedwhat men and women did differently in families. for instance. yet it is noteworthy thatin ElementaryStructuresofKinship (1969a)-a classic thatprovedhighly influentialamongthe first generationof feminist anthropologiststo embarkon This content downloaded on Thu. rational. chose to emphasizea diversity of masculinitiesand showed thathomosexualityhas historicallybeen consideredabnormalin only some societies. overarchingimportanceof particular which in turnare believed by some to result inevitably in socioeconomic patterns relatingto hunting and hearth(see also Friedl 1984).once again the call of the South Seas sirens proved too much for the impressionableEuropeans. and it threatened shibboleths there about masculinity and femininity as inherent qualities. continuedprobingcomparativesimilaritiesand differencesconcerningmen's participation in child rearing. Biology.including those associated in one way or another with the cultureandpersonalityschool in WorldWar II and in the 1950s. 259) wrote:"We found the Arapesh-both men andwomendisplayinga personalitythat. it was also believed thatthis was due in large measure to the ratherchildlike quality of men in these "primitive"settings." With all this sexual questioning.to more "feminine"and more "masculine"national charactertraits (see Herman 1995).no theorieswere as influentialin the social sciences in the postwar period as those of Parsons & Bales (1955).out of ourhistoricallylimitedpreoccupations..male personality structures.. who posited women as expressive (emotional) and men as instrumental(pragmatic. Levi-Straussattemptedto clarify certaincentralissues. too.we would call maternalin its parentalaspects.388 GUTMANN As disciplinaryanthropologywas just taking shape. Generally"humannature"has been a code for the musculatureandreproductivecapacities. were seen by some anthropologistsas somehow freer in expressing their masculine sexuality. ultimately. wider intellectual circles in Europeand the United States were experiencingwhat Mosse (1996. Writing aboutthe ambiguousand contradictorycharacterof gender Mead (1963.were becoming ever more visible. MargaretMead's work in the Pacific provided startling informationthat countered popular Western notions about adolescence and sexuality. and more. p. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." In her elucidation of "the dilemma of the individual whose congenial drives are not providedfor in the institutionsof his culture.

the men of urbanLatinAmerica. southernSpain. 56) concluded. CulturalRegions and BoundaryQuestions Questionsof virility and definitionsof manlinesshave often been played out in the culturalconfrontationsbetween colonizer and colonized. peratives: first. in part. Certain of these studies have been written by prominentanthropologists. the earliest approaches to studying masculinity tended to depict an overly dichotomized world in which men were men and women were women. 48) posited "threemoral imMediterranean. In partbecause of anthropology'sown internaldynamics. men are called "the givers of wives. The theoreticalapproachesand conclusions of these studies differ considerably. p. and most have avoided an illconceived "me-tooism"in reactionto feminist anthropology. second. which often sought to address. Fachel Leal 1992." THE CULTURALECONOMIESOF MASCULINITY In the past fifteen years.g. About "the ideals of manliness"in the circumfor example.Those who have attemptedgeneralizations for entire "cultures"of supposedly homogeneous populationshave tended to reinvent many of the same stale tags with which "men"(e. As Stoler (1991."Thedemasculinizationof colonized men andthe hypermasculinity of Europeanmales representprincipalassertionsof white supremacy" (see also Fanon 1967). the study of masculinity in anthropology has frequently been linked to culturalarea studies. Unlike these initial feminist studies of women in anthropology.women.OF MASCULINITY 389 THE ANTHROPOLOGY the full-fledged study of gender-he barely mentions categories such as men. provisioning dependents. and in part because of the exigencies of post-World War II empire rearrangements.women's previous "invisibility"in the canon. or the highlands of New Guinea) have often been stampedas representativesof one or another social-science paradigm.for instance. and femininity. protecting the family. however. masculinity. Instead.men are as often as not referred to througheuphemism. p. men have never been invisible in ethnographyor theories of "mankind. Gilmore (1990. third.but the best have been good at asking specific questions aboutparticular locales and historical situations. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . see Castelain-Meunier 1988. and women contributed as little to "making"men as men did to "making"women." The argumentis that these particularqualities and aims are in some significant fashion more markedin this cultureareathan elsewhere in the world. impregnatingone's wife. Anthropologistswho are inclined to equate "the na- This content downloaded on Thu." As with early feminist anthropological studies in the 1970s. Welzer-Lang & Pichevin 1992). several ethnographiesand edited volumes concerned with masculinity have appearedin English and other languages (on the latter.

352-53) concluded that "[flor the study of erotics and gender identity. beginning with works by Marx and Freud(see Laqueur1990) and continuingmore recently with references to Foucault (1980a. Manhoodand womanhoodare culturallyvariable.390 GUTMANN tion" exclusively with the men in these societies have. GenderDivisions of Labor Another element in the culturaleconomy of masculinity that merits attention concerns the marked differences in what men and women do in their daily This content downloaded on Thu. most anthropologists writingaboutmasculinityin the past two decades have foundreasonto discuss the transformations afoot in different culturaljunctures:Herdt (1993. cross-culturaldata are still too impoverished and decontextualized to truly comparemasculinityand femininity." Throughoutthese ethnographicstudies of men. xxxii) wrote of "the egalitarian mode [that] was likely to be a cultural import of modernization"in New Guinea. p."[Forrecentefforts in this direction. see Parkeret al (1992) and Parker& Gagnon(1995). p. and fantasy constructsof people from differentcultures. "Fartoo axiomatically. On the whole. p. sexual excitement. 11) noted thatin Andalusia"social normsamongpeople under the ages of twenty or twenty-five years seem to be departingabruptlyfrom those held by theirparents. of certain key theoretical currentsis evident." Brandes(1980. as is her temporaryreprieve from prematureexterminationfor "the offending sex.Further."and Herzfeld (1985) describedmodern"transformations"on Crete.b. has the sexrole model held sway in anthropologicalanalyses of [New Guinea]Highlands initiation and male-female antagonism"(see also Bowden 1984). Herdt & Stoller (1990. 1997). and Bourdieu (1990a. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 64) wrote. while Keesing (1982. 76) wrote that"Ethnographersmay have unwittingly contributedto the creationof a stereotype" and createda self-fulfilling prophecy. not surprisingly. 16) noted potential "regional"reactions to Westernization like a possible "perpetuationor revival of male cultism. Gayle Rubin's (1975) emphasis on momentous transitionsand changes in gender and sex relations is correct. pp. I believe. often indirect. p.also tended to minimize women's contributionsto both masculinity and national traits. yet cultural context does not generally equate to national culturetraits.] In contrast.an argument thatmay be extendedto critique a culturalregionalismof masculinity."Herzfeld (1987.otherscholarslike Strathern find thatin examiningmale-female relations some arguments about area peculiarities have been taken too far.] In criticism of a free-standing"Mediterranean culture.[See also Mernissi(1987) andKnauss(1987) on engenderedideals associated with Islam in the Middle East. the influence. Strathern(1988. p.b). Merleau-Ponty(1962).and sexual practicesand beliefs are contextual.

OF MASCULINITY 391 THE ANTHROPOLOGY chores and activities. Peletz (1996. Most ethnographers. of heredity. men were being exchangedby women andnot by othermen. 251). p. FAMILY Kinshipand Marriage "Levi-Strauss's account of the founding significance of the exchange of women. othershave foundreason to questionsuch a uniformdescriptionof marriage. p. for example. 159).Godelier(1986.Raymond Smith (1956) reconceptualized the power dynamicswithin households. wrote of engenderedphysical separationin a village in Turkey: "Besides sexual activity and eating.and quite simply of "men's place" in the lives of many families.Delaney (1991. at least. "alreadypresupposes that it is men who. 29) concludedthatamong the Baruyain New Guinea. women's labor in gathering nuts and berriesprovideda far greatershareof calories for the !Kung San in southernAfrica than the hunting activities of the men. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." admonished Weeks (1985. the only other activity in which men and women spend any extended time together is working in the bahqe (garden). p. 97) in particular to Levi-Strauss's"preoccupation of exchange and his relative neglect of the contents and strategies of exchange." Although certain anthropologists have presented supporting evidence unblemishedby contradictionor nuanceto supportLevi-Strauss'sfoundationaltheoryregardingthe male exchange of women. weapons." an indication of theologically ordainedpower inequalities between men and women in this area. p. One salutarydevelopmentin some recentgenderstudies is the attemptto describe and analyze divisions of labornot as formaland static ideal types but culturaland historicalmanifestain their actually occurringand contradictory tions.have soughtto documentthese divisions of laborandon this basis make generalizationsfor culturalinequalitiesmore broadly.genderdivisions of laborpresupposeratherthangive rise to male dominance. 88) showed that"in practice."Conceptualattentionis drawnby withforms Peletz (1996. and sacred objects among other things." In his work on matrifocalityin Guyana. [For more recent treatmentof This content downloaded on Thu. as women are excluded from ownership of the land.Exploringgenderrelations in nineteenth-century Malay society. important tools. p. A paper by Richard Lee (1968) showed that throughthe 1950s. are in a position to exchange their women. thereby furnishing evidence thatwomen's contributionswithin this foragingsociety were greater not simply with respect to child rearing but in terms of adult sustenance as well.following Durkheim's (1933) example. as naturally promiscuous. though not necessarily in local (official) ideology.

Scheper-Hughes(1979."menare socialized into feeling extremely inadequate and clumsy around babies. circumcision rites. Cath et al 1989. West & Konner 1976.colleagues. Broude 1990. most childrenslept with their father and not their mother from time of weaning until puberty. Parker& Parker1992. 148) explainedthat far from being naturallyinept at parenting. Writing aboutruralIrelandin the 1970s.] Lomnitz & Perez-Lizaur(1987) found that among the elites of Mexico City. Hewlett (1991.In his quantitative survey of paternalinfant care among the Aka Pygmy. Whiting 1963. "centralizingwomen" and the preeminence of the "grandfamily" reveal a great deal aboutthe limits of male power. Hollos & Leis 1989. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 168) reportedthat"Akafathersspend47 percentof theirday holding or within an arm's reach of their infants. not only in the families themselves but more generally in the companiesthese families own and manage. Whiting et al 1958). children's sleeping arrangements." In her later work in a shantytownin northeastBrazil. 323-25) wrote that "fathers"are the men who provide babies with powdered milk. Scheper-Hughes(1992."Stack that men's found roles as fathersprimarilydependednot on theirrelationswith the children but rather on the men's ongoing relations with the children's mothers.] Gutmann(1996) drawson Lewis (1963) and others in tracingthe historical patternin ruralMexico. Evidence of the variety of fatheringexperiences is plentiful in anthropology. Carol Stack's (1974) study of African-Americanwomen in southernIllinois was among the first to of the identifiers"mother" challenge easy understandings and "father. With regard to kin terms. [the] father is more likely than[the]motherto hug andkiss the infant.392 GUTMANN these issues. and criticshave writtenon the biological parameterswithin which culturaldiversity may flourish in human societies (see.Taggart's(1992) work in the SierraNahua region of Mexico shows that. p.By documenting father absence. pp."and thatthroughthis gift the symbolic legitimacy of a child is established. p. status-envy. the meanings of fatherhoodand the practices of fathershave been examined in detail cross-culturally. Whiting & Whiting 1975. for example. popularlyreferredto as "father'smilk. and while holding the infant. Parenting-Fathering Beginning with John and Beatrice Whiting's studies of child rearing in the 1950s. see BranaSchute (1979). until recently. the Whitings andtheirstudents. whereby men play a more significant role in rearing This content downloaded on Thu. male initiationrites. and what has been too loosely termedhypermasculinityand supermasculinity."[See also Read (1952) for an earlypaperon the affairsof Gahuku-Gama men and Battaglia(1985) on Sabarlpaternalnurturance in New Guinea.

Wacquant's (1997) studies of "(heterosexual)libido sexualis" and "(homoerotic) libidopugilistica" amongAfrican-American boxers in Chicago arenotablefor theorizing about masculinity (and what makes some men more "manly")and male bodies as well as for ethnographicdetail. 208) with the explanation that "men 'need' some hauntsand/oroccasions which exclude females. is a trait developed over millennia. andI used to look out for them. bro. Highlightingissues of class and history. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Cowan 1990. how I was stealing carradios. 135) wrote. A centraltheme in discussing men's friendshipis "male bonding. he concludedthat for numerousmen andwomen in squattercommunitiesin Mexico." Despite the fact thatthe phrase"malebonding"has enteredinto common parlance in the United States as a shorthand descriptionof male camaraderie (and is often used in a snickering manner). and what Sedgwick (1985) calls homosociality has received ethnographic recognitionbut little systematic analysis.THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF MASCULINITY 393 sons thanis possible amongurbanproletarians. I used to buy them their first day of school clothes. In men's secret houses in various societies (Poole 1982.g. and in men's sports (see Alter 1992. men's exclusivity has been documentedfar better than it has been understood. and all that shit. and the contradictionsof fathering in New York City.b). and long-termparentingis a crucial element in what it means to be a man and what men do. respectively) and unemploymentamong working-class youth (see Willis 1979). Bourgois (1995."Malebonding. none of them aremine. four. Tuzin 1982. Duneier 1992. Jardim1992."Tiger (1984. 1997). to the establishment of alliances necessary for group defence and hunting.Tiger coined the term in an attemptto link supposedlyinherentdrives on the part of men (as opposed to women) to show solidarityfor one another. Marshall1979). in male-only enclaves such as coffee houses or places to consume alcohol with others (Brandes 1987. "a process with biological roots connected. p.Applying the work of Bourdieu on the body (e.. active. consistent. she got five kids. Male Friendship The subject of male spaces. p. five radios in one night-just to buy them new sneakers. You shouldaseen me. 1990a). Nonetheless.Breakinginto cars-getting three. On school days. 316) quoteda young PuertoRican man: I went out with this lady on 104th Street for three years. Limon 1994. Lewgoy 1992. men's segregation.. in the dependentrelations of cuatismoand "commensal solidarity" (see Lomnitz 1977 and Papataxiarchis1991. Herzfeld 1985. p."a term invented by the anthropologistLionel Tiger (1984. Wacquant 1995a.like a madman." This content downloaded on Thu.

p. Many studies in the anthropologyof masculinityhave as a centralcomponentthe reporting and analysis of some kind of sexual relations. with their male genes. Roscoe 1991. Also of ongoing importanceis Chodorow's (1994) point thatheterosexualityjust as much as homosexuality is an understudiedand problematicphenomenon. Herdt 1982. competitiveness. Rubin 1993. although other work on same-sex sex only began appearing regularlyin the discipline a decade later. In the New Men's Movement in the United States (for an ethnographyof this movement. authenticatedthroughgenitalia and pop anthropology. 1994b.' because of the confusing meanings of this concept and their intellectualbias in the Western history of sexuality.b. THE BODY SomaticFaultlines The erotic componentto male bonding and rivalry is clearly demonstratedin many new studies on same-sex sex. 1987. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ."Thus. Cohen 1995a. promiscuity. xiii-xiv) stated.is raised to the level of mystical bonding. Carrier 1995. masculinity as biological given. Malinowski 1929.here I highlight only a few additionalpoints.g. especially if sexuality is viewed as more than genital and reproductivebodily contact. (See also Greenberg 1988.and fantasiesbetween males (Almaguer 1991."It is no longer useful to think of the Sambiaas engaging in 'homosexuality. yet only begin- This content downloaded on Thu. for its philosophy.attractions. pp. Weston's (1993) paperon lesbian and gay studies in anthropologyis the best review to date of how the discipline has approachedthis subject. men are said to inherittendencies to aggression. Katz 1990.b. Parker1991. see Schwalbe 1996. 1997a. Wilson 1995).g. political power. hierarchy.) Many earlierstudies in anthropologydealt with male bodies and sexuality (e. 1955). see Bly 1990). Of great importancetheoretically.the term "homosexuality"is increasingly out of favor. 46) historicizes Tiger's male bonding theory: "Since religion's capacityto justify gender ideology collapsed. biology has been called in to fill the gap. 1998." Majoranthropologicalstudies of men who have sexual relationswith other men began with EstherNewton's (1972) study of dragqueens and JosephCarrier's 1972 dissertationon "urban Mexican male homosexual encounters"(see Carrier 1995). and the like. and more recent works treatedthe topic if not necessarily the nomenclatureof masculinity(e. Spiro 1982).394 GUTMANN Connell (1995. seen as too culturallynarrowin meaning and implication (see Elliston 1995).Lancaster1992. As Herdt(1994a. family life. The influence of so "naturalized" an analysis extends farbeyond the halls of anthropologyand the academyto justify and promote the exclusion of women from key male domains.

"ThirdGenders. Somatic faultlines are crossed in many instances.THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF MASCULINITY 395 ning in the 1970s. 29." This content downloaded on Thu. and the theoretical challenge of Foucault and others like Jeffrey Weeks. is 64) observationsof the pro-life movementin North Dakota. Parker(1991.Writingabout differentialsocial suffering among men and women polio victims in China. In his ethnohistorical account of a nineteenthRoscoe (1991.decadent. and this formulationitself can be reified into an essentialist dogma. 92) remarked: has become clearthatin the modem period sexuality." Such an understanding is in turnrelatedto the relationshipbetween sexuality andmale domination:Accordingto Godelier(1986) male sexuality amongthe Baruyais used to maintainthe mechanisms of male domination. Yet all thirdnessis not alike.althoughthere are a few ethnographicmaterials on male prostitutes. and Hijras The originsof the expression"thirdgender. "theirpain appearsto centeraroundbodily imperfection."popularlyemployedtoday in culturaland gay and lesbian studies.but by individualsthemselves." One area of anthropologicalinquiry involving men that seems particularly scanty concerns prostitution. i. as revealing men's feminine qualities. did anthropologistsbegan to systematically explore the relation between materialbodies and culturalrelations.the production of "greatmen. Kohrman(1997) noted that "[f]or men. with the political influence of feminism. gay and lesbian studies. focused on reproduction. see also Paige & Paige 1981).an acknowledgment of the husband's role in giving birth." Two-Spirit People. for example."and the ideology thatjustifies the social orderoverall (see also Godelier & Strathern1991). the most difficult aspects seem to be immobility. p. Cohen (1995b) extends the anthropologicaldiscussion of sexual desire andbodies in the otherdirectionin his treatmentof political pornographyin the North India city of Banaras. p." whereasfor women. SexualFaultlines.and usually male sexuality."Also reflecting on the tension between bodies and social technologies. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . "Itis Writingaboutsexual culturein Brazil. It is interestingto comparethe couvadewith Ginsburg's(1990. "womb-envy"(see Moore 1988. 2) wrote that We'wha was "a century Zuni "man-woman. p. somethingto be managednot merely by the Catholicchurchor by the state. and as reflecting men's desire to imitate women's reproductive abilities.betterones areneeded concerningmen's relationswith female prostitutes. may be tracedin partto researchon gender and sexualpracticesthatcannotbe easily categorizedas heterosexualor homosexual. in men's ritual insinuationof themselves into the actual physical labors of reproduction throughthe couvade.e.where "abortion fused with the imagery of destructive. p. usually analyzedas an affirmationof social paternity.

thatwomen may not be similarly consideredpassive.wrote Nanda (1990. p.nonetheless many studies indicatethatthey are a favoritepoint of reference. 79)."Despitethe workingsof [a] normalizingprinciple. but they are known broadly "as seductresses.Among the h4iras. in a critiqueof the degradationof psychoanalytic approaches." Jacobs (Jacobs et al 1997) arguedthat "[t]he and term 'berdache'[sic] as used by anthropologistsis outdated. 24). Introducinga volume meant to replace the term "berdache"with "two-spiritpeople."Although such Native American "cross-dressing"-until recently called berdache by anthropologists-was practicedless beginning in the twentiethcentury." Cohen (1995a) explained why "third genders" are themselves unreliable categories (see also Nanda 1990). p.396 GUTMANN man who combinedthe work and social roles of men and women. Similarly.) Writing about hijras in northIndia who may undergo castrationor penectomy or be congenitally "neitherman nor woman. and unable to control either their sexuality or their tempers"(see also Herzfeld 1991)."and throughtransference. p.see also Whitehead 1981 and Williams 1988. p. on transvestismin Sardinia.anachronistic does not reflect contemporaryNative American conversations about gender diversity and sexualities. p. Among the Sambia.Robertson(1992."Brandes (1980." (On transvestismin Samoa.women are "passive.in women's clothes."Even more ink has been spilled in anthropologyto comparativelyscrutinizethe symbolic role of semen.it remainsthe case that in Japan.) Objectsof Bodily Lust According to the men in ruralGreece.see Counihan 1985. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Herzfeld (1985. 80) also noted that men commonly feel threatenedby their attractionto women "thatcenters primarilyon the female buttocks. 181) reportedthat "[f]earof semen depletion is essential to the male viewpoint. at least in part.many men may feel anxious about their own potential anal penetration. 66) reported. indecisive. Brandes (1980.. 422) wrote of androgynyin the Japanese theater.neitherfemininitynor masculinityhas been deemed the exclusive provinceof eitherfemale or male bodies. possessed of insatiable. p."(For earlierwork on berdache. "emasculationis the major source of the ritual power. p.men in many tribes continuedto show a preferencefor women's work and/orto be sexually attractedto other men.calls "phallusex machina.Dundes (1978) also offered a psychoanalytic frameworkfor analyzingmen's homoeroticpreoccupationswith backsides." akin perhapsto what Gayle Rubin (1994. p. an artistand a priest who dressed. 77) says of Andalusia.. see Mageo 1992. This content downloaded on Thu. Herdt (1994b. again accordingto the men. If generally ethnographershave concluded that few men actually equate theirmanhoodwith theirgenitalia." As Herdtalso famously chronicled(1994b. lustful appetites.

e. Despite other disagreements. and when he (1997) declared that "the sexual act is thus representedas an act of domination. and as part of seeking out the "deep structureof masculinity. 6. p. p. in his statementthat regardless of time or space. men get closer to their graves. Women wishing to kill theirhusbandshave sex with them more often. 113. Fluid semen" (cited in Tsing 1993.how. p. 509. see Gregor 1985. and body among the Bimin-Kuskusminin PapuaNew Guinea. sharethe belief thatmen areartificiallymade while women arenaturallyborn.not only is the truly creative God symbolized as masculine. p. "among all forms of essentialism [sexism] is undoubtedlythe most difficult to uproot"(p." Violent and traumaticsubjective experience in men's cults are analyzed by Poole (1982) as ritually induced transformations of person. (On the ramificationsof semen loss for athletes. Alpha and MythicMales There is ethnographicevidence for such generalizations.g. 103)." David Gilmore(1990.an act of possession. pp. p. White divinity. Wacquant1995a. A clotted drop. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Thus. in most anthropologicalwritings on masculinity to date. 145. at least. so too is semen: With each ejaculation.just as mother's milk is consideredto exist in limited supply.OF MASCULINITY 397 THE ANTHROPOLOGY 236).a centralconcernin the early studies of Lewis HenryMorgan documenting cross-culturalvariation was the shifting relationship between family of kinship andpower. Brandes (1980.men mustprove themselves to each otherin ways that women do not (see also Dwyer 1978. 106) advancedthe notion thatin many if not most cultures. a 'taking' of woman by man. Fluid iron. but human men are This content downloaded on Thu. 466-67). paternalauthoritypassed beyond the bounds of reasoninto an excess of domination"(Morgan 1985. p. POWER Not surprisingly. Herdt 1987.) The sacredpowers of semen are also invoked among MeratusDayaks in Indonesia with a spell to stop bullets: "You are semen. 83) noted that in Moteros. Such cross-culturaland transhistorical images regardingmen are echoed in recent work by Bourdieu (1990b) on masculinity. self."Inthe patriarchal the Romantype. one common theme concerns inequality. 103). Monsivais 1981. 77)."as if sexual positions were the same for all people at all moments. Closed with a key. Mead 1975. Spain. Typicalwas his commentthat.In ruralTurkey.To describeelements of malejockeying for power.and whether.men. p. and why genderinequalitymay characterizerelationsbetween women and men and between differentmen in diversehistoricalandculturalsituations. the purposeof repeatedoral inseminationsof youngerby olderboys is to "createa pool of maleness. p.

109) aboutmanly (active. p. with Levi-Strauss(1969a. andexercising variousforms of power over othermen and over women. and readersinterestedin men and This content downloaded on Thu. of its individualcomponents" (Comaroff 1985. Among the nineteenth-century Tswana. should be things that were exchanged. does not mean forfeitingthe abilityto distinguishgreaterand lesser powers nor requiresubscribingto a hydraulictheory of power whereby the gain of one is necessarily the loss of the other. though it decidedly does requirea clear historical framework(see di Leonardo 1979 and Sacks 1982). In this way. The problem lies not with analysis of particular culturalsituations. 496). creative) men. and domestic violence. when such notions are based overwhelmingly on what male informants have told male ethnographers aboutthemselves and aboutwomen. small-scale level. and even complicity.and Domestic Violence Important and innovativerecent work on masculinityand violence pertainsto the questions of nationalism.398 GUTMANN themselves said to be the ones who give life while women merely give birth (Delaney 1991).throughthe exchange of cattle "menproducedand reproducedthe social substanceof the collectivity-in contrastto the physical reproduction.but ratherwith the summarythat "men worldwide sharethe same notions"(Gilmore 1990. these studies have served to complement earlier work on the "myth of male domination"(cf Leacock 1981. p. including the relationof being men to claiming.war. p. War obviously exists before and outside nationalistcontexts. while also accountingfor diverse relationsbetween women and men and particularlythe creative agency of women (see Stephen 1997) as well as men in transforming gender relations. Those writerswho hold. by women. and questions such as women's informalpower and performativeaspects of "beingmanly. 60).In contrastto those paradigmspredicatedon ratherhomogenous images of masculinity and all-powerful men are the concepts of hegemonic and subordinate (or marginal) masculinities advanced by Connell (1987. 1995). 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Nationalism. War. Recognizing variety. seeking."do not often find culturally significant differences among men and between different kinds of masculinities. Rogers 1975). Connell seeks to comprehensivelymap power inequalities. to the foregone conclusion that the "emergenceof symbolic thought must have requiredthat women. like words. An importantcontributionof anthropologicalstudies of masculinity has been to explore the subjectiveperceptionsof men aboutbeing men."One difficult task for the study of masculinity has been to document the variety of forms and guises of engendered power relations (a'la Foucault)without losing sight of fundamentalinequalities between men andwomen in many contexts thatoften may be harderto discern at a familial.

p. see Countset al (1992). 172). For a sharp-edged ethnographicinvestigation of masculinity and militaryleadersin the United States. but with the end of empire. Analyzing a populardepiction of postcolonial Parsiboys in India as spineless and impotent. pp. Lurhmann(1996. violence. For instance. Oliven (1996) discussed Brazilian gauchos and national identity. who wrote that the "strongestcase for [biologically governed] genderdifferenceis made in the realmof aggressivebehavior. In ruralCrete. In New Guinea. been sufficiently active in researchingsome Nor have male anthropologists of the most difficult and importantissues relatedto engenderedviolence like rapeandwife beating.For a uniquecollection on wife beating.accordingto Brison (1995. whethermale violence is said classes historicallymore thanothersor amongmen to prevailamongparticular who are losing their authoritarian power over women (Bourgois 1995). such as Konner (1982.racial. family. once an emblematicattribute of a certaintype of manhood."In very different ways. Greenberg(1989) made similar points for a village in southern Mexico. a source of aggressive pride"and characteristic analogousto womanhoodin opposition to official-male forms of wisdom and intelligence.see Cohn (1987). AlthoughGregor(1985) andothershave discussed the threatof rapein This content downloaded on Thu." prestige. either with new ambivalence about power or they tried to capitalize on their which in both cases served to enhancethe Europeans'power and "roughness. and nationalismin Argentina. if not its consequences.gender.and culturalfactorsare woefully inadequatein the anthropologicalliteratureon men and violence. As to nationalism.see Nordstrom& Martin(1992). 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Whetherwife beatingis witnessed amongnewlyweds (Herdt1994b) or during a woman's firstpregnancy(Gutmann1996). 133) reasoned that this sexualized discourse about male inadequacies represents a displacement of anxiety because "amongthe Parsisthe idea of impotenceis associatednot only with Parsi men. the sourcesof violence. men influenced by the colonial message that poverty there was due primarilyto male violence responded. On aspects of masculinity within state terror.because quintessentiallyGreek. p. 25) describedponiria(low cunning)as "at of manhoodand. except by proponentsof the imare often overdeterminedand undertheorized portance of biological-hormonalfactors in human behavior. Mosse (1996) documentedthe associated histories of European nationalismand masculinity.OF MASCULINITY 399 THE ANTHROPOLOGY war in tribaland othernonstatesocieties may contemplateChagnon(1968) for a classic sociobiological ethnographyof masculinity and warfare as well as Fried et al (1967) more generally on the anthropologyof war."Corresponding theoriesdrawingon political-economic. and formal power. 132. p. Guy (1992) examined the historical relationship between male sexuality. in anthropologicalwritingson men.Herzfeld(1985. its links to manhoodin a variety of culturalcontexts could not be clearer. 111). others have made connections between masculinity.

is effected symbolically and ritualistically through This content downloaded on Thu. Gilmore's (1990. Writing within a Lacanianframework. and more than size will sometimes increase one's understanding providing a supplement to ethnographic work with men on masculinity throughaddingwomen's voices and distinct experiences to those of men."In good measurethis was a question of "discovering"the women so notoriously in earlierethnographies. for example. [See.[Malinowski's (1929) report on yausa-the "orgiastic assaults" by Trobriandwomen as they gang-rapeda man-remains unusual in the ethnographicannals. begin exploring systematically Yet ironically. most ethnographicstudies of manhoodhave made insufficient use of feminist contributionsto our knowledge of gender and sexuality and have failed to engage sufficiently in the importantdebates within this discourse. Some anthropologistshave argued that. Some anthropologistshave writtenof men's castrationanxieties (e."here throughthe evasion of what is consideredtheoreticallyunworthy..Allison (1994. pp. few serious attemptsto docuwork on rape in the contemporary ment and contextualizethis form of male injuryagainstwomen in modem societies have been made by anthropologists. see Brandes 1987. and justify as necessary 'for work'. More thana simple statisticalassertionthatincreasingone's sample of a subject.400 GUTMANN tribalsocieties. Herdt & Stoller 1990.] WOMEN AND MASCULINITY To reverse decades of male anthropologistsratherexclusively interviewing and describing male informants. Murphy & Murphy1985) andmother-sonintimacies(cf Gregor1985. 150) said of Tokyo sex clubs. p."] How to incorporatethe opinions and experiences of women with respect to men and masculinity is an importantconcern.Only in the 1980s did men absent (or "disappeared") men as engenderedand engenderingpersons. Gilmore 1990. Spiro 1982).. they are severely limited in their ability to work with women. Gutmann(1997) argued that ethnographicinvestigations of men and masculinity must include research on women's ideas about and experiences with men. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 23.feminist anthropologistsplaced greateremphasis beginning in the 1970s on women and so-called "women's worlds. Streicker 1995). In part. (For the differing views on this subject. with the exception of Bourgois's (1995) and Sanday's (1990) United States.g. Gregory 1984. the issue is even more that masculinities develop and transformand have little meaning except in relationto women and female identities and practicesin all their similar diversity and complexity. 1991. 166) censure of "doctrinaire Marxists"and "radicalfeminists.this illustrateswhat Lutz (1995) calls the "masculinizationof theory. Keesing 1982. "whatevermen say they need. as men. think they're doing.

Corresponding studies of masculinitiesstill lag farbehind. We need to pay attentionnot only to mothers' authorityover male childrenbut also to the influence of women on male adults.conclusions regardingthe impossibility of a male ethnographer compiling any useful informationaboutwomen. The recurrent theme in much anthropological writingon masculinityis that. This content downloaded on Thu. It seems worth asking.This is a methodologicalissue. The thorough critiqueof this view in MacCormack& Strathern (1980) has been very influential in feminist anthropology. Stern's (1995) study of the late colonial era in Mexico is exemplaryin its analysis of women's agency and aspirations in promoting "shifts in major social conventions of gender" and patriarchy within the contextof a new political economy of growthandindustrialization.THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF MASCULINITY 401 women and the sexuality they represent.for example. women and men do regularlyinteractin othertimes. whether bias might not enter into some accounts. strideshave been made in studyingwomen in a varietyof cultural Important contexts.they must be develas integralto understanding the ambiguousrelationshipbeoped and nurtured tween multigendereddifferences and similarities. "accordingto the natives. however. all this has been obvious in anthropology: Workingwithin this frameworkSherryOrtner (1974) constructedher nature/culture model thatexplicitly defined men in relation to women.A further step thatmust be made is to link these seemingly more psychological concerns and studies to political questions of power and inequality.but unfortunately too little consideredby anthropologists for whom women are largely irrelevantto constructionsof masculinity."men are made and women are born. It might be arguedthat since Levi-Strauss[e. equalities and inequalities. Rather.or utilized primarilyas a complement to women's studies.g. and mother-son estrangement. understood. much less from women aboutmen. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and even more a conethnographers' ceptual one. TheRaw and the Cooked(1969b)]. because although it is a mistake to assume too much similarity from one culturalcontext to another. among adults it is uniformly men who culturallycommandwomen. seem to merit furtherattention."Bloch (1986. 103-4) discussed the central ambiguity of Merina male circumcision rituals as involving the identificationof women with both wildness and ancestraldescent. Thus on one level the issue of women's influence on men and masculinity has been extensively if still far from adequatelydiscussed in the literatureof mother-son bonding. Yet this model is premised on the notion that although women may "control"male children. We must not confuse formalroles and definitions with daily life. Oedipal conflict. and they profoundly affect each others' lives and identities. pp. This does not mean that ethnographiesof men should be viewed.Whetherwomen and men absentthemselves fromthe others' presence duringrituals.

" Debate continues aboutwhether initiationrites representmore symbolic ruptures with mothers.virulent. is to "dramatize the same time operatingdirectly and drastically.at a psychological level. 35) the changeof statusthroughsymbolic rebirth while at wrote. Despite the fact that the terms macho. and (b) what men can produce in ways that women cannot is men. 324-25) wrote of "the systematiprominent. What initiation does.Bloch of femininityis particularly (1986. which the novices must leave behind. (See also Herdt 1982. Machismo Men in Mexico. 60) said that"thenegative representation Yet elsewhere Bloch (1987. Keesing (1982. from New Guinea to Amazonia to Madagascar. and machismohave shortword histories.."while "it takes a little less than a fortnightto turnan adolescentinto a girl ready for marriageand childrearing.402 GUTMANN As with the study of ethnicity:one can never study one genderwithout studying others. An understanding as importantis often lacking in depictions of the semblanceand sense of male initiationrites. 47) reportedthat among the Baruya. 114) wrote of Tswanaprecolonialinitiationrites as projectingman as "skilled humanbeing" and woman as "incompletelysocialized. Latin America. p. Whiting et al 1958. clusion from women are prominentin many recordedrites of initiation. RECENTPOINTS OF CONVERGENCE Male InitiationRites In discussing manly rites of passage in New Guinea. p. andjournalists.) Once again. Newman & Boyd 1982. to separatea boy from his mother.other scholars. thoughsome like Dundes (1976) have writteneffectively about the ambivalentgender of male initiates.."it takes ten years.women seem central to both initiation events and to various analyses explaining their significance. p. and indeed all Spanish-speakingcountries have often been characterizedas uniformly macho by anthropologists. or are more tied to puberty and both male bodily mutilationand male sephysiological stages of maturation.many writersfrom all over the world have seemed intenton discovering a ubiquitous." cally contradictorynature of representationsof women" among the Merina of contradictionand indeterminacy (emphasis in original). on the bonds to women and their world. Comaroff(1985. pp. and women in general. in its modern sense. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and"typically This content downloaded on Thu." Of the circumcision ceremonies among the Merina of Madagascar.Keesing (1982) finds parallels between thatareaandAmazonia:(a) the emphasisplaced on createdversus natural growthof boys into men. p." Godelier (1986.

p. CONCLUSION In any discussion of masculinity. In the 1990s." In many ways arbitrary and artificial. Carrier1995. Mirande1997. 283) declared. A quickperusalof the indices to most ethnographies shows that "women" exist as a category while "men"arefarmorerarelylisted. yet it is commonly employedin academic and feminist circles on the island.the presentreview is intended to counter such typologizing.THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF MASCULINITY 403 Latin"machismo among men from these areas.Brusco 1995. Limon 1994. The centralclaim of Brusco (1995).therearepotentialproblems.Rather. This essay has not. Murray1995. Ramirez 1993). Ramirez (1993. Masculinityis eitherignoredor consideredso much the norm that a separateinventory is unnecessary. Parker1991. "gender" often means women and not men. too. Anthropologistsof various subjects will recognize the taken-for-granted natureof men and manhoodin much work to date. Lancaster1992.Then. 13) noted thatthe expression"machismo"is not used in the workingclass areashe studiedin PuertoRico. I trust. Lumsden 1996.Women may be ever-present in men's lives. de Barbieri 1990.been read in any sense as representing"men's turn"at the scholarly tables of gender inquiry.and with rareexception the situationhas hardlychanged since his time. for example. p. How are we to understand "effeminate"Arapesh men who father their children as if they were mothers?Why do hijras in India seek permanentterminationin theirquest for "emasculation"? How and why do flirty cross-dressingmen in Nicaragua(see Lancaster1997b) exhibit "femineity"?These are questions that constitutethe This content downloaded on Thu. Gilmore& Gilmore 1979. and adultery-and returnto their family responsibilities. is that evangelist Protestantismin Colombia has liberatedwomen because it has "domesticated" men: Evangelist husbands and fathers eschew "public"machismo-drunkenness. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . "[I]nthe most delicate subjectsthe ethnographer is bound to a large extent to dependon hearsay. p. 237) reportedthat particularand unequalmale-male sexual relationsare what ultimately"grounds" the system of machismo in generalin Nicaragua.especially if the topic is reducedto possession of male genitaliaor still worse if it is regardedas "formen only. Lancaster(1992. and more recently. Leiner 1994. Gutmann1996. Bolton 1979.my purpose has been to describe studies of men-as-men in the field within the context of a multigenderedpuzzle. but they do not factor into the masculinity equation for basic bodily reasons. violence."Malinowski (1929. there has been a veritable "boom"in ethnographicand kindredwork on machismo (see BacaZinn 1982.

Stud 10(2):29-44 BattagliaD. Visit the Annual Reviews home page at http://www. ideologies. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Bloch M. Contrary to the assertion that men are made while women are born (albeit "in the natives' point of view") is the understanding thatmen are often the defendersof "nature" and "thenaturalorderof things. Mel Spiro. I wrote this paper while on a National Institutesof Health postdoctoralfellowship administeredthroughthe PreventionResearchCenter and the School of Public Health. Calif. dancing. 1994. 1987. 1985. London:Blackwell Baca-ZinnM.Shirley Lindenbaum. Press Bloch M.Roger Lancaster. and practices in all their myriadfacets and manifestationsthemselves prove centralto the process of engenderedsocial transformations. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My thanks to Stanley Brandes. Chicago Press Almaguer T. Press ArdenerE. 124)-and the attemptto invent modem hurdlesfor achieving manhood status (see Gilmore 1990.404 GUTMANN bodily materialityandpracticesof men who define themselves andaredefined by others in part simply as people who are not women. Berkeley: Univ. Michael Herzfeld. and CorporateMasculinityin a Tokyo Hostess Club. 1992. singing. J.org. Between the performative modes in which manhood is emphasized on Crete a readiness with words. Lynn Stephen."while women are the ones instigating change in genderrelationsandmuch else. This is partof whatPeletz (1996. "We feed our father":paternal nurture among the Sabarl of Papua New Guinea.Berkeley. Patterns of Culture. Chicago: Univ. LiteratureCited Allison A. Meg Conkey. Decent and sources of contra- This content downloaded on Thu.Louise Lamphere. Chicano men: a cartography of homosexual identity and behavior. Ethn. 12(3):427-41 Benedict R. Chicano men and masculinity. Nightwork:Sexuality. which in turn came from Emma Goldman. and LoYc Wacquantfor comments on this essay and/ordiscussions on masculinity. p. University of California. Cambridge: CambridgeUniv." as the contradictions. 1991. 1989. From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar. inequalities. and ambiguitiesof gender relations. The Voice of Prophecy and Other Essays. p.Nancy Scheper-Hughes. and sheep rustling (see Herzfeld 1985. 1982. 294) calls "the historic restructuring of male roles. Differences 3(2):75-100 Alter JS. Lawrence Cohen. Ethnol. The Wrestler'sBody: Identity and Ideology in North India. 1986. p. 14 Mar 2013 00:48:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 221) lies a variety of qualities and characterizations anthropologistshave labeledmasculineandmanly. Am.AnnualReviews. 1934. Micaela di Leonardo.Pleasure. and for Gayle Rubin's blessing to echo her earliertitle.

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