CANCEL YOUR TRIP TO MALAYSIA AND BOYCOTT MALAYSIAN PRODUCTS

Once a nation is taken over by Islam which is a barbaric religion, the civilized world will have to bear its effect. Muslims are controlled by a stone age religious manual called Quran which demands killing of non believers and subjugation of occupied territories. Even in small percentage muslims will start breeding like rats and overtake the majority population as happened in Lebanon and destabilize that nation. It happened in India and India had to be partitioned in 1947 for the muslims. Presently the muslims in India are breeding so fast that it has now exceeded the population of Pakistan. So we should acknowledge early warnings from these incidents and have to contain or convert muslims if human race have to survive. Indians spent around $24 million touring Malaysia in 2007. Incredible, considering the pathetic treatment the Malaysian government metes out to visiting Indians and, more over, to its very own ethnic Indian community who have been there for centuries. With that background, as an Indian it is time to

Lets stop supporting Malaysia with our tourist rupee’s until it stops gagging it’s minority Indian population and start treating all Indians with the respect they deserve.

Some brief background

Malaysia at one point in time a Hindu kingdom… http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Malaysia

History of Malaysia
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The history of Malaysia is a relatively recent offshoot of the history of the wider MalayIndonesian world. Culturally and linguistically, there was until recent times little to distinguish the territories which now constitute Malaysia from the lands of the Malay Archipelago. Today the Malay world is divided into six states - Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, Brunei and East Timor – largely as the result of outside influences.

Malaysia’s geographical position places it between the the great civilisations. To the west are Hindu India, the Islamic Middle East and Christian Europe. To the north-east are China and Japan. The shipping routes from China to the west pass through the region, and the most direct route passes through the Strait of Malacca. This has made Malaysia a natural meeting place of trade routes and cultures, something which has brought the area great wealth, but has also made it difficult for the Malay peoples to resist foreign influence and domination. The history of the Malaysian area can be seen as four successive phases of outside influence, followed by the final assertion of Malay independence. The first phase saw the domination of Hindu as well as Buddhist culture imported from India, which reached its peak in the great Srivijaya civilisation based in Sumatra, which ruled most of the Malay world from the 7th to the 14th centuries. The second phase began with the arrival of Islam, which began in the 10th century, and led to the conversion of most of the Malay-Indonesian world and the breakup of the Srivijayan empire into many smaller sultanates, the most prominent of which was the Melaka (Malacca). Islamic culture has had a profound influence on the Malay people, but has also been influenced by them. The third phase was the intrusion into the area of the European colonial powers: first the Portuguese, who captured Melaka in 1511, then the Dutch and finally the British, who established bases at Penang and Singapore. European domination led to the most fateful event in Malay history – the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1824, which drew a frontier between British Malaya and the Netherlands East Indies, which became Indonesia. This arbitrary division of the Malay world has proved permanent. European domination also led to the fourth phase of foreign influence: the mass immigration of Chinese and Indian workers to meet the needs of the colonial economy created by the British in the Malay Peninsula and North Borneo. The Chinese and Indians posed an economic threat to the Malays, and at one time threatening to make the Malays a minority in their own country. British power in East Asia was fatally wounded by the Japanese occupation of the region in 1942-45. Although short-lived, the Japanese occupation unleashed the forces of colonial nationalism in Malaya as elsewhere. But Malay nationalism triggered a reaction from the Chinese, who feared Malay and Islamic domination and turned in large numbers to the Malayan Communist Party. It took a tough military response from the British, and concessions by both the Malay and Chinese political leaderships, to end the Communist insurgency and bring about the establishment of an independent, multi-racial Federation of Malaya in 1957. In 1963 Malaya became Malaysia with the acquisition of the British territories in North Borneo and Singapore. The Chinese-majority Singapore and the Federation decided to part ways in 1965. Malaysia survived this crisis as well as confrontation with Indonesia, but nearly succumbed to its own internal tensions in the race riots of 1969. This crisis led to the imposition of emergency rule and a curtailment of political life and civil liberties which has never been reversed. Since 1970 the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) has ruled Malaysia almost as a one-party state, co-opting the Chinese and Indian leaderships through the device of the “National Front

coalition.” Malaysia under UMNO rule had prospered, reaching close to “first world” living standards by the 1990s. This growing prosperity has helped minimise political discontent, but has masked a decisive shift of power in favour of the Malays. Successive UMNO governments have been determined to break the Chinese domination of the economy and the Indian domination of the professions, and to create Malay business and professional classes. This has been achieved by imposing the Malay language on the education system and through systematic positive discrimination in favour of Malays. These measures caused great resentment.

Malaya under Indian influence
The history, as opposed to the pre-history, of the Malay-speaking world begins with the advent of Indian influence, which dates back to at least the 3rd century BC. Indian traders came to the archipelago both for its extremely abundant forest and maritime products and to trade with merchants from China, who also discovered the Malay world at an early date. Both Hinduism and Buddhism were well established in the Malay Peninsula by the beginning of the 1st century AD, and from there spread across the archipelago. Chinese chronicles of the 5th century AD speak of a great port in the south called Guantoli, which was probably in the Strait of Malacca. In the 7th century, a new port called Shilifoshi is mentioned, and this is believed to be a Chinese rendering of Srivijaya. The site of Srivijaya has never been found, but it was probably at the mouth of one of the rivers in eastern Sumatra, possibly near Palembang. For 700 years the Maharajahs of Srivijaya ruled a loose-knit maritime empire that controlled the coasts of Sumatra, Peninsular Malaya, and Borneo. Sometimes they also ruled parts of Java,but there were always rival Javanese states which resisted Srivijaya’s hegemony. Srivijaya lived by trade, welcoming annual trading fleets from China and India, and also traders from further afield, including Japanese, Iranians and Arabs. Its greatest enemies were the Siamese, who were always trying to encroach from the north. To secure a powerful ally against these enemies, the maharajahs paid tribute to the Chinese Emperors, but they were never under Chinese control. From the 10th century the power of Srivijaya began to decline. Never a centralised state, it was apparently weakened by a series of wars with the Javanese, which disrupted trade. In the 11th century a rival power centre arose at Melayu, a port believed to have been located further up the Sumatran coast, possibly in what is now Jambi province. Melayu’s influence is shown by the fact that the name is the origin of the word “Malay.” The power of the Hindu Maharajahs was also undermined by the spread of Islam. Areas which were converted to Islam early, such as Aceh, broke away from Srivijaya’s control. By the late 13th century also, the Siamese kings of Sukhothai had brought most of Malaya under their rule. But the great wealth of the Srivijayan sphere, with its rich resources of aromatic timber, sea products, gold, tin, spices, wax and resins – all highly prized both in China and in the west – kept Srivijaya prosperous until it faded away in the 14th century.

Melaka and Islamic Malaya
The port of Melaka (traditionally spelt Malacca) on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula was

founded around 1400 by Parameswara, a rebel prince of the Srivijaya royal line, claimed in Sejarah Melayu to be a descendant of Alexander the Great.Expelled from Sumatera for killing the ruler of Temasek (now known as Singapore), Parameswara established himself together with his followers in Melaka. It rapidly assumed the place previously held by Srivijaya, establishing independent relations with China, and exploiting its position dominating the Straits to control the China-India maritime trade, which became increasingly important when the Mongol conquests closed the overland route between China and the west. Within a few years of its establishment, Melaka officially adopted Islam, and the Raja became a Sultan. The political power of the Malaccan Sultanate helped Islam’s rapid spread through the Malay world, reaching as far as the areas encompassing modern day Philippines and leaving Bali as an isolated outpost of Hinduism. Islam came to the Malay Archipelago via India, and was rather different to the Islam practised in its Middle Eastern homeland. It was greatly influenced by the mystical traditions of Sufism, and also absorbed some elements of Malays animist and Hindu traditions. Because Islam was introduced by traders and not by military conquest, there was no imposition of the Arabic language or Arab political customs. Since most Malays could not read the Qur'an, the local version of Islam was much less rigorous than in the Arabic world. And since the indigenous Malay rulers retained their power, the Islamic clergy did not gain the political influence it enjoyed in other parts of the Islamic world. Melaka’s reign lasted little more than a century, but it was of great importance, because it came to be seen as the golden age of Malay self-rule, and the Sultans of Melaka became the models for all subsequent Malay rulers. Melaka became a great cultural centre, creating the matrix of the modern Malay culture: a blend of indigenous Malay and imported Indian, Chinese and Islamic elements. Melakas fashions in literature, art, music, dance and dress, and the ornate titles of its royal court, came to be seen as the standard for all Malays. The court of Melaka also gave great prestige to the Malay language, which had originally evolved in Sumatra and been brought to Melaka at the time of its foundation. In time Malay came to be the official language of all the Malay states, although local languages survived in many places.

European domination
The closing of the overland route from Asia to Europe by the Ottoman Empire and the claim towards trade monopoly with India and south-east Asia by Arab traders led the European powers to look for a maritime route. In 1498 Vasco da Gama, sent by King John II of Portugal, found the way around the Cape of Good Hope to India, and in 1511 Afonso de Albuquerque led an expedition to Malaya which seized Melaka after a month-long siege and made it the capital of Portugal’s eastern empire. The son of the last Sultan of Melaka fled to the island of Bintan off the southern tip of Malaya, where he founded a new state which eventually became the Sultanate of Johore. Freed from Melaka’s domination, the Malay world broke up into a series of quarrelsome successor states, of which the most important were Aceh, Brunei, Johore and Perak. Other states such as Banten, Yogyakarta, Kedah, Selangor, Sulu and Terengganu also emerged as independent sultanates. By the late 16th century the tin mines of northern Malaya had been discovered by European traders, and Perak grew wealthy on the proceeds of tin exports. But the European colonial powers were bent on expanding further into the region. The Portuguese gained control of the spice-rich

Moluccas (Maluku), and in 1571 the Spanish captured Manila. The Dutch arrived in the region in 1596. They hated the Portuguese both for religious reasons and as commercial rivals, and were determined to evict them from the wealthy islands they called the East Indies. Led by the Dutch East India Company (VOC), they soon overcame the weak sultanates in Java and founded Batavia (Jakarta) as their capital in 1619. From there they expanded across the archipelago, forming an alliance with Johore against their main enemies, the Portuguese at Melaka and the powerful Sultan of Aceh. In 1641, after several attempts, the VOCJohore alliance captured Melaka, breaking Portuguese power in Malaya for good – Portugal was left with only Portuguese Timor. Backed by the Dutch, Johore established a loose hegemony over the Malay states, except Perak, which was able to play off Johore against the Siamese to the north and retain its independence. The weakness of the Malay states in this period allowed other people to migrate into the Malay homelands. The most important of these were the Bugis, seafarers from eastern Indonesia, who regularly raided the Malay coasts and finally seized control of Johore following the assassination of the last Sultan of the old Melaka royal line in 1699. Other Bugis raiders took control of Selangor. The Minangkabau peoples from Sumatra also migrated into Malaya, and eventually established their own state in Negeri Sembilan. The fall of Johore left a power vacuum on the Malay Peninsula which was partly filled by the Siamese kings of Ayutthaya kingdom, who made the five northern Malay states – Kedah, Kelantan, Patani, Perlis and Terengganu – their vassals. Johore’s eclipse also left Perak as the unrivalled leader of the Malay states. The economic importance of Malaya to Europe grew rapidly during the 18th century. The fastgrowing tea trade between China and Britain increased the demand for high-quality Malayan tin, which was used to line tea-chests. Malayan pepper also had a high reputation in Europe, while Kelantan and Pahang had gold mines. The growth of tin and gold mining and associated service industries led to the first influx of foreign settlers into the Malay world – at first Arabs and Indians, later Chinese – who colonised the towns and soon dominated economic activities. This established a pattern which characterised Malayan society for the next 200 years – a rural Malay population increasingly under the domination of wealthy urban immigrant communities, whose power the Sultans were unable to resist. English traders had been present in Malay waters since the 17th century, but it was not until the mid 18th century that the British East India Company, based in British India, developed a serious interest in Malayan affairs. The growth of the China trade in British ships increased the Company’s desire for bases in the region. Various islands were used for this purpose, but the first permanent acquisition was Penang, leased from the Sultan of Kedah in 1786. This was followed soon after by the leasing of a block of territory on the mainland opposite Penang (known as Province Wellesley). In 1795, during the Napoleonic Wars, the British occupied Dutch Melaka to forestall possible French interest in the area. When Melaka was handed back to the Dutch in 1815, the British governor, Stamford Raffles, looked for an alternative base, and in 1819 he acquired Singapore from the Sultan of Johore. The twin bases of Penang and Singapore, together with the decline of the Netherlands as a naval power, made Britain the dominant force in Malayan affairs. British influence was increased by Malayan fears of Siamese expansionism, to which Britain made a useful counterweight. During the 19th century the Malay Sultans became loyal allies of the British Empire.

In 1824 British hegemony in Malaya was formalised by the Anglo-Dutch Treaty, the decisive event in the formation of modern Malaysia. The Dutch evacuated Melaka and renounced all interest in Malaya, while the British recognised Dutch rule over the rest of the East Indies. This imposed an arbitrary frontier on the Malay world, one which has never been overcome. Penang, Melaka and Singapore were united as the Straits Settlements, ruled by a British Governor in Singapore. During the 19th century, the British concluded treaties with the Malay states, installing “residents” who advised the Sultans and soon became the effective rulers of their states. The wealth of Perak’s tin mines made political stability there a priority for British investors, and Perak was thus the first Malay state to agree to the supervision of a British resident. Johore alone resisted, holding out until 1914. In 1909 the weakened Siamese kingdom was compelled to cede Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis and Terengganu to the British. (Siam retained the Sultanate of Patani, leaving a Muslim minority in southern Thailand which has been a source of much trouble for successive Thai governments.) During the late 19th century the British also gained control of the north coast of Borneo, where Dutch rule had never been established. The eastern part of this region (now Sabah) was under the nominal control of the Sultan of Sulu, a vassal of the Spanish Philippines. The rest was the territory of the Sultanate of Brunei. In 1841, a British adventurer, James Brooke, leased Kuching from the Sultan and made himself the “White Raja” of Sarawak, steadily expanding his territory at Brunei’s expense. North-eastern Borneo was colonised by British traders, and in 1881 the British North Borneo Company was granted control of the territory under the distant supervision of the governor in Singapore. The Spanish Philippines never recognised this loss of the Sultan of Sulu’s territory, laying the basis of the subsequent Filipino claim to Sabah. In 1888 what was left of Brunei was made a British protectorate, and in 1891 another Anglo-Dutch treaty formalised the border between British and Dutch Borneo. Thus the borders of modern Malaysia were formed, in complete disregard of ethnic and linguistic factors, by the colonial powers. By 1910 the pattern of British rule in the Malay lands was established. The Straits Settlements were a Crown Colony, ruled by a governor under the supervision of the Colonial Office in London. Their population was about half Chinese, but all residents, regardless of race, were British subjects. The first four states to accept British residents, Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan and Pahang, were termed the Federated Malay States: while technically independent, they were placed under a Resident-General in 1895, making them British colonies in all but name. The Unfederated Malay States (Johore, Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis and Terengganu) had a slightly larger degree of independence, although they were unable to resist the wishes of their British Residents for long. Johore, as Britain’s closest ally in Malay affairs, had the privilege of a written constitution, which gave the Sultan the right to appoint his own Cabinet, but he was generally careful to consult the British first. Unlike some colonial powers, the British always saw their empire as primarily an economic concern, and its colonies were expected to turn a profit for British shareholders. Malaya’s obvious attractions were its tin and gold mines, but British planters soon began to experiment with tropical plantation crops – tapioca, gambier, pepper and coffee. But in 1877 the rubber plant was introduced from Brazil, and rubber soon became Malaya’s staple export, stimulated by booming demand from European industry. Rubber was later joined by palm oil as an export earner. All these industries required a large and disciplined labour force, and the British did not regard the Malays as reliable workers. The solution was the importation of plantation workers

from India, mainly Tamil-speakers from South India. The mines, mills and docks also attracted a flood of immigrant workers from southern China. Soon towns like Singapore, Penang and Ipoh were majority Chinese, as was Kuala Lumpur, founded as a tin-mining centre in 1857. By 1891, when Malaya’s first census was taken, Perak and Selangor, the main tin-mining states, had Chinese majorities. The Chinese mostly arrived poor, but their industrious habits and tight-knit networks of mutual aid (run by secret societies or Triads) soon made many of them rich. In the 1890s Yap Ah Loy, who held the title of Kapitan China of Kuala Lumpur, was the richest man in Malaya, owning a chain of mines, plantations and shops. Malaya’s banking and insurance industries were run by the Chinese from the start, and Chinese businesses, usually in partnership with London firms, soon had a stranglehold on the economy. Since the Malay Sultans tended to spend well beyond their incomes, they were soon in debt to Chinese bankers, and this gave the Chinese political as well as economic power. At first the Chinese immigrants were nearly all men, and most intended to return home when they had made their fortunes. Many did go home, but many more stayed. At first they married Malay women, producing a community of Sino-Malayans or baba people, but soon they began importing Chinese brides, establishing permanent communities and building schools and temples. The Indians were initially less successful, since unlike the Chinese they came mainly as indentured labourers to work in the rubber plantations, and had few of the economic opportunities that the Chinese had. They were also a less united community, since they were divided between Hindus and Muslims and along lines of language and caste. An Indian commercial and professional class emerged during the early 20th century, but the majority of Indians remained poor and uneducated in rural ghettos in the rubber-growing areas. Traditional Malay society had great difficulty coping with both the loss of political sovereignty to the British and of economic sovereignty to the Chinese. By the early 20th century it seemed possible that the Malays would become a minority in their own country. The Sultans, who were seen as collaborators with both the British and the Chinese, lost some of their traditional prestige, particularly among the increasing number of Malays with a western education, but the mass of rural Malays continued to revere the Sultans and their prestige was thus an important prop for colonial rule. A small class of Malay nationalist intellectuals began to emerge during the early 20th century, and there was also a revival of Islam in response to the perceived threat of other imported religions, particularly Christianity. In fact few Malays converted to Christianity, although many Chinese did. The northern regions, which were less influenced by western ideas, became strongholds of Islamic conservatism, as they have remained. The one consolation to Malay pride was that the British allowed them a virtual monopoly of positions in the police and local military units, as well as a majority of those administrative positions open to non-Europeans. While the Chinese mostly built and paid for their own schools and colleges, importing teachers from China, the colonial government fostered education for Malays, opening Malay College in 1905 and creating the Malay Administrative Service in 1910. (The college was dubbed “Bab ud-Darajat” – the Gateway to High Rank.) A Malay Teachers College followed in 1922, and a Malay Women’s Training College in 1935. All this reflected the official British policy that Malaya belonged to the Malays, and that the other races were but temporary residents. This view was increasingly out of line with reality, and contained the seeds of much future trouble.

In the years before World War II, the British neglected constitutional development in Malaya. Following their usual policy of indirect rule, they were concerned to prop up the authority of the Sultans and to discourage any talk of Malaya as a united or self-governing country. There were no moves to give Malaya a unitary government, and in fact in 1935 the position of ResidentGeneral of the Federated States was abolished, and its powers decentralised to the individual states. With their usual tendency to racial stereotyping, the British regarded the Malays as amiable but unsophisticated and rather lazy, incapable of self-government, although making good soldiers under British officers. They regarded the Chinese as clever but dangerous – and indeed during the 1920s and ‘30s, reflecting events in China, the Chinese Nationalist Party (the Kuomintang) and the Communist Party of China built rival clandestine organisations in Malaya, leading to regular disturbances in the Chinese towns. The British saw no way that Malaya’s disparate collection of states and races could become a nation, let alone an independent one. The outbreak of war in the Pacific in December 1941 found the British in Malaya completely unprepared. During the 1930s, anticipating the rising threat of Japanese naval power, they had built a great naval base at Singapore, but never anticipated an invasion of Malaya from the north. Because of the demands of the war in Europe, there was virtually no British air capacity in the Far East. The Japanese were thus able to attack from their bases in French Indo-China with impunity, and despite stubborn resistance from British, Australian and Indian forces, they overran Malaya in two months. Singapore, with no landward defences, no air cover and no water supply, was forced to surrender in February 1942, doing irreparable damage to British prestige. British North Borneo and Brunei were also occupied. The Japanese had a racial policy just as the British did. They regarded the Malays as a colonial people liberated from British imperialist rule, and fostered a limited form of Malay nationalism, which gained them some degree of collaboration from the Malay civil service and intellectuals. (Most of the Sultans also collaborated with the Japanese, although they maintained later that they had done so unwillingly.) The occupiers regarded the Chinese, however, as enemy aliens, and treated them with great harshness: during the so-called sook ching (purification through suffering), up to 40,000 Chinese in Malaya and Singapore were killed. Chinese businesses were expropriated and Chinese schools closed. Not surprisingly the Chinese, led by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP), became the backbone of the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), which with British assistance became the most effective resistance force in the occupied Asian countries. But the Japanese also offended Malay nationalism by allowing their ally Thailand to re-annex the four northern states, Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan and Terengganu that had been surrendered to British in 1909. The loss of Malaya’s export markets soon produced mass unemployment which affected all races and made the Japanese increasingly unpopular. The Malayans were thus on the whole glad to see the British back in 1945, but things could not remain as they were before the war. Britain was bankrupt and the new Labour government was keen to withdraw its forces from the East as soon as possible. Colonial self-rule and eventual independence were now British policy. The tide of colonial nationalism sweeping through Asia soon reached Malaya. But most Malays were more concerned with defending themselves against the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) which was mostly made up of Chinese, than with demanding independence from the British – indeed their immediate concern was that the British not leave and abandon the Malays to the armed Communists of the MPAJA, which was the largest armed force in the country. During the last year of the war there had been armed clashes

between Chinese and Malays and many Malays were killed by the armed Chinese communists members of the MPAJA and the returning British found a country on the brink of civil war. In 1946 the British announced plans for a Malayan Union, which would turn the Federated and Unfederated Malay States, plus Penang and Malacca (but not Singapore), into a unitary state, with a view to independence within a few years. There would be a common Malayan citizenship regardless of race. The Malays were horrified at this recognition that the Chinese and Indians were now to be a permanent and equal part of Malaya’s future, and vowed their opposition to the plan. The Sultans, who had initially supported it, backed down and placed themselves at the head of the resistance. In 1946 the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) was founded by Malay nationalists led by Dato Onn bin Jaafar, the Chief Minister of Johore. UMNO favoured independence for Malaya, but only if the new state was run exclusively by the Malays. Faced with implacable Malay opposition, the British dropped the plan. Meanwhile the Communists were moving towards open insurrection. The MPAJA had been disbanded in December 1945, and the MCP organised as a legal political party, but the MPAJA’s arms were carefully stored for future use. The MCP policy was for immediate independence with full equality for all races. This meant it recruited very few Malays. The Party’s strength was in the Chinese-dominated trade unions, particularly in Singapore, and in the Chinese schools, where the teachers, mostly born in China, saw the Communist Party of China as the leader of China’s national revival. In March 1947, reflecting the international Communist movement’s “turn to left” as the Cold War set in, the MCP leader Lai Tek was purged and replaced by the veteran MPAJA guerrilla leader Chin Peng, who turned the party increasingly to direct action. In July, following a string of assassinations of plantation managers, the colonial government struck back, declaring a State of Emergency, banning the MCP and arresting hundreds of its militants. The Party retreated to the jungle and formed the Malayan Peoples’ Liberation Army, with about 3,000 men under arms, almost all Chinese. The Malayan Emergency involved six years of bitter fighting across the Malayan Peninsula. The British strategy, which proved ultimately successful, was to isolate the MCP from its support base by a combination of economic and political concessions to the Chinese and the resettlement of Chinese squatters into “New Villages” in “white areas” free of MCP influence. The effective mobilisation of the Malays against the MCP was also an important part the British strategy. From 1949 the MCP campaign lost momentum and the number of recruits fell sharply. Although the MCP succeeded in assassinating the British High Commissioner, Sir Henry Gurney, in October 1951, this turn to “terrorist” tactics alienated many moderate Chinese from the Party. The arrival of Lt-Gen Sir Gerald Templer as British commander in 1952 was the beginning of the end of the Emergency. Templer invented the techniques of counter-insurgency warfare in Malaya and applied them ruthlessly. Chinese reaction against the MCP was shown by the formation of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) in 1949 as a vehicle for moderate Chinese political opinion. Its leader, Tan Cheng Lock, favoured a policy of collaboration with UMNO to win Malayan independence on a policy of equal citizenship, but with sufficient concessions to Malay sensitivities to ease nationalist fears. Tan formed a close collaboration with Tunku (Prince) Abdul Rahman, the Chief Minister of Kedah and from 1951 successor to Datuk Onn as leader of UMNO. Since the British had announced in 1949 that Malaya would soon become independent whether the Malayans liked it or not, both leaders were determined to forge an agreement their communities could live

with as a basis for a stable independent state. The UMNO-MCA Alliance (which was later joined by the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC)), won convincing victories in local and state elections in both Malay and Chinese areas between 1952 and 1955. The introduction of elected local government was another important step in defeating the Communists. After Joseph Stalin’s death in 1953, there was a split in the MCP leadership over the wisdom of continuing the armed struggle. Many MCP militants lost heart and went home, and by the time Templer left Malaya in 1954 the Emergency was over, although Chin Peng led a diehard group that lurked in the inaccessible country along the Thai border for many years. The Emergency left a lasting legacy of bitterness between Malays and Chinese. During 1955 and 1956 UMNO, the MCA and the British hammered out a constitutional settlement for an independent Malaya. UMNO conceded the principle of equal citizenship for all races. In exchange, the MCA agreed that Malaya’s head of state would be drawn from the ranks of the Malay Sultans, that Malay would be the official language, and that Malay education and economic development would be promoted and subsidised. In effect this meant that Malaya would be run by the Malays, particularly since they continued to dominate the civil service, the army and the police, but that the Chinese and Indians would have proportionate representation in the Cabinet and the parliament, would run those states where they were the majority, and would have their economic position protected. The difficult issue of who would control the education system was deferred until after independence. This came on August 31, 1957, when Tunku Abdul Rahman became the first Prime Minister of independent Malaya. This left the unfinished business of the other British-ruled territories in the region. After the Japanese surrender the Brooke family and the British North Borneo Company gave up their control of Sarawak and Sabah respectively, and these became British Crown Colonies. They were much less economically developed than Malaya, and their local political leaderships were too weak to demand independence. Singapore, with its large Chinese majority, achieved autonomy in 1955, and in 1959 the young socialist leader Lee Kuan Yew became Chief Minister. The Sultan of Brunei remained as a British client in his oil-rich enclave. Between 1959 and 1962 the British government orchestrated complex negotiations between these local leaders and the Malayan government. In 1961, Abdul Rahman mooted the idea of forming "Malaysia", which would consist of Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei, all of which were then British colonies. The reasoning behind this was that this would allow the central government to control and combat communist activities, especially in Singapore. It was also feared that if Singapore achieved independence, it would become a base for Chinese chauvinists to threaten Malayan sovereignty. To balance out the ethnic composition of the new nation, the other states, whose Malay and indigenous populations would cancel out the Singaporean Chinese majority, were also included. Although Lee Kuan Yew supported the proposal, his opponents from the Singaporean Socialist Front resisted, arguing that this was a ploy for the British to continue controlling the region. Most political parties in Sarawak were also against the merger, and in Sabah, where there were no political parties, community representatives also stated their opposition. Although the Sultan of Brunei supported the merger, the Parti Rakyat Brunei opposed it as well. At the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in 1961, Abdul Rahman explained his proposal further to its opponents. In October, he obtained agreement from the British government to the

plan, provided that feedback be obtained from the communities involved in the merger. The Cobbold Commission, named after its head, Lord Cobbold, conducted a study in the Borneo territories and approved a merger with Sabah and Sarawak; however, it was found that a substantial number of Bruneians opposed merger. A referendum was conducted in Singapore to gauge opinion, and 70% supported merger with substantial autonomy given to the state government. After reviewing the Cobbold Commission's findings, the British government appointed the Landsdowne Commission to draft a constitution for Malaysia. The eventual constitution was essentially the same, albeit with some rewording. For instance, the Malay privileges were now made available to all Bumiputra, a group comprising the Malays and other indigenous peoples of Malaysia. The new states were also granted some autonomy unavailable to the original nine states of Malaya. After negotiations in July 1963, it was agreed that Malaysia would come into being on 31 August 1963, consisting of Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. Brunei pulled out after Parti Rakyat Brunei staged an armed revolt, which, though it was put down, was viewed as potentially destabilising to the new nation. The Philippines and Indonesia strenuously objected to this development, with Indonesia claiming Malaysia represented a form of "neocolonialism" and the Philippines claiming Sabah as its territory. Indonesian President Sukarno, backed by the powerful Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), chose to regard Malaysia as a "neocolonialist" plot against his country, and backed a Communist insurgency in Sarawak, mainly involving elements of the local Chinese community. Indonesian irregular forces were infiltrated into Sarawak, where they were contained by Malaysian and Commonwealth of Nations forces. This period of Konfrontasi lasted until 1965, when the army coup in Jakarta ended Sukarno’s rule and destroyed the PKI. Under Sukarno’s successor, Suharto, Indonesian-Malaysian relations improved. At the same time Filipino President Diosdado Macapagal revived the long-dormant Filipino claim to Sabah, once part of the Sultanate of Sulu. This claim was mostly to do with Filipino domestic politics. In 1966 the new president, Ferdinand Marcos, dropped the claim and recognised Malaysia. Malaysia formally came into being on 16 September 1963, consisting of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah, and Sarawak. The Depression of the 1930s, followed by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, had the effect of ending Chinese emigration to Malaya. This stabilised the demographic situation and ended the prospect of the Malays becoming a minority in their own country. At the time of independence in 1957, the Malays were 55% of the population, the Chinese 35% and the Indians 10%. Since the Malays have until recently had a higher birth rate, the proportion of Malays has increased since independence – by 2000 it was over 60%. This equation was upset by the inclusion of Singapore, which increased the Chinese proportion to close to 40%. Both UMNO and the MCA were nervous about the possible appeal of Lee's People's Action Party (then seen as a radical socialist party) to voters in Malaya, and tried to organise a party in Singapore to challenge Lee's position there. Lee in turn threatened to run PAP candidates in Malaya at the 1964 federal elections, despite an earlier agreement that he would not do so (see PAP-UMNO Relations). This provoked Tunku Abdul Rahman to demand that Singapore withdraw from Malaysia, which it did in August 1965.

The most vexed issues of independent Malaysia were education and the disparity of economic power among the ethnic communities. Since there was no effective opposition party, these issues were contested mainly within the coalition government, which won all but one seat in the first post-independence Malayan Parliament. The two issues were related, since the Chinese advantage in education played a large part in maintaining their control of the economy, which the UMNO leaders were determined to end. The MCA leaders were torn between the need to defend their own community’s interests and the need to maintain good relations with UMNO. This produced a crisis in the MCA in 1959, in which a more assertive leadership under Lim Chong Eu defied UMNO over the education issue, only to be forced to back down when Tunku Abdul Rahman threatened to break up the coalition. The Education Act of 1961 put UMNO’s victory on the education issue into legislative form. Henceforward Malay and English would be the only teaching languages in secondary schools, and state primary schools would teach in Malay only. Although the Chinese and Indian communities could maintain their own Mandarin and Tamil-language primary schools, all their students were required to learn Malay, and to study an agreed “Malayan curriculum.” Most importantly, the entry exam to the University of Malaya (which moved from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur in 1963) would be conducted in Malay, even though most teaching at the university was in English until the 1970s. This had the effect of excluding many Chinese students. At the same time Malay schools were heavily subsidised, and Malays were given preferential treatment. This obvious defeat for the MCA greatly weakened its support in the Chinese community. At the time of independence Malaya had great economic advantages. It was among the world’s leading producers of three valuable commodities, rubber, tin and palm oil, and also a significant iron ore producer. These export industries gave the Malayan government a healthy surplus to invest in industrial development and infrastructure projects. Like other developing nations in the 1950s and '60s, Malaya (and later Malaysia) placed great stress on state planning, although UMNO was never a socialist party. The First and Second Malayan Plans (1956-60 and 1961-65 respectively) stimulated economic growth through state investment in industry and repairing infrastructure such as roads and ports, which had been damaged and neglected during the war and the Emergency. The government was keen to reduce Malaya’s dependence on commodity exports, which put the country at the mercy of fluctuating prices. The government was also aware that demand for natural rubber was bound to fall as the production and use of synthetic rubber expanded. Since a third of the Malay workforce worked in the rubber industry it was important to develop alternative sources of employment. Competition for Malaya’s rubber markets meant that the profitability of the rubber industry increasingly depended on keeping wages low, which perpetuated rural Malay poverty. As in education, the UMNO government’s unspoken agenda in the field of economic development was to shift economic power away from the Chinese and towards the Malays. The two Malayan Plans, and the First Malaysian Plan (1966-70), directed resources heavily into developments which would benefit the rural Malay community, such as village schools, rural roads, clinics and irrigation projects. Several agencies were set up to enable Malay smallholders to upgrade their production and increase their incomes. The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) helped many Malays buy farms or upgrade ones they already owned. The state also provided a range of incentives and low-interest loans to help Malays start businesses, and government tendering systematically favoured Malay companies, leading many Chinese-

owned businesses to “Malayanise” their management. All this certainly tended to reduce to gap between Chinese and Malay standards of living, although some argued that this would have happened anyway as Malaysia’s trade and general prosperity increased. The collaboration of the MCA and the MIC in these policies weakened their hold on the Chinese and Indian electorates. At the same time, the effects of the government’s affirmative action policies of the 1950s and ‘60s had been to create a discontented class of educated but underemployed Malays. This was a dangerous combination, and led to the formation of a new party, the Malaysian People’s Movement (Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia) in 1968. Gerakan was a deliberately non-communal party, bringing in Malay trade unionists and intellectuals as well as Chinese and Indian leaders. At the same time, an Islamist party, the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) and a Chinese socialist party, the Democratic Action Party (DAP), gained increasing support, at the expense of UMNO and the MCA respectively. At the May 1969 federal elections, the UMNO-MCA-MIC Alliance polled only 48 percent of the vote, although it retained a majority in the legislature. The MCA lost most of the Chinesemajority seats to Gerakan or DAP candidates. The result was anti-government demonstrations by Chinese in Kuala Lumpur, provoking a Malay backlash and leading rapidly to riots and intercommunal violence in which about 6,000 Chinese homes and businesses were burned and at least 184 people were killed. The government declared a state of emergency, and a National Operations Council, headed by the Deputy Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak, took power from the government of Tunku Abdul Rahman, who in September 1970 was forced to retire in favour of Abdul Razak. Using the Emergency-era Internal Security Act (Malaysia) (ISA), the new government suspended Parliament and political parties, imposed press censorship and placed severe restrictions on political activity. The ISA gave the government power to intern any person indefinitely without trial. These powers were widely used to silence the government’s critics, and have never been repealed. The Constitution was changed to make illegal any criticism, even in Parliament, of the Malaysian monarchy, the special position of Malays in the country, or the status of Malay as the national language. In 1971 Parliament reconvened, and a new government coalition, the National Front (Barisan Nasional), took office. This included UMNO, the MCA, the MIC, the much weakened Gerakan, and regional parties in Sabah and Sarawak. The DAP was left outside as the only significant opposition party. The PAS also joined the Front but was expelled in 1977. Abdul Razak held office until his death in 1976. He was succeeded by Datuk Hussein Onn, the son of UMNO’s founder Onn Jaafar, and then by Tun Dr Mahathir bin Mohamad, who had been Education Minister since 1971, and who held power for 22 years. During these years policies were put in place which led to the rapid transformation of Malaysia’s economy and society. In 1970 75 percent of Malaysians living below the poverty line were Malays, the majority of Malays were still rural workers, and Malays were still largely excluded from the modern economy. The government’s response was the New Economic Policy of 1971, which was to be implemented through a series of four five-year plans from 1971 to 1990. The plan had two objectives: the elimination of poverty, particularly rural poverty, and the elimination of the identification between race and economic function. This latter policy was understood to mean a decisive shift in economic power from the Chinese to the Malays.

Poverty was tackled through an agricultural policy which resettled 250,000 Malays on newly cleared farmland, more investment in rural infrastructure, and the creation of free trade zones in rural areas to create new manufacturing jobs. During the 1970s and ‘80s rural poverty did decline, particularly in the Malayan Peninsula, but critics of the government’s policy contend that this was mainly due to the growth of overall national prosperity (due in large part to the discovery of important oil and gas reserves) and migration of rural people to the cities rather than to state intervention. Little was done to improve the living standards of the low-paid workers in plantation agriculture, although this group steadily declined as a proportion of the workforce. By 1990 the poorest parts of Malaysia were rural Sabah and Sarawak, which lagged significantly behind the rest of the country. These years saw rapid growth in Malaysian cities, particularly Kuala Lumpur, which became a magnet for immigration both from rural Malaya and from poorer neighbours such as Indonesia, Bangladesh, Thailand and the Philippines. Urban poverty became a problem for the first time, with shanty towns growing up around the cities. The second arm of government policy, driven mainly by Mahathir first as Education Minister and then as Prime Minister, was the transfer of economic power to the Malays. Mahathir greatly expanded the number of secondary schools and universities throughout the country, and enforced the policy of teaching in Malay rather than English. This had the effect of creating a large new Malay professional class. It also created an unofficial barrier against Chinese access to higher education, since few Chinese are sufficiently fluent in Malay to study at Malay-language universities. Chinese families therefore sent their children to universities in Singapore, Australia, Britain or the United States – by 2000, for example, 60,000 Malaysians held degrees from Australian universities. This had the unintended consequence of exposing large numbers of Malaysians to life in Western countries, creating a new source of discontent. Mahathir also greatly expanded educational opportunities for Malay women – by 2000 half of all university students were women. To find jobs for all these new Malay graduates, the government created several agencies for intervention in the economy. The most important of these were PERNAS (National Corporation Ltd), PETRONAS (National Petroleum Ltd), and HICOM (Heavy Industry Corporation of Malaysia), which not only directly employed many Malays but also invested in growing areas of the economy to create new technical and administrative jobs which were preferentially allocated to Malays. As a result, the share of Malay equity in the economy rose from 1.5 percent in 1969 to 20.3 percent in 1990, the percentage of businesses of all kinds owned by Malays rose from 39 percent to 68 percent. This latter figure was deceptive because many businesses that appeared to be Malay-owned were still indirectly controlled by Chinese, but there is no doubt that the Malay share of the economy considerably increased. The Chinese remained disproportionately powerful in Malaysian economic life, but by 2000 the distinction between Chinese and Malay business was fading as many new corporations, particularly in growth sectors such as information technology, were owned and managed by people from both ethnic groups. Malaysia’s rapid economic progress since 1970, which was only temporarily disrupted by the Asian financial crisis of 1997, has not been matched by change in Malaysian politics. The repressive measures passed in 1970 remain in place. Malaysia has had regular elections since 1974, and although campaigning is reasonably free at election time, it is in effect a one-party state, with the UMNO-controlled National Front usually winning nearly all the seats, while the DAP wins some Chinese urban seats and the PAS some rural Malay ones. Since the DAP and the

PAS have diametrically opposed policies, they have been unable to form an effective opposition coalition. There is almost no criticism of the government in the media and public protest remains severely restricted. The ISA continues to be used to silence dissidents, and the members of the UMNO youth movement are deployed to physically intimidate opponents. Under Mahathir’s long Prime Ministership (1981-2003), Malaysia’s political culture became increasingly authoritarian, culminating in the dismissal and imprisonment on unsubstantiated charges of the Deputy Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, in 1997 after an internal dispute within the government. The complicity of the judiciary in this piece of persecution was seen as a particularly clear sign of the decline of Malaysian democracy. The Anwar affair led to the formation of a new party, the People's Justice Party , or Keadilan, led by Anwar’s wife, Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail. At the 1999 elections Keadilan formed a coalition with the DAP and the PAS known as the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif). The result of this was that the PAS won a number of Malay seats from UMNO, but many Chinese voters disapproved of this unnatural alliance with the Islamist PAS, causing the DAP to lose many of its seats to the MCA, including that of its veteran leader, Lim Kit Siang. Wan Azizah won her husband’s former constituency in Penang but otherwise Keadilan made little impact. Mahathir retired in 2003, and his successor, Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, freed Anwar and allowed him to go abroad, which was seen as a portent of a mild liberalisation. At the 2004 election, the National Front led by Abdullah had a massive victory, virtually wiping out the PAS and Keadilan, although the DAP recovered the seats it had lost in 1999. This victory was seen as the result mainly of Abdullah's personal popularity and the strong recovery of Malaysia’s economy, which has lifted the living standards of most Malaysians to almost first world standards, coupled with an ineffective opposition. The government's objective is for Malaysia to become a fully developed country by 2020 as expressed in Wawasan 2020. It leaves unanswered, however, the question of when and how Malaysia will acquire a first world political system (a multi-party democracy, a free press, an independent judiciary and the restoration of civil and political liberties) to go with its new economic maturity. On November 2007 Malaysia was rocked by two anti-government rallies. 2007 Bersih Rally numbering 40,000 strong was held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on November 10 campaigning for electoral reform. It was precipitated by allegations of corruption and discrepancies in the Malaysian election system that heavily favor the ruling political party, Barisan Nasional, which has been in power since Malaysia achieved its independence in 1957 The 2007 HINDRAF rally was a rally held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on November 25. The rally organizer, the Hindu Rights Action Force, had called the protest over alleged discriminatory policies which favour ethnic Malays. The crowd estimated to be between 5,000 to 30,000. In both cases the government and police were heavy handed and tried to prevent the gatherings from taking place.

Malaysia warns India about meddling
Dec 1, 2007 http://tvnz.co.nz/view/page/5%2036641/1469755 Malaysia has told India not to meddle in its internal affairs after New Delhi expressed concerns over the treatment of ethnic Indians in Muslim-majority Malaysia. Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar said the government would deal with citizens according to

its own laws and no other country should interfere, the Star newspaper reported on Saturday. Last Sunday, more than 10,000 Malaysian Indians staged the community's biggest antigovernment protest, sparked by anger over policies they say prevent them from getting decent jobs or a good education for their children. Police used tear gas and water canons to disperse the protesters, many of them Tamils with their roots in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, sparking outrage and demands from Tamil politicians that New Delhi intervene. "If they break any law, it is our right to deal with them in accordance with Malaysian laws," Syed Hamid was quoted as saying. India said on Friday it was concerned about the treatment of ethnic Indians in Malaysia and had taken up with Kuala Lumpur accusations that protesters from the community had been harassed. "The government remains deeply solicitous for the welfare of people of Indian origin living abroad," Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee told parliament. "We have friendly relations with Malaysia and we are in touch with the Malaysian authorities in the related matter," he said. Multi-racial Malaysia has denied claims it mistreated ethnic Indians, saying that they were better off than those in India. Ethnic Indians form 7% of Malaysia's 26 million people. New Delhi's expression of solidarity came as the Hindu rights group behind Sunday's protest said its leader had left for India before heading to London, Geneva, Brussels and Washington to lobby for international support. The Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) said its chairman, P. Waythamoorthy, left Malaysia on Wednesday "in the light of the crackdown and threats of detention without trial". He is expected to meet Indian leaders including the foreign minister and chief minister of Tamil Nadu. Separately, one private immigration agency in Malaysia said an unusually large number of Malaysian Indians had inquired about migrating to Australia after Sunday's protest. "This week the phone has not stopped ringing," said Louis Lovestrand, director at Global Migration Solutions Sdn Bhd, a firm specialising in Australian migration and visas. "There's been an unusual rush," he said.

Malaysia bans Indian recruitment
by Sahil Nagpal January 8th, 2008 http://www.topnews.in/malaysia-bans-indian-recruitment-212547 Malaysia has suspended the recruitment of workers from India amid growing domestic ethnic tensions. An official said that the ban came into effect a fortnight ago and applied to all categories of workers, including professionals. Indian workers already in Malaysia will not have their work visas renewed, the official said. Ethnic Indians held a series of protests late last year over alleged social and economic discrimination. In an article in the website littleindia. com, Zafar Anjum writes that Malaysia's 1.8 million Indian population, represents almost eight percent of the country's total population of 22 million. Until it was displaced by Indian Americans a few years ago, the Malaysian Indian community was the largest Indian community in the world. Nearly 90 percent of Malaysian Indians are of South Indian origin, principally Tamilians, Malayalis and Telugus. Today, the Indian community in Malaysia, once largely a community of plantation workers, has become diversified with a sprinkling of entrepreneurs, intellectuals and technical professionals. Though the vast majority of Indians in Malaysia still lag behind Malays and Chinese in socioeconomic terms, the new immigrants are slowly affecting change. The new Indian immigrants, mostly technology professionals, and the strides made by the tiny Malaysian Indian middle class have given Indians in Malaysia a facelift. The migration of Indians, mainly Tamils and Telugus, to Malaysia started in the second half of the 19th century, primarily as indentured laborers, who were brought by the British to work on plantations, roads, railway lines and ports. The second wave of Indians came as auxiliaries, mostly from North India, as part of the police force and security services. About the same time also came Indians from Kerala and Sri Lankan Tamils from Jaffna to work as clerks and subordinate civil servants. The third stream of immigrants came as traders, most predominant among these were the Chettiars, a South Indian moneylending caste. The latest wave of Indian immigration started toward the end of the last century when Malaysia, like its neighbour Singapore, began looking at India as a source for knowledge economy professionals. Some of the poorest labourers in Malaysia are Indians, living a hand to mouth existence. In 2000, TimeAsia reported that Indians have the lowest share of the nation's corporate wealth: 1.5 percent compared to 19.4 percent for the Malays and 38.5 percent for the Chinese. The

highest rate of suicide of any community is among Indians. Gangsterism and violent crime is largely associated with Indians. In 1994, 128 of the 377 murders committed in Malaysia were by Indians. Some 15 percent of the Indians in the capital are squatters. (ANI)

Malaysia bans recruitment of Indian workers
8 Jan 2008, AP http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Indians_Abroad/Malaysia_bans_recruitment_of_Indian_workers/ar ticleshow/2683407.cms
KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysia has frozen the recruitment of Indian workers, including temple priests, sculptors and musicians, an official said Tuesday, in a move apparently linked to an unrest by Malaysia's ethnic Indians. The decision, made by the Cabinet on Dec. 18, became public the day India's Defence Minister AK Antony ended a three-day visit, which both sides hailed as a boost to rapidly growing bilateral relations, including military links. The decision was not conveyed to Antony during his talks with Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak and Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar, and apparently caught the Indian High Commission by surprise. The Cabinet decision was made December 18, but was not officially announced. It was confirmed by a Home Ministry official only when reporters called for clarification on a statement by a religious group that Indian temple workers were being denied permission to work in Malaysia. The Indian High Commission said it in touch with the “authorities concerned on the reported circular.'' It did not elaborate. The Home Ministry official said Indians workers who are already in the country will be allowed to carry on, but their permits will not be renewed. He said the ban is related to a recent unrest by the country's minority ethnic Indians, who are demanding racial equality in the Muslim majority country. The official also spoke on condition of anonymity, citing protocol. About 140,000 Indians from India work in Malaysia, constituting the third largest foreign work force. Most work in low-paying jobs as waiters, barbers and gardeners. however, some hold top professional posts in banks and information technology industries. The ban did not specify whether professionals were also included, but the order is believed to cover all categories of workers from India, the Home Ministry official said. He said the three categories of Hindu temple workers were singled out in the order because some of them were believed to have fanned emotional anger in the local Indian community through their sermons and support. About 20,000 ethnic Indians, most of whom are Hindus, demonstrated on the streets on Nov. 25 in a rare and open challenge to the government. Subsequently, the government jailed the top five leaders of the group that organized the protest, the Hindu Rights Action Force, or Hindraf. Hindraf angered the Malaysian government when its chairman fled the country after the Nov. 25 protest and lobbied for support among Indian politicians. India has said the unrest is Malaysia' affair, but has also said it is concerned about the welfare of all ethnic Indians in the world.

Ethnic Indians in Malaysia say they face discrimination in jobs, education and business because of an affirmative action program for the majority Malays, who are Muslims. The Indian also say their religious rights are being trampled by Islamic officials. Malays form about 60 per cent of Malaysia's 27 million people while ethnic Indians are 8 per cent. Malaysia barred employers from recruiting Bangladeshi workers in October following problems sparked by labour agents who leave the migrants stranded on arrival. There are some 200,000 Bangladeshi workers now in Malaysia. Malaysia relies heavily on foreigners for menial work and is one of Southeast Asia's top labour markets, with 2.2 million registered migrant workers out of its 11 million work force. Hundreds of thousands more work illegally in the country.

Indian tourists spent $24 million in Malaysia this year
http://feeds.bignewsnetwork.com/?sid=%20313328

IANS

Saturday 29th December, 2007

Indian tourists have spent nearly $24 million (RM 724.7 million) in Malaysia this year. The number of tourists from India to Malaysia continued to grow. Till September this year, there were 315,000 visitors, compared to 270,000 last year, a local newspaper Tamil Nesan reported Saturday. The increase in tourists was due to 'irresistible travel packages and competitive rates,' the report said. Malaysia Tourism Promotion Board Director for India P. Manoharan said his agency has successfully marketed Malaysia as an exciting and affordable tourist destination, which helped to draw more Indians here, mainly in the year-end. He said the uncompromising hospitality industry and affordable hotel rates, scenic vistas and a friendly cosmopolitan population were the major draws. Indian destinations become expensive during the holiday season, as more foreign tourists visit the country and non-resident Indians return home for festivals and marriages, he said. He said it was far more expensive for Indians to go for local holidays at this time, as demands are high. It would cost them 30-40 percent less to come to Malaysia, he said. Malaysian Indian Business Association President P. Sivakumar has urged the government to have a quota system for employment of Indians in the government sector, media reports said.

The state of ethnic Indians in Malaysia today…

Malaysia charges 26 ethnic Indians

Associated Press Tuesday, December 4, 2007 (Kuala Lumpur) http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/story.aspx?id=NEWEN20070034896&ch=12/4/2007+7: 07:00+PM Twenty-six ethnic Indians have been charged with attempted murder in connection with an antidiscrimination rally in Malaysia last month, a lawyer said on Tuesday. The defendants pleaded innocent to charges of attempting to kill a police officer during a clash at a temple compound outside Kuala Lumpur on Nov 25, said lawyer M Manoharan Malayalam. The rally, involving 10,000 people, was the largest protest in at least a decade involving Indians, the country's second-largest minority population after ethnic Chinese. They had demanded equality and fair treatment in Muslim-majority Malaysia. ''It's very shocking,'' Manoharan told The Associated Press. ''This is a clear victimisation of the Indians by bringing forth a malicious prosecution that is race-based.'' Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail said the policeman received stitches on his head after being attacked with bricks and iron pipes. ''This has nothing to do with race,'' he told the AP. ''We follow the law. It applies to everyone under the sun.''

Manoharan said the 26 Indians were earlier arrested during the rally and about half of them have already been charged for illegal assembly. They were released on bail but police rearrested them at their homes before dawn today in a surprise raid, he said. They face up to 20 years in prison if found guilty, he added. Indians, which make up eight per cent of the country's 27 million people, say they suffer discrimination because of an affirmative action policy that favours the majority Malay Muslims in jobs, education, business and government contracts. Allegations of marginalisation The Malaysia-based Hindu Rights Action Force (HRAF) on Tuesday said Prime Minister Manmohan Singh should engage his counterpart in the South East Asian country Abdullah Ahmad Badawi in dialogue to discuss the allegations of ''marginalisation'' of ethnic Indians there. ''Malaysia is economically dependent on India, a fact which India can use to engage them in a dialogue and Singh should talk to his counterpart,'' founder-chairman of HRAF P Wayda Murthy told reporters here. Referring to the assertions by Malaysian ministers that the agitation launched by ethnic Indians, mainly Tamils, was an internal affair of that country, Murthy, who is camping here for the past few weeks after he was released from detention by Malaysian Police, said there should be international pressure on Kuala Lumpur to respect human rights. Murthy has already met Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi and sought his support for their movement. He said he wanted the countries in the world to ask Malaysia about the ''human rights violations'' as it was a member in the United Nations. ''Malaysia is a member in the UN and therefore answerable to others. We want the international community to ask Malaysia about the human rights violations on the basis of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948,'' he said. (With agency inputs)

The ones that should be blamed are those people who got rich and neglect to contribute back to the community. This are the reasons on why chinese and indians are so different economically in Malaysia. Even in India, these capitalist minded individuals cause a huge gap between the rich and poor. But the chinese in contrast had a huge sense for community. They set up education

fund, business funds and employ people from their own community. The Chinese never relied on the government for anything. As for preferential treatment of the Malays, it only provides subsidy to the Malays. If they remove that, it simply means that nobody gets anything from the govt. The Indians are merely protesting out of jealousy. Posted by meson at 10:4 on Dec 9, 2007

Get your facts right about Malaysia before making judgements. I am a minority in Malaysia but I still get free education. These bunch of people do not represent the majority Indians in Malaysia. If you want them, take them back and never step their dirty feet on Malaysia again!! Posted by Jarod at 10:17 on Dec 8, 2007 Affirmative action is for the disadvantaged. How a majority community is viewed as disadvantaged beats imagination. If preferential treatment is being granted to a particular community which is in the majority , it means - positive discrimination against the minority. It is a Human Rights Issue. These people are Malaysian citizens and as their minister points out its an internal issue pertaining to their own citizens. So why are their own citizens being discriminated against.How is it different from what happened in Kosovo. Posted by mukesh at 8:36 on Dec 5, 2007 What was that policio was doing? Attacking Indians? Arresting Indians? In Sudan the British Bear Mohhamed was released but never charged with murder. Why these Mohammedias in Majority always expert in Murder & Mayhem? Mn Mohan of India must tell Mohammed of Malayasia not to persecute Hindus much less charge them, incarcerate and murder them in name of Allah & Laws- do they know what they barketh? Posted by drmadhani at 4:36 on Dec 5, 2007 Mr. jay, I do agree to certain things that you have said however the people who migrate abroad have so far saved the country from collapsing on financial grounds numerous times in last many years otherwise India has been a country of poor and idiots. Last few years have been an exception but India has always looked to its people settled abroad to bail it out from crisis because we hardly had any leaders at any time who could make this country strong on its own. Look at the type of people who have been governing this country and various states in so many years, do you find even one people who was a leader of world scale who could attract any respect from any foreign forums. See what we are hearing now, our ministers are not even allowed to meet foreign ministers when we visit those countries. That’s the reality of India and its place in global affairs, but we Indians are loud mouth sycophants, and always busy in self praise.

Posted by satty at 3:51 on Dec 5, 2007

No Matter what Govt. Of India must set an example and defend its people it happens with US and China if you don't value your people think of what the world thinks about us as a race and ties our origins with a coward nation..... esp now that India has made a mark as a nation with great prospective upholding dignity and respect of its people in any land is very essesntial Posted by nayana at 0:25 on Dec 5, 2007 These people migrated and then took citizenship of Malaysia for a better future. Now they will try their best to migrate to another “better” country like Australia. If Australia faces some trouble in future, they will be the first one to desert Australia and take citizenship of another country, if possible. They are the last person to share the responsibility to build a country or society, be it India or Malaysia or USA or UK. We must not force our own citizens to bear the responsibility for such highly opportunist people. If they were Indian citizen, India would have the responsibility to rescue them. But that is not the case here. Posted by B. B. Goel at 23:58 on Dec 4, 2007 Those Indian origin people are parasites to every country. We see many such Indian origin people in EU, US as well. They (or their forefathers) migrated to Malaysia and then voluntarily accepted citizenship of that country for a better future. Now they are citizens of that country and should take responsibility to solve their internal problems (if they think there is a problem). They always play India card and try to exploit Indian sentiment when it's beneficial for them. If they get the chance, they will migrate to Australia or any other country. India is last in their destination list. They must understand inherent problems and responsibilities to become a citizen of another country and carry out their duties towards that country. And India must not waste tax payers’ money to rescue such people. Posted by jay at 21:10 on Dec 4, 2007

POLITICS-MALAYSIA: Activists Unfazed by Anti-Terror Act Arrests By Baradan Kupusamy

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=40473 KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 14 (IPS) -2007 By arresting five lawyers for taking out a peaceful march, under the internal security act (ISA), Prime Minister

Abdullah Badawi’s government may have invited intensified opposition to the draconian, colonial period law. On Monday, the Movement to Ban ISA, a coalition of 87 non government organisations (NGOs) will organise a rally in complete defiance to warnings that no public protest will be tolerated. "The use of the ISA is completely indefensible and we will protest publicly to show the authorities and government how we feel," said Syed Ibrahim Syed Noh, of the coalition, called GMI in its Malay acronym. "ISA is a cruel and arbitrary law that creates a situation conducive for torture and illtreatment," he said speaking with IPS. "The ISA blatantly contradicts international human rights standards." Badawi, long extolled as the 'gentle father of the nation' has shown a tougher side by unleashing riot police to break up public protests, even mild ones by a group of about a dozen lawyers walking to mark Rights Day on Dec. 10. The new tough approach that deems all public show of protest as a ‘threat to national security’ culminated in the arrest on Thursday of five ethnic Indian lawyers who were the brains behind the Nov. 25 protest by the minority against alleged official marginalisation. In a late morning operation officers from the intelligence wing of the national police arrested the five from their homes or offices in the capital and immediately drove them 300km north to the Kamunting Detention Camp, where political prisoners are held indefinitely without trial. The five, members of the Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF), a non-government organisation (NGO) were arrested under the Internal Security Act or ISA, a repressive colonial-era law, after Abdullah declared, a day earlier, that the public protests were "threats to national security." HINDRAF alleges that the Indian-Tamil minority has been marginalised and suffer from poverty, deprivation and a Malay-first policy that see few benefits coming their way. National Police Chief Musa Hassan said in a statement that the five will be put away for two years in the detention camp. He also refused to rule out more arrest in the days ahead. The detention can be extended for two-years at a time at the government's sole discretion and cannot be challenged in court. SUARAM, the noted Malaysian rights group, said 84 people are currently being held

under the ISA in Kamunting. One man was detained for 17 years before he was released, SUARAM said, urging the government to release the five Hindraf leaders. "People are shocked and disgusted by the action," said Sivarasah Rasiah, a human rights lawyer who has represented scores of ISA detainees and is founder of SUARAM. "There is simply no justification to use the ISA," he told IPS. "They protested peacefully. They should be either charged in court or released immediately." "The history of the ISA reveals that many detainees were subjected to torture, inhumane and degrading treatments, especially during the first few weeks of detention," he added. The five lawyers for Hindraf were led by Uthayakumar Ponnusamy, 46, who has been campaigning to improve the social and economic conditions of ethnic Indians since 1998 but has been labelled by the authorities as an extremist whose actions are a danger to Malaysia's multi-ethnic society. Waythamoorthy Ponnusamy, the younger brother of Uthayakumar, is in London after a campaign in India last week to drum up support for Hindraf and bring international pressure on the Malaysian government. "They can arrest all of us but they cannot suppress our protest. They cannot deny that Indians are marginalised and live like slaves in their own country," Waythamoorthy said in a telephone interview from London. Ponnusamy plans to open a Hindraf office in London to help keep up international pressure on the government to offer ethnic Indians a "new deal" so that they too can prosper like other races in Malaysia. Ethnic Indians make up about eight percent of the country's 27 million people and are at the bottom of the social and economic scale. Malays comprise some 60 percent and control the government while ethnic Chinese are about a quarter of the population and dominate business. "The latest ISA arrests are a huge step backwards for democracy," said Aliran, an influential social reform movement in a statement condemning the use of the ISA. "Nobody should be detained without trial. Detaining them under this undemocratic law will not resolve the underlying causes of the grievances and disillusionment that have been expressed by the Hindraf leaders which have struck a chord among Indian Malaysians," Aliran said. "It is the fear of the eroding loss of confidence that has driven the government to take this desperate action.’’ United States President George W. Bush’s administration has also expressed hope that the ISA detainees will be provided full protection of the law and given due

process. In reply to a question, state department spokesman Sean McCormack was reported saying that the U.S. expects that they would be accorded all rights due to any citizen and that this be done in a speedy and transparent manner. "I will also reiterate that it is our firm position that those individuals who want to peacefully express themselves in a political forum or any other forum should be allowed to do so," McCormack said. Activists said the expression of concern by the U.S. government were a boost to the democracy movement. Hindraf has launched a signature campaign to urge the government to release the five. Over 70,000 have signed the petition on the first day. Hindraf is also protesting by holding special prayers in all Hindu temples in the country and is urging leaders of other faiths to join in solidarity with ethnic Indians in their prayer protest. Human rights lawyers also said the arrests failed to cow them. Activists have formally asked the National Human Rights Commission to investigate and hold an inquiry into the government crackdown on dissent and urged quick release of the five ISA detainees. The use of the ISA came in the wake of a month-long campaign in the national government controlled media to brand any form of dissent as a "threat to national security’’. Dissenters were branded traitors, extremists and accused of "developing links with terrorists’’. Opposition party supporters were charged for various implausible offences and refused bail.

Malaysia detains ethnic Indians under security law
By Clarence Fernandez and Jahabar Sadiq Reuters http://www.iht.com/articles/reuters/2007/12/13/asia/OUKWD-UK-MALAYSIAARRESTS.php Published: December 13, 2007
KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysia invoked a tough internal-security law on Thursday to indefinitely detain five ethnic Indian activists from a group that had staged a mass anti-government protest last month. The deputy internal security minister said the five, from the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), had been detained for up to two years because their actions had threatened national security. Early last month, Hindraf stunned the government by bringing more than 10,000 ethnic Indians onto the streets of

the capital to complain of racial discrimination. "They can be held for two years for sedition and also for carrying out activities that threaten national security," Deputy Internal Security Minister Johari Baharom was quoted as saying by state news agency Bernama. One of those detained was a Hindraf leader, lawyer P. Uthayakumar, who had already been charged with sedition for alleging that Malaysia practised "ethnic cleansing" of Indians, who make up about 7 percent of the population. "They said they were arresting him under the ISA (Internal Security Act), but they didn't say where they were taking him," said Shantha, who answered Uthayakumar's mobile phone after news of the detentions and said she was his secretary. The Hindraf Web site named the other detainees as M. Manoharan, R. Kengadharan, B. Ganabathi Rao and Vasanthan. "We appeal to all our supporters to remain calm and do not listen to any rumours or untruth that may be spread to break our unity," said a statement on the Web site. "We call upon all supporters to organise nationwide prayers in temples, houses etc. for the speedy release of our leaders." RACIAL TENSIONS Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who came to power four years ago promising more transparent and open government, had said this week he would have no trouble signing a detention order to ensure public security and national stability. The Hindraf rally was one of two mass protests last month. A separate crowd of around 10,000 people had earlier turned out on the streets of the capital to demand fairer elections, amid expectations of a snap poll by March 2008. But the Indian rally, though largely peaceful, aroused deep concerns within government, and also among many ordinary Malaysians, because of the country's history of tense and sometimes explosively violent race relations. In 2001, five people were killed and 37 wounded in riots between majority ethnic Malays and Indians which began after an Indian kicked a chair over at a Malay wedding. In 1969, hundreds were killed in rioting between Malays and ethnic Chinese. A source in the Special Branch, the police force's intelligence arm, said on Thursday that Hindraf's protests and allegations of ethnic cleansing at the hands of a Malay-dominated government had angered many Malays, who are all Muslims. Police were keeping a close watch on Malay activists and mosques, the source told Reuters. "This is a multiracial country and it takes little to upset the balance," said the source, who declined to be named. But the opposition has accused the government of using the spectre of racial violence as an excuse to crack down on peaceful dissent, noting that police were enforcing a blanket ban on all forms of anti-government protest, regardless of the issue. "We condemn these arrests," said Lim Guan Eng, head of the opposition Democratic Action Party. "It is a desperate act of last resort and if the government has any evidence, it should charge them in an open court.

"We urge the government to seek national reconciliation, not confrontation with disaffected, marginalised and dispossessed Malaysians." (Additional reporting by Jalil Hamid; Writing by Mark Bendeich; Editing by Alex Richardson)

Ethnic Indians in Malaysia go on hunger strike to protest leaders' detention
The Associated Press Published: January 21, 2008
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2008/01/21/asia/AS-GEN-Malaysia-Hunger-Strike.php KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia: Five detained ethnic Indian activists began a hunger strike Monday to protest their imprisonment and the alleged discrimination faced by Indians in predominantly Muslim Malaysia. Supporters of the five jailed members of the Hindu Rights Action Force, or Hindraf, joined the hunger strike at two different temples, said one of the detainees' lawyers, N. Surendran. Hindraf has demanded an end to government policies that marginalize Indians and the release of the five men, who are being held under a law allowing indefinite detention without trial. The men were arrested after organizing a mass rally on Nov. 25. Among those joining the hunger strike was V. Raidu, a brother of one of the detained activists. "They do it inside (the detention center). We do it outside," he said. "We are planning to do it for five days — one day for each member." Raidu said he and about 10 other supporters were planning to take only water but no food for five days while staying at one of the temples outside the capital, Kuala Lumpur. It was not immediately clear how many people started the hunger strike at the other temple. About 20,000 Indians took part in the November protest that demanded racial equality in this multiethnic country, where Muslim Malays make up 60 percent of the 27 million people. Ethnic Chinese are the second largest group, comprising 25 percent of the population, while ethnic Indians, most of whom are Hindus, make up 8 percent. R.S. Thanenthiran, a Hindraf coordinator, said Hindus at a temple in the northern town of Ipoh had also joined the strike. Indians have complained about the destruction of their temples by authorities and affirmative action policies, designed to bring the Malays on par with the wealthier Chinese, but deny Indians job, business and education opportunities. On Sunday Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi addressed about 10,000 Indians at a government-organized rally, promising his administration would eradicate poverty by 2010. He also said the Indian religious festival of Thaipusam on Wednesday would be a public holiday in more states in an apparent bid to appease Indian concerns. But Hindraf supporters said the government is skirting the real issue of Indian marginalization.

The prime minister "is just giving bones to his dog to keep him tame," said one supporter who declined to be named.

Hindraf appeals to India for support http://indiainteracts.com/members/2007/12/10/Hindr af-appeals-to-India-for-support/
Kuala Lumpur: Having "exhausted" all legal avenues and other channels against alleged marginalisation, Hindraf, spearheading the protests by ethnic Indians in Malaysia, has appealed to New Delhi to stop the "ethnic cleansing" in the Muslim-dominated nation. Hindraf had exhausted all legal avenues and all channels. "So we are going international. Now I want to go to mother country (Indian) to ask for help, what else can we do, where else do we go," P Uttayakumar, a founder member of the Hindu Rights Action Front (Hindraf), told PTI in an interview in Kuala Lumpur. The lawyer-turned activist said ethnic Indians here were by and large "fear riddled, timid and scared", but the largest ever demonstration by the community last month showed that they wanted to be free from years of oppression and be heard. "To me it is 50 years of marginalisation, suppression and oppression. It has been years of permanent colonisation of Indians in Malaysia. The floodgates just broke with the demonstration," Uttayakumar said. Sitting behind a desk piled up with files and with the statuette of a blindfolded woman carrying scales of justice, Uttayakumar said the government was persecuting Hindraf for leading the protest. "That is why they are persecuting and prosecuting Hindraf supporters," the lawyer said as his phones continuously rang. He defended his statement about "ethnic cleansing of Indians in Malaysia" which had sparked angry reaction from the ruling party saying the situation was worse than the one in Bosnia where members of a community were selectively killed. "In ethnic cleansing 'a la Malaysia' it is worse because you are living and suffering," Uttayakumar said. Uttayakumar alleged that Hindu temples were relocated near sewerage tanks and Indians were not given opportunities or had no upward mobility. A police crackdown on at least 10,000 people during the November 25 protest against the alleged marginalisation of ethnic Indians had sparked uproar with India summoning the Malaysian envoy. Malaysian government has vehemently rejected allegations of discrimination against the community with Minister of Works Samy Velu, himself an ethnic-Indian, saying that the unemployed members were either "lazy or choosy. He also alleged that were lured by money to join the anti-government protest. Uttayakumar, however, denied that the large turnout at the rally could have been prompted by people's hopes of getting a million US dollars each. "The November 25 rally caught the government by shock. I believe they would take stock but to what extent we have to wait and see," the Hindraf founder said, adding "we are asking for a change in mindset. We want to meet the prime minister." "We will close down Hindraf if anyone can show that we promised them millions of dollars," he said. He

said that his brother Wyathamoorthy had in his speeches across the country to ethnic Indians talked about the four trillion dollar demand but not promised any money. Uttayakumar said the 31 Indians arrested on charges of attempted murder after the protest near Batu caves "did not make any sense." "These people were all inside the temple praying and 500 policemen were outside. How could 31 people attempt to murder one policeman," he asked. The protesters wanted to march to the British High Commission to hand over a memorandum. The memorandum blamed the British for bringing Indians to Malaya 200 years ago as indentured labourers and exploiting them. "The memorandum asked the British Government to give the ethnic Indians in Malaysia British citizenship or give four trillion US dollars in compensation," Uttayakumar said. This amounts to almost one million dollars per Indian in this country. He felt India could help ethnic Indians secure seats in Medical and IT institutions there and offer scholarships to Malaysian Indians for IT training. He felt that if India offered a dual citizenship with a repatriation clause "many lower rung Malaysian Indians may want to go back and live with dignity there." He added that he was proud to be a Malaysian Indian. Malaysian activist asks India to impose sanctions New Delhi: India should impose trade sanctions on Malaysia to pressurize the latter to adopt affirmative policies to improve the conditions of its citizens of Indian origin, says a Malaysian leader of a movement demanding better opportunities for Indians. P Waytha Moorthy, president of Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), was one of the chief organisers of a protest by Indian origin Malaysians Nov 25 in Kuala Lumpur against alleged government discriminatory policies, which was met with stiff resistance from the authorities. The protest march was also in support a $4 trillion lawsuit filed in London in August by Hindraf, demanding that Britain compensate Malaysian Indians for bringing their ancestors to the country as indentured labourers and exploiting them. Along with his elder brother and another lawyer, Waytha Moorthy was charged with sedition and then discharged. But, there are now reports that the prosecution may be again filing charges against them in a higher court. Meanwhile, Waytha Moorthy has made India the first stop in his multi-national journey across United Kingdom, Netherlands and United States to garner pressure against the Malaysian government. Earlier, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had said that the issue was a matter of concern. But, Waytha Moorthy said, "India could do much more". "As an outsider, India is an economic superpower. I can tell you that Malaysia respects India due to business interest," he said, urging India to impose trade embargo against the Southeast Asian country. Moorthy believed that it would not be interference in Malaysia's internal affairs. "It is a member of United Nations and if there is any violation in any state, then the international community should take action," said the Malaysian Indian lawyer. He also asked Human Rights groups to send fact finding missions to Malaysia, as well as petition the Malaysian Attorney General to drop charges of attempt to murder against the 31 Indians. The lawyer-turned-activist asserted that he was a Malaysian first. "While our parents may consider themselves immigrants, we are born and brought up in Malaysia and therefore want to fight for our rights," he stressed. Waytha Moorthy had earlier in Chennai met with the Tamil Nadu chief minister, K Karunanidhi, his daughter and leaders of AIADMK and MDMK. After arriving in New Delhi, he met BJP leaders, L. K.

Advani and Jaswant Singh. "I briefed Mr. Advani about our plight and he told me that he will take it up," he said, but added that he was unable to meet Congress leaders so far. He leaves Friday for London. Indian-origin citizens constitute eight percent of the population in Malaysia. Several Malaysian Indians activists claim that Indians have been at a disadvantage at various levels due to affirmative policies for Malays since Independence. No threat to Tamils in Malaysia, say Tamil writers Coimbatore: There is absolutely no threat to Tamils or their language in Malaysia, according to a group of ethnic Tamil writers from that country. Though Indians were arrested in Malaysia for taking out a procession without permission, there was "no threat to Tamil language and Tamils in our country," P Rajendran, president of Tamil Writers Association, told reporters here tonight. Tamils, constituting about 85 to 90 per cent of 20 lakh Indians in Malaysia, were safe as of now, Rajendran, who was heading a 34-member delegation, which is on a visit to the state to spread Malaysian Tamil Literature and culture, said. When asked about the attitude of the government towards Tamil, he said, "with 523 Tamil schools, we have the liberty to study Tamil from the elementary level to Phd." Asked whether Tamils were totally happy there, Rajendran said that though Indians were happy, there existed some problems and demands, as was in any other country. In a fast develping country like Malaysia, the schemes and benefits were not equally distributed among all the population he said, adding, "it (demands) has come out in the open, since Indian-origin people are in minority." The comments came in the backdrop of Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi taking up the issue of marginalisation of ethnic Tamils in Malaysia with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, which drew angry reactions from Malaysian Minister Nazri Aziz who asked the DMK chief to "lay-off". The writers' association has plans to go to Sri Lanka and European Countries, where Tamils live in large numbers, Karthigesu, its vice president said.

Lets stop supporting Malaysia with our tourist rupees until it stops gagging its minority Indian population and start treating all Indians with the respect they deserve.