This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
3 (Jun., 1986), pp. 553-575 Published by: American Historical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1869131 Accessed: 04/11/2009 08:52
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aha. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact firstname.lastname@example.org.
American Historical Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Historical Review.
Reflections on the Medieval German Nobility
JOHN B. FREED
As TIMOTHY REUTER OBSERVED, the "nobility has been one of the main concerns of medievalhistorianssince the second world war,"but "surprisingly little European on the is known in the scholarship subject generally English-speakingworld."' Except for Reuter's own translationsof a number of important articles, only Georges Duby's studies have been readily accessible to English and American students.2German scholarshave concentratedon the origins of the nobility, the structural transformation of the aristocratic kindred, and the rise of the ministerials. Germanmedievalists began to investigatethese topicsduring the Nazi period,3but two postwarpoliticaldevelopmentshave stimulatedGermaninterest in the nobility.The movement for a united Europe that has invoked Charlemagne as its patron saint-the headquartersof the Common Marketare located in the Charlemagne Building in Brussels4-has focused attention on the common Frankishheritage of France and Germanyand the nobility'srole in the creation
This article is based on a paper that was presented on March 29, 1985, at an institute entitled "The Structure of the Aristocracy in Feudal Europe," sponsored by the Department of History of the University of Florida. I want to thank the participants-George Beech, Constance B. Bouchard, Fredric Cheyette, Patrick J. Geary, Barbara Rosenwein, Stephen Weinberger, and Stephen White-and Roy A. Austensen and Lawrence D. Walker, my colleagues, for their helpful comments. ' Reuter, ed. and trans., The Medieval Nobility: Studies on the Ruling Classes of France and Germany from the Sixth to the TwelfthCentury,Europe in the Middle Ages: Selected Studies, vol. 14 (Amsterdam, 1979), 1. 2 Duby, The Chivalrous Society,trans. Cynthia Postan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977), Medieval Marriage: TwoModelsfromTwelfth-Century France, trans. Elborg Forster (Baltimore, Md., 1978), and The Three Orders:Feudal SocietyImagined, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago, 1980). 3 The aristocratic kindred was composed of members who could claim a common relationship, through either their father or their mother, with a magnate,; its members did not necessarily share a common ancestor but were simply related to a specific individual. The ministerials were individuals of servile legal status, but of aristocratic life style, who formed in the twelfth century an estate, unique to the medieval kingdom of Germany. Hans K. Schulze has traced the postwar German interest in the medieval nobility to an article published by Heinrich Dannenbauer in 1941. See Schulze, "Rodungsfreiheit und Konigsfreiheit: Zu Genesis und Kritik neuerer verfassungsgeschichtlicher Theorien," Historische Zeitschraft, 219 (1974): 530-31, and "Reichsaristokratie, Stammesadel und frankische Freiheit: Neuere Forschungen zur fruhmittelalterlichen Sozialgeschichte," ibid., 227 (1978): 353. For Dannenbauer's article, see "Adel, Burg und Herrschaft bei den Germanen: Grundlagen der deutschen Verfassungsentwicklung," HistorischesJahrbuch, 61 (1941): 1-50. It was reprinted with the original pagination; Hellmut Kampf, ed., Herrschaftund Staat im Mittelalter,Wege der Forschung, vol. 2 (Darmstadt, 1956). 4New YorkTimes, March 20, 1984, p. 6.
clerical and secular. See Fried.5 Second. German scholarship remains highly politicized because the study of the Middle Ages is not a politically neutral topic in the German-speaking world and because German social historians have used the study of social history to seek explanations for German national disunity. Pankraz Fried Landesgeschichte. esp. Probleme und Methoden der Wege der Forschung. acting largely on their own authority and drawing on this tribal legacy. 1939). vol. 41-69.trans. but those historians who have ventured into this area have probably been repulsed for two other reasons as well. vol. . Europe in the Middle Ages: Selected Studies. it does suggest that their work. for instance. 1979). Second. who investigated the change in family structure during the Saxon and Salian eras. the region between the Meuse and the Moselle. The Carolingians abolished the stem duchies. and Karl Ferdinand Werner. 6 Reuter pointed out that there has been little agreement about the purpose or methodology of Reuter. the so-called newer stem duchies. Freed and dissolution of the Carolingian empire. "A New History of Medieval Germany. TELLENBACH about the Carolingian imperial aristocracy in in on the so-called newer stem duchies.6 A reluctance to read technical German prose and a general attitude of bitterness toward Germany after two world wars explain why most English-speaking scholars have ignored German scholarship on the medieval nobility. Bernard S. 7 Tellenbach. An examination of the ideas of the three men who have dominated postwar German studies of the medieval nobility reveals that many of the premises underlying their work did in fact originate or become popular during the Third Reich. the study of the principalities created by the medieval princes and thus long suspect as a disguised form of German particularism-academically respectable. Landesgeschichte. The stem duchies were tribal units that the Merovingians incorporated into the Frankish kingdom but that retained considerable autonomy under the leadership of dukes appointed by the king. Fleckenstein's book was published originally as Grundlagenund Beginn der deutschenGeschichte. requires further scrutiny. who studied the role of the ministerials in the Hohenstaufen revival. vol. Karl Schmid. Franconia. 16 (Amsterdam. 75-86. Structurespolitiques du mondefranc (VIe-XIIe siecles): Etudes sur les origines de la France et de l'Allemagne(London. vol. While this does not necessarily invalidate their findings. Early Medieval Germany. Smith. 1978). the linkage of freedom with service-are repugnant to English-speaking scholars steeped in the Western tradition of natural rights. who came from the heartland of the empire. 1 (G6ttingen. 492 (Darmstadt." History. who concentrated on the Carolingian imperial aristocracy. 1978). around 900.554 John B. 4 (Weimar. xi-xv. 1976). many of the underlying premises of German scholarship on the medieval period-for example. in the empire and had extensive property holdings throughout Western Europe but were highly dependent on the FIRST PRESENTED HIS VIEWS 5See.Deutsche Geschichte. has collected a number of theoretical articles on the topic. and Karl Bosl. First. Saxony. The scholars in question are: Gerd Tellenbach. valuable and important as it has been. or clans. i-iii. pt. 7. the birth of a genuine Austrian nationalism during the Second World War and the establishment of the German Federal Republic have made Landesgeschichte-ultimately.7 This book a (Reichsaristokratie) 1939 aristocracy was composed primarily of Frankish sips. These nobles held the chief offices. Quellen und Studien zur Verfassungsgeschichte des Deutschen Reiches in Mittelalter und Neuzeit. but the great magnates. Josef Fleckenstein. and Swabia. Konigtum und Stammein der Werdezeit des DeutschenReiches. created the duchies of Bavaria.66 (1981): 442.
und Ostfrankenreich.163 (1941): 457-70. "Zur Stellung der ostfrankischen Aristokratie beim Sturz Karls III. headnote) and from the contributors in Studien und Vorarbeiten. Eduard Hlawitschka." Historische Zeitschrift. 1967). Baumhauer. ed. 166 (1942): 457-72.. 10 Schlesinger. 203-42. Konigtumund Stdmme. M. 71-136." in Tellenbach. "Zur Geschichte KaiserArnulfs. 1967). .92. These articles have been reprinted with the um 900)."'2 Although Lintzel was initially skeptical about describing a sip 8 Tellenbach. ed. "The stem duchy did not arise out of the fragmented will of the leaderless fiihrerlosen]stem but rather out of the duke's determination to rule. and their members became the creators of the kingdoms. Forschungen zur oberrheinischen des grossfrdnkischen Vorarbeiten zur Geschichte Landesgeschichte. 1957).. As the Carolingian empire disintegrated in the course of the ninth century.. H. Darmstadt. "Ober die altesten Welfen im West. Welfs." in Theodor Mayer. In addition." and Tellenbach's description of how the dukes formed the politically unorganized stem into a duchy betrays the period of its composition. 51-52. and Sachsische Forschungen zur Geschichte. Entstehungder Landesherrschaft. Barraclough." had Nazi overtones. see Werner. Schlesinger defended himself in his preface to the 1964 (1941) against the accusation that the edition of Die EntstehungderLandesherrschaft subtitle of one of his chapters. Adel und Bauern im deutschenStaat des Mittelalters(1943. I derived the list of Tellenbach's associates from his On the "Kritische Studien" (p. The duke himself was the political organization of the hitherto unorganized leaderless [fiihrerlosen]stem.8 Since the Second World War. 22-73. Tellenbach and the other members of the Freiburg School (O. Karl Schmid. xiv. see Tellenbach." TheMedievalNobility. 12 Tellenbach. und der Entstehung der Stammesherzogtiumer.. deutscheGeschichtswissenschaft 11 Schlesinger. 130-32. Franz Vollmer. see Tellenbach. vol.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 555 ruler's favor. in more detail. Sprandel. "Kritische Studien zur grossfrankischen und alemannischen Adelsgeschichte. vol. und die reprint edn. Telienbach extended his analysis to the twelfth century and traced the connection between the Carolingian imperial aristocrats and their descendants. "The Seignorial Structure of the Folk Order.. Tellenbach.15 (1956): 169-90. and Tellenbach..9 It should be pointed out that Tellenbach refined his interpretation of the Carolingian imperial aristocracy during a debate with Martin Lintzel and Walter Schlesinger in 1941 and 1942 about the origins of the first German Reich. Reuter translated the article into English. vol." ibid. In an article published in 1943." Landesgeschichte. principalities. Studien und Zeitschrift fur wurttembergische undfriihdeutschenAdels. Geoffrey Barraclough popularized in the English-speaking world Tellenbach's thesis that the dukes created the duchies during the reign of Conrad I. "From the Carolingian Nobility to the German Estate of the Princes. "Ober die Herkunft der Welfen und ihre Anfange Studien und Vorarbeiten.. DieEntstehungdesDeutschenReiches(Deutschland Forschung. Wege der original pagination.. Darmstadt. 335-40. and Lintzel. and stem duchies that arose out of the ruins of Charlemagne's empire. 1 (Darmstadt. the German princes who created the individual principalities. "Vom karolingischen Reichsadel zum deutschen Reichsfurstenstand. See Kampf. 1956). 1 (1 94 1. Tellenbach stressed the actions of the king. "Kaiser Arnulf und die Entstehung des deutschen Staates und Volkes. Schwarzmaier. 4 (Freiburg." ibid. and Fleckenstein. reprint edn. like the Welfs. This is especially clear in the disputants' discussion of the deposition of Charles III and the accession of Arnulf of Carinthia in 887. 191-242. This article was reprinted in Kampf. the sips were gradually provincialized. On this debate. Konigtum und Stamme." ibid.10 The choice of such a topic at the height of the Third Reich can hardly have been coincidental. while his opponents emphasized the role of the folk led by the nobles. Schlesinger. 165 (1942): 229-45. and Joachim Wollasch) have studied sips. Herrschaftund Staat. ed. in Suiddeutschland. 169. 1964). Die Entstehungder Landesherrschaft. 9 Tellenbach. R. Josef Fleckenstein. Das NS-Geschichtsbild (Stuttgart.
" in Tellenbach. 245-67. 1. Count Caramann was. 15 Schmid. 14 Tellenbach's theory of an imperial aristocracy can be criticized on a number of grounds." 162-64. 183-244. We find several references in Alamannia to a Count Caramann between 797 and 820. Studien und Vorarbeiten. ed." See "The Structure of the Nobility in the Earlier Middle Ages. He is undoubtedly the Count Caramann who is named on several occasions in the Book of Confraternity of Reichenau. Handbuchderdeutschen edn. the ancestors of the tenth-century Saxon kings of Germany. "Konigtum. Herbert Grundmann (9th See.13 the term has become standard in postwar German historiography. 70-100. 1947). however. Studien und Vorarbeiten. 'Adel und Herrschaft im Mittelalter. Schmid's articles "Uber die Struktur des und adliges Adels" and "Zur Problematik von Familie" have been reprinted in Schmid. 1985).-12."' Zeitschriftfiir die Geschichte 1-16. New York. a relative of the Berthold sip. according to the testimony of witnesses about St. Tellenbach wrote: "One must judge equally carefully about Duke Garamannus. How likely is it. Stuttgart. Dopsch pointed out that the Frankish duke The Origins of Modern Germany (2d edn.. his overall thesis about an international imperial aristocracy with interests on both sides of the Alps would have been better served if they were. 1970). Freed. vol. The first. 505-11. 13 Lintzel. The origins of the so-called newer stem duchies has been one of the most controversial issues in postwar German historiography on the medieval period. 38-42. Karolingerreiches. Adel und Kloster zwischen Bodensee und Schwarzwald (8. Bruno Gebhardt. Reuter translated "Ober die Struktur des Adels. "Kritische Studien. Jahrhundert). Sippe und Geschlecht. that a duke about whom the pope complained in 787/91 would still have been alive in 834. On this point. and then between 838 and 850 to a witness Caramann [Craman]. about whom Pope Adrian I complained in 787/91 because he had seized properties of the church of Ravenna. Haus und Dynastie beim mittelalterlichen Adel: Vorfragen zum des Oberrheins. For additional information. "Germany. see Tellenbach.556 John B.15 the temptation to arrange the few surviving pieces of the jigsaw puzzle into a complete picture has proved overwhelming. 719-21. . vol. pp. 5. even for Tellenbach and his colleagues. Beitrage. 14 Geschichte. seeJohn B. "Der grossfrankische Adel und die Regierung Italiens in der Blitezeit des 65."'6 Although Tellenbach did not actually say that the Italian duke and the Alamannian count were the same person. and Tellenbach. methodological. Gall's property in Vilsingen.105 (1957): Thema. yet another one in 834.. Gebetsgedenken imMittelalter:Ausgewdhlte Selbstverstindnis Geburtstag (Sigmaringen. the twelfth-century margraves of Styria. Although members of the Freiburg School have repeatedly cautioned historians about using distinctive names that appear frequently in the sources to fill in gaps in family trees before the eleventh century. 192-95. 19 (1959): 1-7. 21-23. Stem Duchies.Festgabezu seinemsechzigsten 1983). 179-80. 16 Tellenbach. for instance. as simply a "creature of the king" and had misgivings about the meaning of Reichsaristokratie. Freed like the Liudolfingians. in his discussion of Frankish aristocrats who served in Italy. "Uber die Struktur des Adels im fruheren Mittelalter. For instance.330-31." 169-70. and "Zur Problematik von Familie. He could have been the same person as the Italian duke. pp. let alone in 850? The danger in equating people who had identical or similar names is illustrated by Heinz Dopsch's critical comments about previous studies of the Otakare. "Stellung der ostfrankischen Aristokratie. Konigtum und Stamme. whose ancestry has been traced by other scholars to the eighth century." in Tellenbach."Jahrbuchfiirfrankische Landesforschung." TheDictionaryof theMiddleAges (New York." The Medieval Nobility.
" Mitteilungen des Instituts fur osterreichische Geschichtsforschung. Tassilo III.. and "Slawischer und bayrischer Adel am Ausgang der Karolingerzeit. 21 (1958): 138-45.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 557 Autchar. Prinz even called the five noble kindreds (who were described in the eight-century Lex Baiuvariorumas being second in rank only to the ducal house) Charlemagne's Fifth Column in Agilulfingian Bavaria.22 The contrast 17 Dopsch. Tellenbach and his associates have created an extremely useful methodology for studying the early medieval nobility. in its work. 3 pts. 60 (Darmstadt. Such evidence can be subjected to numerous permutations that are the scholarly equivalent of a magician pulling rabbits out of a hat. 6.19 Their descendants played a prominent role in AustroBavarian affairs until the thirteenth century.3. contemporary prominent men with the same name or variants thereof. Adelsgruppen im friih. "Die Herkunft der Agilulfinger. Z6llner's article has been reprinted with the der Bayern.17 In this case we are dealing. if not three. was himself of Burgundian-Frankish ancestry.Mittelalter.. have emphasized that the Bavarian nobility in the Freising area already had close ties to the Carolingians before Bavaria's final incorporation into the Frankish empire.2' Ironically. Geschichte Salzburgs: Stadt und Land. Karolingische Markgrafen im Suidosten: Frdnkische Reichsaristokratieund bayerische im osterreichischen Stammesadel Raum." in Gerhard Pferschy. and Josef Siegwart. esp. Das Werden der Steiermark:Die Zeit der Traungauer. vol. (Salzburg.8 (1958): 145-92. p. 78-83. 1972). as Dopsch has shown. Siegwart's article has been reprinted. partisans of Louis the German's son Carloman. a few of whom. who fled with Carloman's widow to the court of Desiderius in 771 and who became the model of the epic hero Ogier le Danois. volume 1: Vorgeschichte. ed. the Sighardinger. 18 Since then Austrian and Bavarian scholars have studied how the imperial aristocracy and the stem nobility coalesced in southeastern Germany. 10 (Graz. Ver6ffentlichungen des steiermarkischen Landesarchives. vol. Michael Mitterauer demonstrated that Frankish imperial aristocrats." Zeitschriftfiur bayerzsche Landesgeschichte. 212-27. Studien zur bayerischen Verfassungs." Schweizerische Zeitschriftfiir Geschichte. 144-53. For instance. 123 (Vienna. where they married Bavarian noblewomen. 363. were actually of Gallo-Roman ancestry. with two. vol. "Die steirischen Otakare: Zu ihrer Herkunft und ihren dynastischen Verbindungen. 21 Stormer.und Sozialgeschichte. 19 Mitterauer. Bosl's own students. 18 Bosl. and Prinz. but it must be used with great care. vol. "Zur Frage des alemannischen Herzogsgutes um Zulrich: Beitrag zur Genealogie des alemannisch-bayrischen Herzogshauses. 1980). Bosl levied a more fundamental criticism at the Freiburg School: it was ignoring the Germanic Uradel. could not have been the same person as the Otakar who was at the moment of Autchar's flight to Italy a benefactor of Fulda. ed. 4 (Munich. "Herzog und Adel im agilulfingischen Bayern: Herzogsgut und Konsensschenkungen vor 788." CarinthiaI. pt. 1. 20 Dopsch. intermarried with Bavarian and even Slavic nobles. der Bayern. ed." Zeitschrift fur bayerische Landesgeschichte. 1981-84). Zur Geschichte derAlemannen.und hochmittelalterlichenBayern. Wolfgang original pagination. came from the Rhineland to the southeastern Carolingian marks. Bosi. 237-49. Bosl.Wege der Forschung. Prinz's article has been reprinted with the original pagination. 1963). whose mother was the sister of Pepin the Short. the last Agilulfingian duke.20 Friedrich Prinz and Wilhelm Stormer. Archiv fur osterreichische Geschichte. In 1958. Vorwort. 1975). Wege der Forschung. vol. Altertum. Zur Geschichte Muller. 100 (Darmstadt. the stem nobility.. 150 (1960): 693-726. Zur Geschichte 22 Erich Zollner. 25 (1962): 283-311. . and it is not known whether either man was identical with the Otakar who founded the Bavarian monastery of Tegernsee around 762/65. in a review of Tellenbach's studies. 59 (1951): 245-64. "Reichsaristokratie und Uradel. 1965). such as Count Witagowo of the Carantanian mark.
Werner's work on the Touraine and Duby's revised study of the Maconnais-do not disprove the theory that the composition of the noble elite changed between the ninth and twelfth centuries because new men were able to marry into established lineages.558 John B.. "Les recherches relatives a la noblesse medievale.2 vols. Bouchard has challenged this picture in the case of the French nobility. . New York. that both groups survived and merged in Merovingian Gaul and that the Carolingians depended on the nobility of Neustria and Burgundy as well as that of Austrasia in their rise to power. "Important Noble Families in the Kingdom of Charlemagne-A Prosopographical Study of the Relationship between King and Nobility in the Early Middle Ages. See en France au moyenage (1902. has been translated by Reuter. little remains of Tellenbach's Carolingian imperial aristocracy recruited from the area between the Meuse and the Moselle and dependent on the king's favor." This explains in Bouchard's opinion why the size of the French noble elite expanded dramatically between the ninth and twelfth centuries and why noble lineages like the Angevins. Beumann. such as Paul Guilhiermoz and Marc Bloch. Still. ed. his cousin and rival prince. Guilhiermoz. 1965): 83-142. however. Freed between the Frankish imperial aristocracy and the Bavarian stem nobility ought not to be drawn too sharply. Werner. Werner and Duby have merely proved that upstarts became the sons-in-law of "noble fathers with a large number of eligible daughters. Feudal Society. 137-202. have maintained that the Merovingians exterminated both the Gallo-Roman senatorial aristocracy and the Frankish stem nobility. As Leopold Genicot has pointed out." The Medieval Nobility. Bavaria was one of the last areas to be incorporated into the Carolingian empire. 1964). Genicot. If Werner is correct. and Bloch. 2: 283-84. whose ancestry can be traced to the 23 Genicot." Academieroyalede Belgique:Bulletin de la classe des lettreset des sciencesmoraleset politiques.24 Charlemagne's alliance with the western Bavarian nobles against Tassilo III." in H.5th ser. 24 Werner.23 Karl Ferdinand Werner has argued. In essence.volume 1: Personlichkeit Grosse. This has been reprinted with the original pagination. The picture that emerges is one of extraordinary continuity in the composition of the upper stratum of the nobility between the Merovingian and Hohenstaufen periods. German scholars have always tended to believe in the survival of the Uradel. "Bedeutende Adelsfamilien im Reich Karls des Grossen: Ein personengeschichtlicher Beitrag zum Verhaltnis von Konigtum und Adel im fruhen Mittelalter. like Lintzel and Schlesinger. This Lebenswerk und Nachleben. (Chicago. and the subsequent coalescing of the Frankish and Bavarian nobility to form the high nobility of medieval Bavaria may not have been exceptional after all. 61 (1975): 59-63. and it is thus not particularly surprising that Bavaria retained more of its Germanic character than the more western parts of Charlemagne's realm. 1960). Karl der und Geschichte (Dusseldorf. The princes of the twelfth century were the descendants of nobles who had assisted the Carolingians in their rise to power and in the governance of the Frankish empire and who had been the chief beneficiaries of its dissolution. Constance B... reprint edn. She argued that demonstrations of biological continuity between the nobility of the Carolingian period and the nobility of the twelfth century-for example. Essai sur l'originede la noblesse 1-4. has stressed the Carolingians' dependence on the nobility. La noblesse dans l'Occident medie'val (London.while French historians. 1982). Essentially.
the daughter of Count Engelbert. Ibid. and Frederick. who married a Swabian heiress and became the ancestor of the Hohenstaufen. On the origins of the Spanheimer. the Spanheimer. Bouchard's thesis may also be partially applicable to Germany. 27 Fenske. Nobility. vol. Lutz Fenske has demonstrated that Louis I. if only the extant documentation were better. was the grandson of a minor nobleman. Two other men who made fortuitous marriages were Margrave Azzo of Este."Annales. In short. no. pt. 47 (Gottingen. pp.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 559 Carolingian period. 26 Monumenta historicaducatus Carinthiae. . who was enfeoffed with Meissen in 1123.. 1.. pp. 20 (1960): 87-119.18 (1958): 256-89. whose inheritance included extensive properties in Carinthia and Bavaria. 488. the origins of minor noble lineages like the Felbens and Walchens remain largely unknown. 393-96."26There may even have been some real novi hominesamong the princes of the twelfth century. 2 (1970): 33-40. but continuity among these groups does not necessarily mean that the large number of minor noble lineages that are mentioned-say. see Dopsch." AHR. who married Richgard. Klagenfurt. Many German nobles improved their positions by fortuitous marriages." Das Salzfass:Heimatkundliche Zeitschrift des HistorischenVereinsRupertiwinkel. Another example is Wiprecht of Groitzsch. 1978): vol.25 While Germany in the Ottonian and early Salian periods was considerably more stable than tenth-century France. who married the sister of the last Welf in the male line and whose son." The ChivalrousSociety. Adelsopposition und kirchliche im ostlichen Reformbewegung Sachsen:Entstehungund Wirkungdes sachsischenWiderstandes gegen das salischeKonigtum wahrenddes Investiturstreits. Duby's article has been translated by Postan.59-80. "Das staufische Haus. the two most important noble families in the Pinzgau in the Austrian province of Salzburg. For instance. although Tellenbach and the Freiburg School have enormously increased our understanding of the noble elite of the Carolingian empire and its role in the formation of the successor kingdoms and principalities that emerged from the ruins of Charlemagne's realm. 1977). "Lignage. 255-64. who became the landgrave of Thuringia in 1131." Die Welt als Geschichte. economies. 241-46. August von Jaksch (1904. Jahrhunderts). the dukes of Carinthia from 1122 to 1269. in the codices of traditions of the various Bavarian churches in the twelfth century-were the descendants of the Carolingian imperial aristocracy or Bavarian stem nobility. 4. appeared only in the first half of the twelfth century. On the latter.-10. "The Origins of the French Nobility: A Reassessment. as "Count Engelbert through his father Siegfried a Frank. studies of the continuity of the German noble elite have concentrated on the princely and comital dynasties. For example. An investigation 25 Bouchard. Veroffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts fur Geschichte." Die Zeit der Staufer: Geschichte-Kunst-Kultur (Stuttgart. 19 (1959): 146-93. pt. 339-43. "Lineage.civilisation."Untersuchungen zur Fruhzeit des franzosischen Furstentums (9. 1977). Werner. and Duby.new ser. the nephew of Archbishop Frederick I of Salzburg (958-91). were the descendants of Siegfried of Spanheim.27 Finally. continued the "Welf" lineage. 28 Dopsch. the father of the first duke. "Die Grafen von Lebenau. the first known members of the Felben and Walchen lineages. were viewed in the twelfth century as the descendants of upstarts.. see Hansmartin Decker-Hauff. reprint edn. Paul's in the Lavant Valley described their son Count Engelbert I. 3. 27 (1972): 803-23. noblesse et chevalerie au XII' sikle dans la region maconnaise: Une revision. 86 (1981): 528.28 It would be presumptuous to suppose that. Geschichte Salzburgs. Welf IV. and Knighthood: The Maconnais in the Twelfth-Century-A Revision. but through his mother Richgard first among the magnates of Carinthia. vol. An entry in the codex of traditions of the Benedictine monastery of St. ed. societes. 188-90. we could trace the Felbens' and Walchens' ancestry to the ninth century.
2: 283-85. 1984). and the change in the nobility's self-consciousness. "Welfisches Selbstverstandnis. in amorphous sips composed of men and women. including the Welf kings of Burgundy. the daughters of the first known Welf. Feudal Society. enates-that is. with a powerful magnate. maternal relatives-could be more important than agnates-kin related patrilineally-if the enates were more distinguished in their ancestry. . Karl Lechner. pt. but modern scholarship suggests that the Babenbergs belonged to the sip of the Liutpoldingians. both important and insignificant. 424-53. could have overlooked their famous ninth-century West Frankish relatives. The kinship system was not patriarchal. But Schmid attributed both the nobility's interest in and ignorance about its ancestry to a fundamental change in noble self-consciousness and family structure that occurred around 1000. During the Carolingian and early Ottonian periods. however remote. Geburtstag(Freiburg. who had been executed in 906 during the feud between the Conradins and the Old Babenbergs. 6 (Philadelphia. wealth. his lineage. had been married to two Carolingian monarchs." in Fleckenstein and Schmid. Freed of their origins would undoubtedly alter the present view of the almost caste-like structure of the German nobility between the ninth and twelfth centuries and the perception that the Carolingian order survived in Germany until the Investiture Contest. which he defined as a hereditary. vol. the nobility was organized. Bishop Otto of Freising thought that the Babenbergs. the Sighardinger-are. Schmid emphasized that the gain or loss of royal favor was a major factor in the formation and dissolution of sips.29 Bloch thought such ignorance indicated that the nobility.. according to Schmid. 33-35. 39-45. who could claim kinship.560 John B. This article has been reprinted. In "Welfisches Selbstverstandnis. 1968). simply an names-for example. vol. The Welfs remembered instead Eticho and his son Henry with the Golden Plough. Louis the Pious and Louis the German. Special emphasis was placed on relatives of royal blood because proximity to the royal house raised a sip's status and chances for advancement. 29 Schmid. Gebetsgedenken memories. There are other examples of such selective und adliges Selbstversteindnis. and social position. eds. The Counts of Falkenstein: Noble in Twelfth-Century Germany. Babenberger: Geschichtsforschung. anachronistic effort to impose a patrilineal family structure on people who did not think in such terms. who established the family's lordship in Swabia around 900. In the 1 160s Count Siboto IV of Falkenstein recalled that his mother's grandfather had been named Gerold. the attempts by modern scholars and genealogists to identify and label specific sips on the basis of distinctive Schmid concluded.30 did not exist before the twelfth century. or forgotten that Judith and Hemma. 389-416. Since individuals had only one name and since such names could be inherited from maternal as well as paternal ancestors. Freed. were the descendants of the Frankish count Adalbert. As a member of the Freiburg School. the tenth-century dukes of Bavaria. Self-Consciousness 74.Transactions of the American Philosophical Society." perhaps his most brilliant article. legally privileged social class. who were eager to learn more about their ancestry. 23 (Vienna. during the Saxon and Salian periods. he analyzed how the twelfth-century Welfs. Die Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fur osterreichische Markgrafenund Herzogevon Osterreich. when he had been in fact the first Siboto. Adel und Kirche: Gerd Tellenbachzum 65. 1976). 30 Bloch. KARL SCHMID HAS STUDIED THE CHANGE in structure of the aristocratic kindred. Schmid.
108 (1960): 185-232. the only real dynasty in early medieval Europe.33 31 Schmid. not because the nobility was nonexistent before 1100. The section of "Neue Quellen" that is cited here has been reprinted with an addition. toponyms became fixed and turned into surnames. "Die Thronfolge Ottos des Grossen. which served as the family burial place and which preserved the lineage's traditions. Konigswahl und Thronfolgein ottonisch-friihdeutscher Zeit. German words Sippe and Geschlecht who has acknowledged his debt to Schmid in several places. 1971)." and Schmid and Joachim Wollasch. 17 (Sigmaringen." in Fleckenstein. . Duby. The adoption of such hereditary surnames completed the transformation of the sips into patrilineal dynasties.. The foundation of a dynastic monastery. both inside and outside Germany. 4(1970): 173-200. vol. Lewis retained the in his own analysis. one man often employed a number of different cognomina to identify himself. stimulated and strengthened this sense of family identity. 81(1964): 80-163.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 561 As office holding became hereditary in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Adel und K1oster"and "Die M6nchsgemeinschaft von Fulda als sozialgeschichtliches Problem." Friihmittelalterliche Studien: JahrbuchdesInstitutsfiirFriihmittelalterforschungder UniversitatMiinster(hereafter. Lewis used Schmid's analysis of Henry I's designation of Otto I as his heir in 929 as a model. 33 Freed. Sippe und Geschlecht. employed Schmid's theory about the formation of patrilineal lineages to reinterpret his findings abotit the origins of the nobility of the Maconnais. "Konigtum." "Religioses und sippengebundenes Gemeinschaftsbewusstsein. Eduard Hlawitschka." has been reprinted in the same collection (pp. greater emphasis was placed on agnate descent as evident in the increasing use of first names inherited in the male line in successive or alternate generations. Counts of Falkenstein.32 More important. Andrew W.295-319. and "Die Thronfolge Ottos des Grossen. Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung. Wege der Forschung. Vortrage und Forschungen. have also been reprinted in Schmid's Gebetsgedenken und adligesSelbstverstindnis: "Adel und Reform. and by the middle of the eleventh century they were beginning to be identified with the castles that served as the centers of their lordships. 178 (Darmstadt. "Neue Quellen zum Verstandnis des Adels im 10. 389-416. Royal Succession in CapetianFrance: Studieson Familial Orderand the State (Cambridge. Oddly enough. in examining the Capetian custom of making the king's eldest son a coruler in his father's lifetime. The nobles of the twelfth century had such difficulties in reconstructing their ancestry because the kinship structure and self-perception of the nobility changed. 1 (1967): 365-405. offered a model for the rest of the nobility. but the custom gradually spread to lower social orders. For instance. Mass. GermanistischeAbteilung." and "Uber das Verhaltnis von Person und Gemeinschaft.FS). 1 (1 967): 225-49. "Adel und Reform in Schwaben. "Religioses und sippengebundenes Gemeinschaftsbewusstsein in fruhmittelalterlichen Gedenkbucheintragen." FS. The following articles.21 (1965): 18-81. "Neue Quellen. The great magnates adopted this practice first. Lewis did not cite in his bibliography the two articles that are most relevant to his thesis: Schmid. as the nobility's sense of belonging to specific lineages intensified in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 1-43. "Die Gemeinschaft der Lebenden und Verstorbenen in Zeugnissen des Mittelalters." "Uber das Verhaltnis von Person und Gemeinschaft im fruheren Mittelalter. 3-5. ed." Zeitschrift derSavigny-StiftungfiirRechtsgeschichte." 186-203.31 Schmid's work has been extremely influential. but. 1973)." "Zur Problematik von Familie. ed." DeutschesArchivfilrErforschungdes Mittelalters. "Uber die Struktur des Adels. 417-508). vol." FS. "Welfisches Selbstverstandnis. The royal family. Jahrhundert. 1981). Indeed. The holders of hereditary offices were able to consolidate their possessions in the area where they exercised power. cited here for the first time." Zeitschrzift fur die Geschichtedes Oberrheins." 32 Lewis. Initially..
in general. "Adel und Ministerialitat im Spiegel der bayerischen Namengebung Jahrhundert): Ein Beitrag zum Selbstverstandnis der Fuhrungsschichten. There is a difference. that the inheritance rights of other heirs were limited in favor of the eldest son. On the Modlings. For instance.37 Leyser maintained that the only way to show that a stable patrilineal family structure developed in Germany was to demonstrate. Counts of Falkestein." 304-06. as his chief source might not have led him to overstate the sip consciousness of the early medieval nobility. which they built near Au in the 1120s. It was the lesser nobles who first employed surnames in the first half of the eleventh century-a practice soon copied by the ministerials-while dynasties of comital rank adopted surnames only in the second third of the twelfth century. see Gunther Flohrschutz." 50-51.562 John B. twenty kilometers away. Leyser's criticism is well taken. Karl Leyser questioned whether Schmid's use of the Libri memortales. Freed Schmid's critics have focused in large part on details rather than on substantive issues." Past and Present. 3-143. (bis zum 13. historians have expressed doubts that the adoption of a toponymic surname indicates the development of a patrilineal family consciousness. after a village in the Chiemgau. 35 Schmid.monastic books of remembrance. For Leyser's comments. 38 Leyser. Genicot repeated Leyser's criticisms. 36 St6rmer. Medieval Germanyand Its Neighbors. often simultaneously. 41 (1968): 32-34.38 This happened to the daughters and younger sons of the Falkenstein counts. 50. and they required no further identification.34 Schmid's admission that many monastic foundations were destroyed before the eleventh century by relatives of the founders who felt cheated by the donors' beneficence bears out Leyser's criticism. 1979). 168-70. "German Aristocracy. "The German Aristocracy from the Ninth to the Early Twelfth Century: A Historical and Cultural Sketch. Stormer contended that at least some of the magnates developed a sense of family identity before they consolidated their territorial lordships and built the castles that were the centers of their lordships and that provided their surnames. but. they perceived themselves as the Modlings before they built the castle." 64." Zeitschriftfiir bayerische 37 Freed. "Die Vogte 38 (1975). von Modling und ihr Gefolge. Stormer also argued that the Bavarian magnates were not the first to adopt surnames.36 My own study of the Austro-Bavarian counts of Falkenstein indicates that noble families changed their cognomina with bewildering frequency. "Adel und Reform. 52-57. 1982). They were well known in the area where they lived and exerted their power. where they owned property.33 (1977): 119-31. 900-1250 (London. The counts of Falkenstein employed seven different surnames in a span of 160 years.35Similarly. In other words. and one individual could use several different surnames. . German scholars have not investigated how changes in self-perception among the nobility affected the rights of daughters and younger sons and how family strategies that restricted their inheritance rights contributed to the rapid decimation of the 3 Leyser. the Bavarian counts of Modling named the castle of Modling. This article has been reprinted. as Duby did in the case of the Maconnais." Deutsches Archiv fur Erforschungdes Mittelalters. Leyser suggested. There has been some concern about Schmid's evidence. between remembering distant kinsmen in prayer and bequeathing property to them. Leyser. Landesgeschichte. "Recherches relatives a la noblesse medievale. see Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society: Ottonian Saxony (London.
120/121 (1980/81): 646-56.46 While in the mid-eleventh century the Swabian nobles were establishing dynastic monasteries. 91. Count Kuno of Modling. Nobility. Duby discovered that the property of the six sips in the tenth-century Maconnais. "Adel. "The . "Adel und Ministerialitat.45 Geographical location and the relative strength of royal or princely authority affected the speed of the change from bilateral kinship to patrilineal lineage. have argued that Schmid overemphasized the importance of enate versus agnate ties among the nobility in the early Middle Ages.39 For example. "Adel und Ministerialitat. September1 Geburtstagam 971. Geschichte Salzburgs. vol. the five genealogia. particularly if the mother was an heiress. "Bayerns Adel im Hochmittelalter. had. from whom the counts of Falkenstein obtained their comital dignity. 212-13. a patrilineal family structure was imposed in the High Middle Ages on a structure that did not distinguish between agnate and enate descent. 45 Herlihy. Kloster Bayerns im Investiturstreit. Counts of Falkenstein.4' Recently. changes in family structure occurred at different times in various parts of Europe." Festschriftfiur Hermann Heimpel zum 70. 40 Dopsch. 1. 42 Murray. 44 Freed. Veroffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts fur Geschichte. Structure. "Diemut von Hogl: Eine Salzburger Erbtochter und die erzbischofliche Ministerialitat im Hochmittelalter. vol." Zeitschrift 30 (1967): fur bayerische Landesgeschichte. by 1000.Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters. 57-58. 99-108." 67. bis 11. Murray has shown that the genealogiawere simply composed of individuals who had inherited. 41 Prinz. aristocratic kindreds. see Hans Hirsch. already been divided among twenty-four families.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 563 nobility during the High Middle Ages. According to these two historians. Thus. 1972): 1121-46. and Sentiment. 361-67. 6 (Stuttgart. Count Siboto of Weyarn." 96-112.47 The best explanation 39 Freed. 51. 4 Stormer. employing evidence from Bavarian legal and ecclesiastical records. and Friiher Adel: Studien zur politischen im Frainkisch-Deutschen Fiihrungsschichte Reich vom 8. Prinz and Stormer.42 And Stbrmer's study of the name-giving customs of the Bavarian nobility has demonstrated that enates continued to be important in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 1973). Count Siboto IV of Falkenstein was named after his maternal grandfather. pp." 112-16. "The Making of the Medieval Family: Symmetry. Studies and Texts. 8 (1983): 122. and Siboto IV named his older son Kuno after his father-in-law. Germanic Kinship Structure:Studiesin Law and Societyin Antiquityand theEarly Middle Ages. most of the Bavarian dynastic monasteries were established only in the first half of the twelfth century. pt. 47 Bosl.43 For example. Alexander C. a key indicator of the change in family consciousness."Journal of Family History." Mitteilungender Gesellschaftfiir SalzburgerLandeskunde. and Knighthood. Bistum. who were assigned a double wergild in the eighth-century codification of Bavarian stem law. vol. where royal and comital authority had broken down at an early date. On the reform movement in Bavaria and Swabia. however.40 Another issue in German historiography concerns whether the importance of paternal and maternal relatives differed in various time periods. 36/2 (Gottingen. 19. St6rmer. Counts of Falkenstein. were agnate-affiliated groups. a share in an undivided property. Jahrhundert. 63-67. 46 Duby. every noble family in the principality of Salzburg had either died out or entered the archiepiscopal ministerialage by 1250. "Lineage. either through their father or mother.44 As David Herlihy has pointed out. 1983). 65 (Toronto. 44-51. and both patterns of descent can thus be detected in the same lineage. Also see Freed.45-49.
volume 1: Das alte Bayern: Das Stammesherzogtum Jahrhunderts(Munich. 1968).1-33. Kolner historische Abhandlungen (hereafter.. 131-73. 1953). 52 Mayer. 1764). 5 Schlesinger. Adelherrschaft im Mittelalter(1927.53 The theory has been incorporated into postwar general histories of Germany. Blasien.50 Otto Freiherr von Dungern argued in 1927 that the nobles had an innate right to rule. Januar 1933." 295-319. though it is often found in scholarly writing. 50 See the historiographical survey in Schlesinger. Die Hirsauer:IhreAusbreitung desXI. and Stefan Weinfurter. While nineteenth-century liberal historians traced the roots of the medieval principalities to the delegation or usurpation of royal authority. 355b. vol. rule by a noble class depends closely Constitutional History of the Reformed Monasteries during the Investiture Contest. 2. 1938).6-11. 1933). 24 (Cologne. 94. 16 in der Klosterreform KhAbh. reprint edn. 19 (Munich. xi-xiii. 3. For instance. unsound. Mediaeval Germany. SalzburgerBistumsreformund Bischofspolitikim 12. der Augustiner-Chorherren. 1 (Giessen. no. and Max Spindler. Their personal immunity from comital authority was extended to the people who lived on their domains and antedated the establishment of the Carolingian empire. 1916). der bayerischenGeschichte. adopted those surnames only around 1 150. vol. primarily comital rights.-XII. . esp. Das StiftRottenbach Beitrage zur altbayerischen Kirchengeschichte." in Barraclough. Der Adel von St. 1975). 46-68. vol. Darmstadt. 2. no. where the two leading noble lineages. von Salzburg (1106-1147) und die Regularkanoniker. 1961). Der Herzog von Schwaben:Grundlagen. "Geschichtliche Grundlagen der deutschen Verfassung: Festrede gehalten bei der Reichsgrundungsfeier am 18. and Salzburger Urkundenbuch. 32-33. Schmid. the Felbens and Walchens. Wirkungenund Wesen seiner Herrschaft in salischerund staufischerZeit(Sigmaringen. The Oriins of Modern Germany. "Adel und Reform.. pp. which became a major center of opposition to Henry IV. whereas Bavaria was in effect the Salian royal domain. wrote in 1976 that "the identification of feudalism with the rule of a noble class is ... Willibald Hauthaler and Franz Martin (Salzburg. vol. Jahrhundert: Der ErzbischofKonrad I. 1967). 497-99.911-1250.KhAbh. a prominent member of the Freiburg School. 227-46. Jahrhunderts:Ein in derKirchenreform vol.52 The theory of the nobility's autogenous regalian rights received its classic formulation in Schlesinger's 1941 study of the Carolingian comital structure in Thuringia. pp.49 Neither Schmid nor his critics have paid much attention to the origins of the nobles' lordships. This was translated by Barraclough. vol. Entstehungder Landesherrschaft.ed.564 John B." Schriften der Hessische Hochschulen. Jakob Mois. The basis of the nobles' authority was their innate right to reclaim and to rule the vast wilderness areas in Germany.. KhAbh). Hermann Jakobs. 114-40. Freed for this difference is that ducal authority was weak in eleventh-century Swabia. In a strictly legal sense. Josef Fleckenstein. und Rechtsstellung (Cologne. 1967). (Oxford. Universitat Giessen. vol.4 (Cologne. Entstehungder Landesherrschaft.48 The change in family structure occurred even later in the remote Pinzgau in the Austrian Alps. 51 Dungern. bis zum Ausgang des 12. ed. 129-217. 48 Helmut Maurer. im ZeitalterdesInvestiturstreites. "The Historical Foundations of the German Constitution. 1978). trans. Handbuch ottonischer. Barraclough incorporated Mayer's ideas in his own book.. which was largely confined to the royal domains and which did not include the nobles' own lands and people." Mediaeval Germany. Beitrag zur Ordens-Geschichte 3d ser. 86-88. perhaps because there has been a widespread belief among German scholars since the 1940s that nobles were entitled to rule inferiors.5' In 1933 Theodor Mayer maintained that France was the heir of the centralized Roman state and that even the feudal anarchy of the tenth century was based in theory on the delegation of royal authority. vol. 1-5. pp. whereas Germany had been dualistic from its inception because the nobility had exercised extensive rights of government that were not derived from the crown. 49 Monumenta Boica (Munich.
58 It is worth noting in this regard that Mayer's principal evidence for the 5 Fleckenstein. both having a power not to be underestimated. pp. the exercise of advocatorial rights over ecclesiastical immunities."54 While Mayer and Schlesinger emphasized the differences between France and Germany..Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 565 on the nobility's ownership of private property and not at all on the fief. 15 (1949): 68-109.55 Werner."56 Werner has substituted a Roman for a Germanic origin of the nobility's autogenous rights. On the one hand. Mitterauer wrote the introduction to Herrschaftsstruktur Mitterauer's views about the origins of the ministerials' lordships. and the Tyrol from a complex of private estates owned by nobles but was derived from ducal and comital authority supported by a territorial base.For a critique of 292-93. usurped as the abbey's advocate. "Formen adeliger Herrschaftsbildung im hochmittelalterlichen Osterreich: Zur Frage der 80 (1972): esp. Such private property was called an allod in the Middle Ages. the reclamation of royal forests. who has consistently stressed the common features in the French and German heritage. Otto Stolz maintained that territorial supremacy (Landeshoheit)did not develop in Upper Bavaria. "Important Noble Families. Werner stated: "It is clear that the Roman senatorial nobility at least was there before the Merovingian king and hence before kingship. 1973)." 144-45. This throws new light on the dualism of the new state. Mitterauer showed that the basis of the Falkenstein lordship of Hernstein was five royal hides that Emperor Henry II granted to Tegernsee in 1020 and that Siboto IV's great-grandfather. there was an attempt to restore as far as possible the Roman governmental structure. blieb sogar der Begriff des Amtes fremd..57 In recent years the most important critics of the theory of autogenous lordships have been Mitterauer and Peter Feldbauer. in an article published in 1949." Entstehungder Landesherrschaft. see Herwig Wolfram. Patto of Dilching. Dem Osten 120. who have traced the origins of the nobles' lordships to their possession of counties. above all. "Zisterziens- . 9-16." Zeitschriftfiur Landesgeschichte. 2. volume 1: Herren und Ritter. 58 Feldbauer.. as partners from the start. Geschichtsforschung. Herrschaftsstrukturund Stdndebildung: Beitrdge zur Typologie der osterreichischenLdnder aus ihren mittelalterlichenGrundlagen.. Der Herrenstand in Oberosterreich:Urspriinge. 56 Werner. "Das Wesen der Grafschaft im Raume Oberbayern-Tirol-Salzburg. Sozial.. Anyone who wants to find autochthonous noble rights will find them here earlier and better documented than anywhere else. Feldbauer. 1972). and it would be more accurate to speak of 'allodialism. SWhS) (Munich. esp. 88. Rule over the inhabitants of the private estates of the potenteswas no more disturbed than it had been in Roman times. 1984). The theory of the nobility's innate right to rule never gained universal acceptance. SWhS (Munich. Die neue deutsche Geschichte (Munich. 'autogenen Hoheitsrechte.. 188-205. powerful Gallo-Romans and Merovingians.' something quite different from feudalism. Aufbruch und Gestaltung Deutschland 1056-1273. vol. For instance. bayerische 57 Stolz. "'MitteilungendesInstitutsfiirosterreichische und Stdndebildung. For similar views.. On the other hand. esp. It is simply impossible to derive its rights from the former rights of the Germanic king. we find episcopate and king. extended the concept of the autogenous lordship to Merovingian Gaul.. 143-44. der staatlichen Amterorganisation 55 Schlesinger wrote: "Im Westen mag die Durchfuhrung gelungen sein. denn hier untermischte sich der germanische Erobereradel mit der grundbesitzenden provinzial-r6mischen Aristokratie. Salzburg. die die Einordnung in das Amterwesen gewohnt war. and. Anfdnge. For example. Early Medieval Germany.. and Mitterauer. see Alfred Haverkamp.und wirtschaftshistorische Studien (hereafter. Friuhformen.
xvi. Adel und Bauern. Viking. who started the colonization of the Pongau.566 John B. "with the mixture of German and Slavic elements in examining the constitution of the marks. reclaimed a forest without royal authorization hardly proves. Niederosterreich.. they were the lords of the land and were. Freed significance of forest reclamation in the formation of lordships was a charter that Archbishop Frederick I of Salzburg (958-91). "One must start. "Die Reichsministerialitat als Element der mittelalterlichen deutschen Staatsverfassung im der Zeitalter der Salier und Staufer. underlying the theory of the noble domination of medieval society is the usually unspoken assumption that nobles had an innate right to establish lordships without any formal authorization. Salier und Staufer: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte . See Mayer. In short. of the German Constitution. WHO IS BEST KNOWN ergrundung und Ministerialitat am Beispiel Zwettls. and even Frankish influences. but he minimized their influence on the subsequent history of the area.. It is one thing to say that the nobles were perceived as having an inherited charisma that qualified them to rule over others. consciously or not." Jahrbuch des Vereins fur Landeskunde von 46/47 (1980/81): 17-39. an "official"of the imperial church. that every noble had an innate right to do the same thing.62 Twelfth-century Germans were already aware that their social KARL BOSL. 240. the bearers of a far superior culture."60 In his preface to the 1964 edition of Die EntstehungderLandesherrschaft. in addition. forged and that Emperor Otto II confirmed. Schlesinger discussed the Slavs who lived in central Germany. however. repeatedly tried to explain why the ministerial estate formed only in medieval Germany and why the rigid social structure that produced it survived so long east of the Rhine. has ministerialage (Reichsministerialitdt). no. 60 Schlesinger." in Mayer. 57. Finally. Although the Germans were only a small minority. 103-06. and that Archbishop Frederick sought royal confirmation of his actions is surely significant. 61 Ibid. Entstehung der Landesherrschaft.Staates und Reiches. there is the bothersome fact that much of the discussion of the German nobility's innate right to establish lordships has focused on areas inhabited by Slavs.59 That an archbishop." he wrote. In 1941 1 may perhaps have overestimated Avar.. 34. For example. Schlesinger conceded that "the real difference between the eastern marks and the old German territories must be sought in the presence of a broad stratum of Slavic inhabitants. 56-64. "The Historical Foundations 5 SalzburgerUrkundenbuch. it is another to assert that the nobility could exercise authority legally without any higher authorization (that they did is another matter)." 22-24. But is that true? for his exhaustive study of the imperial a topic he began investigating in 1943."6' I cannot help but wonder whether German feelings about the Slavs in general and the political atmosphere in the 1930s and 1940s in particular contributed.. 210-42. 62 Bosl. Their constitution needs to be investigated. to the popularity of the theory of the nobility's autogenous rights. 74-108. Salzburg's subsequent territorial supremacy in the Pongau was based on itsjurisdiction over this forest. and Die Reichsministerialitdt des hochmittelalterlichen deutschenVolkes. particularly in the Ottonian marks along the Elbe and Saale Rivers. no.
"Ober Dienstrecht und Lehnrecht im deutschen Mittelalter. 64 For information about the formation of the Reichsfiirstenstand. Ludwig Weiland. Freedom. 1972). Die Gesellschaftin der Geschichte (G6ttingen. 1914). In 1180 Frederick Barbarossa recogthe tenants-in-chief of the crown. 291-311. 47 (1960): 306-32. bis zum 14. Thrupp (Stuttgart. the German knights. The remaining noble lineages (if they had not died out or become ministerials as was the case in the principality of Salzburg)." have been reprinted in Bosl. unlike those of other lands. Freiheit. the depended in part on proximity to the French border-for ministerialage disappeared more rapidly in Brabant than in Guelders-and on the strength of the prince.5 (1960): 51-94.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 567 structure was unique. and Freedom of Mobility as Means of Social Ascent. ed." The Medieval Nobility. Die Grundlagen der modernen Gesellschaft im Mittelalter: Eine deutsche des Mittelalters. 2 pts. 39 (1952): 193-214. 1967). Schriften. vol. Frithformender Gesellschaftim der mittelalterlichen Welt (Munich. DieLehre vom Reichsfiirstenstande (Leipzig. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Jahrhundert (Munich. Reuter has translated chapter 5. untitled noblemen (Freiherren). 1950-51). part 3 of Grundlagen der modernen Gesellschaft. For example. 1966). In addition. "On Social Mobility in Medieval Society: Service. who may very well have been a ministerial himself. ed. 2 vols. Freizugigkeit als Motive sozialen Aufstiegs. 4 Gesellschaftsgeschichte in derGeschichteEuropos (Munich. Paul Puntschart. and "Vorstufen der deutschen Konigsdienstmannschaft: Begriffsgeschichtlich-prosopographische Studien zur fruhmittelalterlichen Sozial. who had their own vassals and who exercised regalian rights in a territory they held in fief from the Reich or from an imperial prince. 23 (Hanover. 1980)." Vortrdge soziale Mobilitat in der mittelalterlichen 'Gesellschaft': Dienst. Hence. 1984). All citations will be to this edition. formed the estate of the lords (Herrenstand). 1874). . reprint edn. 44 (1957): 193-219. an attempt to explain the restructuring of German noble society during the Hohenstaufen period. 87-102.But the differences between lords of noble and ministerial ancestry were not forgotten." VSWg. depending on local conditions." in Thrupp.63 The tale is. mittelalterlichen Europa: AusgewdhlteBeitrage zu einer Strukturanalyse 1964). both the archbishops of Salzburg and the dukes of Styria were strong princes. Fritz Walter Schonherr provided an extremely useful summary and critique of Ficker's complex and incomplete book. he rewarded the Germans who had assisted him by granting their princes the rank of senators and giving the lesser knights Roman citizenship. 10 (Stuttgart. see Europa im Aufbruch:Herrschaft-Gesellschaftdes Mittelalters Kultur vom 10. even between neighboring principalities. and the vassals of the lords formed the estate of the knights. Before leaving for Rome. 432. Scriptores. In 1163 a monk of the Alsatian monastery of Eberheimmiinster. VSWg). and powerful ministerials (such as the other counts. 1972).und Verfassungsgeschichte. His most important articles. 289-315. at least from the perspective of this article. "Das ius ministerialium: fur Sozial. 63 ChroniconEbersheimense." Vierteljahresschrift (hereafter. vol. but Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Caesar assigned the knights to the princes but stipulated that the princes were to be lords and defenders of the knights and were not to treat the knights as slaves and servants. Vom Reichsfurstenstande. Bosl has been a very prolific author." VSWg. the great number of ministerials. Early Medieval Society(New York. and Mersch und Gesellschaft translated "UJbersoziale Mobilitat". are "Freiheit und Unfreiheit: Zur Entwicklung der Unterschichten in Deutschland und Frankreich. first of all. the chronicler explained. wrote that. How rapidly these changes occurred instance. The result was enormous variations in social structure. Sylvia L.und Wirtschaftsgeschichte und Forschungen. vol.. (1861-1921. Bolanden and Liechtensteins)."'Noble unfreedom': The Rise of the Ministerialesin Germany. These articles and others. afterJulius Caesar had defeated the Gauls. were called servants of the royal fisc and princely ministerials.64 The nized the rights of the Reichsfiirstenstand.. see Julius Ficker. including Bosl's 1943 piece "Die Reichsministerialitat. Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters.
in his comparative study of Italian." Zeitschrzft "Probleme standischer Wandlung beim Adel Osterreichs.3)." 19-20. which stressed the virtues of service and fidelity to a superior. und Stdndebildung. "Zisterziensergrundung und Ministerialitat. French. In addition to the works cited there. 70 Bosl.. and "Die Verwandlung der archaischen Gesellschaft durch soziale Mobilitat und gesellschaftlichen Aufstieg" (V).568 John B. 69 See." 238-55. 67 Freed.66 That embarrassment persisted until the twentieth century. no matter how honorable or profitable. German. ed. Pre-Carolingian Germanic society had been characterized by its rigid division between a charismatic nobility and a subservient peasantry. 51 (Gottingen. In the 1920s. had thus been forced to turn to the lower strata for retainers. who had refused. 214. his brother-in65 Freed. Because service ennobled. and Feldbauer.67 Bosl believed that the formation of the ministerial estate was part of a recurring pattern in German history. The Germanic chieftains. and the Carolingian imperial aristocracy. Indeed. for example. vassals. Also see Wolfram. and Slavic society and culture between the tenth and fourteenth centuries." in Fleckenstein." Viator. 219-44.65 Second. including the Merovingians.62 (1971): 21-31. der Steiermark und Salzburg vornehmlich im im 13. Europa im Aufbruch. antrustions. a service nobility-the noblesse de robeis a later example-appeared beside the Gallo-Roman senatorial aristocracy and the Germanic stem nobility. Europa im Aufbruch. For instance. and Herrschaftsstruktur 1977). "Ministerialitat und Herrenstand in der fur Steiermark. In contrast. Bosl presented Germany as an example of the seignorial model. but only after numerous attempts to prove the contrary had failed. and des historischenVereines Steiermark und in Salzburg. the twelfth-century Welfs were extremely proud of their ancestor Eticho. The nobles had viewed service as incompatible with their status as free men. 66 Bosl. "Origins of the European Nobility. which was composed in 1300 of three families of noble status and twenty-two of ministerial rank. the ministerials' proud awareness of their importance and their embarrassment about their servile origins. as demeaning.7 (1976): 228-33. to speak to his son Henry with the Golden Plough after the latter had paid homage to the emperor.70 German nobles continued to view any form of subordination. the monk's tale reveals. 192. 3). Bosl. for instance. Jahrhundert. German scholars reluctantly accepted that the ministerials had been of servile origin and that service had been the major factor in their rise. 68 Bosl. "Vorstufen der deutschen Konigsdienstmannschaft. because the Habsburg dukes were too preoccupied with imperial politics to profit from the extinction of lordly dynasties. Jahrhundert. "Christentum und Kirche im Aufbau der archaisch-feudalen Gesellschaft und Kultur" (IV. no Herrenstand formed in Salzburg because the archbishops focused their attention on the principality and acquired the lordships of families that died out. Freed a powerful Herrenstanddeveloped in Styria. as Bosl has pointed out. Herrenstandin Oberosterreich. and the three groups gradually coalesced. see Dopsch. . the Merovingian pueri regis. 15-16. allegedly. Herrschaftund Stand: Untersuchungenzur Sozialgeschichte 13. "The Origins of the European Nobility: The Problem of the Ministerials." 215-222. vol. Veroffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts fuir Geschichte.68 This archaic (one of Bosl's favorite words)69 social structure survived longer in Germany than in France because of France's Gallo-Roman and more deeply rooted Christian heritage. Europa im Aufbruch. Also see the titles of the various sections and subsections in Grundlagen der modernenGesellschaft:"Die archaische Ganzheit und der archaische Mensch" (11.
the serfs who had their own tenures. as the Merovingians and Carolingians had done earlier. and "Ober soziale Mobilitat. After hearing the tale. Kuhn maintained that the comitatusdescribed by Tacitus. By the middle of the eleventh century. 77. 1 (1959): 71-121. Berlin. unlike the servi casati. "Die Grenzen der germanischen Gefolgschaft. See his "Freiheit und Unfreiheit. Bosl asserted that the class of the servi proprii. administrators. ." Historica. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Most important. in the tenth and eleventh centuries. ed." 169-79.74 Bosl concluded that the French nobles. crucial according to Bosl. eds... "Das ius ministerialium.71 Consequently. 72 Bosi employed the term "noble unfreedom. 1844). vol. the servi proprii had freedom of movement." Zeitschriftder Savigny-Stiftungfur Rechtsgeschichte. the rights of this new servile elite had already been codified. but legally they remained serfs-what Bosl called "noble unfreedom" (adelige Unfreiheit). where the servile population was more homogeneous. did not perceive an incompatibility between freedom and service. in Germany between the tenth and thirteenth centuries. no. a practice the Germans borrowed from the Celts. Significantly. AusgewdhlteUrkundenzur Erldiuterung der Vejassungsgeschichte Deutschlandsim Mittelalter(4th edn. These unattached serfs had daily personal contact with the lord they served and were at his complete disposal. for example. Georg Waitz. had to seek their bailiffs. the German magnates. to upward social mobility in medieval society. 205) and in Grundlagen der modernenGesellschaft(p. they turned to the very lowest stratum of the peasantry.75 The process that played itself out in the Frankish realm in the early Middle Ages repeated itself. was far larger in Germany than in France. Scriptores.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 569 law." 162-67. Duke Henry the Black of Bavaria is said to have sought Eticho's grave and to have built a church on the site.Germanistische Abteilung. the original inhabitants of northern Europe. the serviproprii. 190). the heirs of a purer Germanic tradition. the peculiar situation that is reflected in the myth recounted by the monk from Eberheimmunster. therefore. "Das ius ministerialium. in the famous ministerial code of Bamberg. influenced by deeply rooted Celtic and Christian concepts of fidelity and service to a superior. household officials. and "Uber soziale Mobilitat.72 Bosl has elaborated on the work of Hans Kuhn and Frantisek Graus to explain why the French. 75 Bosl. The German chieftains distrusted the well-born as potential rivals and preferred a servile retinue. by the twelfth century the ministerials were nobles. 7' Graus. was not a universal institution among the Germanic tribes. 764. For the text of the Dienstrecht of Bamberg. "Uber die sogennante germanische Treue. 3 Kuhn. 1909). Functionally. 71 Annalista Saxo a. 73 (1956): 1-83. unlike the Germans.73 Graus argued that fidelity was not a Germanic virtue but a biblical ideal promoted by the church to strengthen royal authority in the early Middle Ages. in order to obtain the lordship of Ravensburg. composed of freemen willing to fight until their death for their lord. 6 (Hanover." 301-08. in Europa im Aufbruch(p." 180-203." for example. 741-1139. among the servile population. from which the German ministerials were recruited. see Wilhelm Altmann and Ernst Bernheim. and warriors. including the king. were more inclined to serve and to obey than their more recently Christianized German counterparts.the serfs who did not possess their own tenures but who worked daily in a lord's household or on his demesne. Specifically." 291-94.
" 320. Geschichte.227-46. 1968). Bavaria was remarkably stable in the Saxon and early Salian periods. The major period in the rise of the servile elite was the era of the Investiture Contest. which Schmid described.78 though I confess to using the word "archaic" myself. to supply the military demands of the crown (in 980/81 Otto II ordered Archbishop Frederick I to send seventy heavily armed cavalrymen to Italy). ErzbischofKonradI.570 John B. "Diemut von Hogl. when the archbishops spent long periods in exile. in Brabant and Lorraine but not in Flanders and Champagne. bayerischen Wiener Dissertationen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte. Salzburgs. suggestive as it may be. made it increasingly difficult for the archbishop to find sufficient warriors among his own distant kinsmen." Viator. Freed.79 Such terminology strikes me as another manifestation of Germany's national inferiority complex. when the duchy was under direct royal control. 636-38. and to participate in the monarchy's efforts to curb the autonomy of the dukes of Bavaria. Freed. Geschichte "The Formation of the Salzburg Ministerialage in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries: An Example of Upward Social Mobility in the Early Middle Ages.77 Although Bosl is undoubtedly correct in stressing the stability of German society. This suggests that there must have been political reasons for the use of the ministerials in the empire. vol. 254-73. "Das ius ministerialium. 25 (1967): 9-79. At the same time the gradual dissolution of the sips." 585-90. Jahrhundert. 79 Freed.von Salzburg1106-1147. and there were long truces between the raids. During these years the ministerials adopted surnames and formed into lineages. The tenth-century archbishops needed men to repel the Magyars." Beitrdge zur altbayerischen 78 Bosl. There was little room under such circumstances for a radical realtering of society. Bosl's psychological explanation. It is hard to see why fidelity to one's lord should have been so highly esteemed on one side of a political boundary. the rapid advance of the protoministerialage during the Investiture Contest should not obscure the fact that the archbishops had been in firm control until 1077 and that Archbishop Conrad I (1 106-47) restored order quickly in the archdiocese after he returned from exile in 1121. does not explain why a hereditary ministerialage developed between the Loire and the Rhine only in those territories that belonged to the medieval empire-for example. Freed As I pointed out in 1976.pt. drawn without regard for linguisitic differences. Flohrschutz. Handbuch der 204-21. Even the Magyar incursions lasted only half a century. und 11. I object to labeling it as "archaic" in contrast to a "modern" French society. By 1050 the archbishop's servile retainers formed a quasi-hereditary estate. Nineteenth-century scholars wondered why medieval Germany. 1.76 The circumstances surrounding the formation of the ministerialage of the archbishops of Salzburg are fairly clear. and Dopsch. Spindler. The problem was compounded in the case of Salzburg because the emperors deliberately selected non-Bavarians as archbishops in the eleventh century." 240. "Origins of the European Nobility. Kirchengeschichte. and not on the other. There was a comparable development in the diocese of Freising. and Kurt Zeillinger. 77 76 . and ministerialis became the standard designation for members of the estate in the 1120s. Still. "Die Freisinger Dienstmannen im 10." 240. pp. Compared to tenth-century France. 10 (Vienna. 9 (1978): 67-102. unlike France. "Origins of the European Nobility.
which in France provided the framework for the development of the nation-state? Historians have an obligation to explain the similarities and differences in political and social development in France and Germany."82But for miles to lose its servile connotations and for knights to be accepted as nobles took at least one hundred fifty years longer in Salzburg than in France. T.83 In contrast. "Laity and the Peace of God. Why did Germany fail to develop a "modern. Quellen und Ministerialitdt in Siidostdeutschland vom zehnten bis zum Ende des dreizehnten Studien zur Verfassungsgeschichte des Deutschen Reiches (Weimar. A more profitable approach is to compare the social structures of different French and German territories without labeling one as "better"than the other. Joachim Bumke. 155. Let me cite an example.8' In The ThreeOrders. "The Nobility in Medieval France. of the militesof the Frankish army. 61-62. Paul Kluckhohn. Dopsch. 129-32. "The Concept of Knighthood in the Archdiocese of Salzburg.. pp. Also see my forthcoming article. which established the knights as an order. The Three Orders. ueberdie ritterlichenUnfreienzunaechstin and Otto von Zallinger.. 293-307.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 571 failed to achieve national unity. How can we account for such terminological differences and such fundamental differences in social structure? Duby has repeatedly argued that the spread of chivalric culture. Fleckenstein asserted that Frederick Barbarossa introduced French chivalric ideas. published in 1972. trans.171-77.80 Miles and militiae were used occasionally in the eleventh century as terms for the free vassals of the archbishop of Salzburg.. Jahrhunderts (Innsbruck. No noble or prominent ministerial was identified as a knight in a source written within the archdiocese itself in the twelfth century. 1878). The Conceptof Knighthoodin the Middle Ages. 83 Duby. vol. particularly the peace movement with its concept of the miles Christi. and Knighthood. GeschichteSalzburgs. 1982)." 59-67. 1910). and he cited knighthood as an example of a cultural pattern that the nobles adopted from their social inferiors. pt. But why are we to assume that the French model was necessarily "better"? Such an interpretation presupposes that the unification of Germany was the ideal political solution for the problems of Central Europe. "Lineage. feudal structure. including the concept of the Duby. Not until the beginning of the fourteenth century in the principality of Salzburg did the few surviving lineages of prominent archiepiscopal ministerials finally adopt the designations miles or Ritter and merge with their own knights to form the Ritterstandof the later Middle Ages. and Erika Jackson (New York. 1. 158-70. 123-33." French-style. 399-403. in the 1170s and concluded that most knights were "the heirs. 80 81 . Bosl is asking the same question in another form. pt. W." ibid. H. Nobility. 1. 85-87. 103-09. and "The Origins of Knighthood. Die Jahrhunderts. "The History and Sociology of the Medieval West.ennobled the concept of knighthood in eleventh-century France.. quite simply. und XIII." ibid. pp. Duby demonstrated that the 105 laymen who owned property around Cluny and whose descendants were called knights in the twelfth century were the descendants of the men who had belonged to the noble sips of the tenth century. but miles became in the twelfth century the standard designation throughout southeastern Germany for a servile warrior of a ministerial or of a noble of noncomital rank.Duby placed the constitution of the French knighthood. Ministerialesund milites:Untersuchungen baierischenRechtsquellendes XII. 4. In his revised study of the Maconnais." 82 Duby. "The Diffusion of Cultural Patterns in Feudal Society." The Chivalrous Society." ibid." ibid.
trans. barriers to the social mobility of the servile elite may have persisted. Schulze has suggested that such an interpretation of medieval social development is the direct consequence of accepting Heinrich Dannenbauer's thesis that Germanic society was composed of a mass of dependent peasants ruled by powerful nobles. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. . 192-248. noble. was an esteemed foreign import in Germany. 349 (Darmstadt. 63 (Munich. 1023-4 1.572 John B. Also see Franz Staab. Bosl is not the only German scholar to harbor such views. A final problem with Bosl's work is his insistence that the source of all freedom in the Middle Ages was service and submission to a lord who granted his dependents privileges. and lofty ideal. 392-418. and Fleckenstein. mittelalterlichen Residenz-undFernhandelsstadt Jahrhundert. 1940). 86 Schulze.Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Similar ideas about the relationship between service and freedom within medieval Christianity can be found in Tellenbach's classic book Church. 1966). whereas Joachim Bumke perceived the princes as the chief promoters of courtly culture." 532. Also see his case study of Regensburg. the author of the Sachsenspiegel. Die Sozialstruktur Regensburg:Die Entwicklung ihres Biirgertums vom 9. der 85 Bosl.-14. argued around 1220 that there was no biblical justification for servitude." in FestschriftfiirHermann Heimpel. "Friedrich Barbarossa und das Rittertum: Zur Bedeutung der grossen Mainzer Hoftage von 1184 und 1188.. and ChristianSocietyat the Time of theInvestitureContest. not an indigenous product. in short. freedom could only be a privilege granted by a gracious lord to his deserving subjects. it was 84 Bumke. and from this derive twin conceptions of freedom-as something false. 143-44. 11 (1980): 51-69. "Freiheit als religioses. 87 Tellenbach."87 Herbert Grundmann reminded his fellow historians in 1957 that the linkage of freedom with service became popular during the Third Reich and that medieval men had perceived freedom as the opposite of lordship. Bosl sought-for example. For that reason. Chivalry. wretched and fugitive. 1976).86 In such a world. "A Reconsideration of the Ancestry of Modern Political Liberty: The Problem of the So-Called King's Freemen. in his Europa im Aufbruch-the origins not only of the ministerials but also of the burghers and the free peasants within thefamilia. Tellenbach wrote: "The basis of this Christian conception [of freedom] was that every servitude was connected with a corresponding freedom." Hans K.and Christian (Oxford. Eike von Repgow. R.first published in 1936. regardless of chivalric culture. into Germany after his marriage to Beatrice of Burgundy in 1156. Contest. Dannenbauer's article is cited in note 3. Bennett Society at theTimeof theInvestiture State. The Concept of Knighthood.85 The subtitle of one of Bosl's most important articles is "Service. F. The spread of the Enlightenment to Germany provides an analogous example. but. ed. Wege der Forschung. Church. politisches und personliches Postulat im Mittelalter. more important.193 (1957): 23-53. Freed Christian knight. Fleckenstein's article has been reprinted.State. 4. and Freedom of Mobility as Means of Social Ascent.88 For instance." Viator. 88 Grundmann. Freedom. new ser.' The true content of any freedom is the very dependence of which it is the consequence. Das RittertumimMittelalter. to every 'free from' there corresponds a 'bound to. Arno Borst. "Rodungsfreiheit und Konigsfreiheit. vol. chivalry was an idea that spread not to the higher but to the lower social orders in Germany. vol." HistorischeZeitschrift. secular or religious. or as a true.. Europa im Aufbruch.the most important medieval German lawbook.84 The time lag is obvious in either interpretation.
manyof the widelyacceptedtheoriesabout the medieval nobility that appear in postwar German historiography originated or became popular during the Third Reich: the noble domination of Germanic society. reprinted in Walther Lammers. Church. and Tellenbach. "Adel.92 Werner's own postwar articles about the Carolingian nobility often sound like an attempt to place the origins of the Common Market in the ninth century. 1970). See the 48-49. but their conservative nationalistic views had much in common with Nazi ideology. . After all. not only Germans. Burg und Herrschaft." Vergangenheitund Gegenwart.93 For example. though a reexamination may be in order. x. the nobility's autogenous regalian rights. but German historiography has always had a tendency to be zeitbedingt-to use that marvelous German euphemism-and not only in the Nazi period. while the history of medieval England has been "politically innocuous . 1962). was the creator of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica." 440. 1934). Baron Karl vom und zum Stein. or indicate that the historians who espoused such views were Nazis or even sympathetic to that regime..94 The famous debate between Heinrich von Sybel and Julius Ficker in the nineteenth century about the medieval empire was in essence an argument about the respective merits of a unification of Germany. Reuter argued that. 92 Werner. "Sanctus amor patriae dat animum. and other illicit exercises of power. State." 529. Die Eingliederung. As Werner pointed out.9' All historians. and the linkage of freedom with service. Die mittelalterliche Ficker. 93 Reuter. ed.286. vol. 167-68. and Christian Societywith the admonition that all Christians. draw a sharp distinction between the Kingdom of God and all earthly kingdoms.95 kleindeutsch versus a grossdeutsch 89 Haverkamp. 255 (Berlin. 90 Schulze. vol. the Prussian statesman and reformer. 65-74. Let me stress that this does not necessarily invalidate these propositions. "Rodungsfreiheit und Konigsfreiheit. seit v. NS-Geschichtsbild. Its well-known motto. are influenced by political developments in their own time." this has not been true of German medieval history.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 573 based purely on force. comments of Lammers. specifically to the point of my analysis. Also see Werner.89 As Schulze has pointed out. 24 (1934). Lintzel reminded his colleagues at considerable personal risk in 1934 that a historian had to retain his objectivity even in a period of national revival. Dannenbauer encountered considerable difficulties in 1941 in publishing his article about the aristocratic domination of Germanic society." provides an insight into vom Stein's motives for promoting the publication of medieval German sources. Catholic and Protestant. State. Grundmann's admonition has gone largely unheeded. . . and Christian Society. imprisonment. the existence of a Carolingian imperial aristocracy dependent on the crown. Die Eingliederung der Sachsen in das Frankenreich. "A New History of Medieval Germany. and Tellenbach ended his Church. Aufbruchund Gestaltung. 97." preface to 1956 edition. 185 (Darmstadt. NS-Geschichtsbild. "Zur Beurteilung Widukinds und Karls des Grossen. Great Historical Enterprises(London. And. German historians may not have been Nazis themselves. 81-82. Lintzel. Historische Studien.90 As GRUNDMANN'S COMMENTS INDICATE. Wege der Forschung. 91 Dannenbauer. for at least two centuries. 94 David Knowles. Sybelund Historiographie in der deutschen Kaiserpolitik 9 Heinrich Hostenkamp. 56-59.
State. Bosl's classic study of the imperial to theHistoryof theHigh Medieval ministerialage is. studies of the economic aspects of the Reichsgriindunghave dealt with the "economic dimensions of nation-building" rather than with "economic development" per se."Journal of Modern History. Schmid may have made us aware of the change in family structure that occurred around the year 1000 and its ramifications for the German constitution. Sheehan concluded that this kleindeutsch historiography has affected the interpretation of modern German history in a number of ways-some of which are also applicable. "still accept the historiographical legitimacy of the settlement of 1871."96 In sum. to the study of medieval Germany. Tellenbach studied the role of the imperial aristocracy in the formation. until recently. and. 11. the south Germans and Austrians?" Ultimately. the German interest in the medieval nobility has remained essentially political. modern German historians have paid virtually no attention to the history of women and family life. which had led some of them to treat even nonpolitical topics from a political perspective and to ignore those subjects that do not readily lend themselves to such an approach. Schmid explored the relationship between the change in noble self-consciousness and the formation of the territorial lordships. As a recent example of an unthinking attempt to reconcile these ideas. "What Is German History? Reflections on the Role of the Nation in German History and Historiography. It is difficult. 13. though they may disagree about everything else. subtitled A Contribution GermanFolk. Sheehan has asserted that all German historians. "Characteristically. 53 (1981): 3. For example. it is of interest only to people who share the experiences of the Heimat. and Reich. Danish and French minorities. I think. domination of German Furthermore. local and regional studies have had little influence on the interpretation of national history. As Sheehan has observed." Sheehan commented. and dissolution of the Carolingian empire. therefore. after all. 'What Volk?' Surely not the Reich's Polish. Freed James J. Sheehan cited Bosl's statement that "Bismarck fulfilled the will of the Volk from above." According to Sheehan." "In response to this extraordinary statement. . that historiographical tradition rests on two not necessarily reconcilable propositions: the existence of a German folk as a distinct entity and Prussia's destiny to unify it. this [German regional history] is history written and read by those in the locality itself. Bosl's repeated description of medieval German society as "archaic" rests on the unquestioned assumption that the unification of Germany in the form of the Second Reich was the inevitable destiny of the German folk and that the long delay in achieving that goal was the consequence of Germany's "archaic" social structure. governance. 16. to think of works on regional history which have had a major impact on German national historiography comparable to Vann Woodward's book on the American south or Georges Lefebvre's on the Nord. but it was Duby who investigated its impact on the noble 96 Sheehan. and Bosl examined the involvement of the imperial ministerials in the Hohenstaufen revival. "We can only ask. Second. First.574 John B. And what about the supporters of the Guelph monarchy. German historians have focused on politics at the national level. the Saxon particularists.
as the title indicates. In German historiography. the formation and rise of the ministerialage. the only study of a German territory similar to the studies produced by the Annales school is Philippe Dollinger's L'evolutiondes classes rurales en Baviere depuis la fin de l'epoquecarolingienne jusqu'au milieu du xiiie siecle (1949). Perhaps it is Duby's broader approach that has led American university presses to publish so many translations of his books and articles and so little of Schmid's work. we may be able to make comparisons between medieval French and German societal development without labeling one structure as preferable to the other. and by promoting land clearance and the founding of cities. In addition.sociale et economique(1973). to Duby's La societe'aux xie et xiie siecles dans la region maconnaise (1953) or Guy Devailly's Le Berry du Xe siecle au milieu du XIIIe: Etude politique. We need monographs that will investigate such topics as the composition of the nobility. medieval Landesgeschichte remains the story of how a prince created his state by subduing rival noble families. the preference shown to the eldest son at the expense of his sisters and younger brothers.Reflectionson the Medieval GermanNobility 575 family itself-namely. the rights of women and younger sons. This is a formidable assignment. Once these types of historical studies have been done. to abandon the primacy of politics and to accept the diversity of the German-speaking world's rich heritage in all of its aspects. in spite of the postwar popularity of Landesgeschichte among German medievalists. the time has come for medievalists as well as for scholars of modern Germany. the age of marriage. changes in family structure. and the causes of family extinction. say. The legacy of Bismarck's defunct state does not have to shape forever our understanding of a thousand years of German history. I know of no German study of a specific region comparable. with the peasantry alone. Ironically. in studies of the local as well as the national level. but it is not beyond the capacity of German Grundlichkeitand Fleiss. . by employing ministerials as instruments of princely authority. Above all. but it is concerned.religieuse.