Octavian and the Thunderbolt: The Temple of Apollo Palatinus and Roman Traditions of Temple Building Author(s): Olivier

Hekster and John Rich Source: The Classical Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 1 (May, 2006), pp. 149-168 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4493394 . Accessed: 22/04/2013 07:02
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Classical 56.1 149-168(2006)Printed in GreatBritain Quarterly doi: 10.1017/S0009838806000127

149

OCTAVIAN AND THE THUNDERBOLT: THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO PALATINUS AND ROMAN TRADITIONS OF TEMPLE BUILDING
In 36 B.C. Octavian announcedhis intentionof buildinga new templeto Apollo next to his house on the south-westedge of the PalatineHill, and in 28 he dedicatedthe Excavations conducted completedtemplewith its associatedporticoesand libraries. in the area in the 1950s and 1960s confirmedthe identificationof the temple's remainsand revealedthe adjacentportionof Augustus'house. However, the excavationswereneverfullypublished, and muchremains uncertain aboutthe topography of the sanctuary.' The magnificence of the sanctuary's buildingsand artworksis vividlyevokedin In recentscholarship Propertius' descriptionand in many other ancientallusions.2 therehas beenmuchdiscussionof the symbolism of its visualprogramme and of the of its location.3 had chosenfor his house a site with significance Octavian/Augustus with Romulus,whose powerfulassociationswith Rome'searliestpast, in particular hut stood nearby. The houseitself wasrelatively modest,but he sharedit with reputed the god who was his particularpatron, an association of sanctuaryand ruler's residence is reminiscent of Hellenistic that, as Zankerhas observed, palaces. One aspect that has attractedrelativelylittle discussion is Octavian'soriginal decisionto foundthe temple.This paperoffersa closerexamination of this decision of the Roman traditions of foundation. It will be shown against background temple
G. Carettoni, 'I problemi dellazona augustea del Palatinoalla luce dei reports: 1 Excavation recentiscavi',Rend Pont.Acc. 39 (1966-67),55-65, and 'Roma-Le costruzioni di Augustoe il Arch. Laz. 1(1978), 72-4. Recent discussions L. Richardson, include: tempiodi ApollosulPalatino',
Jr, A New Topographical Dictionaryof AncientRome (Baltimoreand London, 1992), 14; P. Gros, in E. M. Steinby, Lexicon TopographicumUrbis Romae [hereafterLTUR], 1.54-7; L. Balensiefen,

zu Aufbauund Lageder Danaidenhalle auf dem Palatin', 'Uberlegungen MDAI(R) 102 (1995),
Guide(Oxford, 1998), 131; 189-209; A. Claridge,LTUR 5.225, and Rome: An OxfordArchaeological
2

M. A. Tomei, e il portico delleDanaidi', MEFRA 112(2000),557-610. See 'I restidelarcodi Ottavio alson. 11. RG 19.1,24.2;Vell.2.81.3; Asc. 90C;Plin.NH 36.11,24-5, 32, 37.11; BJ 2.81; 3.1.59-64; Joseph. Suet.Aug.29.3,52.1;Dio 53.1.3; Serv. Aen.8.720. 'DerApollontempel auf dem Palatin', in Cittdie architettura nella Roma imperiale, 3 P. Zanker,
Anal. Rom., Suppl. 10 (1983), 21-40, and The Powerof Images in the Age of Augustus(Ann Arbor, Hor. Od 1.31; Prop. Eleg. 2.31; Verg. Aen. 8.720; Ov. Fast. 4.951-4, Ars. Am. 1.73-4, Trist.

andpropaganda in Augustan Rome: theTemple 1988),50-3, 85-9;B. Kellum, 'Sculptural programs of Apolloon the Palatine', in R. Winkes (ed.),TheAgeof Augustus (Louvain, 1985),169-76(repr.
in E. D'Ambra [ed.], Roman Art in Context. An Anthology[Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1993], 75-84); E. Simon, Augustus. Kunst und Leben in Rom um die Zeitenwende (Munich, 1986), 19-25; G. Carettoni, in Kaiser Augustusund die verlorene Republik(Berlin, 1988), 263-72; E. Lefivre, Das des Apollo-Tempels Bildprogramm auf dem Palatin(Konstanz, 1989);M. J. Strazzulla,Ilprincipatodi Apollo. Mito e propaganda nelle lastre 'Campane' dal tempio di Apollo Palatino (Rome, 1990); G. Sauron, Quis Deum?L'expression plastiquedes idWologies politiqueset religieusesa Rome (Rome, Introduction(Princeton, 1996), 1994), 501-10; G. K. Galinsky, Augustan Culture:An Interpretive 213-24; D. Kienast, Augustus;Prinzepsund Monarch(Darmstadt, 19993), 231-8; P Marchetti, 'Le (edd.), Constructions publiqueset programmesidilitairesen Greceentre le lie sikcleav. J-C et le ler siecle ap. J-C (Athens, 2001), 455-71.

substrat dorien de l'Apollon Palatin: de Romeala Grace et viceversa', in J.-Y. MarcandJ.-C. Moretti

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for the victory that the templewas not, as has often been supposed,a thank-offering Nor could in Sicily in the traditionof templesvowed by successfulcommanders. his patrongod nextto his houseat his own whim,for to do Octavian simplyestablish at a time when he was alreadyseekingto so would have been an act of arrogance whichservedhim so well of and the stance adopt republican legitimacy traditionalism in his final strugglewith Antony and as sole ruler.It will be arguedhere that in founding the temple Octaviandrew on traditionalpractice in the expiation of but radically adaptedit for his own purposes. prodigies,

I. THE PROCLAMATION OF 36 B.c. Octavian(or in reality his admiralAgrippa)won the decisivenaval victory over Octavianthen settled his Sextus Pompeiusat Naulochus on 3 September36 B.C.4 and in affairs Sicily, ousting Lepidus quelling a mutiny.5With this remaining where he held an ovation on 13 November, he to returned Rome, accomplished, This in than on foot the traditionalmanner.6 the on horseback rather entering city as a war against for what he represented lesser form of triumphwas appropriate slaves.7 Appian(BCiv.5.130-1.538-43)and CassiusDio (49.15-16)giveparallelnarratives honours.On he was votednumerous returnto Rome.Beforehis arrival of Octavian's arrivalhe made speechesto the senate and people, which Appian tells us he later the ending In thesehe recounted his achievements andpolicies,proclaimed published. He refused to the treasury. varioustaxesand cancelledarrears of civilwar,abolished someof the honoursdecreedand declinedto assumethe officeof PontifexMaximus, still held by Lepidus.The honoursaccepted,as listed by Appian,were the ovation, and the erection of the dayof the Naulochusvictoryas annualferiae, the declaration with prows adorned statue of a of a navalcolumn surmounted himself, by golden capturedin the battle and bearingthe inscription,'Peace,long disturbed,he reon land and sea'.8 established two furtherhonoursweredecreedfor Octavian.One relatedto the Subsequently, tribunicianpower. The claim of Appian and Orosius that he now receivedthe was in the tribunician wrong,but, if the honourconferred powerfor life is certainly and the right to sit on the more limitedtermsstatedby Dio, namelysacrosanctitas it.9Appianlinksthishonourto moves tribunes' benches,Octavian mayhaveaccepted by Octavianto re-establishrepublicanforms and a promise he made to secure of theirpowersand on his returnfromParthiafor the surrender Antony'sagreement
4 A. Degrassi, InscriptionesItaliae 13.3.506 = V. Ehrenberg and A. H. M. Jones, Documents Illustratingthe Reigns of Augustusand Tiberius(Oxford, 19552,repr.with addenda, 1976) [hereafter EJ], p. 51.

de de la guerre et son armeeau lendemain 'Octavien seenowG. Mundubeltz, 5 On theseevents Athenaeum 88 (2000),169-201. Sicile(36-35 av.J.-C.)', = EJ 34;RG4.1; Suet.Aug.22; J.W.Humphrey 6 Inscr. and M. Reinhold,'Res Ital. 13.1.569 ZPE 57 (1984),60-2. of Augustus', 4.1 andthe ovations Gestae
7 RG 25.1; J. Fugmann, 'Mare a praedonibus pacavi. Zum Gedanken der aemulatio in den Res Gestae des Augustus', Historia 40 (1991), 307-17. 8 The first two honours are confirmed by the sources listed at nn. 4, 6. The column may be

depictedat RIC 12Augustus271, but this may show one of the furthernavalcolumnserected afterActium(Serv.Georg. 3.29). of Augustus', 9 App.BCiv.5.132.548-9; Dio 49.15.5-6;H. M. Last,'Onthe tribuniciapotestas in 44, 36 and35 B.c.', 'Tribunician 84(1951),93-110;R. A. Bauman, RendIst. Lomb. sacrosanctity RhM 124(1981),166-83.

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AND THE THUNDERBOLT

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the restorationof 'the entire constitution'.Such a promise may well have been includedin the speechesOctavian madeon arrival.10 The otherhonourconferred afterOctavian's returnis mentionedby Dio alone: TOTE S olKlav TEav'T( TO 3qoaiov 3oO-qvat V EV yapTO7TOV TOv 7• E•o E'yvW(aav. E HaAaLTW, TVa, EWvrlTO), Kac vUE, ETTES17 a0'T oLKo)ol9TUaal 7t)oOUWE Tr? rroA,•OA •,Lpw (49.15.5) S aVTO EyKa7TEUK7bE. KEpavvo?E thata houseshould be given himfrom fortheplace which he had funds; Theydecided public on thePalatine forhouse-building he hadmade andhaddedicated to bought public property since hadstruck it. Apollo, lightning Dio does not indicatewhen Octavianhad made this gift, but for this we may resort to a passage of VelleiusPaterculus. At the end of his account of the victorious campaignin Sicily,Velleiusappendsthe followingstatement: uictordeindeCaesarreuersus in urbemcontractas domos per emptionibus complures se usibus destinare procuratores, quo laxiorfieretipsius, est, templumque publicis professus et circa facturum extructum munificentia est. Apollinis porticus promisit, quodabeo singulari (2.81.3) Then invictory returned to thecity,declared thathewasmaking over forpublic Caesar, having useseveral houses which hehadpurchased to make hisresidence more through agents spacious, andpromised to build there a temple of Apollo andsurrounding which heconstructed porticoes, withextraordinary munificence. Velleiushas thuspassedoverOctavian's otheractionson his returnto Rome,singling out for mentiononly the declaration of part of his Palatinepropertyas publicand the announcement of his intentionto build therea templeof Apollo, accompanied by porticoes.Takenwith the accountsof Appianand Dio, this passageenablesus to announcedhis gift of the site to the Roman pinpointthe momentat whichOctavian people and his intention to build a sanctuary of Apollo there. Although not mentionedat that point by Appian or Dio, it was evidentlyone of the announcementsmadein the speeches delivered whenhe arrived which,as theyreport,Octavian at Romein earlyNovember. Velleiussaysnothingaboutwhathad prompted Octavian to take this step,but the omission is made good by Dio's reference to the lightning strike, and more information is suppliedin a passageof Suetonius: in ea parte Palatinae domus fulmine ictam desiderari a deo templum Apollinis excitauit, quam addidit cumbibliotheca Latina ... (Aug. haruspices pronuntiarant; porticus Graecaque 29.3) He erected thetemple of Apolloin thatpartof his Palatine housewhich, whenit hadbeen struck haddeclared to bedesired with bylightning, haruspices bythegod.Headded porticoes Latin andGreek libraries ... The sequence of events can thus be reconstructedas follows. Octavian'sfirst on the Palatinewas,as Suetoniustellsus (Aug.72.1), the formerhouseof acquisition Hortensius,but he subsequentlypurchasedadditionalproperties.When lightning struckthere,haruspices wereconsultedand respondedthat the place was desiredby Apollo. The lightningstrikeand the consultationof the haruspices may well have taken place during Octavian's absencein Sicily in the campaigningseason of 36,
10

56 (1978), 315-28.

'Octavian's firstattempt to restore theconstitution Athenaeum Cf.R. E. A. Palmer, (36 B.C.)',

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althoughan earlierdate is not impossible.On his returnto Rome in November36 Octavian announced in his addressesto the senate and people that he would implementthe haruspices' rulingby makingpublicthe part of his Palatineproperty wherethe lightninghad struckand buildingtherea templeof Apollo, accompanied by porticoes. Aftermakingpublicthe landdesignated for the sanctuary of Apollo,Octavian still forhis ownresidence wellbeyondthe originalHortensian retained property extending As Dio tellsus (49.15.5,cited above),he was voted a houseat publicexpense house.11 in compensationfor his gift to the Roman people of the land destined for the of Apollo.Thiswas a signalhonour:housesat publicexpenseweresaid to sanctuary in the earlyRepublic, to variousValerii andDio reportssucha vote havebeengranted for Caesar.12It is possiblethat part of the Palatineresidential complexwas acquired own in accordance withthisvote,butmorelikelythatit was all acquired by Octavian's that he the offer of a house at Such a refusal and declined publicexpense. purchases enabledhim to makea show of modesty,whileensuringthat he continuedto live in proximityto the projectedsanctuary.He later made his residenceitself public and the rest in A.D. 3, when he becamepontifexmaximus, part in 12 B.C., property, withpublicand privatehelpfollowinga fire.13 afterits rebuilding AND TEMPLES II. COMMANDERS In the mid Republictempleswere most commonlybuilt in Rome followingvows on campaign.Such templeswere often built from the commade by commanders for contractsand dedications wereat but arrangements mander's spoils (manubiae), the discretion of the senate.14 Occasionally commanderserected other public suchas porticoes,fromtheirspoils.Eleventemplesareknownto havebeen buildings, in the period 200-180 alone, but in the rest of the second vowed by commanders century such temples became less common.'5In the last years of the Republic no such seemto havegivenup makingtemplevowsaltogether: commanders ordinary to the death is knownto havevoweda templein the periodfrom 100B.C. commander in the residence houseof Catulus was included 17).On the (Suet.Gram. 1 The former 'Ladimora diAugusto seeN. Degrassi, of Augustus' Palatine residence andcharacter formation
sul Palatinoe la base di Sorrento', Rend.Pont.Acc. Arch.39 (1966-67),77-116;G. Carettoni, a la Curiesur le Palatin',MEFRA 104 (1992),871-916;M. Donderer,'Zu den d'Hortensius MEFRA107(1995),621-60,at 621-30; I. Iacopi,LTUR2.46-8; Kaisers des Augustus', Hiusern
M. Royo, Domus Imperatoriae. Topographie,formation et imaginaire des palais impeiriauxdu Das Haus des Augustus auf dem Palatin (Mainz, 1983); A. J. Woodman, VelleiusPaterculus. The Caesarian and Augustan Narrative (Cambridge, 1983), 208; M. Corbier, 'De la maison

dellacasadi 'Elementi architettonici Palatin(Rome1999),77-80, 119-23, 144-71;P.Pensabene, Augustosul Palatino',MDAI(R) 104 (1997), 149-92 ; M. A. Tomei,'Le case di Augustosul Palatino', MDAI(R) 107(2000),7-36. 12 Asc. 13C;Dio 43.44.6;S. Weinstock, DivusJulius (Oxford,1971),276-80.
13 Dio 54.27.3, 55.12.5; Suet. Aug. 57.2.
14

Republican Rome and their Historical and TopographicalContext (Rome, 1992); M. Aberson, Temples votifs et butin de guerre dans la Rome rdpublicaine(Rome, 1994); E. M. Orlin, Temples,

On commanders' of Midtemplesin the mid Republicsee A. Ziolkowski,The Temples

(Leiden,New York,Cologne, 1997);M. Beard, Religionand Politics in the RomanRepublic on temples 1998),1.87-91.Moregenerally J.North,and S. Price,Religions of Rome(Cambridge, in Romeduringthe of publicbuilding see D. E. Strong,'Theadministration andpublicbuilding 'The functionsof BICS 15 (1968),97-109;J. E. Stambaugh, late Republicand earlyEmpire', ANRW2.16.1(1978),554-608. Romantemples',
15 Ziolkowski

201-2. Orlin (n. 14),194-5, (n. 14),311;

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of Caesar.16 The tradition of manubial temples and public works was, however, exploited by the two military dynasts of the late Republic, Pompey and Caesar. Pompey's great theatre complex incorporated a temple of Venus Victrix and various lesser shrines, and he also built temples to Hercules and Minerva."7Caesar responded by building a new forum from his spoils, incorporating a temple of Venus Genetrix.18 In the triumviral and early Augustan periods manubial building by lesser commanders revived. Numerous commanders undertook such work following their triumphs, from L. Munatius Plancus (triumphed 43) to L. Cornelius Balbus, whose triumph in 19 B.C.was the last celebrated by a non-member of the imperial family. Some, like Balbus with his theatre, built new utilitarian structures, but most opted for the grandiose rebuilding of existing monuments. The temples rebuilt in this way were Saturn (Plancus), Apollo in the Circus Flaminius (C. Sosius, triumphed 34), and Hercules of the Muses and Diana on the Aventine (respectively L. Marcius Philippus and L. Cornificius, following triumphs in 33 or 32).19 Later in Augustus' reign the practice was revived by Tiberius: following his triumph in 7 B.C.,he undertook in his own name and in that of his dead brother Drusus the restoration of the temples of Castor and Concordia, dedicating them in respectively A.D.6 and 10.20 Augustus rebuilt or restored numerous temples and carried out many other public works in the city of Rome in his or others' names. However, he erected only four new temples: the temple of Divus lulius in the Forum Romanum, dedicated in 29, the temple of Apollo Palatinus, dedicated in 28, the small temple of luppiter Tonans at the entrance to the Area Capitolina, dedicated in 22, and the temple of Mars Ultor in the new Forum Augustum, dedicated in 2 B.C.21 Of these only Mars Ultor was manubial in character. Augustus stated in the Res Gestae (21.1) that he built the temple of Mars Ultor and the Forum Augustum from spoils (ex manibiis). Both Ovid and Suetonius tell us that the temple was built in accordance with a vow made at the battle of Philippi in 42. However, Ovid goes on to say that the god earned his title of Ultor ('Avenger') a second time when the Parthians were compelled to return the captured Roman standards, and, as Augustus himself tells us, the recovered standards were eventually
16
17

on temples or other public buildings (in monumentadeorumimmortalium... in urbisornamenta).

Cic. Leg.Agr.2.61 attestscontinued thatcommanders expectation mightspendtheirbooty LTUR5.35-8, 120-1(the theatre 3.253-4 complex,P.Gros),3.20-1 (Hercules, E Coarelli),

(Minerva, D. Palombi). 18 C. Amici, II Foro di Cesare (Florence, 1991); LTUR 2.299-307 (C. Morselli, P. Gros).

period. For overviews see Zanker, Power of Images (n. 3), 65-71; N. Purcell, CAH 102 (1996), 787-9; D. Favro, The UrbanImage of Augustan Rome (Cambridge, 1996), 82-95; Kienast (n. 3), 410-17. For the individual buildings see LTUR. Sosius, a supporter of Antony, may have embarked on the rebuilding of the Apollo temple in deliberate rivalry with Octavian's planned new temple on the Palatine, but he was pardoned after Actium, and in its completed form the restored temple seems to have celebrated Octavian/Augustus: E. La Rocca, Amazzonomachia.Le sculturefrontonalidel tempio di Apollo Sosianus (Rome, 1985); A. Viscogliosi, II Tempiodi Apollo in Circoe laformazione del linguaggioarchitettonicoaugusteo (Rome, 1996). The rebuilding of the temple of Neptune by a Cn. Domitius has often been dated to the triumviral period, but was probably earlier: E Coarelli, II Campo Marzio. 1: Dalle origini alla fine della repubblica(Rome,

claim(BCiv.2.68.281)thatthe templewasvowedbeforethe battleof Pharsalus in 48 is Appian's Weinstock (n. 12),80-2. problematic: 19 Suet. Aug.29.5 lists manyof the commanders' and Augustan buildingsof the triumviral

5.279-90(P L. Tucci). 1997),397-446;LTUR3.341-2 (A. Viscogliosi),
20

21

differentiates more accurately.

At RG 19-21Augustus andrebuildings Suet.Aug.29 groupsnewbuildings indiscriminately.

LTUR 1.242-5 (I. Nielsen), 316-20 (A. M. Ferroni).

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Whether or not thereis any truthin the story of the Philippi housedin the temple.22 drawnup only afterthe recovery for the forum and oath, plans templewereprobably in 20, the senate in 20. Whenit receivedthe news of theirrecovery of the standards decreedthe erectionof a smalltempleof MarsUltor on the Capitolto receivethese After his return,Augustusprobablydeclined and any futurerecovered standards.23 this proposaland undertookinsteadto erecta templeof MarsUltor for this purpose in battlewas in a newforum.Thusthe tradition of the templevowedby a commander Mars Ultor.24 in of the of one element the temple only complexgenesis his intentionof buildinga announced As we sawin the previoussection,Octavian templeto Apollo on the Palatineon his returnto Rome after his victoryover Sex. fromthis that the templewas vowedat Pompeiusin 36. Manyscholarshaveinferred this cannotbe correct.No afterthe battleof Naulochus.25 or immediately However, sourcementionssucha vow,and as we haveseen,both Dio and Suetoniustell us that the decision to found the temple was promptedby an event at Rome, namely a Palatineproperty.26 lightningstrikeon Octavian's thatthe templewas intendedto serveas a It mightnone the less stillbe maintained to for the Naulochus victoryand was presentedin that way thank-offering Apollo when Octavianannouncedthe projecton his arrivalat Rome. Such a conclusion In the firstplace,the contentsof the speechesto senate be mistaken. would,however, madeon arrival and peoplewhichOctavian were,as the accountsof Appianand Dio show,wideranging,andnot limitedto the recentvictory.Secondly, Apollo is nowhere creditedwith the Naulochusvictory,and it was instead his sister Diana who was with this success. associated close to Mylae,playeda part of ArtemisPhacelitis a ruralsanctuary Artemisium, The that precededthe decisivenavalbattleoff Naulochus.27 in the land manoeuvres of for association the the basis was of this evidently sanctuary proximity in issues and various coin which is attested with Octavian's Artemis/Diana victory, may perhapshave led L. Cornificius,who was one of Octavian'slegates in the afterhis to choosethe Aventine Naulochuscampaign, templeof Dianafor rebuilding series issued about the time of the later triumph.An aureusof the IMPCAESAR a templeenclosing Actiumwarhas a bustof Diana on the obverseand on the reverse a militarytrophyon a navalbase; in the pedimentof the templestandsa triskeles, the three-leggedemblem of Sicily, clearly identifyingthe victory in question as Diana's connection with the victory in Sicily is most emphatically Naulochus.28
22 23

Ov. Fast. 5.569-94; Suet. Aug. 29.2; RG 29.2.

of Mars thetemple Parthian Forthisinterpretation seeJ.W.Rich,'Augustus's honours, PBSR56 (1998),71-128,especially Ultor and the archin the Forum 79-97; Romanum',
24

Dio 54.8.3.

Seealso atBMCR 2002.03.21. withRich's comments 15-89, 1999), (Heidelberg, Augustusforums
T. Schafer, Spolia et Signa. Baupolitik und Reichskultur nach dem Parthererfolg des Augustus

M. Spannagel, Exemplaria Principis. Untersuchungen zu Entstehung und Ausstattung des

1998). (G6ttingen, 25Forexample, Zanker 50;Richardson (n. 19),89;Galinsky (n. 1), 14;Favro (n. 3, 1988), 131. LTUR 1.54; Gros, (n. 1, 1998), Claridge (n.3),213;
26

29.3. of Suet. of thecrucial evidence without mention Aug. Arbor, 113-5, though 1995),

Actium and Augustus. The Politics and Emotions of Civil War(Ann So rightly R. A. Gurval,

27 Artemisium in the preliminary manoeuvres: App. BCiv. 5.116.484; Dio 49.8.1, 3. On the sanctuary, whose precise location remains unknown, see R. J. A. Wilson, Sicily under the Roman Empire (Warminster,1990), 290, 409. 28 RIC 12 Augustus 273. On this issue as attesting Diana's link with Naulochus see especially

TheDivinity L. R. Taylor, CT, 1931),131-2;E Coarelli, (Middletown, Emperor of theRoman 'II

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in belated on a seriesof aureiand denariiissuedat Lugdunum celebrated c. 15-10 B.C. of the victoriesin Sicilyand at Actium.The reverses commemoration of these issues and Diana the huntress; show figuresof Apollo the lyre-player underneath the figure and underthat of Dianathe legendSICIL.29 of Apollo is the legendACT Diana participatedin the Palatine cult of her brother.As Propertiustells us (2.31.15-16),the templehoused a groupstatueof Apollo, Diana, and theirmother Latona,and one of the reliefson the SorrentoBase clearlyderivesfrom this statue thata subordinate functionof the templewasheldto be group.30It is thusconceivable the givingof thanksto Dianafor the Naulochusvictory,and thatOctavian includeda statementto this effect in his speech when announcinghis intention to build the the templewas Apollo'sand the victorydid not concernhim: the temple.However, templewas to be builtnot becauseof the victory,but becauseApollo had shownhis wish for it throughthe lightningstrike. Thus the temple of Apollo Palatinusdoes not belong in the long traditionof temples resultingfrom commanders'victories. It would indeed be surprisingif in this way a conflictthat was in realitya civil Octavian had chosento commemorate war and whichhe soughtto represent as a war againstpiratesand fugitiveslaves.We mustnow exploreotherpossibleprecedents in the Romantemple-building tradition. PRODIGIES AND HARUSPICES III. TEMPLES, Besidestemplesvowedby commanders, thereweretwo otherwaysby whichtemples came to be foundedin the mid Republic.Firstly,aedilessometimesbuilt temples(as well as other monuments)on their own initiativefrom the proceedsof fines: six of this kindarerecorded, at datesfrom304 to 194B.C.31 templededications Secondly, the senatedecreedtemples,usuallyon the adviceof the SibyllineBooks,in response to prodigiesor eventsso gravethatthey couldbe treatedlikeprodigies. The recorded templefoundationsof this kind are:Apollo (decreed 433) and Aesculapius(decreed VenusErycina,Mens,and MagnaMater,all decreed 293),both in responseto plague; the Second Punic and VenusVerticordia, decreedin 114 followingthe War; during convictionof Vestalsfor unchastity. That these decreesfollowedconsultationof the To what SibyllineBooks is likely for Apollo and attestedin the remainingcases.32
ed alcuniproblemi Dial.Arch. 2 (1968),191-209; connessi', tempiodi Diana"inCircoFlaminio" Palmer(n. 10), 324-8; W.Trillmich, in KaiserAugustus unddie verlorene Republik (n. 3), 507-8. Coarellihas now abandonedhis suggestionthat the depictionof a templecommemorates a of the templeof Dianain the CircusFlaminius restoration in honourof the victory: Coarelli (n. LTUR1.14. 19),486;cf. A. Viscogliosi, 29 Apollo: RIC 12Augustus170-1, 179-80, 190-3. Diana: RIC 12 Augustus172-3, 181-3, 194-7, 204. On these issues and the possibilitythat they reflecta monumentat an unknown locationsee belowat n. 80. 30 Plin. NH 36.24-5, 32 tells us that the templecontainedstatuesof Apollo, Diana, and Latonaby respectively andCephisodotus, andthesearecommonly identified Scopas,Timotheus, with the statuegroup.However, L. J. Roccos,'ApolloPalatinus: the AugustanApollo on the Sorrento thattheseantiqueworkswereseparate individual Base',AJA93 (1989),571-88,argues statuesand thatthe statuegroupwasa newlycommissioned workin the classicizing style. 31 Concordia in area Volcani(dedicated304), Venus Obsequens(begun 295), Victoria (dedicated 293),luppiterLibertas (begun246),Flora(begun241 or 238),andFaunus(dedicated
194).
32 See Orlin (n. 14), 18-26, 76-115, and, for the individual temples, LTUR. Livy 4.25.3 mentions consultation of the Sibylline Books for the other expiations carried out when the temple of Apollo was vowed; this makes it likely that the Books also recommended the temple

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of this secondtype haveformeda modelfor those of extentmaytemplefoundations Octavian/Augustus? The buildingof one of Octavian's with the senate's templeswas indeedundertaken but in circumstances instances authorization, quite differentfrom these Republican and for whichonly Romulus-Quirinus formedany precedent: Caesarwas deifiedas Divus lulius in February 44, shortlybeforehis death, and in January42 the consecrationwas confirmedand it was decreedthat his temple should be built in the Forumon the spot wherehe had beencremated.33 The temples of Apollo Palatinusand luppiter Tonanshave a notable point of similaritywith the Republicantemples:each was built in responseto a prodigy, namely a lightning strike. The Palatine temple was, as we have seen, erected in responseto and on the site of a lightningstrike,while luppiterTonanswas erected followingAugustus'narrowescapefrom a lightningstrikeon campaignin northern Spain in 26-5.34 However,they differ from the Republicanprodigy temples in ways.In the firstplace,the Republican templeswerefoundedby decreeof important in the decisionsto build involvement the senate,but we do not hearof any senatorial the templesof Apollo Palatinus and luppiterTonans,and indeedthe announcement Palatinetemplewas, as we haveseen, made simplyby Octavian,in of the projected speeches deliveredto the senate and people. Secondly,the prodigieswere both individualto Octavian/Augustus, bearingon his propertyand his personalsafety. no was in the Thirdly, part played inceptionof thesetemplesby the SibyllineBooks for consultingthem, the quindecimuiri or the priestlycollege responsible (formerly A different sacrisfaciundis. decemuiri) priestlygroupwas involvedin the case of the Palatinetemple,namelythe haruspices. We are well informedabout the Republican handlingof publicprodigies,particwhich B.C. for for 218-167 the Livy is extant.35 Responsibilityfor ularly period how and then for a as a to whether determining publicprodigy accept report deciding the prodigyshould be expiatedlay with the senate.In decidingon expiationsthe consultedthree differentgroupsof priests,the Romancolleges of senate regularly and sometimes and the Etruscan haruspices, sacrisfaciundis, pontificesand decemuiri
Orlin98). The templeof Hercules MagnusCustosis said to havebeen foundedon the (contra areunknown: of the Sibylline Books,but the dateis contestedand the circumstances authority Ov. Fast. 6.209-12; Ziolkowski (n. 14), 50-6; Coarelli (n. 19), 498-503; LTUR 3.13.-14 in 121,afterhis or refounding of the templeof Concordia L. Opimius' (A. Viscogliosi). founding but we are as expiatory, andhis associates, of C. Gracchus mayhavebeenregarded suppression Bookswereconsulted. not told thatthe Sibylline 33 Decreeof 42 B.C.: consecration showsthatthe original Dio 47.18.4.ILS 72 (fromAesernia) Cultin theLatinWest1.1(Leiden, wasvotedby senateandpeople.SeeD. Fishwick,TheImperial in rnmischen Reich(Leipzig,1999), 1987),62-76, and M. Clauss,KaiserundGott:Herrscherkult 49-53, withfurther bibliography. 34 Suet. Aug.29.3, 90, 91.2. Dedication in 22 B.C.: Dio 54.4.2-4. Depictedon coins:RIC 12 Augustus59, 63-7. On the temple see Richardson(n. 1), 226-7; P. Gros, LTUR 3.159-60; Rome(Portsmouth, A. G. Thein,in L. Haselberger, RI, 2002),157. Augustan Mapping 35 On prodigies and their expiation in Republican Rome see F. Luterbacher,Die L. Wiilker, derR6mer undProdigienstil 19042; Darmstadt, 1967); repr. (Burgdorf, Prodigienglaube und zur Geschichte Studien bei denR6mern. des Prodigienwesens Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der Staatsprodigien (Leipzig, 1903); R. Bloch, Les prodigesdans l'antiquite UOberlieferung andChange in et Rome(Paris,1963); Etrurie Grace, J.H. W.G. Liebeschuetz, Continuity classique: A Studyin Religion andExpiation: RomanReligion (Oxford,1979),7-29; B. MacBain,Prodigy Rome (Brussels, 1982); V. Rosenberger, and Politics in Republican Gezihmte G5tter Das der rimischen (Stuttgart,1998).Livy'shandlingof prodigynoticesis Republik Prodigienwesen in Livy(Leiden, New York,Cologne,1993); well analysed Religion by D. S. Levene, J. P. Davies, on theirGods andAmmianus Rome's 2004),21-78. (Cambridge, Livy,Tacitus History: Religious

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more than one of these groupswas involvedwith the same set of prodigies.36 The were quite often consultedby the senateover lightningprodigies,approharuspices priatelyenough since divinationfromlightningwas one of the principalsubjectsof the Etruscandisciplina, the lore of the haruspices in their sacredbooks.37 preserved the other for this, However, priestlyexpertswerealso consultedon lightningstrikes: as formost otherprodigytypes,no particular set of priestsseemsto haveestablished a monopoly.38 Lightningstrikeswere among the commonesttypes of event taken up as public instancesas follows:temples(43), city walls Wiilkeranalysedthe reported prodigies. and gates (22), statues(13), persons(15), animals(9).39Neitherof the eventswhich promptedAugustus'foundationsof the temples of Apollo Palatinusor Iuppiter Tonans conforms to this pattern. The Palatine lightning strike was on private but we do not elsewhere hearof sucheventson privateland beingaccepted property, as a publicprodigy.40 The lightningstrikein Spainkilledthe slavecarrying Augustus' torch, but the templeof IuppiterTonanswas foundednot to expiatethis deathas a for Augustus' narrow prodigybut in thanksgiving escape.41 Most prodigies were expiated with standardrituals such as sacrifices,supplior lustration. No clearpattern can be discerned forthe methodsof expiation cationes, selectedfor lightning whichever wasfollowed.42 prodigies, groupof advisers Expiations of theseprodigies did not normallyincludetemplefoundation.However, at least one to a lightning Republican templemusthavebeenfoundedin response prodigy, namely thatof Summanus, the Romangod of nightlightning.Ciceroandthe LivianPeriocha tell us that, when a terracottastatue of Summanuson the roof of the Capitoline temple of Jupiterwas struck by lightning and its head broken off and lost, the located it in the Tiber. Its position in the Periochadates this episode haruspices betweenPyrrhus' withdrawal to Sicilyin 278 B.C. and the secondconsulshipof M.'
36

priestly group(s) involved in their expiation. 37 C. O. Thulin, Die Etruskische Disciplin (1905-9, repr. Darmstadt, 1968), remains the fundamental account of the haruspicesand their lore; see also his more succinct statement at RE s.v. 'Haruspices', 7.2431-68, and A. J. Pfiffig, Religio Etrusca (Graz, 1975), 36-49, 115-50. On their doctrine relating to lightning see also S. Weinstock, 'Libri Fulgurales', PBSR 19 (1951), 122-53. On the Roman use of haruspices see especially J. O. Lenaghan, A Commentary on Cicero's OrationDe HaruspicumResponso (The Hague, 1969), 32-7; E. Rawson, 'Caesar, Etruria and the Disciplina Etrusca', JRS 68 (1978), 132-52, repr. in her Roman Culture and Society (Oxford, 1991), 289-323; MacBain (n. 35); J. North, 'Diviners and divination at Rome', in

MacBain(n. 35), 82-106, givesa convenient tabulation of prodigies with indication of the

in E. Bispham and C. Smith (edd.), 1990), 51-71, and 'Prophet and text in the third century B.C.', Religion in Archaic and RepublicanRome and Italy (Edinburgh, 2000), 92-107; M.-L. Haack, Les haruspicesdans le monde romain(Paris, 2003). 38 MacBain (n. 35), 51, 118-20; cf also Thulin, Disciplin (n. 37), 1.114-17. 39 Wiilker (n. 35), 10. Cf. Luterbacher (n. 35), 22; Rosenberger(n. 35), 116. 40 Rightly noted by C. J. Simpson, 'Horace, Carm. 1.2.30-44, Apollo Palatinus and allusions to shrines in Octavian'sRome', Athenaeum81 (1993), 632-40, at 634-5, n. 17. 41 E. Rodriguez-Almeida, 'Tra epigrafia, filologia, storia et topografia urbana: quattro ipotesi', MEFRA 103 (1991), 529-50, at 547-50, conjectures that the torchbearer survived and later dedicated an extant votive inscription to Jupiter Tonans. However, Suetonius' word exanimasset (Aug. 29.3) surely implies that the slave was killed, rather than merely rendered unconscious. 42 Thus haruspices are reported as recommended widely differing lightning expiations in 207 B.C.(Livy 27.37.7-10), 65/63 B.c. (Cic. Cat. 3.19-21, Div. 1.19-21; Dio 37.9.1-2, 34.3-4; Obsequens 61; Arn. Adv. nat. 7.38), and A.D.55 (Tac. Ann. 13.24.2). On variations in methods of expiation see MacBain (n. 35), 120-1.

M. Beardand J. North (edd.),PaganPriests.Religion andPowerin theAncientWorld (London,

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Curius Dentatus in 275.43 Ovid tells us that the temple of Summanus was founded 'when Pyrrhus was a threat'.44In view of the coincidence of date, it must have been in response to this prodigy that Summanus was given his own temple in the Circus Maximus.45At some point luppiter Fulgur, the god of day lightning, also received his own temple in the Campus Martius, but nothing is known of the date or circumstances of this foundation.46It could have taken place at the same time as Summanus received his temple or later; if the latter, it may have been founded in response to a further lightning strike. Summanus and luppiter Fulgur thus afford partial precedents for Augustus' temple foundations. With luppiter Tonans Augustus established yet another temple to Jupiter in his guise as god of thunder and lightning. Apollo Palatinus, like Summanus, was founded following haruspical interpretation of a lightning prodigy.47However, for Summanus the involvement of the haruspicesis attested only for the finding of the statue's head. It may also have been they who recommended the foundation of the temple, but we cannot confidently infer this, in view of the attested involvement of more than one group of priestly experts over other prodigies. Moreover, by contrast with the Palatine temple, there was no suggestion for Summanus that the temple should be founded on the spot where the lightning struck. Another obscure Republican temple provides a different parallel with Octavian's foundation. According to Cicero, the temple of Honos outside the Colline Gate was founded in response to the discovery at a nearby altar of a metal plate bearing the inscription Honoris.48Here, as with the Palatine temple, a portent was interpreted as indicating a god's desire for a temple. The decision to found the temple of Honos must have been taken by the senate. Priestly experts were presumably consulted, perhaps the haruspices. It was both Etruscan and Roman practice that the place where a lightning bolt struck should be enclosed and either covered or, less usually, left open. The remains of numerous such stone enclosures have been found, bearing inscriptions such asfulgur conditum. The term bidental was used of some or all such enclosures, and both Cic.Div. 1.16,2.45;LivyPer.14. / tum,cumRomanis, is est, Summano Ov. Fast. 6.731-2:reddita, templa feruntur, quisquis timendus eras. Pyrrhe, give the temple'slocation in the Circusand the natalis,20 June (Inscr.Ital. 45 Calendars 13.2.472),and Plin. NH 29.57 shows that it was near the templeof Iuventas:see Ziolkowski as the Romangodsof LTUR4.385-6.luppiterFulgurandSummanus (n. 14), 154-5;E Coarelli, Plin.NH 2.138;Festus66, 254 L; August.De civ.D. 4.23. On the origin dayandnightlightning: e RE 4A.897;E. andA. Prosdocimi, 'Summanus see S. Weinstock, of Summanus andetymology deseptentaire. Travaux in Etrennes nel calendario una solidarieti" strutturale romano', Angerona: et de grammaire de linguistique compareeoffertsa Michel Lejeune(Paris, 1978), 199-207; a au solsticed'et6',in D. Porteand J.-P.Neraudau(edd.),Res sacrae.Hommages 'Summanus Emerita60 Henri Le Bonniec(Brussels,1998), 83-100; B. Garcia Hernandez,'Summanus', (1992),57-69, 205-15. with luno 46 Calendars showthatthe templeof luppiterFulgursharedits natalis,7 October, Ital. 13.2.518). to the Campussurelyappliesto both temples(Inscr. Curitis,and theirreference Nothing further is known of the temple except that it was unroofed (Vitr. Arch. 1.2.5). For discussionsof its possible location see Ziolkowski(n. 14), 79; Richardson(n. 1), 219; in CampoMarzio',Dial.Arch.8 (1990),35-51, andLTUR D. Manacorda, 'I1tempiodi Vulcano introduced by evocatio 3.136-8;Coarelli(n. 19), 210-8. The cult of luno Curitiswas probably in 241, but thereis no good reasonto postulatethe sameoriginfor fromFaleriion its capture as Coarelli argues. luppiterFulgur, 47 It is possiblethat a haruspical responsewas obtainedbeforethe foundationof Iuppiter forthe temple. in our scantyevidence Tonansas well,buthas goneunrecorded LTUR3.30-1. 48 Cic. Leg.2.58;Ziolkowski (n. 14),57-8; D. Palombi,
43
44

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haruspices and pontifices are attested as involved in their establishment.49In other circumstances, this procedure would have been regarded as an adequate response to a lightning strike on private land, and it would not have been treated as a public prodigy. However, it is readily understandable that further measures should have been taken when such an occurrence took place on land which no less a personage than Octavian had acquired as part of his residence. We do not know who consulted the haruspices about the Palatine lightning strike. The consultation could have been ordained by the senate, following a decision to treat the occurrence as a public prodigy. However, since the eventual decision to build the temple was merely announced by Octavian rather than made by senatorial decree, it seems more likely that he himself initiated the consultation. The haruspices responded, as Suetonius tells us, that the site was 'desired by the god' (desideraria deo). This response may not have unambiguously indicated a requirementfor a temple, and may even have been compatible with a stone enclosure of the traditional kind. However, it constituted sufficient justification for Octavian to embark on his grandiose sanctuary. It is not surprising that Octavian should have turned to the haruspicesor that they should have been ready to respond in terms that would please him. For the haruspices to frame their answers in accordance with the expectations of those who consulted them would not have been novel, and they, like diviners in other societies, would have been able to achieve this without conscious fraud, providing that their responses were at least in accord with their lore.50 An alternative procedure would have been consultation of the Sibylline Books by the quindecimvirisacrisfaciundis, for which a senatorial instruction would have been required. Octavian's recently acquired membership of that priesthood is attested by the tripod symbol on coins of 37 B.C.51 However, he may not yet have felt sufficiently confident of his fellow priests as a group to feel sure that such a consultation would yield the answer he hoped for. A private consultation of haruspicesgave him the possibility of hand-picking those to be consulted. Octavian had doubtless already established the good relations with the haruspices, which he would maintain throughout his reign.52 In his autobiography he reported that in 44 B.C.the haruspex Vulcatius or Vulcanius had hailed the sidus lulium as the sign of a new saeculum, declared that he would die at once for revealing the gods' secrets, and then instantly expired. This version co-opted haruspical support for the Caesarian cause, although another less favourable account of the episode survives.53
49 Thulin (n. 37, 1905-9), 1.92-107; C. Pietrangeli, 'Bidentalia', Rend Pont. Ace. Arch. 25-26 (1949-51), 37-52; P. Mingazzini, 'Fulgur conditum e bidental, nonche l'etimologia del nome bidental', in Gli archeologi italiani in onore di A. Maiuri (Cava dei Tirreni, 1965), 317-36. An instance of the open enclosure type may have been the Puteal Scribonianum in the Forum

Romanum, reputedto be on the site of a lightningstrike:Fest. 448-50 L; F. Coarelli,II Foro e augusteo Romano. (Rome,1985),166-80;L. Chioffi,LTUR4.171-3. repubblicano 2.:Periodo RRC 537/2.See J. Gage, 'Les sacerdoces et ses reformes 51 Crawford, d'Auguste religieuses', MEFRA48 (1931),75-108,at 79-80;M. W.HoffmanLewis,TheOfficial Priestsof Romeunder

Haruspices'involvement: Lucan 1.606-8, 8.864; Schol. Pers. 2.27; Sid. Apoll. Carm. 9.192-3. of Romandiviners see especially Liebeschuetz (n. 35), 19-24. 5o On the sincerity

the Julio-Claudians(Rome, 1955), 48, 86; Gurval (n. 26), 112-13. 52 On Augustus and the haruspices see Thulin (n. 37, 1905-9), 3.136-7, and RE 7.2434-5; Rawson (n. 37), 312-16; D. Briquel, Chritiens & haruspices.La religionetrusque,dernierrempart du paganisme romain (Paris 1997), 27-50; Haack (n. 37), 89-92. In general on emperors and portents see now A. Vigourt, Les presages impiriaux d'Augustea' Domitien (Paris, 2001). 53 Augustus, ap. Serv. Ecl. 9.46; App. BCiv. 4.4.15 (surely the same event). See Rawson (n. 37), 312-13; J. F. Hall III, 'The Saeculum Novum of Augustus and its Etruscan antecedents', ANRW 11.16.3 (1986), 2564-89, at 2576-8.

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A curiousincidentjust beforethe battleof Naulochushad affordedan opportunity for haruspical feet was loyalty:a fish leapingout of the sea and landingat Octavian's as of a was a believer: as himself interpreted portent victory.54 Octavian/Augustus Suetoniustellsus, he was in aweof thunderand lightningand attached greatimportanceto omensandprodigies.55 Maecenas was onlythe mostprominent of his Etruscan friends.MarcusAureliusmentionsharuspices as part of Augustus'entourage,and as commending themto Augustusin the speechwhichDio Maecenasis represented him.56 for remains the most likelytime for the institution composed Augustus'reign of a new formal organization,the ordoof sixty haruspices, attestedon numerous most the notable indication of Augustus'favourfor Perhaps imperialinscriptions.57 itself:he prescribed that the the Etruscan relatesto the Palatinesanctuary disciplina shouldhousenot just the Sibylline Books (transferred therein 12 B.C.), but sanctuary to lightning.58 also the Etruscan books relating IV.THE CHOICEOF APOLLO On one point the haruspices' response of 36 B.C.must have been unambiguous, it was who that desiredthe site wherethe lightningbolt had struck. namely Apollo This is usuallyseen as unproblematic: as Octavian's Apollo was alreadyestablished patron divinity,and the haruspices compliantlynamed him. But the matterneeds furtherconsideration. Is it so certainthat Octavian had already chosenApollo, and, if he had, how readilydid this interpretation of the lightningstrikeaccordwith the
Etruscan disciplina?

The evidencefor Octavian's association withApollo before36 is in fact quiteweak, Wecannotsaywhenthe tale beganto be circulated as Gurvalhas recently stressed.59 his motherAtia in the formof that Apollo was Octavian's father, havingimpregnated once he had achievedsupremacy ratherthan a snake,but it maywell haveoriginated Accordingto ValeriusMaximus,'Apollo' was given as the early in his career.60 by Antonyand Octavianat the final battleat Philippi;if this weretrue,it password
Plin. NH 9.55;Dio 49.5.5;cf. Suet. Aug.96.2. The interpreters, styleduatesby Plinyand haruspices. by Dio, weredoubtless tLvmEts• 55Suet.Aug.90, 92. Further at Suet. haruspical responses duringAugustus' reignarereported arereported for the reignonly for Aug.97.2;Dio 53.20.1,56.29.4.After27 B.C. publicprodigies on theirpaucitysee Liebeschuetz 17/16(Obsequens 71;Dio 54.19.7); (n. 35), 57-8. 56 Marc.Aur.Med.8.31;Dio 52.36.3. (Florence,1975), 57See now Haack (n. 37), 85-92, contraM. Torelli,Elogia Tarquiniensia for a Republican date. 105-35,who argues of the Sibylline books see also Aen.6.72;Thulin(n. 37, 1905-9), 3-8. Forthe transfer 58 Serv. Suet.Aug.31.1. 59Gurval(n. 26), 91-113. The case for Octavian's pre-36associationwith the god is most 'Lapolitique madebyTaylor (n. 28), 118-20.Seealsoe.g.P.Lambrechts, "apollinienne" cogently romain La Nouvelle et le culteimperial', Clio5 (1953),65-82;J. Gage,Apollon (Paris, d'Auguste DivusJulius(n. 12), 14-15;Liebeschuetz (n. 35), 82-5; Zanker(n. 3, 1955),479-85;Weinstock, A proposd'uneliste et propagande 1988),48-53; E. Bertrand-Ecanvil, ideologique. 'Pr6sages MEFRA106(1994),487-531,at 505-11.DespiteServius' Octavien concernant claims, Auguste', to Octavian in the proclamation of a reignof Apollo thereis no good reasonto detecta reference at Verg.Ecl.4.10. 60 Gurval (n. 26), 100-2. The story is attestedby Suet. Aug. 94.4 (citing Asclepiadesof DomitiusMarsus' Dio 45.1.1(reporting it as a claimmadeby Atia to Caesar). Mendes); couplet / siuehominem anteomnes aliasfelix tamen hocegodicor, aboutAtia (F7 Courtney: peperifemina is uncertain. On the Atialegend to the story,andits dateof composition siuedeum) maynot refer in Prinzipat undSpdtantike und Visionen see now G. Weber, Kaiser,Trdume 2000), (Stuttgart, 148-55.
54

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would not necessarily indicate a link with Octavian in particular, but in any case the appearance of Apollo's head and Apolline symbols such as the tripod, laurel, and lyre on their coinage suggests that it is more likely to have been Brutus and Cassius who gave this password, as Plutarch asserts.61The tripod which figures on Octavian's coinage of 37 advertises not a connection with Apollo, but his recent appointment as sacrisfaciundis.62 a quindecimvir The clearest attestation of an early link between Octavian and Apollo is Suetonius' story of a banquet in which the guests dressed as the twelve gods and Octavian took the role of Apollo. Suetonius cites as his sources a letter of Antony naming the diners and some anonymous verses, which he quotes. He goes on to report that the episode took place at a time of famine in the city of Rome, and that men said that the gods had eaten all the food and that Octavian was Apollo the Torturer.63 The reference to famine suggests a date in the period 39-37 when Sex. Pompeius' operations were disrupting the corn supply to the city. However, although many scholars have taken it seriously, the banquet story is surely apocryphal and was probably circulated in the period after 36, as relations between Antony and Octavian broke down and each side traded insults.64 The tales of Apollo's impregnation of Atia and the banquet of the twelve gods are indeed evidence of a widely perceived association between Octavian and Apollo, but do not certainly show that such a link was established before 36. It is thus not inconceivable that it was the haruspiceswho began the connection, by identifying Apollo as the god who sent the Palatine thunderbolt. However, despite the weakness of our evidence, it remains more likely that Octavian had already formed the association and that in naming Apollo the haruspices were giving the answer which they knew he wanted. As we have noted, the haruspices would have found no difficulty in giving those who consulted them the response they sought, providing it was compatible with their disciplina. It has been suggested that the haruspicesinterpreted the lightning strike as sent by Jupiter to indicate Apollo's wish for the site.65However, Suetonius' wording makes it more likely that they held it to have been sent by Apollo himself to show his desire. It is unfortunately impossible to establish with certainty whether the naming of
61

J. Moles, 'Fate, Apollo and M. Junius Brutus', AJP 104 (1983), 249-56. According to Dio (47.43.1), Brutus and Cassius gave libertas as their password at the first battle of Philippi, but in view of the prominence of Apollo and libertas together as themes of their coinage (RRC 498-504), it would not be surprising that Brutus should switch to Apollo for the second battle. 62 See above at n. 51. Other coins issued by Octavian at this time display the symbols of the

Val. Max. 1.5.7; Plut. Brut. 24.4-7. Plutarchpreferred: Gurval(n. 26), 98-100; contra

otherpriesthoods he already and augurate. held,the pontificate
63

(Oxford,1993),473-4. evenby Gurval[n. 26],94-8), see M. P. Charlesauthenticity (accepted 64 Againstthe story's of the propaganda of Mark Antony', CQ 27 (1933), 172-7, at 175; worth, 'Some fragments J. Pollini, 'Man or god: divine assimilationand imitationin the Late Republicand Early in K. A. Raaflaub andM. Toher(edd.),Between andEmpire: Principate', Republic Interpretations andhisPrincipate Los Angeles, Oxford,1990),334-363,at 345.Thereis no of Augustus (Berkeley, reason to supposethat the allegedoccasionwas Octavian's marriageto Livia, as arguedby K. Scott, 'The politicalpropaganda of 44-30 B.c.',MAAR 11 (1933),7-49, at 30-2; G. Cresci 'Lacenadei dodicidei',RCCM44 (2002),25-33. Marrone, 65 So Simpson(n. 40), 633-5. Simpson detectsa reference to the inceptionof the templeat Hor. Odes 1.2.2-4, 29-32, but 'augurApollo' must alludeto Apollo'sown associations with not to theharuspices. divination,

Suet. Aug. 70. On the anonymous verses see E. Courtney, The Fragmentary Latin Poets

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Apollo as the author of the strike was in accordance with haruspical lore. The Etruscans, we are told, held that there were eleven kinds of thunderbolts, sent by nine gods: three kinds belonged to Jupiter (Etruscan Tin or Tinia) as his manubiae,and the rest were sent by other gods.66 There is evidence that the other gods held to send thunderbolts included Juno, Minerva, Vulcan, Mars, and Saturn.67 The identity of the other three gods is unknown, and we cannot say whether or not Apollo (Etruscan Aplu or Apulu) was among them.68The Delphic Apollo is occasionally spoken of as sending thunderbolts, but this tells us nothing of Etruscan doctrine.69If Apollo was one of the gods whom their lore regarded as a sender of thunderbolts, we may readily imagine that the haruspiceswould have found it easy to identify him as the author of the Palatine thunderbolt. If he was not, they must in this case have consciously subordinated their religious expertise to political expediency.

V. ACTIUM The dedication of several notable monuments was reserved for Octavian's return after his victories over Antony and Cleopatra. In 29, only a few days after his triple triumph, he dedicated the temple of Divus Julius (18 August) and the altar of Victory in the restored senate-house (28 August).70 On 9 October 28 B.C.,he dedicated the temple of Apollo Palatinus.71 Between the announcement of the planned temple in 36 and its dedication eight years later, a remarkable coincidence had occurred: Octavian's decisive naval victory over his enemies, on 2 September 31, had taken place close to an ancient sanctuary of Apollo. After the victory Octavian rebuilt this temple of Apollo at Actium, on the south side of the entrance to the Ambracian Gulf, and dedicated ten captured ships there. On the north side of the straits, he founded a great new city, Nicopolis, and on its northern edge a new sanctuary of Apollo, with a stadium and gymnasium. This sanctuary was crowned by a victory monument on the site of Octavian's tent, now being revealed by remarkable excavations.72 Octavian also refounded the games in honour of Actian Apollo, greatly enhancing their prestige: they were to be held every
66 Plin. NH emendation of quattuor to nouem). 2.138;cf. Serv.Aen. 1.42 (with Schmeisser's at withoutmentionof the othergods'thunderbolts of Jupiter arediscussed The threemanubiae Sen. QNat. 2.41-6; Festus 114, 236L. See Thulin(n. 37, 1905-9),1.23-49;Weinstock (n. 37), 125-9;Pfiffig(n. 37), 130-2. 67Plin.NH 2.139;Serv.Aen. 1.42,8.429. 68 Thulin variouspossibleidentifications, (n. 37, 1905-9),1.35-7,43-4, discusses considering his inclusion. OnApollo(Aplu) thatthereareno good grounds supporting Apollo,butconcludes LIMC2.334-63;M. Bentz in Etruscan religionand art see Pfiffig(n. 37), 251-5; I. Krauskopf, in Etrurien', AA (2001),69-77. (Pfiffig's 'NeueszumAplu-Kult andD. Steinbauer, claim,p. 252, of 36.) auchals Blitzgottgilt'is basedsolelyon theharuspical that'Apluin derSpiitzeit response withthe sixteenheavenly regionsandthecorresponding Apluwasnot one of the godsassociated Liverof divisionsmarkedon the Piacenzaliver,for whichsee L. B. van der Meer,TheBronze Structure Piacenza:Analysisof a Polytheistic 1987).The haruspices (Amsterdam, prescribed to Apolloin 99 whencrowsfoughtabovea Romanassembly (Obsequens 46). expiation 4.6.29-30 associates 69 Soph. OT 469-70; Paus. 9.36.3, 10.23.1;Justin2.12.8. Propertius Aen.8.680-1). at Actium(contrast Verg. Apollowithlightning 70 Inscr. 503-4 (= EJ 51);Dio 51.22.1-2. Ital. 13.2.497, 71 Inscr. Ital. 13.2.518-9(= EJ 53);Dio 53.1.3. 72 Strabo 7.7.6 (325C);Suet. Aug. 18.2; Dio 51.1.2-3; W. M. Murrayand P. M. Petsas, Memorial Octavian's 1989);K. L. Zachos, 'The for the Actian War(Philadelphia, Campsite JRA 16 (2003),65-92. of Actiumat Nicopolis:interim of the sea-battle report', tropaeum

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four years at the new sanctuary,with status equal to that of the Olympicgames. Actiangameson thismodelwerein due coursefoundedin manyotherlocations.73 Thus by his actions at the battle-sitein north-westGreeceOctavianshowed his gratitudeto Apollo, and it is naturalto concludethat, by the time of its dedication he and his contemporaries and subsequently, would also have associatedthe god's Palatinetemplewith the greatvictory. The link was indeedmade,someyearslater,by in his fourth Virgil,in his depictionof the shieldof Aeneas,and then by Propertius, book. In Virgilthe associationis only implicit:the culminating scene of the shield depictsthe battleof Actium,with 'ActianApollo' assistingthe victoriouscause,and Virgilthen concludesby showingus CaesarAugustusin triumphand receivingthe gifts of the peoples'seatedon the snowythresholdof gleamingPhoebus',that is, at the Palatine temple.74 Propertiusmakes the connection quite explicitly.In the The openinglines of the fourthbook he givesthe Palatinegod the epithetNavalis.75 sixth elegy is one of severalpoems in the book which,in the Callimachean manner, offeraetiologiesof Romanmonuments. announces its themeas the temple Propertius
of Palatine Apollo (4.6.11 Musa, Palatini referemusApollinis aedem), and then passes

to an account(with evidentallusionto Virgil)of the battleof Actium and what he as Apollo'scrucialrole in the victory(4.6.15-68).The accountis rounded represents off with the followingcouplet(67-8):
ActiushinctraxitPhoebus monumenta, quodeius una decemuicitmissasagittaratis. Fromthis,ActianApollohas won monuments, because one arrowof his has conquered ten ships.

There is deliberateambiguity in this referenceto monumenta, which should be understoodas alludingboth to the battle-sitememorials, the ten ships particularly dedicated at the Actiumtemple,and, returning to the originalsubject,to the Palatine temple.76 Modernscholarshavegenerally heldthatthe Palatinetempleof Apollo had by the time of its dedicationcome to be regarded as by Octavianand his contemporaries for the Actiumvictory.As Gageand havingtakenon a new role,as a thank-offering Groshaveput it, it had becomean ex-votofor the battle.77Manyof the artworks that adornedthe Palatine areusuallyinterpreted as reflecting Octavian's sanctuary victory. The ivorytemple-doors of the Niobids and the Gaulsare depicting Apollo'scrushing takenas echoes of Octavian's defeatof his enemies;the terracotta reliefshowingthe contestbetweenApollo and Herculesoverthe Delphictripodis held to alludeto the tie with Hercules; strugglebetweenOctavianand Antony,who claimeda hereditary
73 . Gage, 'Actiaca', MEFRA 53 (1936), 37-100; B. M. Tidman, 'On the foundation of the Actian Games', CQ 44 (1950), 123-5; R. Rieks, 'Sebasta und Aktia', Hermes 98 (1970), 96-116;

Gurval(n. 26), 74-81. Instituted in 31 (Dio 51.1.3),thegameswerefirstcelebrated in by Octavian

27 (Tidman, Rieks), not 28 (Gage). 74 Verg. Aen. 8.675-728. 704: Actius haec cernens arcum intendebat Apollo. 720: ipse sedens niueo candentis limine Phoebi. 75 Prop. 4.1.3: atque ubi navali stant sacra Palatia Phoebo. The demonstration above (section II) that there was no connection between Apollo and the Naulochus victory confirms that the reference must be to Actium. 76 So rightly J. Isager, 'Propertius and the monumenta of Actium', Proc. Dan. Inst. Athens 2 (1998), 399-411, at 403-5. (We are grateful to Carsten Hjort Lange for this reference.) 77 Gage (n. 59), 524; P. Gros, Aurea Templa.Recherchessur l'architecturereligieuse de Rome a' l'Fpoqued'Auguste(Rome, 1976), 35 n. 133, 66, and at LTUR 1.54.

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the sons of and the statuesin the porticoof the Danaids,who slew theirhusbands, as evokingthe defeatof Egyptor the evils interpreted Aegyptus,havebeenvariously of civilwarto whichOctavian's victoryhad put an end.78 This conceptionof the templehas beenchallenged that by Gurval,who maintains made a at the time of the dedication neither Octaviannor his contemporaries The association connectionbetweenthe Palatinetempleand the Actiumvictory. was, he holds,firstmadeby Virgilin the Aeneidand thentakenup by Propertius.79 artworks is necessarily andit maywellbe of the Palatine speculative, Interpretation in the pre-Actium that moreof the iconographic schemehad been determined phase of the temple's construction than is usually allowed. Moreover,we cannot be of the Palatinesanctuary confidentthat a statuein the precincts explicitlyidentified Apollo as the victor of Actium, as has often been supposed.Denariiissuedby the showon the reverse Apollo holdinga lyrein his moneyerC. AntistiusVetusin 16 B.C. a hand with his a sacrifice from left and rightmaking pateraoveran altar;he stands two anchorsand threeprows,and on a platformornamented with whatareprobably
ACTIO. This has sometimes been taken as the accompanying legend reads APOLLINI of with a 'silent the statue lyre' (tacita ... lyra) which Propertius Apollo depicting

for (2.31.5-6)tellsus stood outsidethe Palatinetemple,but thereareno firmgrounds on denarii to shown Antistius' is the connection. The perhaps be image making of Actian Apollo, shown only with his lyre and identifiedwith the representation discussedabove. issuesof c. 15-10 B.C. pairedwith SicilianDiana, on the Lugdunum These Rome and Lugdunumissues may well echo a monument,perhapsrecently location. would havebeen an appropriate erected,for whichthe Palatinesanctuary areuncertain.80 and the locationof sucha monument both the existence However, how far the iconography of the Palatine It thus remainsa matterfor conjecture sanctuaryreflectedthe Actium victory,and whetherApollo was ever worshipped it is most unlikelythat, as Gurvalclaims, thereunderthe epithetActius.8' However, did not initiallymakethe connectionbetweenthe Octavianand his contemporaries It would have been hard to resist the Actium victory and the Palatinetemple.82 Palatine now served not only to fulfil the god's wish as that the temple perception
78 For such interpretations see the workscited at n. 3 above.On the problemssurrounding "counter andOctavian's withHercules see 0. Hekster, association 'Hercules, Omphale, Antony's 79 (2004),171-8,esp.171-4. BABesch propaganda"', 79Gurval(n. 26), 87-136 andpassim. issuessee aboveat n. 29. See denarii: 80 Antistius' RIC 12 Augustus 365-6;for the Lugdunum H. Jucker,'ApolloPalatinusund Apollo Actius auf augusteischen Miinzen',Mus. Helv. 39 refutesthe viewof H. Cahn,'Zu einemMiinzbild (1982),82-100;Gurval(n. 26), 285-8. Jucker des Augustus',Mus. Helv. 1 (1944),203-8, that Antistius'issue shows theforuli in whichthe basi (Suet.Aug.31.1).Zanker(n. 3, 1983), SibyllineBooks werehousedsub PalatiniApollinis issuewith of the imageon Antistius' 31-2, 38-9 and(n. 3, 1988),85-6, upholdsthe identification Jucker notesthat butwithoutcogentargument. the statuereferred to by Propertius, (91-2) rightly in Apollo's portrayalbetweenthe earlierand later Lugdunumissues and the discrepancies or paterain the righthand)neednot preclude issue(e.g.plectrum betweentheseand Antistius' His suggestion theiralludingto the samemonument. (96-100)that the coins depictan Apollo with the does not appearto be compatible statueerectedat the Nicopolisvictorymonument of Apollo the lyre-player see excavated remains: cf. Zachos(n. 73), 81-92. For the iconography des musischen Statuarische M. Flashar,Apollon Kitharoidos. Apollon (Cologne,Weimar, Typen Vienna,1992). 81

Gurval's thesis formspart of a more wide-ranging attemptto minimizethe significance see the reservations of of the Actiumvictoryin Augustanideology.This too fails to convince: C. B. R. Pelling,JRS 87 (1997),289-90.

82

seethetexts andcoins cited above andalsoOv.Met.13.715. Forthisepithet

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for the expressedthroughthe lightningstrike of 36, but also as a thank-offering decisivevictory.It is not significant that the earliestpoetic references to the battleor the templedo not happento assertthe connection.The linkingmade in the Aeneid and in Propertius' fourthbook is muchmoreplausiblytakenas reflecting a generally heldviewratherthanas the poets'innovation. The year 28 B.C. also saw the first celebration of the four-yearly votive games at Romefor the healthof Octavian/Augustus whichhad been established by decreeof the senateas one of the honoursvoted on receiptof the newsof the Actiumvictory. The establishment of these quadriennial games,the first of theirkind at Rome,may well have been promptedby Octavian'srefoundationof the Actian games as a festival.The gameswerecelebrated quadriennial by the consulsand each of the four majorpriestlycollegesin turn,and continuedto be held to the end of Augustus'life are attestedin 16 B.C. and A.D. (celebrations 9).83It is naturalto supposethat Apollo was the god honouredby thesegamesand thattheirfirstcelebration in 28 was linked with the dedicationof the Palatinetemplein the same year. If this is correct,the games will have made explicitthe connectionbetweenthe templeand the victory. the conclusionremains uncertain. Wearenevertold the identityof the god However, to whomthe gameswerevowed,and, althoughan aureusof the moneyerC. Antistius Vetuscommemorates the gamesof 16 B.C., we cannotbe surethat an associationwas intended between this issue and his denarii depicting Apollo Actius, discussed Dio mentions the first celebrationof the games immediatelyafter the above.84 dedicationof the Palatinetemple,but he does not explicitlystatethat the two events wereconnected,and his accountof the eventsof this year is organizedon thematic ratherthanchronological principles.85 VI. THE TEMPLEAND THE THUNDERBOLT As a greatcommander should,Octavian/Augustus enjoyedmore than his fair share of luck.In the case of the Palatinetemplehe benefited fromtwo remarkable chances: first, the lightningstrike on his Palatineland, and, secondly,the decisivebattle's happeningto take place close to a sanctuaryof Apollo. Modern scholarshiphas made much of the latter coincidence,but has paid little attentionto the lightning strike.Thispaperhas soughtto makegood that omission. One reason why the lightning strike has receivedinsufficientattention is the belief that the Palatinetemplewas vowed to Apollo for the victory at widespread Naulochusand so belongsin the traditionof commanders' manubialtemples.This conceptionhas beenshownhereto be erroneous. A furtherreasonwhy the significanceof the lightningstrikehas not been fully
83 RG9.1;Dio 51.19.2;Suet.Aug.44.3. 28 B.c.: Dio 53.1.4-5. 16 B.c.: Institution: Dio 54.19.8; RIC 12Augustus 369(aureus of C. Antistius cf. CIL6.877a.A.D. 9: Plin.NH 7.158.On the Vetus); games see T. Mommsen,Res GestaeDivi Augusti(Berlin,18832), 41-3; Rieks (n. 96), 107-9; Weinstock andGurval minimize the (n. 12),310-17;Gurval(n. 26), 120-3.Weinstock mistakenly with the Actiumvictory. Thesegamesarenot to be confusedwiththe vowing games'connection of gamesto Jupiter forAugustus' safereturn on his departures fromRome:the firstsuchgames attestedwerevowedin 16 B.c.and held on Augustus' return in 13 B.c.,and the vowingof these on the coinageof Antistius' Rufus(Dio 54.19.7, gameswas celebrated colleagueL. Mescinius 27.1;RIC 12Augustus 353-8). 84 The association was already presumed by Mommsen (n. 83),42. ForAntistius' coinagesee nn. 81, 84 above. a new aureus 85 J.W.Rich and J. H. C. Williams, of Octavian and 'Legeset iurap.R. restituit: the settlement of 28-27 B.c.', Numismatic Chronicle 159(1999),169-213,at 196.

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is a tendencyto assumethat, with his vast power,Octavian was free to appreciated pursuehis wishes without restraint,and so proceededto establisha templeto his in 36 Octavian patrongod next to his housebecauseit suitedhim to do so. However, was alreadybeginningto adopt the policy of giving his powera republican guise whichwas to servehim so well as sole ruler,notablythroughhis promisethathe and theirexceptional Antonywouldin due coursesurrender powers.Forhim to establish a greattempleto his patrongod simplyat his whimwouldhavesmacked of arrogance. The choice of site wouldhavemade the arrogance still greater, sinceApollo thereby and a templeclose to and in intimate acquiredhis first cult within the pomerium with If Octavian's own it had not been for the lightning-strike, house.86 relationship Octaviancould not haveannounceda templeof Apollo in 36. He mighthavevowed such a templelater,as a manubialthank-offering for Actium, but he would surely havefelt obligedto locateit in one of the existingpublicspacesratherthannextto his home. Octavian's foundingof the Palatinetempledrewnot on the traditionof the manubial templesof commanders, but on a different of tradition, namelythe establishment on of in the recommendation a of He temples priestlyexperts expiation prodigy. in variouswaysfromthe traditional departed practice, just as Pompeyand Caesardid in theiruse of the manubial tradition.The dynastslargelybypassed the senate,which had traditionally playeda centralrolein templefoundation: PompeyandCaesarseem to havegone aheadwith theirbenefactions withoutconsultingthe senate;Octavian himself,and on his returnin November36 he may have consultedthe haruspices with theirrecomsimplyannouncedhis intentionto buildthe templein accordance mendation.Prodigytempleshad moreusuallybeen foundedon the authorityof the a lightningstrikeon privateland had not SibyllineBooks ratherthan the haruspices; beenviewedas a publicprodigy; and the haruspices traditionally mayhavebeenhard in their traditionallore for their announcement that pressedto find authorization Apollo desiredthe land wherethe lightninghad struck(thoughon this last point we cannotbe sure).None the less,despitethesedivergences, the old traditionof prodigy a framework for Octavian's action,andthe templesof Summanus, templesdid provide close precedents. The Palatine luppiterFulgur,and Honos providedcomparatively withoutprecedent, but stood withinan established templewas thusnot an innovation tradition. The same held good too for Augustus'next new foundation,Iuppiter Tonans,whichgaveRomeits thirdtempleto a lightning god. Octavianhad, almostcertainly, alreadysettledon Apollo as his patronbeforethe decision was taken that a temple to the god should be built next to his house. his relationship with the god must havebeen greatlystrengthened both in However, his own eyes and in those of his contemporaries first by the decisionto build the templeand secondlyby the god's associationwith the Actiumvictory.It may have been only in these later contexts that the stories that Octavianhad impersonated Apollo at a banquetand thatthe god was his realfathercameto be widelycirculated. own readiness to promotethe association wouldbe strikingly if confirmed Octavian's it weretrue,as late sourcesclaim,that he permitted a statueof Apollo to be erected his devotionto However, bearinghis own featuresin one of the Palatinelibraries.87
86

to godsof foreign butZiolkowski on the building of temples (n. 14), originwithinthepomerium, of sucha principle. the existence 265-306,showsthatthereis no good reasonforpostulating to be identified with the statueof on Hor.Epist.1.3.17;Serv.Ecl. 4.10. Perhaps 87 Ps.-Acron M. H. Crawford, Apollo mentionedin the senate'sdecreehonouringthe dead Germanicus: Hebana4. Roman Statutes (1996),37, Tabula

thatthefounding of thePalatine a taboo It hasbeenwidely contravened supposed temple

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the most explicitrepresentation of Octavian/Augustus as Apollo was neverexclusive: a divinityoccurson coinageissuedabout the time of Actiumwhichlinks him with and Horace,in a poem writtenperhapsin 27, opts for an identification with Jupiter, Mercury."88 The actualspot wherethe lightninghad struckmust have receivedspecialveneration in the Palatinesanctuary. It is temptingto associateit with a pillar-type object, whichfeaturesboth on one of the terracotta in the excavation of plaquesrecovered the Palatinesanctuaryand on wall-paintings in the 'Room of the Masks' in the 'Houseof Augustus' andin the 'Triclinium' of the 'Houseof Livia'.89 Thisfeaturehas been identifiedas depictingan 'agyieus'or 'baetyl',a taperedpillar servingas an aniconiccult object.Its appearance on a terracotta from plaqueandon wall-paintings the adjacent housesshowsthatit had local importance andmakesit likelythat sucha If so, it will havebeen dedicatedto Apollo, baetylwill havestood in the sanctuary. and the plaqueshowsthe baetylas decorated with his lyreand quiveras well as being adornedwith fillets by maidensstandingon eitherside. Baetylsare knownto have been a widelydiffusedfeatureof the cult of Apollo Agyieus(Apollo as protectorof whichhad a particular in someof the formerCorinthian colonies streets), importance in north-westGreece,such as Apollonia and Ambracia.The baetyl'srole in the Palatinesanctuary is likelyto havebeen linkedwith the battleof Actium,foughtin the regionwherebaetylsplayedso prominent a partin Apollo'scult, and sucha connectionis madeevenmoreprobable of a baetylat Nicopolis.90 by the recentdiscovery the Palatine also have been associated with the lightningstrike, However, baetylmay as has beensuggested Picard-Schmitter and If Strazzulla.91 by so, it mayhavemarked the actual spot wherethe bolt struck,and enclosedit, just as a traditionalbidental wouldhavedone. The establishment of Apollo'stemplenextto his homeandthe laterextensionof its role as a thank-offering for the Actium victory servedthe purposesof Octavian/ but it does not followthathe viewedthesedevelopments Augustusverywell, solelyin terms of political and cultural expediency.As his biographertells us, he had a traditional reverencefor religion, feared thunder and lightning, and attached His dedicationof the temple of luppiter importanceto omens and prodigies.92 Tonansmayhavebeenprompted to Jupiter for sparinghim from by sinceregratitude the lightning strike that killed the accompanyingslave. He may have genuinely believed that he enjoyed Apollo's special protection. He may have accepted the Palatine himselfthatit had beensentby lightningbolt as a divinesign,andpersuaded conflictwith Apollo as a demandfor a templeon the site.The locationof the decisive but Antony and Cleopatrawill have been determinedby strategicconsiderations,

Marchetti esp.154-69; (n.3). 90C. Tzouvara-Souli, 'Thecultsof Apolloin north-western in J. Isager(ed.), Greece',
Foundationand Destruction. Nicopolis and NorthwesternGreece(Athens, 2001), 233-555.

Pont. Acc. Arch. 44 (1971/2), 123-39, at 129-31; id., 'Nuova serie di grandi lastri fittili "Campana"', Boll. d'Arte58 (1973),75-87, at 78-80; id., Das Hausdes Augustus (n. 11),23-7; M. T. Picard-Schmitter, Monuments Piot 57 (1971),43-88;Zanker(n. 3, 'Betyleshellenistiques', 'DerantikeAgyieus', JDAI108(1993),123-96, 1988),89-90;Strazzulla (n. 3), 22-9; V.Fehrentz,

RIC 12Augustus 269-70;cf. Pollini(n. 64), 348-9. Hor.Odes1.2. 89 G. Carettoni, 'Terrecotte dalloscavo del tempio di ApolloPalatino', Rend "Campana"
88

91Picard-Schmitter (n. 89), 77;Strazzulla (n. 3), 27-8. 92 Suet.Aug.90-92;above,at n. 55.

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Octavian's confidence may have been boosted by the presence of a sanctuary of Apollo, and he may have believed that the god had helped him to victory.93

Radboud Nijmegen University, University of Nottingham

OLIVIER HEKSTER o.hekster@let.ru.nl JOHN RICH john.rich@nottingham.ac.uk

in a seminar at the andtheparticipants to Fergus Millar, Steinby, Margareta 93 Wearegrateful on earlierdraftsof this paper.The finalversion of Nottinghamfor theircomments University reader. of thejournal's has beengreatly improved by the suggestions

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