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, Vol. 1, No. 4 (Oct., 1939), pp. 409-422 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4464304 . Accessed: 22/02/2012 17:01
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409 . It was also to the victorious French that the Prussian Jews owed the edict of 1812. it is best to consider the general situation of the Jews in Prussia and the attitude of liberal and conservative circles toward Jewish emancipation. which allowed them to become citizens of the state although not officials. they exulted in proud self-glorification of their history and tried to destroy as much as possible of the work of the revolution. I As is well known.EARLY GERMAN SOCIALISMAND JEWISH EMANCIPATION BY GUSTAV MAYER The arguments for and against Jewish emancipation as advanced in Prussia in the first decades of the nineteenth century may be divided into two groups. liberal and conservative. however. which might be designated as "dialectic. This attitude. One was motivated by certain more fundamental attitudes towards Jews and Judaism. demands attention because of its influence on the attitude of the pioneers of the new German socialism regarding the Jewish question. In addition to these two main approaches to the problem there was a third attitude which. although accepted by only a small group. the victorious armies of the French Revolution brought liberation to the Jews in those German lands which they conquered. the other merely by passing and circumstantial considerations. These gains were endangered after the defeat of Napoleon by the coalition of reactionary powers and the collapse of French supremacy." had its roots in the philosophy of Hegel and can be understood only in relation to the development of Hegelianism after Hegel's death. Foremost among these achievements had been the emancipation of the Jews. The liberated Germans turned their backs upon the ideology of the French revolution. First.
410 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES In redrawing the map of Europe the Congress of Vienna added territoriesto Prussia. Only with the possessionof full political rights could the Jews be expected to accept the Prussian state as their own. however. When. Prussiahad as yet no parliament to which legislative bills could be submitted and the provincial diets were only consultative bodies. Only with the advance of liberalismafter the revolution of 1830 did this reactionaryspirit begin to lose its hold upon the noble and bourgeoisclasses. "In the best interestsof the Christian population. Only through full and equal rights. Sooneror later the question was bound to arise as to a unified regulationof this problemand as to the fundamentalbases for such regulation. Mevissen and Beckerath. Prussian A true pictureof the attitude of the educatedand propertied classes on the eve of the revolution of 1848 towards the Jews living in their midst may be gatheredfrom the deliberationsof the first united diet in 1847 concerninga government proposal to make uniform and improve the status of the Jews in Prussia." they recommendednew restrictionsinstead of emancipation for the Jews.many of whom had fought for their fatherlandin the battles against Napoleon. which had never or only temporarilybelonged to Prussia.with their espousalof the idea of a constitutionalstate. such as . the governmentagain approachedthe provincialdiets. For the Jews this meant a differentstatus in the differentprovinces. hausen. twenty years after the first inquiry. five out of eight declaredfor a marked extension of Jewish rights. The strong antisemitic spirit prevailing in Germany after the Wars of Liberationwas evidenced in the answer given to a governmentinquiry by the diets of all the Prussian provincesbetween 1824 and 1827. satisfactory solution by parliamentary The liberals. the more liberal and the more conservative. but many noblemenas well. The representativesof the two principal tendencies. would it be possible to wean away the PrussianJews from their un-Germancustoms and from their one-sidedpreferencefor petty trade. both approached the problem from the standpoint of a fixed Weltanschauung. demanded equal rights for their Jewish fellow-citizens. were willing to recognize the actual conditions existing in Prussia and to bring the Jewish problem to a means. Both. they believed. Among the deputies who advancedthese arguments such as Campwere not only the leadersof the risingupper bourgeoisie. both in the east and in the west.
and von Bismarck-Schoenhausen. "Zion is the fatherlandof the Jews. he declared. They also pointed to the hostile attitude of the masses as well as to the greatercriminalityof the Jews. Because their religionis inseperablefrom their nationality. Prince Biron von Kurland. is made up of abstract concepts which cannot be applied to real life. The conservativedeputies opposed full emancipation. von Landsberg-Steinfurt." The ministers expressed themselves more dogmatically than the deputies. Their bill was based mainly on the law of 1812. I share this feeling with the lower masses of the people and I am not ashamedof the association. The liberal idea of the constitutional state." He can become an obedient citizen but never a Prussian "from the bottom of his heart. Prince zu Lynar. The dogmaof the "Christianstate. von Thadden. The latter expressed his gratitude to the Prussian Jews because membersof their race in the Orient had saved Aristotle for posterity. sarcastically declared that he would give full emancipation to the Jews if they would all be baptized. and the future illustriousstatesman said: "It would mortify me most deeply to think of giving obedience to a Jew representingthe sacred majesty of the king. the Jews could have no other fatherlandthan the one to which their faith directed them.Prince Reuss and Count Yorck. The Pietist PomeranianJunker. A baptized Jew would immediately become a memberof . we know of no other state life except in most intimate association with the life of the people." Whoeveris unable to merge himself fully in the national community cannot be accepted in the community of the state. Every Jew who believes in his religionhas there his fatherlandfrom which he can never turn away his gaze." that show-pieceof romantic-reactionary politics.EARLY GERMAN SOCIALISM AND JEWISH EMANCIPATION 411 Baron von Vincke. had been accepted by the government since the accession of FrederickWilliam IV in 1840." Eichhorn supplemented the statements of his colleague. Thile also declaredit incompatible with the natureof the Christianstate to appoint Jews as officials. The Catholic Baron von Landsberg categorically declared that full emancipationwould mean complete abandonmentof Christianity. "Our state is inseparablefrom a real people. They argued that Prussia was a Christian state and that it should remain such. Amongthose in the diet who also acceptedthe dogmawere the ministers von Thile and Eichhorn and the conservative deputies von Thadden Trieglaff.
412 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES the national community. This was likewise true of the radical Young Hegelians. Fichte. had been more thoroughly assimilated into the rest of the population. cognizant of the experiences in France: "If such recognizable progress has been made only in fifty years." His compatriot." II This discussion of Jewish emancipation by practical politicians had been preceded a few years earlier by a theoretical discussion which concerned itself not so much with the Jews as with the principles of emancipation. and Hegel were not long dead. through their increased freedom. There was no difference of opinion between liberals and conservatives on the need for improving the legal position of the Prussian Jews. with its isolating ritualistic customs. This proves that neither nationality in itself nor religion. in particular. what will be the result of hundreds of years of experience of this principle of equal rights?" Vincke was no friend of the Jews but as a fanatical exponent of legal rights he fought for full emancipation. declared: "They must so far yield to the enormous majority surrounding them as to become one in conformity with us. was hindered by strict censorship. In reply to Eichhorn he said: "Only in their poetry and religion do the Jews consider Zion their fatherland. The Germans until shortly had been a nation of philosophers. The Hegelian school. The dispute was whether emancipation should be put into effect immediately and completely. They have no longer any passion for Jerusalem. It was still customary to first approach political problems in their philosophical setting. von Raven. however. were the barriers erected against the Jews. Even the liberals were of the opinion that the Prussian state should not "educate Jews but citizens. The government permitted open discussion of these fundamentals." The Silesian deputy. sought to solve dialectically the most burning problems of the age. In the beginning the Young Hegelians fought only . added. Count Renard. Kant. political activity. Never have I heard of any wealthy Jews wishing to settle in Jerusalem. It was the combination of racial descent and religion which created the isolating element which made a national community impossible. or whether certain restrictions should remain until the Jews.
while Friedrich Engels followed by Karl Marx. The new king.EARLY GERMAN SOCIALISM AND JEWISH EMANCIPATION 413 against orthodoxy. 2 vols. This limited demandwas replacedafter the revoludemand for emancipation. turned to communism. by Friedrich Strauss (1835)." Under the old regime the Young Hegelians had consideredthemselvesthe "thunderlegion of the state.but soon they were pushed by their dialectic method into opposition not only to Christianity in general but also to religion in any form. and the Prussianstate of his WilliamIII (1840)Hegel's philosophy time. After the death of Frederick was no longer the state philosophy. The German radicals now demanded the abolition of all privileges. They wondered whether it would be sufficientmerely to secularizethe state or whether the onward pulsing pressureof the spirit of the age would not dispose of the state altogether. vol. The landmarks in this process of radicalizationwere: Leben Yesu. They refusedto give priority to Jewish emancipationand they objected to argumentsmade solely for emancipationof the Jews. traditional chains had to be cast off and equality realized. Eng. It was out of such doubts that Max Stirner." did not strive for a "rational state" but for a "Christianstate. Even Fichte had jeered at the fact that tolerance was demanded for the Jews in states where independent thinkers were not tolerated. by Ludwig Feuerbach (1841)." in Historische Zeitschrift (1919)." Soon the most radical among them began to expressdoubts not only concerning religion but also concerning the idea of the state. Eine Biographie. vi (1913). Edgar Bauer and Ludwig Buhl turned to anarchism." in Zeitschrift fur Politik.emancipationbecamethe sloganof the radicalsonly after 1830. New York 1937) . FrederickWilliam IV. the author's writings: "Der politische Radikalismus in vormirzlichen Preussen. In backward tion by the more far-reaching Germany. enlightenedor not.by Bruno Bauer (1840). "Die Junghegelianer und der Staat. Kritik der evangelischen des 7ohannes." Now they thought of themselves as an "ecclesiapressa.' Before the French revolution the philosophicalradicals in France and in Germany demanded only tolerance from their absolute rulers. Friedrich Engels. the "romanticist on the throne. and Wesendes ChrisGeschichte tentums. As hostile as Fichte was against the Jews and as often as he acknowledgedthe fact. It is well known how Hegel transformed the idea of the state into a cult and how he did not sharply distinguish between the institution of the state. trans. (The Hague 1934.however. 1 Cf. on which he bestowed the mission of realizing reason on earth.
The very nature of their existence is exclusiveness.whateverpersisted stood in the way of its never-ceasing in remainingstatic belonged. But the Jews? They wish to remainthe same always. who will guarantee them world supremacy. There was no room in of and respectfor an historically such a view of history for understanding developed and established phenomenon such as Judaism. Bauer in his "Verteidigung. compared himself to an artist "who follows the urge of his sense of form and works on the block of marble while the ends fall in pieces to the floor. History.it is not only the Jews but all of us who want to be emancipated. When the historical spirit has fully absorbedit. a former orthodox theologianwho had discardedreligion. the only 2 Fichte."he declared in Die fudenfrage (Brunswick1843).new forms. (1795) p. Their life in the diasporameans to them a trial period which will end with the coming of the messiah. A truth.consideredit to be the greatest problemof his age to free the Prussianstate from the Christian chains forged by the new king.change. which I have not been able to consult myself. The tenacity of their national spirit is proof of an incapacity for historical development.2 Bruno Bauer followed in Fichte's footsteps when he too would not allow that the battle cry of his generation should result in special benefits to the Jews.414 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES yet he added that he did not mean to say that Jews should be persecuted because of their beliefs but rather that no one in general ought to be persecutedfor the beliefs he holds. The exclusiveness of Christianityis a Jewish heritage." Bauer. The Jews still considerthemselves the chosen people for whose sake the world exists. such only so long as it is in combat with the historical spirit. progress. G. "is the problemof our age in general.can be true only and it remains once. to the refuse heap of history. "Emancipation.3Whatever work of change. 3 In a review of this work by Moses Hess in Der Israelit des neunzehntenJahrhunderts. he maintains in Die fudenfrage.. 191. it is a truth when it first arisesin the consciousness. it becomes only the fruitful soil for the beginningof a new form of truth." which appeared in his own dllgemeine Literaturzeitung (1844). declaredBauer." . J. For Bruno Bauer dialectic was the dynamic factor of all happenings. Hess reproached Bauer with having made the Jews victims of his fanatical dialectics. Faith in their people is the only faith of which the Jews are capable. in Bauer's opinion. His concern with the Jewish question served primarilyto combat the idea of the Christianstate. means development. PReitrige zur Berichtigungdes Urteils des Publikums iiberdie franzihische Revrlution. 2d ed.
. It is the nature of the Christian state to respect privilege. and irresponsibility. could not accept a solution of the Jewish problem through baptism. as long as they are maintained." Thus Bauer came to the following conclusion: "If the Jews wish to become a genuine part of the people.they must give up their chimerical prerogatives which." was possible only in a dechristianized state." "Since all things were not free and arbitrary power and privilege have ruled up to the present. Bauer's aim was to prove that civic freedom. invulnerability. conceded the emancipation of the Jews only on condition that they became baptized. But should the Jews have privileges "now that privileges are falling under the blows of criticism and when. The Jews had always been reproached for their exclusiveness since the 4 5 Die Judenfrage. by which merely "one privilege would be exchanged for another. simultaneously grant Judaism the privileges of immutability. Bruno Bauer. later. Therefore he reasoned thus: The present-day Jews are not free because they are slaves to arbitrary laws."5 If there was anything at all original in Bauer's ideas on the Jewish question it was his strong emphasis on the dialectic movement of history. who fight against privileges. That is why for them the nature of man in general is neither higher nor more than their own particular nature. The conservative Pietist. for they. they are not free and so cannot help to free anyone else. They must offer up their lack of faith in the nations and their exclusive faith in their own baseless nationality before they can be in any possible position to participate sincerely and without secret reservations in real state and national affairs. will always separate the Jews from the nations and alienate them from history. Ibid. p. They consider it a privilege to be a Jew. the reasons for which they do not dare question. the Jews too could not be free."' As long as the Christians are Christians.they can do so only in the historical nations of our age and not in their own chimerical nationality. . 60. 61. p. however. which he made synonymous with the "emancipation of man.EARLY GERMAN SOCIALISM AND JEWISH EMANCIAPTION 415 one to which they are bound. as we have seen. "The slave cannot emancipate others.. they shall have fallen?" The defenders of Jewish emancipation have placed themselves in a peculiar position.. von Thadden-Trieglaff.
of the so-called "true socialism. Die Judenfrage (Darmstadt 1844). Cf. launched a polemic against Grin's book in the Aligemeine Literaturzeitung." The idea of utility was for him the "basic concept of Judaism. next to Hess." which aspired to see Feuerbach's 6 Among Jewish thinkers influenced. however. faith in their religion and in their people was washed away by the rising tide of unrestrained dialectic. Nachgelassene Briefe und Schriften. . Gustav Philippson. in 1936. Hegel had shown a deep understanding of the world-historical significance of the Jewish religion but Bruno Bauer. "Lassalle und das Judentum. and not a religion.416 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES Babylonian exile.7 the most important representative. 1. Gotthold Salomon. for example. Karl.6 Bruno Bauer's work was much discussed in pamphlets as well as in book reviews. Wilhelm Freund.l/gemeineLiteraturzeitung. he misinterpreted the ideas of the philosopher. MVoses Hiess. and he saw only "a world of misery" in the Jewish world from which he made his way into German intellectual life. Feuerbach too. ii with Bruno Bauer. and Moses Hess. in turning against Judaism. The entire six volume edition of these posthumous writings. which he edited: Gabriel Riesser. the antisemitic Fichte warned his fellow-citizens against this "separatist and strongly chained state. During the 17th and 18th centuries there prevailed the closely linked view that the Jews were not to be regarded as a religious community but as a "state within a state. Ernst Jungnitz. In the figure of Jehovah he saw the reflection of "the personified egotism of the people of Israel. the Jewish religion was only a preparatory stage to Christianity which had already been transcended by the Zeitgeist. in Der Jude (1924). which were found by the editor in 1919 in the castle of Count Hatzfeldt." Kant looked upon Judaism as a political community ("staatlich-politische Gemeinschaft"). Julius Springer. temporarily or permanently. We shall not concern ourselves here with his Jewish critics. 1844). Of the non-Jewish writers who deserve special attention there is Karl Grin. who was closely associated vol. ed. Samuel Hirsch. and Lassalle. in his Europdische 7riarchie (1841) bemoaned the "stability" Of the Jews and denied them any future." by Gustav Mayer. (Aug. Bauer mentions some of these in his answer to his critics in the A. by Gustav Nlayer (Berlin-Stuttgart. was destroyed in Berlin by the publisher." which would trample all the other citizens under its feet once the Jews gained equal rights. 1921-25) v. but by Feuerbach whose Wesen des Christentums (1841) had so deeply impressed all the Young Hegelians. But where Lassalle referred to Hegel for support." Thus for the majority of the Young Hegelians and for Feuerbach. 7Grin. was no longer influenced by Hegel in his judgment of the Jewish question. by the Young Hegelians. The spirit of Judaism moved into the shadow of history for the young Lassalle as soon as he came under the Young lIegelian influence. struck at the roots of Christianity.
those who bought from. Marx tried mainly to prove the limitations of the political sphere and its dependence upon social conditions. Karl Marx never experienced Jewish 8 Op. Holland."8 Bauer too still believed that man's emancipation will find its complete realization in political emancipation. Grin considered it useless to bring up again the "old rigmarole of Jewish nationality.' It was only by chance that the Jewish question became the subject whereby he advanced the proof of his theory.." Griunreplied as a liberal: "Only the citizen is the true man. true men. and Belgium the Jews fulfill their duty as citizens in spite of their Mosaic faith." but that the "real emancipation of man" presupposed a radical social transformation. North America. Grin scoffs at Bauer's statement that the Jews still consider themselves the only chosen people. Marx had become convinced that political emancipation was only "the latest form of human emancipation within the hithertoexisting world order. and after Gabriel Riesser's reproof of Kirchenrat Paulus. III These ideas of Bauer were no longer shared in by his former comrade. taking advantage of their own superior business abilities." This was also what Bruno Bauer meant at the conclusion of his book on the Jewish question when he demanded of his contemporaries "to be and remain genuine nations and within the national life. p. in the Deutsch-FranziisischeJahrbiicker. Grin argues that in France. His playmates were not Jewish children and since early childhood he had looked down upon the Jews through the eyes of his German environment. 9 Zur Judenfrage appeared at the end of February. In his first polemic with Bauer. In answer to the question as to who is the "true man. 61. "The Jews" to him meant mainly the Jewish cattle dealers in the Rhineland. Marx had been baptized as a young boy.EARLY GERMAN SOCIALISM AND JEWISH EMANCIPATION 417 desire for the "true and whole man" realized in the social world. and sold to the small peasants. Karl Marx. . cit. 1844." In answer to the reproach that the Jews have excluded themselves from the ways of their host nations. This also explains why Marx in his Zur Judenfrage does not deal with the actual position of the Jews in Prussia. which was related to Bauer's treatment of the Jewish question.
1843 Marx wrote to Arnold Ruge from Cologne: "The leader of the Jewish community here just came to ask my support for a petition by the Jews to the diet. fought against directly until Feuerbach. thus came to the conclusion. in his Wesen des Christentums revealed to him that "the supernatural mysteries of religion were based upon quite simple natural truths" and that all religions are only reflections of social conditions. "that is to say. March 13. Marx does not concern himself with the "Sabbath Jew. in his Heilige Familie calls "hypocritical." the "everyday Jew" whose functions in German economic life seemed to confirm. from practical and real Judaism. Marx. he could not agree with Bruno Bauer and with the earlier Hess that the historical function of Judaism had disappeared with the rise of Christianity. In his treatise." but "the secret of his religion in the real Jew. he found it "repugnant. of the world which outraged his inborn Jewish ethos. Moses Hess. Thus Marx."'0 Moreover. the religion of Judaism was not a power to be reckoned with. Feuerbach's explanation of Judaism." Indeed. After Feuerbach thus laid bare these ideologies." He is interested only in the "actual worldly Jew. he also designated "practical necessity and self-interest" as the "world foundation of Judaism." The religious conscience of the Jew would then evaporate like a vague mist in the real life-atmosphere of society. I will give it to him. Christianity. 10 On . Zur 7udenfrage. (Berlin 1921) p. on the contrary. his secular God is money." If humanity could be freed from commerce and from money. Here too Marx now saw a reflection of social relationships. not only religion but also politics lost for Marx its unique position. of which we have so much. with a stroke of sophistry. yet Bauer's view is too abstract. along with Bauer. was a power which Marx. As repugnant as the Israelite faith is to me. made Judaism the symbol of the existing world based on egotism.418 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES religion. Like Feuerbach. Marx went beyond Feuerbach's spiteful contempt when he said: "The secular cult of the Jew is petty trade. Marx looked for "the secret of the Jew not in his religion. Because he saw "the real nature of the Jew realized" in bourgeois society. for whom a particular group of Jewish men was synonymous with Judaism." whom he later." Quoted in Zlocisti. T. 2d ed. It is necessary to shoot as many holes as possible into the state and smuggle in as much as possible of the rational. who made no distinction between Jews and Judaism.." that would constitute the "self-emancipation of our age. 84 ff. for Marx." Like Feuerbach.
he immediately thought of the Jewish petty-trader. described him as "the Rothschild of all the declining absolute monarchies.000 Jews were engaged in trade. vi.. p.EARLY GERMAN SOCIALISM AND JEWISH EMANCIPATION 419 contrary to Bauer and Hess." The malpractices often found among the Jewish peddlers violated the ethical feelings while their behavior violated the esthetic feelings of their German neighbors." To the average German the Rothschilds were the factual rulers of all the great European states. They became so proverbial that the socialist." ibid. 431 out of every 1." Marx thus envisioned a radical transformation of the existing social order in which. Fichte had spoken bitterly of the "petty trade of the Jews which destroys every noble feeling. as happened later in Russia. fought not against the capitalists but against "Die neue Konstitution. Friedrich Engels. 12 . "Die wahren Sozialisten.vol. that Judaism reached its highest influence in the Christian world and in the full development of bourgeois society. During the 1840's in Prussia. and Lord Westminster in London. Marx's homeland. In the Rhineland. Baring. Marx saw in the Jews only "the dog with dog's thoughts" and not "the man with human feelings. von Saucken. When the average German of that time spoke of Jews. In the words of Heine. p. it is true. Historisch-Kritische Gesamtausgabe. there also were "Fulchiron and Decazes in Paris and Samuel Jones Lloyd."'2 Engels like Marx. in speaking of Tsar Nicolas I (who had supported Prussia and Austria against the impending revolution of 1848). The world of his day he declared to be "Jewish to the depth of its heart.137 peddlers were Jews." and the emancipation of the Jews was to come only with "the emancipation of society from Judaism. the Jewish petty tradesmen would disappear and Jews would become absorbed into their non-Jewish environment. The widespread belief in the world power of Jewish big capital strengthened even more the aversion for the Jews which was so deeply rooted in the German people.""1 Engels was familiar with England and France and he knew that." in Marx-Engels." The poet of the "Princess Sabath" understood the Jews and Judaism better than the author of Das Kapital. 78. 584. in addition to the Rothschilds. The liberal deputy. declared in the united diet: "I believe we all know that nowadays practically no state can begin a war and carry it on for any length of time without first securing the support of the house of Rothschild for its cause. 974 out of the 3.
" in Neue Zeit. vol. becauseof his dialecticalreasoning. But to the average German. This supremacy. It is a reaction of certain petty-bourgeoisclasses who feel their existence threatenedby the big businessand money economy of today. The small group of intellectuals who. zur Judenfrage (Leipzig 1894). The real bearersof this new antisemitism were. because it is in crass contradiction to the social and legal status of the Jews. It was at this time too that a political antisemitic movement arose out of the growing economic threat to petty tradesmenby departmentstores.420 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES capitalism. Eduard Bernstein. who then lived in exile in London.""4 "Das Schlagwort und der Antisemitismus. xi (1893) 228. to craftsmenby largescale industry. at the head of which they see many Jews and thereforeconsider the Jews as the real bearersof the conditions threateningthem. after the death of Marx. vol.those social classeswhich saw their existencethreatened by the rapid expansionof capitalism. tried to adapt his theories to the changing conditions. wrote in 1893 in the Neue Zeit: "The Jews often achieved relatively strong economic supremacy over the broad masses.Judaism and capitalism came pretty close to being synonymous."'13 also wrote: "The antisemitic movement is not a racial movement but an economic one and is only sharpenedby ethnic and religious differences. and to farmersby the increasingimports of wheat from North and South America.had set up Judaism and money power as one. And for this they could cite Marx who. followed Marx mainly in the emphasis they laid on the economic and social aspect of any political or cultural subject. xiii (1895) 823. 13 14Review . This they also did in their handling of the Jewish question. it appears. in his Zur 7udenfrage. In view of the strong participation of the Jewish business world in this capitalist expansion they vented their rage on Jews and Judaism in the same way as a child attacks a post upon which he tripped. IV How did the writingsof the youthful Marx influencethe position of the GermanSocial Democratson the Jewish question? They could not influence the masses directly because they had disappearedcompletely from the book stores. must appear so much more oneHeinrichCunow sided and oppressivethan the rule of the moneybag. in Neuc of Otto Freiherr von Boenigk's Grundziwge Zeit.
ix (1891)."7 He was actuated by the desire to strike blows at both sides. Mehring was just as hostile to Jewish capital as he was toward antisemitism. looked for voters mainly among such classes which the labor party had difficulty in reaching." in Neue Zeit. "Kapitalistische Agonie." in Neue Zeit. 17 . the former Berlin correspondent of the Frankfurter Zeitung and editor of the Volkszeitung was considered a renegade by the powerful liberal press." Influenced by his personal experiences and encouraged by the writings of the youthful Marx. philosemitism claims to protect the Jews by defending capitalism through thick and thin. x (1892). while the latter can only console them by letting the wind of the unchangeable principles of St. After his conversion to social democracy.EARLY GERMAN SOCIALISM AND JEWISH EMANCIPATION 421 The Social-Democratic writer who most zealously tried to implement the position of his party on the increasingly acute Jewish question. Mehring's thesis was: "If antisemitism claims to fight capitalism by persecuting the Jews. He ridicules the "proletarianized petty-bourgeois who."'" Antisemites and philosemites bestirred themselves about the poor souls of the small property owners whose decline became more evident with each year of capitalist expansion. The antisemitic party and the German Freisinnige Partei. He wielded the sharpest pen in the journalistic struggles of the Bismarck era. vol. Mommsen. vol. The Pomeranian minister's son had only slowly become converted from a bourgeois democrat and opponent of social democracy into an orthodox Marxist. "Kapitalistische Agonie." demand Jewish 15 "Anti-und Philosemitisches. the successor of the Progressive Party. Levysohn. 16 Ibid. Manchester blow around their nose. was Franz Mehring. Davidsohn." and "whose leaders so strongly attack Jewish capital in order the less to disturb the exploiting activity of Christian capital. comes to profess antisemitism." which he published in the year following the acquital of the Jewish defendant in the ritual murder case in Cleve. in naive ignorance of his class position. Virchow. which was owned largely by Jewish publishers and written by Jewish editors. Barth. and whom they hoped to win over with the further growth of capitalist concentration. which he was the first to republish."16 Mehring made direct reference to Marx's Zur 7udenfrage in his article. He declared that "the capitalist notables such as the Messrs Mosse. "The former offer them quack medicines.
who associated with Marx and Engels in London in 1879-1880. How could that happen to the party. writes in the epilogue to his edition of the letters and papers of Rodbertus (vol.18 When Sombart's Die 7uden und das Wirtschaftsleben appeared. do not join in Jew-baiting. 726): "That the genuine Social Democrats. for example. A glance at the anti-and-pro-semitic dispute is sufficient to prove the correctness of the Marxist thesis in all its fundamental truth. while on the contrary."'19 18 The Social-Christian conservative." in Neue Zeit. it was dismissed by the Marxist. without any Jewish influence. and actually this influence in the Netherlands was demonstrably insignificant. the Social Democrats took such pains seriously to understand the real economic connections that it was impossible to satisfy them with the superficial explanations of antisemites. Mosse and his colleagues defend the presuppositions of the haggler on which the glory of the capitalist world rests. ii. i. with its democratic tradition. the modern capitalist Jews are inconceivable without capitalist development." In defending Judaism. author of Der Emanzipationskampf des vierten Standes. in the Netherlands of the 16th century. p.that the solution of the Jewish question is impossible within capitalist society. "But one can conceive of such capitalist development." 19 "Kapitalismus und Judentum.422 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES emancipation only because in that way they will hinder the emancipation of the proletariat. There never was any danger that the German Social Democratic party might fall into the stream of antisemitism. vol. The youthful Marx had already proven . Rudolf Meyer. the liberal tendency which never disappeared from its ideology. Van Ravenstyn. old or new. Ravenstyn concluded that it is natural and in a measure a common-place that the Jews should participate and play a definite role in capitalist development wherever the conditions were ripe for that development. and its large number of Jewish voters and leaders? In addition. as. e. .and here Mehring cites vigorous passages from Marx . with the claim that all that was useful in Sombart's work one could find "more strikingly and profoundly" expressed in the works of Marx and in Mehring's introduction to the new edition of those works. is explained by the fact that money Judaism has declassed the middle class and thus transformed a conservative class into a revolutionary one. xxx (1912) 708. practically all the Protestant German workers today.
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