Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art Author(s): Inez Scott Ryberg Source: Memoirs of the American Academy

in Rome, Vol. 22, Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art (1955), pp. iii+v+vii+ix-xi+xiii-xvi+1-227 Published by: University of Michigan Press for the American Academy in Rome Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4238633 . Accessed: 21/04/2013 15:23
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RITES

OF
IN

THE

STATE ART

RELIGION

ROMAN

INEZ

SCOTT

RYBERG

PROFESSOR OF CLASSICS VASSAR COLLEGE

AMERICAN

ACADEMY '955

IN

ROME

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TO

M. E. R.
ANIMAE DIMIDIVM MEAE

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EDITOR'S

PREFACE

A subvention from research funds of Vassar College, which covered a portion of the cost of printing, has enabled the American Academy in Rome to publish this volume by a former Fellow of the Academy, Inez Scott Ryberg. For editorial assistance and aid with the proof reading of this and other volumes I have had constant help from Miss Alice Martin Hawkins and have depended heavily on her experience and care. Professor Ryberg came to Rome to see this volume through the final stages of printing. Mr. J.J. Felbermeyer was helpful in the preparation of the plates for publication. My predecessor Professor Frank E. Brown joins me in expressing appreciation for our years of association with the Proprietor of the Tipografia del Senato, the late Dr. Giovanni Bardi. He was the creator of a press that has done great service to the world of learning. Our good wishes for the future go to his son and successor Dr. Paolo Bardi. As editor, I should like particularly to record my gratitude to the Director of the Press, Cav. Paolo Bianchi, for his unfailing helpfulness and interest. LILY Ross TAYLOR Rome
September, I955

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AUTHOR'S

PREFACE

Because the state religion was a predonminanttheme in Roman' imperial art, a survey of the monumental reliefs which represent religious rites provides an illuminating commentary on the development of religious concepts, above all on the gradually evolving concept of the emperor and his relation to gods and men. Apart from important individual monuments like the Ara Pacis. the reliefs have been studied primarily as illustrations of the development of Roman sculpture, and many are still awaiting interpretation in detail. Thus their potential usefulness to an understanding of the religious development of the Empire remains partially unexplored. The present study was undertaken with the lhope that a comparison of many different representations of similar or closely related subjects, and an examination of their content in the liglht of the available literary sources on Roman religious ritual, might lead to more accurate dating and more satisfactory interpretation of the reliefs themselves, and tlhat these in turn might eventually become more serviceable as a source of evidence on Roman religion. It is a pleasure to acknowledge, with deep gratitude, my indebtedness to the many colleagues and friends who have contributed to the development of this study by helpful suggestions and criticism. I wish to express my thanks first and foremost to Professor Karl Lehmann of New York University, whose suggestion led me to undertake the investigation, and with whom I have discussed numerous problems of interpretation. Warm thanks are due to Professor Elizabeth Hazelton Haight of Vassar College, whose continued interest and encouragement have been an invaluable aid at every stage of progress. I am deeply indebted to Professor Lily Ross Taylor of the American Academy in Rome for undertaking the arduous task of editing the manuscript, for giving me the benefit not only of her wisdom in problems of publication but of her expert knowledge in the field of Roman religion, and for putting me in touch with recent and current work of scholars in Romne. I am grateful to Vassar College for grants of leave which provided time for uninterrupted study in this country and in Italy, and for generous grants in aid of publication from the Lucy Maynard Salmon Fund for research and the John Leverett Moore Fund for researclh in Classics; to my colleagues of the Classical Journal Club of Vassar College for discussioin and criticism of individual chapters.
2

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x

I am indebted to the generosity of the administrators of museums who have supplied photographs of various reliefs, in particular to Professors J. Charbonneaux of the Louvre, A. M. Colini of the Capitoline Museum, F. Magi of the Vatican Museum, A. Maiuri of the Museum in Naples, L. Laurenzi of the Museo Civico at Bologna, F. Eichler of the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. Cordial thanks are extended to Professor C. R. Morey for aid in securing access to the bibliograplhical and photographic resources of the Deutsches archaologisches Institut; to Professor Erik Sjoquist, who obtained for me photographs of the relief at Sabratha; to Dr. L. Cozza for permission to publish his photographs of the Villa Medici reliefs; to Dr. Gisela M. A. Riclhterand to Professors T. R. S. Broughton, Richard Stillwell, and Frank E. Brown for reading the manuscript and offering helpful suggestions on various details; to Mr. J. J. Felbermeyer for supervising reproduction of the photographs; to Miss Alice lIawkins and to Signora Inez lIongobardi for generous assistance in seeing the manuscript through the press. For help in preparing the photographs and for composition of the plates I am indebted to my husband, Milton E. Ryberg.
I NEZ SCOTT
RYBE,RG

Vassar College Poughkeepsie, New York August, I 955

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CONTENTS

LIST

OF ILLUSTRATIONS ..

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

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xiii

CHAPTER

I.
I I.

THE GREEK

BACKGROUND IN ETRUSCAN

.. ART . .
.20

I .

RELIGIOUS RITES RELIEFS

6
. . . . . . . . . .

III.

OF THE LATE REPUBLIC OF PEACE MAXIMUS

IV. V. VI. VII.
VIII.
IX.

THE AUGUSTAN ALTAR AUGUSTUS TRADITION THE AS PONTIFEX

.. . . . . . . .

. .

38 49
64

OF THE ALTAR

OF PEACE .

..

..

. ..

. . . . . . .

RULER CULT IN ART

. . . . ... . . . .. . . .. . . .
. . . . . . . .

8i
IO4 120
14I I63

THE SUOVETAURILIA

. . .0.
. . .

. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . .

VOTA PUBLICA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
THE TRIUNMPH . . STATE CULT REFLECTED IN PRIVATE MONUMENTS

X.
XI. XI 1.

SACRIFICES AS COIN T YPES . . . . . . . . . . .
MOTIFS MODES AND DESIGNS

. . . .
9. . . . .

174
Ig 0 203 2II

XII. XIV.

. . ... . .

. . . . . .
. . .

.
. .

OF THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. BIBLIOGRAPHY, INDEX. WITH ABBREVIATIONS. . . . . . . .

2I3
2I7

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

P1. I. Greek votive relief, Munich, Glyptothek; from Sieveking-Weickert, Ftunfzig Meisterwerke pl. 44. Fig. 2, P1. I. Greek votive relief, Paris, Louvre; from Encyclopddie photographique, Musee du
i,

Fig.

Louvre 3,
Fig. 3, P1. II.
pl. 20.

pl.

2I6

b.

Silver vase from Chiusi, Florence, Museo Archeologico; from Inghirami, MonEtr 3,

Fig. 4, P1. II. Certosa situla, Bologna, Museo Civico: from Randall-Maclver, Iron Age in Italy pl. IO. Fig. 5 a-d, P1. III. Relief on the Sedia Corsini, Rome, Corsini collection, to he transferred to Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia; from MonAnt 24, pls. 2-5. Fig. 6, P1. IV. Bronze lamina from Bomarzo, Vatican; Alinari photograph 35611. Fig. 7, P1. II. Bronze mirror, present location unknown; from Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel 5 pl. 36. Fig. 8 a-b, P1. IV. Reliefs on a sarcophagus from Chiusi: a) Paris, Louvre; from JOAl 6 (I903) 143, fig. 92; b) Paris, Louvre; Alinari photograph 23792. Fig. 9, P1. IV. Pasinati cista, present location unknown; from MonInst 9, pls. 24-25. Fig. IO, P1. V. Relief on a cinerary urn, Volterra, Museo Guarnacci; from Brunn-K6rte, Rilievi 3, pl. 132. Fig. II, P1. V. Cinerary urn, British Museum; British Museum photograph. Fig. I2, P1. V. Cinerary urn, Vatican; Vatican Museum photograph. Fig. I3, P1. VI. Bronze cista, Berlin, Antiquarium; from MonInst IO, pl. 29. Fig. I4, P1. VI. Terracotta pedimental figures from the Caelian Hill, Museo dei Conservatori, Braccio Nuovo; photographs by Calderisi. Fig. 15 a, P1. VII. Borghese altar, Rome, Museo e Galleria Borghese; Deutsch. arch. Inst. negs.
7699-7702.

Fig. I5 b, P1. VII. Drawing of Borghese altar, Rome, Museo e Galleria Borghese; from FestArndt 49, fig. 2. Fig. i6, P1. VII. Falerii base, Civita Castellana, Cathedral; Deutsch. arch. Inst. negs. 8355, 8359. Fig. 17 a-c, P1. VIII. Base of Ahenobarbus, Paris, Louvre; Alinari photographs 22556-58. Fig. i8, P1. IX. Cippus from Isernia, Museo Civico; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. I934, 340. Fig. I9 a, P1. IX. Relief found near the Capitoline Hill, Museo dei Conservatori, Braccio Nuovo; from Mdl 2 (1949) pl. 9. Fig. I9 b, P1. IX. Relief at Aquila, Musqo Njzionale; Alinari photograph 36IOI, Aquila. Fig. I9 c, P1. IX. Coin of L. Pomponius Molb; from Vessberg, Actalns/Suec 8 (I941) p1. 12, 3. Fig. I9 d, P1. IX. Coin of A. Postumius Albinus; from ibid pl. 12, 5. Fig. 20, P1. X. Altar in Bologna, Museo Civico; from RM 42 (I927) 20. pI. Fig. 21, P1. X. Ara Pacis, relief of Aeneas' Sacrifice; Alinari photograph 27323. Fig. 22 a-b, P1. XI. Ara Pacis, inner altar: a) from Moretti, Ara Pacis (1938) fig. 40; b) Anderson photograph 4I087. Fig. 23 a-b, P1. XII. Ara Pacis, Imperial procession: a) Anderson photograph 4io86; b) Alinari photograph 3576. Fig. 24 a-b, P1. XIII. Ara Pacis, Senatorial procession; Alinari photographs 3577-78. Fig. 25, P1. XI. Relief in Ince Blundell Hall; from JDA 55 (I940) 4I, fig. 17. Fig. 26, P1. XIII. Sorrento base, Sorrento, Museo Correale; from BullComm 6o (1932) pls. 1-2. Fig. 27, P1. XIV. Relief in Palermo, Museo Nazionale; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 1275. Fig. 28 a-c, Pls. XIV-XV. Belvedere altar, Vatican; Deutsch. arch. Inst. negs. 1509-II. Fig. 29, P1. XVI. Altar in the Vatican; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. I934, 74.

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xiv

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 30, P1. XVI. Altar from Vicus Aesculeti, Museo dei Conservatori; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 1935, 388. Fig. 3I, P1. XVI. Altar from Vicus Sandaliarius, Uffizi; Alinari photograph II63. Fig. 32, P1. XVI. Altar at Soriano, Coll. Chigi; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 1930, 66o. Fig. 33 a-d, P1. XVII. Altar in Naples, Museo Nazionale; Museum photographs. Fig. 34 a-b, P1. XVIII. a) Ara Pietatis, fragment of festoon, Rome, Museo dei Conservatori; photographs Sopraintendenza alle antichit'a, Rome; b) floral fragment in Soane collection; photograph by courtesy of Cornelius Vermeule. Fig. 34 c, P1. XVIII. Ara Pietatis, relief of temple, Rome, Museo dei Conservatori;Alinari photograph 48544. Fig. 35 a-d, Pls. XIX-XX. Ara Pietatis, processional reliefs: a, c-d) Rome, Villa Medici; Deutsch. arch. Inst. negs. 1936, 2374, 2273; b) Museo dei Conservatori; photograph Sopraintendenza alle antichit'a, Rome. Fig. 35 e, P1. XX. Fragment of procession with Lar carriers, Lateran; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 7507. Fig. 36 a-f, Pls. XXI-II. Ara Pietatis, Rome, Villa Medici: a-b) Anderson photographs 20724-25; c-d) photographs J. Felbermeyer;e-f) photographs Sopraintendenza alle antichit'a, Rome. Fig. 37, a-d, Pls. XXIII-IV. Relief from Palazzo Cancelleria, Vatican; Vatican museum photographs. Fig. 38 a-b, Pls. XXV-VI. Altar of Vespasian, Pompeii: a) Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 1931, 2519; b) Alinari photograph II4I08, Pompeii. Fig. 39 a-b, Pls. XXV-VI. Altar of Manlius, Lateran: a) Anderson photograph 24II2; b) Deutsch. arch. Inst. photograph. Fig. 40 a-b, P1. XXVI. Altar to Minerva, Museo Capitolino; Faraglia photographs. Fig. 4I a-d, P1. XXVII. Altar of Carthage, Tunis, Musee du Bardo; from Poinssot, L'autel de la gens Augusta pls. 7-I0, Fig. 42 a-c, P1. XXVIII. Relief at Ravenna, Museo Nazionale; Deutsch. arch. Inst. negs. 1938,
I408; I939,
821,

85.

Fig. , P1. XXIX. Relief at Vercelli, Museo Lapidario; New York University neg. Fig. 44. P1. XXIX. Coin of Caligula; from Bernhart pl. 93, I. Fig. 45 a-d, P1. XXX. Cippus in Anteguera, Museo Municipal; from Garcia y Bellido, Esculturas
Romanas de Espana pl.
290.

Fig. 45 e, P1. XXIX. Relief in the Vatican; Anderson photograph 3932. Fig. 46, P1. XXXI. Mosaic at Ostia; from Me7Rome 27 (I907) pls. 5-6. Fig. 47, P1. XXXI. Pediment of a tomb from Chieti, Rome, Museo Nazionale; photograph Gabinetto fotografico nazionale 2297. Fig. 48 a-b, P1. XXXI-II. Reliefs from a tomb at Amiternum, Rome, Museo Nazionale; Deutsch. arch. Inst. negs. I937, 884-85. Fig. 49 a-b, Pls. XXXII-III. Relief in Bonn, Provinzialmuseum; from BonnJbb 133 (1928)
pls. 20-2I.

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

a-c, Pls. XXXII-III. Relief from Necropolis Marittima at Pompeii, Naples, Museo Nazionale; photograph Gabinetto fotografico, Naples. Cippus in Milan, Musei Civici: Alinari photograph 48I86, Mostra Aug. 5I, P1. XXXIII. 52 a-d, P1. XXXIV. Frieze of the Arch at Susa, north face; from Ferrero, L'arc d'Auguste a' Suse. 53, P1. XXXV. Relief of a Suovetaurilia frcm Cosa, Rcme, American Academy; photograph American Academy in Rome. 54 a-b, P1. XXXV. Suovetaurilia of the Louvre; Alinari photographs 22685, 22687, Paris. 55-57, Pls. XXXVI-VIII. Column of Trajan, Scenes VIII, LIII, CIII; Sansaini photographs, from casts in Vatican Museum, Giardino. 58, P1. XXXIX. Column of Marcus Aurelius, Scene XXX; from Petersen, Domaszewski, Calderini, Die Marcussduie pl. 38. 59, P1. XL. Panel of the Arch of Constantine; Alinari photograph 2535. 6o a-c, P1. XL. Relief at Lyons, Musee du Palais des Arts; from Esperandieu 3, no. i8oi. 6i a-b, P1. XLI. Column base of Diocletian, Roman Forum; Deutsch. arch. Inst. negs. 1935, 356, 358.
50

Fig. 62, P1. XLI.

Column of Trajan, Scene LXXX;

Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg.

1941,

1503.

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

xV

63, Pl. XLI. Column of Trajan, Scenes LXXXIV-V; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 1941, 1510. 64, Pl. XLII. Column of Trajan, Scenes XC-XCI; Alinari photographs 4I838-40. 65, Pl. XLIII. Column of Trajan, Scene CII; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. I941, I580. 66, P1. XLIII. Column of Trajan, Scene LXXXVI; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 1941, 120I. 67, P1. XLIV. Column of Trajan, Scenes XCVIII-IX; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 194I, 1565. 68, PI. XLIV. Column of Marcus Aurelius, Scene LXXV; from Petersen, Domaszewski, Calderini, Die Marcussdule pl. 83. 69 a-b, P1. XLV. Extispicium in the Louvre; Alinari photographs 226I3-I4, Paris. 70, Pl. XLVI. Mattei relief, Louvre; Alinari photograph 22727, Paris. Relief in the Uffizi; Alinari photograph 48666, Florence. 71, Pl. XLVI. 72 a-b, P1. XLVII. Relief from Ephesus, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum; photograph Kunsthistorisches Museum. 73 a-b, P1. XLVIII. Pylon relief, Arch of Lepcis; from AA 47 (932) fig. 31. S29, Relief in the Theater at Sabratha; photograph Sopraintendenza Scavi in 74, Pl. XLVIII. Libia, Series DS no 98 and CS no 45. 75 a-b, P1. XLIX. Arch of the Silversmiths, Rome; Alinari photographs 28856-57. 76, P1. XLIX. Arch of Galerius at Saloniki; from Kinch, L'arc de triomphe pl. 5. 77 a-d, PI. L. Silver cup from Boscoreale, Paris, Louvre; from MonPiot 5 (1899) pls. 34-36. 78 a-d, P1. LI Frieze from the Temple of Apollo beside the Theater of Marcellus, Museo dei Conservatori, Braccio Nuovo; photographs Sopraintendenza alle antichita, Rome. 79 a-b, P1. LII. Panels of the Arch of Titus; Alinari photographs 5839-5840. 8o a-b, P1. LIII. Frieze of the Arch of Titus; from Strong, ScultRom fig. 7I and pl. 21. 8o c, P1. LIII. Coin of Antoninus; from Gnecchi, pl. 46, i. 8i a, P1. LIII. Fragment of frieze, Museo dei Conservatori, Braccio Nuovo; from Mustilli, Mus. Mussolini, pl. I02, no. 385. 8I b, P1. LIII. Fragment in the Vatican Museum; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 3260. 8i c, P1. LIII. Relief in Naples, Museo Nazionale; photograph Gabinetto fotografico, Naples. 8i d-e, P1. LIV. Fragments from balustrades, Amphitheater at Capua, Naples, Museo Nazionale; from Pesce, L'Amfi/ealro campano pls. I2, 14. 82 a-e, Pls. LIV-V. Frieze of the Arch of Benevento: a-d) Deutsch. arch. Inst. negs. 1929, 48I, 47I, 470, 482; e) Alinari photograph 47121, Mostra Augustea. 83, P1. LV. Panel of the Arch of Benevento; Alinari photograph 11497, Benevento. 84, P1. LVI. Pylon relief on the Arch of Benevento; Alinari photograph II500, Benevento. 85, P1. LVI. Fragmentary relief in the Louvre; Museum photograph. 86, P1. LVI. Panel relief in Museo dei Conservatori; Alinari photograph 6043. 87, P1. LVI. Antonine relief in the Louvre; Museum photograph Io98. 88, P1. LVII. Attic relief, Arch of Lepcis; from Africa 1/aliana 4 (I93I), fig. 73. 89 a-b, P1. LVII. Attic relief, Arch of Lepcis; Alinari photographs 46977-78, Mostra Aug. go, P1. LVIII. Sarcophagus in Mantua, Galleria e Museo del Palazzo Ducale; Alinari photograph 1308.
9i,
92,

Fig.
Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

P1. LVIII. Sarcophagus in the Uffizi; from Sludi Romani

2

(1914)

pl. 5.

P1. LVIII. Sarcophagus in Los Angeles, County Museum; Museum photograph. 93, P1. LIX. Sarcophagus in the Belvedere, Vatican; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 1936, 540. 94, P1. LIX. Sarcophagus in the Vatican; Alinari photograph 20I67. 95, P1. LIX. Sarcophagus in San Lorenzo fuori le mura; Alinari photograph 586o. 96 a-b, P1. LX. Ends of sarcophagus in Mantua, Galleria e Museo del Palazzo Ducale; from Levi, Scult. di Man/ova pl. 99. Fig. 97 a-c, P1. LX. Altar of Scipio Orfitus, Museo dei Conservatori; a-b) photographs by J. Felbermeyer; c) from Strong, ScultRom pl. 64. Fig. 98 a-b, Pls. LX-XI. Ends of a sarcophagus in Museo dei Conservatori, Braccio Nuovo; photographs J. Felbermeyer. Fig. 99, P1. LXI. Pompeian painting, Pompeii, Casa di Marte c Venere; from Sogliano, Pompei
pl. I4.

Fig.

P1. LXII. Relief on Lararium in the house of Caecilius lucundus, Pompeii; from Maiuri, Ul/ima fase edilizia pl. i. Fig. IOI a, P1. LXI. Cippus in Bologna, Museo Civico; Museum photograph.
I00,

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xvi Fig. Fig. Fig.
IOI
I02 103,

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS b, P1. LXI. Altar to Silvanus, Florence, Museo Archeologico; from Studi Romani 2 145, fig. 2. a-b, P1. LXII. Reliefs on altars to Celtic goddesses, Bonn, Provinzialmuseum; from
pls.
I0, 15.

(I914)

BonnJbb I35 (I930)

Fig.
Fig. Fig.

Fig. Fig. Fig.

P1. LXII. Altar to Neptune, Turin, Museo di Antichita; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 3029. 104, P1. LXII. Cippus in Naples, Museo Nazionale; Alinari photograph19go8i, Naples. 105 a-k, P1. LXIII. Coins representing Ludi Saeculares: a-i) Domitian, from EphEp 8, pl. I; j-k) Septimius Severus, from Sale Catalogue Naville I3, I928, no. 1387; Bernhart pl. 56, 13. io6 a-g, P1 LXIII. Coin types of Vota Publica: a) coin of Antistius Vetus, Grueber 2, 54; b) Trajan, from Mattingly 3, p1. 20, 9; c) Hadrian, fromMattingly, 3, pl. 52, I4; d-e) Hadrian, from Mattingly 3, pl. 62, 3, 5; f) Antoninus, from Strack 3, pl. I5, no. ii8o; g) Marcus Aurelius, from Sale Catalogue Hamburger, May 27, 1929, no. 1204. I07 a-c, P1. LXIV. Coin types of Vota Publica: a) Hadrian, from Mattingly 3, pl. 62, 4; b) Antoninus, from Gnecchi pl. 50, 3; c) Commodus, from Mattingly 4, pl. IIO, I. io8 a-d, P1. LXIV. Coin types of Vota Publica, Marcus Aurelius and Commodus: a) from Gnecchi pl. 6I, 3; b) from Gnecchi pl. 63, 9; c-d) from Gnecchi pl. 89, 2, 5. IO9, a-c, P1. LXIV. Coin types of Vota Publica: a) Commodus, from Gnecchi pl. 89, 7; b) Septimius Severus, from Mattingly 5, p1. 49, 6; c) Macrinus, from Head, BMCatCoins,
lonia pl.
I4,

4.

Fig. iio a-b, P1. LXV. Coins of Hadrian, Adventus Augusti; from Strack2, pl. 13, nos. 749, 75I. Fig. III a-b, P1. LXV. Antonine coins of early Roman legends; from Brown, Temp/es as Coin Types pl. 6, 3 and 6. Fig. 112 a-k, P1. LXV. Coins representing sacrifice before a praesens deus: a-d) Commodus, from Gnecchi pls. 82, 4; 79, 3, Toynbee, NumS/ud 5, pl. 43, I; e) Gordianus, from Gnecchi ), pl. 104, 7; f) Commodus, from Bernhart pl. 57, 9; g) Postumus, from Gnecchi pl. Ii6, 7; h-i) Commodus, from Toynbee, NumS/ud 5, pl. 24, 3; Mattingly 4, p1. IIO, I2; j-k) Alexander Severus, from Gnecchi pl. IO', 3-4. Fig. 113 a-e, P1. LXVI. Coins representing sacrifice by the two Augusti: a) Marcus Aurelius, from Head, BMCatCoins, Jonia pl. I3, 8; b) Septimius Severus, from Mattingly 5, pl. 57, 6; c-d) Diocletian, from Toynbee, NumS/ud 5, pl. 6, 8; pl. 3, I5; d) Maximinus, from Gnecchi
pl. I02,

7.

Fig.

Fig.

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

a-e, P1. LXVI. Coins representing sacrifice before a temple: a) Domitian, from Mattingly 2, pl. 71, I; b-c) Caracalla, from Mattingly 5, p1. 7I, 8; BMCatCoins, Mysia p1. 3I, 5; d) Julia Domna, from Bul/Comm. 6o (I932) 30; e) Gordianus, from Gnecchi pl. io6, 3. Coins representing double sacrifice before a temple: a) Alexander Severus, II 5 a-g, P1. LXVI. from Gnecchi pl. 100, 2; b-c) Philippus, from Gnecchi pls. I08, 9; I09, -2; d) Trebonianus, from Gnecchi pl. III, 9; e) Diocletian, from Gnecchi pl. I24, 4; f-g) Constantine, from Toynbee, NumS/ud 5, pl. 8, 7; pl. 9, I. I i6 a, P1. LXVII. Fragment found near Merida, Merida, Museo Arqueologico; from Garcia y Bellido, Esculturas Romanas de EspaRa pl. 284. ii6b, P1. LXVII. Fragment in the Lateran Museum; Museum photograph. Fragment in the Villa Albani; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg. 1936, I58. Ii6 c, P1. LXVII. ii6d, P1. LXVII. Relief in Reggio Calabria, Museo Nazionale; Deutsch. arch. Inst. neg.
II4
1940,

260.

Fig. i i6 e, P1. LXVII. fig. 24I. Fig. Ii6 f, P1. LXVII.

Architectural relief in Rome, Museo Nazionale; from L'Orange, Studien Fragment in Dijon, facade of private house; from Esperandieu 4, no.
3451.

In the footnotes, references to the illustrations are in boldface type.

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CHAPTER

I

THE GREEK BACKGROUND

Roman religion and the state were so closely interwoven that practically no aspect of Roman monumental art is without some religious implication. The person of the emperor was associated with, or identified with, the greater gods of the state pantheon, or was endowed with attributes of divinity. The emperor as chief priest of the state appears in company with a variety of abstract deities or allegorical personifications which are quasi-divine: Roma, Victoria, Honos and Virtus, the Genius populi Romani, and the Senatus. Many of the official events or occasions represented in monumental relief were linked in some way with religious ceremonies: military triumph, public thanksgiving, worship of the emperor. An astonishing number of the surviving historical reliefs represent the actual performance of religious rites, culminating -in fact or in implication-in a sacrifice. Thus the sacrificial scene is one of the key themes in Roman art, and one which inspired the talents and engaged the efforts of artists, in somewhat varying degree, throughout the entire history of Roman monumental relief. Within the general limits set by the nature of the ritual itself various basic compositions were invented or adapted from earlier models, developed and altered, and finally, as each was brought to its full artistic culmination, discarded for new modes and designs. Since Roman relief sculpture developed from both Greek and Etruscan roots, this study must begin with a survey of the earlier models, Greek and Etruscan, upon which Roman art could draw. Material from Etruria is on the whole less rich and less developed than that to be found in Greece. Etruscan representations of religious ritual were often dependent in style on Greek vase painting and, perhaps partly for this reason, Etruscan art shows little development of an assembled and integrated "scene" of sacrifice. Representations of sacrifices, even in the later period of Etruscan art, ordinarily take the form of processions or simply of rows of figures converging from each side upon an altar. Etruscan representations have, however, a special significance for our study because of the widespread belief, ancient and modern, that many elements of Roman ritual were inherited from Etruria, and accordingly a separate chapter will be devoted to the Etruscan treatment of the theme. The subject of sacrifices in Greek art deserves investigation for its own sake and for the light it can throw on the history of Greek religion; but that study lies

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2

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

outside the scope of the present monograph. Greek representations will be considered here only in their general relationship to the development of Roman types and in connection with individual compositions directly influenced by Greek models. Religious rites are a familiar theme in Greek art from the archaic2 to the Hellenistic period, and there were abundant Greek models which could be adapted to the ritual of Roman cult. The processions of the Parthenon and other friezes 3 may be glimpsed in the background of the processional reliefs of the Augustan Altar of Peace and of its descendants. The famous type of Victory slaying a sacrificial bull was endlessly repeated, adapted, and varied from the time of its origin in the Balustrade of the Temple of Nike. 4 The richest sources, however, on which the Roman artist drew for motifs and details usable in new compositions, were the numerous representations of sacrifices in Greek vase paintings and in small votive reliefs. On Greek vases the sacrificial scene frequently takes the form of a procession, with victims and attendants and worshippers moving in one direction, sometimes but not always toward an altar or some focus of worship. Such a composition, familiar as a subject for a sculptured frieze, was similarly adaptable to a figured band around the body of a vase. I Frequently, however, the offering at the altar, rather than the procession, is emphasized. This kind of scene may be arranged in the same manner as the procession, with worshippers and victims approaching from one side, sometimes facing an image of the deity across the altar. 6 Or the altar may be placed in the center, as was usual in Roman sacrificial scenes, and the figures of priest, attendants, and victim ranged on either side or actually encircling it. I Many details are inevitably common to Greek and Roman representations of sacrifices because they correspond to basic cult practices. A victim or victims brought to an altar by attendants appropriately dressed for their task in loin cloth or simple tunic, serving boys or girls holding baskets or trays of cakes or fruit-these are apt to appear, in varying combinations, in any sacriThis subject is now under considerationby Dr. Constantine Yavis, whose book, GreekAl/ars, (St. Louis 1949) laid the foundation for such a study. The theme appears even earlier, in the well known painting of the slaughter of a bull on a chest from Hagia Triada, but that scene lies outside the Classical artistic tradition in the repre2

Origins and Typology

sentation of sacrifices; see M. P. Nilsson, Minoan-Mycenean Religion (Lund
3

1950)

440-42.

Sacrificial processions were represented in the friezes of the Parthenon, the Temple of Nike, the Nereid monument from Xanthos; see Reinach, I, 35-41, 19-22, 484.
4

Roscher, Nike, 345-46.
5

7 (i886) 275-85; JDAI i8 (1903) 63 ff.; 28 (1913) 326-27, pI. 27; cf. Bullk. See also AA 50 (I935) 33-42. ArchZeit 39 (i881) 29-32, pl. 3; Reinach, Rip. vas. I, 429; cf. also JDAI 31 (I9I6) 309 ff.;
57,

See JHS

52

(I937)

figs.

14-17;

Pfuhl, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen (Munich 1923) figs.

I69-70;

A. Rumpf, Religion der Griechen, in Bildera/Zas zur Religionsgeschich/e 13/14 (1928) nos. 153-61; B. Graef, Die anliken Vasen von der Akropo/is zu A/hen (Berlin 1909) pl. 33. 6 E.g. Baumeister I, 210, fig. I64; Rumpf, op. ci/. nos. 153, i6o. 7 FR pl. 146; Reinach, Rep. vas. I, I54, 195, 358, 379-80, 396, 403; 2, I8o; JDAI 27 (I912) 265 ff., figs. I-2; 40 (I925) 220, fig. 24; 52 (I937) 50-51, fig. II; AA 50 (I935) 506-9, fig. 6.

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THE GREEK BACKGROUND

3

Fig.

P1.

1

Fig. 2

P1. I

ficial scene. A flute player occasionally accomnpanies the ritual. 8 There is frequently, but by no means always, a sacrificant clothed in the usual citizen's himalion, in addition to the servant who conducts the victim. 9 Laurel wreaths are often worn by sacrificant and attendants, particularly in scenes on redfigured vases where a wreath made an attractive touch of decoration. IO Laurel twigs may appear in the hand of an attendant or on a tray. " Other details familiar in Roman sacrificial scenes occur occasionally in Greek vase paintings: and the garlanded altar, the fillets wound about the horns of a victim, I4 But all these details of ritual appear sporadivarious utensils of sacrifice. cally in Greek vase painting and, while they must have had a basis in cult practice, they were never fully established in an artistic tradition. Of greater significance for the actual development of Roman types are the Greek votive reliefs, in which sacrifices are a favorite subject. These are often essentially processional in composition, with the procession curtailed to a single group or short row of figures approaching an altar or a deity of heroic But the most advanced, of the Hellenistic period, represent an altar size. scene which approaches the tridimensional treatment characteristic of Roman relief. 6 The votive reliefs employ some of the same devices by which the Roman artists achieved an illusion of depth: the device of placing against a background figure a smaller attendant bending over a victim, as in the relief of Ahenobarbus; I" of placing a victim with an attendant against the altar itself, as on the Conservatori altar of the vicomagis/ri;i8 or, as in the same Roman example, of showing two victims side by side. '9 In sQme cases the illusion is attempted by representing the altar itself at an angle, as is custom',

8 E.g. Reinach, Re5p.vas. I, 358, 429; BritMusCatVas 2, B 79-80, B 627; JDA! 52 (I937) 55-57, fig. I7. A flute player appears even more rarely in the later votive reliefs. Svoronos, p1. 112, n. I485, includes a figure with veiled head, and the relief may possibly be influenced by Roman custom. 9 E.g. JDAI 27 (1912) 265 ff., figs. I-2; 40 (I925) 220, fig. 24; Reinach, Rip. vas. I, 195, 358, 396; AA 50 (I935) 506-9, fig. 6. o E.g. JDAI 27 (19I2) 297, fig. 22; 265 ff., figs. I-2; 40 (1925) 220, fig. 24; 52 (I937) 55-57, fig. I7; Reinach, Rip. vas. I, I95, 2I8, 403. -- E.g. Reinach, Rip. vas. I, 29, 429; 2, 123; JDA! 27 (19I2) 297, fig. 22; 265 ff., figs. I-2; 40 (1925) 2I5-I6, fig. 10; 220, fig. 24; AA 50 (I935) 5o6-9, fig. 6; FR pl. 146. X E.g. Reinach, Rip. vas. 1, 358. 13 E.g. Gerhard, Auserlesene Vasen pI. 243; JDAI 27 (1912) 265 ff., figs. 1-2; 52 (1937) 5r, fig. I i; Reinach, RIp. vas. 2, 123. 1' FR pI. 36 shows a dipper like the Roman simpulum but with a longer handle;Reinach,

4, a pail similar to the si/ula. (I877) pl. i8, 20, 22; Svoronos pls. 35-37, 65, 77, 93, 135; JDA! 40 (1925) 211, fig. i; Reinach, Rip. reliefs 2, 321-26; AA 53 (I938) 536-40, fig. 49; Hesperia 17 (1948) pl. 34, I; cf. BritMusCa/Scuipt 3, 219I, fig. 30. i6 See Zschietzschmann, Hellenis/ische und romischeKunst 52, fig. 5o; Laurenzi, RM 54 (1939) 42-65, pl. i i; BCH 2 (I878) 65 ff., pls. 7-9; Svoronos pls. 36, 58, no. 1459. 17 Cf. fig. '7; Svoronos pls. 36, 38, 59, 65, 112, 135. Cf. fig. 30; Svoronos pls. 65, 71, 112, I83; B.CH 2 (I878) 65 ff., pl. 7; MusIe duLouvre, Encyclopldie pholographique (ed. Tel) 3, 2i6 b. I9 Cf. Svoronos pl. 59, 6o. Re'p. vas.
15

2,

305,

See AMI 2

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4

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART reliefs from the later Augustan Age,
20

ary in Roman
behind the

or by placing figures

altar.21

Certain compositional formulae which are employed and developed in Roman sacrificial scenes were initiated earlier in the Greek votive reliefs. Here are to be found examples of the device of representing a tree behind an altar, to avoid a split in the composition and to centralize the scene, as in thle relief of Aeneas on the Ara Pacis;22 or of placing a flute player in profile behind the altar to fill the inevitable empty space above it.23 Here are to be found also various details and motifs familiar in Roman sacrificial scenes: the small cylindrical altar of the sacrifices represented on republican coins; 24 the viclimarius clad in a single garment, held around the waist by a twisted roll, like the Roman limus; the raised hand as a gesthe motif of the stooping vic/imarius;
25

26

ture of salutation

or worship.

27

A composition familiar in the votive reliefs represents a deity of heroic size standing at the right of an altar with patera in hand, while on the left are ranged the smaller figures of worshippers and victim. 2' By a slight adjustment this became the basic pattern of a type common on Augustan altars, in which the Emperor as Pontifex Maximus appears in the place and pose of the deity at the right of the altar, slightly larger in scale than the vicomagistri or attendants at the left. A scene which represents two victims standing side by side, led by worshippers clad in himatia, might be an ancestor of the strongly Hellenized Suovetaurilia of the Louvre. Some Greek predecessors of the oxslaving type, which was particularly popular in early imperial times, have been traced by Brendel, though no developed composition of the sort is known before it appears full-blown on a silver cup of the Augustan Age. 30 Greek sacrificial scenes occasionally represent the actual slaying of the victim, 3' but more frequently the moment chosen for portrayal is the presen29

20 Figs. 1-2; Cf. Svoronos pls. 35-37, 71, I83; BCH 2 (I878) 65 ff., pl. 8; Reinach 2, 253; RM 54 (I939) pl. ii. The altar is seen from an angle occasionally also in vase paintings; e.g. 265 ff., fig. 2; AA 50 (I935) 506-9, fig. 6. JDA! 27 (I9I2) See fig. I; Svoronos pls. 36-37, 112, I 77, I83; BCH 2 (I878) pl. 8; Reinach 2, 484. Svoronos pl. 112, nos. 1485-86; BCH I3 (I889) pl. 9. 23 Svoronos pl. I12, no. I485. 24 See figs. 32, I9 d; cf. Svoronos pls. 72-73; BCH 13 (I889) pl. 9; Reinach 2, 418, 4. 25 Svoronos pls. 35-36, 71, 90. 26 See figs. S-x6; cf. Svoronos pls. 36, 38, 65, I35. 27 See figs. 63-65 and last paragraph of Chapter IX, infra; cf. Svoronos pls. 36-37, 50, 59-60, 52I ff., pls. 5-6. In a few cases a victim is adorned with a band about 65, 7o; BCH 32 (I908) the body like the Roman dorsuale; e.g. JDAI 29 (19I4) 220, fig. I3, a Hellenistic votive relief;

cf. Reinach
28

2, 43I.

Figs. 1-2; S voronos pl. I I 2. 29 Fig. 54; Svoronos pls. 59-60. 30 Fig. 77; RM 45 (1930) 22I if. 31 Cf. the well known type of Victory slaying a bull; also JIDA i8 (1903) 113 ff., figs. 2-4; Bri/MusCatVas 2, B 362; 3, E 362. On a red-figured vase in Naples a goat is held over a table altar by an attendant with knife in hand ready for the slaughter, FR pl. I75; see also Rumpf, Relig. d. Griechen (supra n. 5) no. I65. A number of red-figured vase paintings represent the roasting

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THE GREEK BACKGROUND

5

tation of the victim at the altar. Even the implements of slaughter appear with relative rarity. Frequently in vase paintings obeisance and offerings are presented before an image of a deity, 33 and in such cases the altar may be dispensed with. In the reliefs deities are more likely to be present in person to receive the offerings, as in the Parthenon frieze. 3 This tendency to depict a sacrifice offered before a deity present in person gives an allegorical character to the scene which is essentially different from the typically Roman representation of the actual performance of ritual. Greek representations of sacrifices retain throughout an appearance of being unofficial and informal. The individual artist apparently was free to choose, with regard only to his own or his patron's taste, both the persons and the details of ritual to be included in the scene. 3 Thus it may be said that Greek vases and reliefs supplied models for numerous details of a sacrificial scene, but that these were developed further in Roman art and were integrated into a more compelling tradition, within which new compositions were invented and varied.
32

of meat on spits over the altar fire, in preparation for the sacrificial feast, BritMusCa/Vas 3, E 455-56, E 504-5; JIDAI 52 (I937) 49, fig. I0; J. D. Beazley, Der Pan Ma/er (Berlin I93I) pI. 30; E. Haspels, Attic Blackfigured Lekythoi (Paris 1936) pl. 33, I c. 32 A knife appears occasionally, e.g. JDA! i8 (I903) ii6, fig. I; 27 (19I2) 265 ff., fig. 2; an axe still more rarely, e.g. RM 45 (I930) 22I, fig. I. 33 BritMusCa/Vas 2, B 8o; 3, B 362; FR pl. 36; JDAI 27 (I912) 265, fig. I; 52 (I937) 49-50, figs. io-ii; Cook, Zeus I, pl. 4, I; pl. 5. 34 See figs. 1-2; Reinach, Rip. vas. I, I95; Rip. reliefs 2, 280, 2; 3, 90, 4; Baumeister i, 329, fig. 343; Svoronos passim. See Eckstein-Wolf, Mdl 5 (1952) 39-75. 35 See Girard, BCH 2 (i878) 68 ff., pls. 7-9, for a summary of types in Greek votive reliefs.

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CHAPTER

II

RELIGIOUS RITES IN ETRUSCAN ART

Fig. 3 P1. II

Religious rites were never a popular theme in Etruscan art. While the games, the dances and banquets represented on the walls of tombs were probably part of the elaborate funeral ceremonies characteristic of the Etruscans, the emphasis is on the activities of human life rather than on religious ritual. The chief types of specifically funerary import are scenes of mourning at the bier, and the journey of the soul to Hades, which took on much of the character of a funeral procession. There are, however, a few sacrificial scenes fromn every period in Etruscan art. The small bands of relief on the bronze sihdAae from the region of Este include several representations of rites for the dead. Closely related reliefs appear on a silver-gilt vase from Chiusi and on the archaistic Sedia Corsini, which imitates in marble the ornamentation of the early bronzes. These represent, in varying combinations, elements of a funeral procession, victims and other offerings intended for sacrifice, and details of the Zudi universally associated with Etruscan rites for the dead-dancers, pugilists, horsemen, and soldiers, either parading or engaged in contests. The only sacrifice actually represented is the sprinkling of incense, or some small preliminary offering held over a tall cauldron of a type familiar in Etruscan chamber tombs. But the presence of victims and other offerings clearly implies a sacrifice even where no altar is shown. The earliest of this group is the vase from Chiusi, known as the Plicasnas vase from the still undeciphered Etruscan word inscribed on its base. 3 The relief represents a procession moving from each side toward a large cauldron. Nearest the cauldron on either side are three figures clad in loincloths, two with hands raised in the pose of pugilists or dancers, the third playing a
' 2

, The situlae have long been recognized as specimens of a local Etrusco-Italic art of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., strongly influenced by the ornamentation of the Etruscan bronzes
of the orientalizing period. See Hbrnes, Urgeschichte der Kunst 652-75, pls. 32-35; Grenier, Bologne villanovienne et itrusque 371-95; Randall-MacIver, Iron Age in Italy 3I-35, 47-52, pl. 7; Giglioli,

StEir

3 (1929)

I48-56.

Hornes, op. cit. pl. 35, Watsch situla; Grenier, op. cit. 371-75, fig. I2I, Certosa situla; cf. NS I905, 234 and fig. 25. 3 F. Inghirami, Mon. Etr. 3, 259-80, pls. 19-20; Milani, Mus. Arch. Firenze I, 130, pl. I9; Montelius pI. 227, fig. 26; Miiller-Wieseler,Denkmdler alt. Kunst i, 63, no. 302, pl. 6o; cf. Giglioli, StEir 3 (I929) 136-38.

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RELIGIOUS RITES IN ETRUSCAN ART

7

double flute. Next in the procession are two warriors, one leaping from the ground in a manner which inevitably suggests the leaping dance of the Salii. Two attendants carry a sheep and a pig over their shoulders in the manner of the Moschophoros, and two women bear on their heads covered boxes or baskets. A horseman brandishing a dart 4 and a marching warrior close the line on each side. I The procession was originally interpreted as a performance of the spring rite of the Salii or of some other sacrifice associated with Mars, but the total content suggests rather a performance of games. The cauldron might possibly be a form of turibulum, like those at which incense is offered on the Certosa and Watsch situlae; but such an object was also a familiar prize in athletic contests, 6 and the figures beside it are performers and not sacrificants. The costume of the armed figures does not correspond with what is known about the dress of the Roman Salii, who wore a short cloak and a spiked cap like that of theflamines, and carried a short staff with which to beat upon their shields. 7 The ritual of the Salii was, however, only one among several armed dances known to the ancient world. The Pyrrhic dance was regarded as essentially a warrior's exercise, founded, according to Plato, by the Dioscuri at Sparta, and its performance at a triumph had a precedent set by Athena herself. 8 Etruscan art provides several examples of dancing warriors who give no evidence of being priests. A pair of warriors facing each other and leaping from the ground appears, with slight variations, on an incised Faliscan vase, on a fragmentary situla from Montecalvario, and on a black-figured vase fronm Orvieto, in the last instance accompanied by a flute player. 9 The rows of warriors represented on the famous "Truia" vase from Tragliatello have been interpreted as a dancing group participating in the lusus Troiae. ? These
4 From the dart held poised in his hand flutters a small pennant. Similar horsemen appear on bronze reliefs from Este, NS (i888) ii6-i8, pl. I0, figs. 5-9; pl. II, fig. i6. 5 One of the warriors on each side wears a helmet adorned with feathers at front and back. A helmet with feathers at each side was a familiar type in Italy, appearing in Campanian tomb paintings, in a painting found on the Esquiline Hill in Rome, and frequently on late Etruscan cinerary chests; see Ryberg, ArchaeologicalRecord 145 f. Helmets with horns are familiar in the late Republic as a Gallic type; see Lowy, Jahrb. d. kuns/hist. Samml. Wien (1928) 29, figs. 63-64;

Fuhrmann, Mdl

2

(I1949)

49-50, pls.

I0-I2.

The placing of the feathers here at each side of a

helmet shown in profile may be merely a naive way of showing both feathers. 6 On the Watsch situla and on the Sedia Corsini two contestants face each other across a large helmet which appears to be the prize for which they are contending, Hornes, op. cit. (supra n. I) pl. 35, and see infra fig. s. In a tomb painting at Tarquinii a pile of three bronze basins appears between two wrestlers in combat (Giglioli pl. I09, I); and on an Etruscan urn shown in Brunn-Korte, Rilievi 3, pl. I28, I, two combatants face each other across a large crater. 7 Festus 439 L; Furtwaingler, An/ike Gemmen3, 245, pI. 22, 6i; Hild, DarSag, "Salius," 1020. 8 Plato, Leg. 7, 796 B; Dionysius 7, 72; Quintilian, Inst. Orat. I, II, i8; SHA, Hadrian I9; Suetonius, Julius 39; Servius, ad Aen. 5, 602. See Sechan, DarSag, "Saltatio," 1030-32, figs. 6056-57.
9

Giglioli pls.
(I929)

40, 27

2;

130,

3; NVS (I905)

234, fig.

25.

Cf. also an ivory situla from Chiusi,

StEir 3
O

pI.

b.

See Giglioli, StEtr 3 (I929) II1-34. Servius, ad Aen. 5, 602, states on the authoritv of Suetonius that the lusus Troiae was commonly called Pyrrhica.

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8

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 4

P1. II

differ only slightly, however, from the marching lines of warriors on the Chigi vase, on the situlae and other Etruscan bronze vases, and they may represent a parade rather than a dance. Dancers, pugilists, parading warriors on foot and on horseback are all appropriate as participants in games. They are abundantly attested by Etruscan representations of games, and both Pyrrhic dance and the Lusus Troiae are specifically recorded as features of the ludi which celebrated the triumph of Julius Caesar. I The sheep and the pig are both familiar offerings in the sacred rites for the dead. 12 Thus, in the light of the available evidence, the relief of the Plicasnas vase is best interpreted as a representation of funeral games, and the victims as offerings to the Manes or other deities of the lower world. While the Plicasnas vase and at least one of the situlae represent sacrificial victims, along with contestants who are to take part in the ludi, the well known Certosa situla has one band of relief devoted entirely to the funeral procession.I3 At the head of the pompa a bull is led by a man dressed in long cloak and wide brimmed hat. Three men in similar costume and three women with covered heads carry various utensils or equipment for the sacrifice, a small situla, a shallow bowl, a covered basket, a cylindrical cisfa (?), and a bundle of wood for the altar fire. A large situla supported by a pole over the shoulders of two men probably contains the ashes of the dead. Another smaller situla is carried by two servants wearing plain short-sleeved tunics and skirt-like loin cloths similar to the limus worn by the victimarius in Roman reliefs. An attendant conducting a ram by its horn wears the same costume, and it may be assumed that the smaller situla is to be used, like the pail often carried by a victimarius in Roman reliefs, for the cooking of the exta after the animals are slain and prepared for the feasting of gods and worshippers. Three men who have no utensils of sacrifice are perhaps relatives of the dead. Like the group near the head of the procession, these men are followed by women carrying equipment for the sacrifice. Two more men complete the procession, the first with a small situla in his right hand and a huge alabastron slung on his back, the second equipped with a sword, which, if any doubt remained, would identify the scene as a sacrificial procession. The dog walking behind the axe-bearer is not being conducted, and seems to be simply following the procession in the manner of dogs. While no altar is represented, the clearly distinguished costumes of victimarius and priest, the carefully conSuetonius, Julius 39. All these types appear also on the situlae; see supra n. i; also 234 and fig. 25. 9-12; (I905) -- Marquardt 3, 3I2; Vergil, Aen 5, 96; see also infra n. I4. Festus, 298 L, mentions the sacrifice of a pig to Ceres at a funeral,familiae purgandae causa. 13 Grenier, op. cit. (supra n. I) 37I-75, fig. I2I; Ducati, MonAnt 24 (1917) 422 ff.; Mem AcadBologna (1923) 23-94, pls. I-4; ArteEtr. 350, figs. 395-96; Giglioli pl. 82; StEtr 3 (I929) 138-39; Johansen, ActaA 3 (I932) 139, fig. ig; Randall-MacIver,Iron Age in Italy 48-52, pl. io. The other bands on this situla represent a row of winged beasts, scenes from daily life, an offering of incense (?) at a cauldron-like turibulum, and at the top a line of warriors who are perhaps connected with the funeral rites representedin the band below; see Grenier,op. cit. (supra n. I) 394.
NS (i888) pls.

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RELIGIOUS RITES IN ETRUSCAN ART

9

Fig. 5 Pl. III

ducted animals, the offerings, the utensils and implements of sacrifice, make the import of the procession reasonably certain. A sheep was the usual victim to the Di Manes, but a bull and sheep together are mentioned in an Augustan inscription from Pisa.I4 Other details included in the same inscription-jars of milk, honey, wine, and bundles of wood for the burning-correspond approximately to the objects carried in the procession represented on the situla. The interpretation of both these reliefs is clarified and confirmed by a comparison with the Sedia Corsini, a circular throne of archaizing style which imitates in marble both the form and the ornamentation of Etruscan bronze thrones of the seventh century. A band of relief around the base represents both ludi and a sacrificial procession. "I In the center a tree stands beside a lighted altar, across which is laid what seems to be a large forked branch. At the left appear several types familiar on the situlae as participants in games--a horseman, pugilists, wrestlers, and dancers. One group apparently represents an official, with a short staff like a comme/aculum,who is about to interfere between a pair of wrestlers, one- of whom has his opponent pinned down on a bench with his head away from the spectator and his feet kicking out in both directions.i6 The dancers, with castanets in each hand, face each other across a large helmet, possibly the prize for which they are contestants. Closing this section of the relief are two seated spectators watching the games. At the right of the altar two attendants lead in a bull with a broad band encircling the body, like the dorsuale which adorned the victim in a Roman sacrifice.i8 The first attendant has an axe, the second a small situla. A large situla 19 is borne by two more attendants, one of whom has also a longhandled dipper resembling the shorter handled sirnkulum used in Roman ritual.20 A woman with a large cup in her hand steadies a basket on her head. At the end of the procession walk two men, closely mantled and apparently crowned with laurel wreaths.
I7

14 CIL II, 1420, lines 20 ff.: bosque et ovis, atri infulis caerulis infulati, diis manibus eiu[s] mactentur, eaeque hostiae eo loco adoleantur, superque eas singulae urnae lactis mellis olei fundantur... ii qui im[molaver]int cincti Cabino ritu struem lignorum succendant. A black bos was the regular victim for Dis Pater, Val. Max. 2, 4,5; Wissowa 309; cf. Homer, Od. II, 26-36. '5 Helbig, Ad! MonInst II, pl. 8; Grenier, op. cit. (supra n. I) 399-401; 5I (I879) 312-I7; Ducati, MonAnt 24 (I9I6) 40I-58, pls. i-8; Giglioli, StEtr 3 (1929) Arte Etrusca pI. 316, I44-48; T; cf. pl. I7, I, for a bronze throne of similar form from the Barberini Tomb. x6 See Ducati, MonAnt 24 (I9I6) 443-44. '7 See supra n. 6. Similar representations of ludi, which include prizes as well as contestants, are familiar on the situlae; see StEir 3 (I929) I46, n. I. 8See spra Chap. I, n. 27, and inifra Chap. III, n. 52. I9 Ducati, MonAnt 24 (I9I6) 432, points out that the form of the situla, later than the Certosa type, resembles those of the 5th-4th centuries found in the necropolis of Felsina; cf. Grenier, op. cit. (supra n. I) 339 if., fig. I I 2. 20 A dipper which is even closer to the Roman simpulum appears on the Kuffarn situla, Hornes (supra n. I) pI. 33. Cf. representations of priestly utensils on coins (Grueber pl. 103, 5-7; Mattingly I pls. 3, i8; 4, II; 33, 6-8) and in reliefs (Stuart Jones, CatMusCap pl. 6I, nos. Ioo, I04).

4

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lo

RITES OF THIE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

This association of sacrificial procession and games argues in favor of ascribing a common meaning to the two reliefs discussed above, which emphasize in one case the ludi, in the other the sacrificial rite. Since funerals were among the principal occasions for sacred games, the funerary character of the whole group of reliefs is virtually established. The interpretation of several details is confirmed by the comparison, and the intent of each item of sacrificial equipment is clarified by the simplicity of the whole. Here, as on the Plicasnas vase, two contestants face each other across a large object, which in this case can only be a prize. Here, too, as on the Certosa situla, both men and women participate in the procession, as is appropriate in a funeral, the women with covered heads, the men either in the short tunic of the servitor or in the long cloak of citizen and priest. Here, too, a victimarius carries a pail which must be intended, as in Roman sacrifices, for the cooking of the exza. The large situla, however, is carried by servants and is shown to be a wine jar by the cup and dipper accompanying it. The basket on the woman's head- must contain cakes or meal, the other essential of sacrifice. The two men clad in the ordinary dress of the Etruscans, like the three men near the end of the Certosa procession, are probably members of the bereaved family. Their laurel wreaths, which are not customary in representations of funeral ritual, may distinguish them as givers of the games.21 Manifestly a descendant and simplified counterpart of the reliefs on earlier bronzes, the Sedia Corsini also supplies an important link between Etruscan and Roman ritual. It is more Roman in detail than any other sacrifice in Etruscan art. The laureate worshippers, the pail and dipper, the victimarius with an axe over his shoulder, the victim adorned with the dorsuale, and the large altar occupying the center of the relief, might all appear in a Roman sacrificial procession.

Etruscan tomb paintings occasionally represent rites for the dead, apart from the banquets and ludi which may be part of the funeral ceremonies. On an end wall in the Tomba del Barone at Tarquinii, a man pours a libation while a woman, with her dark mantle drawn up over her head, raises both hands in a gesture seemingly of worship. The man's right arm encircles the shoulders of his small son-or a slave-standing beside him and playing a double flute. The drops falling from the cup to the ground might be an offering either to the Lares or to the Di Manes, but the presence of two horse22 23

2i In scenes of Etruscan life laurel wreaths are frequently worn by banqueters or dancers, (e.g. Giglioli pls. I40, 2; 15I, 4; 201-03; 244-46; 387; Weege, E/ruskische Malerei pls. I; 15-19; 241, I; 265), but not by the mourners; 51-55); sometimes by the dead (e.g. Giglioli pIs. 231-35;

cf. J. Kochling, De coronarum apud an/iquos vi atque usu, ReZigionsgeschich/liche Versuche und VorarOn a late Etruscan cinerary chest which represents a procession, beiten, 14, Heft 2 (1914) 18-I9. they appear to be worn as triumphal insignia, fig. II. The laureaui may here be givers of the

games, a status which in Roman usage carried the privilege of triumphal garb. 22 Giglioli pl. II5; Weege, Etr. Maierei pls. 76-78. 23 This form of libation is familiar on Greek vases, Reinach, Rep. vas. i, I87; 474; Bri/MusCa/Vas E Vi6, pl. i8.

2,

29,

T;

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RELIGIOUS RITES IN ETRUSCAN ART

Itl

men flanking the group from either side suggests that this is a libation offered before the performance of the funeral games. A well known series of archaic painted plaques from Caere represents what appears to be a funeral rite culminating in a sacrifice.24 A winged figure carrying a woman in his arms and a grieving man, behind whose head hovers the winged soul of the departed wife, establish the funerary character of the content. On the two remaining plaques of this series appears a procession moving toward a lighted altar, upon which stands a /hymiazerion(?) or a single column intended as a token representation of a temple or tomb. All four figures in the procession have one hand raised in the familiar gesture of worship or salutation, and one carries a sprig of laurel in her hand. 25 A single plaque from another series represents a man seated before an altar or pedestal on which stands a cult image with both hands extended. A snake at the foot of the altar associates the scene with either household or funeral cult. The image, dressed in the garb of an Etruscan matron-a long under-tunic beneath a bordered outer garment and an elaborately bordered lulu/us-inevitably suggests either the "Juno" of the living mistress of the household or a statue of the dead mistress.26 A few Etruscan paintings seem to represent household rites in honor of the Lares. A procession on a wall of the Tomba dei Leopardi at Tarquinii appears to be preliminary to the banquet represented on the end wall.27 Approaching the banquet couches are five figures in a formal line-two musicians in richly bordered cloaks followed by three semi-nude attendants. Of these the first and third carry objects which might be utensils for service at the banquet -balsamarium, cylix, and pitcher but the middle one of the group has a patera and an incense box, which must be intended for the offering to the Lares.28 A large black-figured vase in the Campana Collection in the Louvre represents a sacrifice at a covered altar or shrine similar to the Roman Lararium. 29 At the right stands a cloaked flute player, while at the left a long-robed figure holds a large wreath ready to place on the altar. The victim is large enough for a bull, but the crest of bristles along the back and the squared snout can only mean that the creature is a pig. 30 Since both the pig and
Brunn, Kleine Schriften I, 155-63; Martha, L'art jtrusque 425-29, pl. 4; Petersen, RM 17 Ducati, Arte Etrusca 228-29, figs. 23I-32; Pallottino, Etruscan Painting 33-36. Cf. a funeral relief on a cylindrical cippus from Perugia, one part of which represents figures approaching a large altar from right and left, their hands raised in salutation, U. Tarchi, L'arte nell'Umbria e ne/la Sabina (Milan I936) pl. 6o. 25 The laurel sprig was used in Roman ritual to sprinkle water for purification or to burn on the altar; see Ovid, Fasti 4, 728, 743; Festus I04 L; Pliny, N.H. I5, I35. 26 Giglioli pl. io8, An image of a deity is represented in this pose on a series of Greek I-2. red-figured vases, Reinach. Rep. vas. In 358; 2, I8o, I; fDA! 27 (1912) 265 ff., figs. I-2; Hooker, 70 (1950) 35-41, figs. I-5. See Brunn, Kleine Schriften i, I62-63. JHS 27 Weege, op. cit. (supra n. 21) pIs. I4-I5. 28 See 159, fig. 30; Weege, op, cit. (supra n. 2I) 66, fig. 6i. JDAI 31 (I9I6) 29 Saglio, DarSag, "Ara," 352, note 79, fig. 427. Covered altars or shrines like Lararia appear frequently in later Etruscan reliefs; see infra n. 53. 30 Cf. the pig carried in the procession on the Plicasnas vase, fig. 3.
24

(1902)

153-57;

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12

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 6

P1. IV

the garland crown were appropriate offerings to the Lares, the covered altar may be in fact a Lararium. Apart from such funerary and household rites, Etruscan art affords a few scenes of sacrifice to 'individual deities, all of which appear to be associated in some way with the cult of Dionysus. Fragments of bronze lamina from Bomarzo are decorated in archaic style with bands of relief, in one of which a sacrificial scene is repeated over and over. A beardedfigureseated on a curule chair, his left hand raised in salutation, is identified as Hercules by the knotted club in his right hand. Before him stands a bearded Mercury with winged helmet and shoes, raising his left hand to touch that of Hercules. 32 To the right two satyrs with horses' tails and hoofs face each other across a small altar, on which three cones apparently represent flames. One has a knife and a shallow dish, the other carries an axe and holds by its horn a hoofed animal, probably a stag, though its tail is distinctly bovine. Four other satyrs seem to be attendants at the sacrifice. The first plays a double flute, the second has a wine-skin over his shoulder and leads by a rope a smaller animal similar to the first except that its tail is more appropriate to a hind. The next carries a crater on his shoulder and in his hand a large cylix, while the last holds a knife and a bundle of spits (?). The full meaning of the scene is far from clear, though the general purport is obvious. As Hercules appears in both the other bands of relief, the whole probably represented various events in the life of the hero. The presentation of a stag to Hercules inevitably, recalls the episode of the Kerynean stag, which the hero captured in one of his labors, only to defend his possession of it against an outraged Diana and her brother Apollo. The conflict with Apollo for the possession of the prize was popular in Etruscan art of the archaic period, and the famous representation of it at Veii also includes Hermes as an ally of Hercules. 34 The sacrifice of the creature in the presence of Hercules is not entirely inconsistent with one version, which' states that the stag was finally
3I

slain by the hero. 35 The myth offers no explanation of the second victim or of the Dionysiac attendants; but the appearance of Hercules in Dionysiac company is not unique. 36 Like Dionysus he was associated with fertility, with
Giglioli pl. I27, 6; Helbig-Amelung (19I2-I3), no. 747; An/Denk I, p1. 21; JHS I3 (I892-93) Ducati, ArtE/r 280, fig. 290. Similar repetition of a scene is common also on stamped bucchero vases. 32 Hermes-Mercury appears elsewhere as a worshipper or an attendant deity. On a Lucanian red-figured crater he is represented bringing a victim to Hercules, Gerhard, An/ike Bild. 326, pl. 86, i; cf. also JDAI 6 (I89I) 258-59 and nn. 5-8; Cook, Zeus i, 94-96, figs. 66-68. The gesture of Mercury appears to be a salutation; cf. S/EMr 12 (1938) pls. 22, 3; 30, I. 33 In the largest of the reliefs he appears with Jupiter, Mars, and other gods engaged in a Gigantomachia. The smaller band represents Hercules with several attendants being received and welcomed by a group of women, possibly an Etruscan version of Omphale and her court. 34 AnWDenk 3, 5, 53-63; Giglioli pl. I89. Giglioli pl. I04, shows an Etruscan bronze helmet on which the same conflict is represented. 35 See Euripides, Herc. Fur. 378. 36 Cf. Bri/MusCa/Vas E 505, pl. I7. A relief in Padua represents a bearded satyr conducting a bull toward an altar beside which rests the club of Hercules, while the skyphos hangs from a
3'

258;

tree above, A. Moschetti, Museo Civico di Padova

(1938)

3I0-II,

figs.

I98-99.

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13

Fig. 7

P1.II

Fig.8a P1. IV

Fig. 8 b

Ill. IV

drinking and revelry; the large drinking cup (skyphos) was a Dionysiac as well as Herculean emblem, and such a conflation was not difficult to make. Two other sacrificial scenes are entirely Dionysiac in content. On an incised mirror of the late sixth century, 37 a satyr pulls a reluctant goat toward a lighted altar, where a bearded man stands holding a patera ready to pour a libation. A small nude attendant raises his hand in a gesture of worship, while at the left of the altar, seen from behind the stooping figure of the satyr, stands a flute player dressed in tunic and cloak. The headbands worn by all but the small servant may be sacred fillets, or simply ornaments in keeping with the ornamental fabrics, the bracelets and earrings. The altar resembles the hourglass form familiar in republican Rome. 38 This scene comes closer to representing an integrated altar group than is usual in Etruscan art. The figures are well arranged around the altar, with the flute player appearing from behind the victim group, while the empty ground behind the altar is filled in by a tree in much the same manner as in the sacrificial scene of the Ara Pacis. Two sacrifices-or two parts of one sacrifice-are represented on a sixth century sarcophagus from Chiusi. 9 Toward a lighted altar, on the edge of which stands a luribulum, 40 three attendants conduct a bovine victim. Opposite them at the left is a row of three other attendants, each with a knife in the right hand and the left raised in a gesture of worship. The reliefs of the long sides represent dining couches and tables, with banqueters and attendants, dancers and flute players. Two of the couches, however, are covered with panther hides, and the revellers are not men and women, but satyrs. On one couch recline two satyrs playing a lyre and a double flute, while two others dance beside the second couch. A satyr in the background stands behind a narrow pedestal or bench, holding in a pair of tongs some flat object, possibly a piece of meat which he is about to place on the altar fire. His left hand holds a long-shaped object at the top of the flames, perhaps a stick to stir the fire. In this scene, as frequently in red-figured vase painting, the part of the rite chosen for representation is the cooking of the meat over the altar fire. These rites have been assumed to be funerary because they appear on a sarcophagus, but the most natural interpretation of the whole ensemble of scenes is that they all represent feasting, dancing, and sacrifice in honor of Dionysus.
37

E. Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel 5, 47, pI. 36; G. Matthies, Praenest. Spiegel

22.

This shape, with broad swell above and below the body of the altar, is common in Etruria; see Brunn-Kbrte, Rilievi i, pls. 42, 45, 63; 2, pI. 8o; see infra note 39. The type may have been the origin of the hourglass form found in the republican period in Rome; see Studniczka, JOAL i8 (1903) 137-45, figs. 83-92; Matthies, loc. cit.; cf. E. D. Van Buren, MAAR 2 (I9I8) i6, 50-5I; Ryberg, Archaeological Record I59-60. 39 Helbig, AdI 36 (I864) 28-44, MonInst 8, pI. 2; Studniczka, JOAI i8 (1903) I43, fig. 92. The group of Chiusine sarcophagi and urns to which this belongs has been studied by E. Pari38

beni, S/Etr
40

I2

(I938)

57-I39,

pls. 6-37.

A turibulum standing on an altar appears also in Greek vase painting; see Bri/MusCatVas

E

269.

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ART RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMIAN

A love encounter between a nymph and satyr on one end of the sarcophagus is consistent with the sexual license of the Dionysiac revel. The feasting and dancing by human worshippers and satyrs, the ritual performed by satyrs, and the sacrifice of a bull are all appropriate to the worship of Dionysus.4I The strong emphasis of the Dionysiac cult upon immortality and resurrection after death may well account for the appearance of this theme on a sarcophagus, just as in Roman times mystic subjects were popular in reliefs on sarcophagi and in the wall decoration of, tombs. 4' A number of Chiusine cippi and cinerary chests of the fifth century are adorned with reliefs representing religious processions. In one of these, six women walk in pairs to the right, led by a flute player and followed by an attendant or priest who raises his right hand in the familiar gesture of worship. 43 His left hand holds a short staff by its upper end, as officials in Roman reliefs frequently hold a staff or scepter which is an emblem of authority. 44 The laurel branch held stiffly in the hand of each of the women is appropriate to almost any religious procession.45 This may be a funeral procession, but the formal march of six women, preceded and followed by an attendant, inevitably invites comparison with the procession of Vestals represented on the Ara Pacis. Another procession probably represents a wedding, with the bride and groom seated beneath a cu'rtain or low-hanging canopy. 46 A flute player leads the procession, followed by two youths carrying laurel branches. The first of these wears a spiked cap, which appears to be the ancestor of the Roman flamen's cap (galerus) with the apex. As the oldest Roman marriage ceremony, the confarreafio, was performed with the assistance of the Flamen Dialis, it seems probable that the sarcophagus represents the corresponding rite in the Etruscanized Italic town of Chiusi. A similar spiked cap appears occasionally with chin-straps, a form which approaches still more closely the Roman priest's galerus, and in contexts which distinguish it as a ritual form

41 See JDAI 27 (1912) 6i ff., pl. I, 4; BritMusCa/Vas 2, B 79. See also a relief in the Museo Civico at Padua, which represents a satyr conducting a bull toward an altar, A. Moschetti, op. cit. (supra n. 36) 3I0-II, figs. 198-99. 42 See Rostovtzeff, Mystic Italy 144-46; Strong, Apotheosis 197-20I. 43 Giglioli pl. I35, 2; Ducati, ArtEir 285, fig. 302; E. Paribeni, StEtr I2 (I938) pl. 32, 3, no. I83 and cf. no. I03; see also A. Rumpf, KatEtrSkulptMusBerbn E 26, p1. 20. 44 See also Brunn-Korte, Rilievi 2, pl. 62, 13. See figs. I9, 6i, 88; cf. the centurion's staff (vitis), Stuart Jones, Companion to Roman History 205, fig. 36; Altmann fig. I89. The Genius Senatus in the Domitianic relief of the Palazzo Cancelleria carries a staff in this fashion, Magi, 1 rilievi Flavi I I 6-20, pl. i; Mattingly 5, pl. 59, 1-2. 45 The laurel twig often appears in sacrificial scenes on Greek vases, and its use as a purifying agent was common to Greek and Roman ritual; supra n. 25; Chap. I, nn. I 0- i I; infra

Chap. IV, n. 46.
F. Poulsen, Etruscan Tomb Paintings 55-56, fig. 43; D. Levi, Museo Civico di Chiusi fig. 53; E. Paribeni, StEtr I2 (I938) 122-23. Poulsen believes the procession to be funerary, because the door of the tomb is represented on the opposite side; but cf. the use of the dextrarum iunctio of the Roman marriage ceremony on sarcophagi, infra figs. go-95.
46

(I935)

91-92,

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RELIGIOUS RITES IN ETRUSCAN ART

I;

Fig. 9

P1. IV

Fig. Io P1. V

of the headdress. 47 Like the galerus, this cap appears with other implements of sacrifice on Etruscan coins, probably as a symbol of priestly office.48 After the revival of Etrusco-Italic art under renewed Greek influence in the fatter part of the fourth century, representations of religious rites are even less common than in the archaic period. The incised mirrors and cistae from Praenestine workshops were usually decorated with subjects from Greek mythology or with genre scenes after the fashion of the red-figured vases of southern Italy. One scene engraved on a cista, however, represents the worship of Minerva. 4 There is no altar, for the goddess herself is present, in the Greek manner, to receive the veneration of a Victory seated on a bench before the temple. To the right are two human worshippers, a nude man with his arm raised high in the same gesture as that of Victoria, and a woman attended by two small slaves or children. One of these holds a cista from which the woman is removing the cover. The other carries a plate, of a type very common in central Italy, on which may be seen some small objects -a fillet (?) and a sprig of leaves (?)--apparently to be used in the rite. Like the ornamentation of most of the Praenestine bronzes, this scene is predominantly Greek in character. The use of a column to suggest the setting in a temple is a convention of Greek vase painting; 50 the worship of the goddess by Victoria is parallel in meaning to the familiar Greek scene in which a Victory pours a libation to Apollo; 5I and 'the representation of human worshippers saluting and bringing offerings to a praesens deus is a common theme in Greek votive reliefs. 52 On a cinerary chest from Volterra is represented a sacrifice at a lighted altar which supports a small pedimental shrine like the Roman Lararium. 53 A woman extends her hand over the flame as if to -pour a libation, though no sign of a patera is indicated in K6rte's drawing. Another woman holds a rectangular incense box (acerra) from which she is about to lift the cover or a pellet of incense; a third carries a small pig by its hind feet. At the left are two attendants, one with a large basket(?) on his head and an alabastron in his hand, the other carrying a pitcher. The details all correspond to the
47 Giglioli, pI. 26I, 57, pI. 2. The cap is more flaring in 2; Pallottino, RendLinc 6 (1930), shape than the flamen's cap and lacks the chin-ties, but in this context it can hardly be a helmet, and the spike is conspicuous and emphatic. See also Korte, Gouling. Bronzen 7-35, pls. I-8; Johansen, ActaA 3 (I932) II7-26, A conical cap with ties, without the spike but with figs. 4, ii. a fillet tied at the peak, appears on a red-figured vase from Ruvo, between bucrania in the upper field of a scene which represents the marriage of Pelops and Hippodamia, Reinach I, 290. 48 Giglioli pl. 426; cf. Grueber pl. 103, 5-7. 49 MonInst For the dating of the cista, see Ryberg, Archaeological Record 9, pls. 24-25. io8-i5. 50 Cf. JIDAI 40 (1925) 215, fig. 9; AA 50 (I935) and figs. 3, 4, 6; cf. also Svoronos 503-09 pl. 6o. 51 Cf. A. Fairbanks, Athenian Lekythoi, University of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series,

n. 6 (New York
52

1907)

74.

See supra figs. 1-2; Chap. I, nn. I7, 28, 34. 53 Brunn-Korte, Rilievi 3, pl. 132, 2. Similar shrines appear not infrequently on Etruscan urns, ibid. I, pls. 3, 47, 96; 2, pIs. 94, 98-99.

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i6

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig.

I

P1. v

Roman worship of the household Lares -the temple-formed shrine, the performance of the sacrifice by women, 54 the offering of a pig, the libation, and the incense. The basket containing mo/a sa/sa or cakes 55 and the pitcher of wine are appropriate to almost any sacrifice. The reliefs of late Etruscan sarcophagi and cinerary chests are apt to repeat endlessly a limited selection of mythological themes, predominantly those concerned with bloodshed and death; or they represent the journey of the soul to the underworld. Thus a new symbolism gradually superseded the older narrative scenes from daily life or funerary ritual. 56 The journey to Hades is sometimes a symbolic scene representing the soul about to enter a door or cave mouth; but often, especially on urns of the Volterran type, it takes the form of a procession in which the dead appears as a living person conducted by the musicians, lictors, and attendants to which his birth and position entitled him. In such cases, though the scene may have a symbolic significance as the soul's last journey, it is actually close to a representation of the funeral procession. Numerous details of these journeys to the underworld recur later in reliefs of the Roman triumphal procession or the closely related pompa circensis. Indeed, this symbolic procession, which sets forth in a pageant the honors and perquisites of the deceased, has something of the character of a triumph. The laurel wreaths, lictors, horn blowers, flutists, and lyre players of the Roman triumphal reliefs, the bearers of sacrificial implements or utensils -axe, patera and incense box, pitcher and pail-even the placards (tabu/ae) and the jercu/a for carrying effigies or trophies, are foreshadowed by one or another of the Etruscan processions to the underworld.57 While the means of transportation varies, possibly according to the status of the deceased, a few are represented in four-horse chariots, as in the Roman triumph, preceded by lictors and musicians, followed by horsemen or togate pedestrians. In a few instances the column of horsemen occupies so much space that the conveyance for the dead is omitted altogether. One of these is a well known urn in the British Museum, which has been interpreted as a represen-

54

The master or mistress sacrificed to the Lares for the family; Plautus, Aul/laria, 18-25; Cakes are carried in a large basket on the head of an attendant also in a relief from the

Wissowa i68 f.
. 55

Ara Pietatis, fig. 36 c.
56 One type which was continued from the earlier fashion and later passed on into Roman use, implemented by a popular type of Hellenistic funerary scene, represented the funerary meal at which the dead is honored by his surviving relatives. Giglioli, pl. I55, shows such a scene on an archaic stele from Fiesole. Later examples are common; Brunn-K6rte, Rilievi 3,

pls. 103 ff.
57 See Brunn-K6rte, Rilievi 3, pls. 80-92. On the urn shown in pl. 92 the objects carried in procession by two togati following the musicians are apparently ornamental placards. An enclosed cabinet containing a portrait bust, borne on poles resting on the shouldersof two attendants, is similar to one form of theferculum carried in the Roman pompa; see A. Abaecherli, BullSIM 6

(I935-36)

1-4, pl. I.

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RELIGIOUS RITES IN ETRUSCAN ART

17

tation of the Roman knights' annual procession to the Temple of Castor. 58 This example is unique in including in the scene a sacrifice before a small pedimental structure whichl is apparently the tomb. 59 Before its base, or podium, an attendant stoops to hold a sheep presumably intended for sacrifice, though there is no sign of sacrifical implements or altar. The procession of three pairs of horsemen moves toward the tomb, preceded by a flutist and lyre player. All the figures are laureate, and the farther horseman in each pair carries a palm branch curving in an arch over his shoulder. Each rider of the last pair carries a bundle of fasces along with the palm branch. There seems little doubt that the scene is a variant of the usual procession to the underworld and that the sheep is an offering to the Di Manes as prescribed by Roman and Greek ritual. The fasces and laurel wreaths are the insignia of magistracy or triumph, which by Roman custom were included among the funerary honors of those who had won them during their lifetime. 6o Though the sacrifice at the tomb actually appears only in this relief-and here at the cost of omitting the chief personage-a sacrifice is regularly implied by the presence of sacred implements or utensils. 6r Etruscan art is less rich than the Greek in scenes of sacrifice, and artistically less advanced in their presentation. There is nothing to compare with the Hellenistic votive reliefs, which show great variety in composition and in some cases considerable advance in tridimensional illusion. 62 Artistically these had far more to contribute to the Roman development than any of the Etruscan representations. Yet the belief of the Romans that their religious ritual was in large part inherited from Etruria is amply borne out by the evidence from Etruscan art. Apart from the striking correspondence in details between the Roman triumphal pompa and the Etruscan journey to Hades, there is a significant parallelism in many features of ritual. 63 The Etruscan origin of the lictors and fasces, the augur's rod, the curule chair, and the bordered toga
58 BritMusCatSculpt
i,

pt.

2,

229-30, D 69, pl. 6.

There is no evidence to support the sug-

gestion that the urn represents the Roman equites in their annual procession to the Temple of Castor (Rostovtzeff, HistAncWorld 2, p. 17, 3; Strong, Art in Ancient Rome i, 64, fig. 46); indeed, the fasces must be the insignia of a magistracy and accordingly they preclude that interpretation. 59 Such small pedimental structures with double doors, built on podia butwithno steps, occasionally appear in reliefs on Etruscan urns and in most cases are probably temples; see BrunnKorte, Rilievi 2, pls. 38, 94. Here the snake-footed demon in the pediment and the heavy bronze-studded doors are appropriate to either temple or tomb. 6o Polybius 6, 53, 7. Palm branches are familiar in the funeral rites representedon Etruscan cippi and sarcophagi; see E. Paribeni, StEtr I2 (1938) pls. 8, 2-3; 34, 3; 35, 2, 4. The palm was also a prize of victory in public games (Livy 10, 47, 3; Henzen cxxxvi) and the palm branches, like the laurel crowns, may in this case be triumphal symbols. 6i The same is true of the Roman representations of the triumphal procession, where the sacrifice is often only implied by the presence of victims and sacrificial equipment. 62 Reliefs on late Etruscan cinerary urns may include all the elements of an elaborate altar group, but they are arranged in a circle without perspective or integration in space; see fig. I2. 63 It is now recognized that many elements of Etruscan ritual were Etruscanized forms of something basically Italic. There was thus a fundamental kinship with Roman religion which made transference of forms easy.

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I8

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

is well substantiated by a wide variety of scenes from Etruscan life. Other items more specifically connected with religious rites are also found to be common to Etruria and Rome. The comme/aculum,or short rod used by a lictor or priest to clear the way for the sacred ritual, appears in the hand of a lictor or supervisor of sacred games. 64 The flamen's cap, with and without chin-ties, was an emblem of priesthood as early as the archaic period. 65 The axe and knife familiar in Roman art as priestly symbols were Etruscan forms. 66 The accompaniment of religious rites by the music of the flute, familiar but by no means invariable on Greek vases, is more regularly a part of Etruscan, as of Roman, sacrificial scenes; and Etruscan representations sometimes add, as do the Roman, the accompaniment of the lyre and, more rarely, the horn. 67 A shrine similar to the Roman Lararium is common in later Etruiscan reliefs. The simpulum and situla appear in Etruria with the decoration of the archaic bronze situlae. The rectangular incense box, familiar in later reliefs both Greek and Etruscan, is known in Etruscan tomb paintings as early as the fifth cenThe towel, or man/ele, carried over the shoulder of the Roman camillus, tury. is occasionally carried by an attendant accompanying the dead to the underworld or serving at the funeral meal. 69 The dorsuale about the body of a victim occurs in a single instance, on the archaistic Sedia Corsini. Certain details familiar in Roman sacrificial scenes are, naturally, shared with both Greek and Etruscan predecessors: patera and pitcher for the libation, the basket or tray, the sprig of laurel, 70 the garlands festooning the altar. The circular altar of Roman republican coin types is common on Etruscan cinerary chests, as it is on Greek votives; and the same is true of the oblique placing of a rectangular altar>. The wlhole emphasis in Etruscan representations upon the rite itself, the equipment, the execution of the ritual, has much in common with the Roman approach to the theme. Both are distinct from the
7I

64 Giglioli pls. I49; 204, i; Brunn-Xdrte, Rilievi 3, pls. 85-86, 9I-92; cf. infra Chap. III, n. 26. The curved rod which resembles the Roman lituus also seems to be a symbol of authority rather than an augur's staff; cf. Giglioli pls. I09, I41, I49; S/Etr 2 (I938) pls. I9, 28, 29. See Cook, Zeus i, 87, fig. 55; Servius, ad Aen. 7, i87. 65 See supra nn. 47-48. 66 See F. Johansen, Ac/aA 3 (I932) The axe and knife seldom appear in Greek II3-56. sacrificial scenes. An axe in the hand of a victimarius represented on a Corinthian vase is of a different form, with double blade; see RM 45 (1930) 221, fig. I. When a knife does appear in a Greek sacrificial scene it is of the same type as the Etruscan, e.g. Giglioli pl. 426, fig. ii. This form occurs on Roman coins as a priestly symbol (see Grueber, pl. II2, 5), but the knife actually used by the victimarius was a different type; figs. .22b, 55, 77 c d. 67 E.g. fig. II; Brunn-Korte, Ri/ievi 3, pls. 84-86, 92; Giglioli pI. 24I, 2; cf. CIL 6, 2191: co/legium tibicinum et fidicinum, qui sacris publicis praesto sunt. See Marquardt 3, 226. 681 DA! 31 (I9I6) I59, fig. 30. It is not uncommon in Greek and Etruscan representations of a lectis/ernium, e.g. Brunn-K6rte, Rilievi i, pl. 95; 3, p1. io6, ii. I, pt. 2, 228, D 67, fig. 87; Brunn-Korte, Ri/ievi 3, pl. io6, ii. 69 BritMusCatSculpt 70 The laurel crown is more familiar in Greek than in Etruscan sacrifices and the evidence on this point supports the tradition that the wearing of laurel wreaths at sacred rites was a custom introduced from Greece; see infra Chap. IV, n. 46. 7' E.g. Brunn-Korte, Ri/ievi i, pls. 43-44; 2, pl. 88. See also supra Chap. I, n. 24.

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RELIGIOUS RITES IN ETRUSCAN ART

i9

Fig. 12 P1. V

more allegorical spirit familiar in the Greek reliefs, where worshippers and priests are represented in the presence of deities of heroic size, offering sacrifice at an altar or making their obeisance in person before the praesens deus. This insistence on the details of ritual performance, as well as the failure to compose an integrated altar scene, may be illustrated by a series of late Etruscan reliefs the theme of which is a Greek myth, the sacrifice of Iphigenia. Instead of a simple representation of the essentials of the story as it appears in a Pompeian painting adapted from a Greek model, the composition is an altar scene crowded with attendants equipped with various utensils of sacrifice. An example in the Museo Gregoriano of the Vatican, one of many variations, has the central altar group completely encircled with other figures, all apparently in the foreground. At the left an attendant brings the stag, in the upper left corner is a lyre player, next to him a victimarius holds an axe with both hands. In the center of the top row an attendant pours wine into the sacrificant's patera from a pitcher in his right hand, while in his left he has a flat plate of cakes or mola salsa (?). At his right is another attendant, who holds a scroll open before him as if reading the ritual, and in the upper right corner a second musician plays the double flute. The details of ritual are so insistent as almost to obscure the meaning of the scene. Here are all the elements of an altar group more complete and elaborate than most of those to be found in Roman imperial reliefs, but they are used without perspective or intelligible spatial relationship to fill the space not occupied by the central figures.
72

72

See Lowy, JOAI

24 (1929)

27-28.

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CHAPTER

III

RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

Fig. 13

P1. VI

The first representation of a religious rite that can in any sense be termed Roman appears on an engraved bronze cista of the third century B.C." The subject is a triumph in which the main essentials but not all details correspond with what we know of the Roman celebration of the rite. In the center the victorious general, distinguished by the laurel wreath and eagle-topped scepter, pours a libation at a lighted tripod.2 His tunic with wide embroidered border answers to Festus' description of the triumphal tunica pa/ma/a, 3 but instead of the usual /oga pic/a he wears a military cloak with ornate border and leggings of embroidered fabric or hammered bronze. This detail and the long-sleeved tunic suggest the oriental connections of the triumph which, from the time of Alexander, associated it with the Dionysiac iptmpoq. I At the left is the triumphal chariot attended by two figures whose garb suggests divinity or allegorical character. The bearded charioteer, semi-nude and diademed, is similar to Jupiter as he is represented on the Praenestine bronzes, and indeed, since the dress and insignia of the /riumpha/or were regarded as the property of the god, it would not be altogether inappropriate to represent the triumphal chariot as that of Jupiter. 5 The youth at the horses' heads, with flowing hair beneath a helmet, suggests comparison with the allegorical figure who leads the chariot of Septimius Severus in the attic relief of the
Michaelis, Ad! 48 (I876) I05-24; MonIst 10, p1. 29; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, 68 a; Giglioli 2 and 294, I. The town of Praeneste, where the cista was probably manufactured, was by this time under Roman domination, and it may have been made for a Roman patron. On the details of the Roman triumph, see Chap. X. The tripod resembles an incense burner (thymiaterion), but there is no incense box, and the patera held over it can only mean that it was used for the libation. The little shovel (?) hanging from a peg on the tripod is a unique detail. 3 Festus 228 L, states that the tunica pa/ma/a of the triumph was named from the width of the border and the pattern of the embroidery (genere picturae). 4 Varro, De Ling. Lat. 6, 68, derives the word triumph from 8p1Ux3so; cf. Servius, ad Aen. io, 775. See A. Bruehl, Md/Rome 46 (1929) 85-86. 5 Livy 10, 7, IO; Juvenal IO, 38. See Deubner, Hermes 69 (I934) 3i6-23; Ehlers, RE, "Triumphus," 494; Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor 44-45. The popular association of the insignia with Jupiter was not affected by the fact that the triumphal garb was in origin the Etruscan royal dress. The evidence of Etruscan terracotta statues of deities such as the Apollo of Veii makes it likely that the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus was a draped figure.
I

pIs.

293,

2

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

21

Arch of Lepcis. 6 The two boys who ride the horses may be the general's young sons, who were privileged to ride with him in the chariot or on the horses. 7 The soldier or officer who follows the chariot carries a rod with curving end, which must be either an augur's staff (/ituus) or more probably the Etruscan trumpet called by the same name. 8 A small spherical object tied to the end of it is possibly an -apotropaic amulet, such as was worn by the general or hung on the chariot to ward off the envy of gods and men in the hour of triumph. 9 At the right a camillus, Io priest, and victimarius stand ready to assist in the sacrifice, beside a table which is tipped forward to show several paterae resting on it. A jar behind the table is large enough to hold wine for both the sacrifice and the feast to follow. The camillus, in an ungirt tunic, carries the dipper and pitcher which supplied wine for the libation, and holds up toward his face some unidentified object which may be a laurel twig or an aspergillum." The priest is semi-nude, as if wearing a Greek himation, but the garment is drawn over his head and arranged like the toga of a Roman sacrificing priest. The victimarius wears the limus, an apron-like loincloth girt about the waist which regularly distinguishes the attendants of sacrificial animals; '3 but the victim customarily offered at the triumph has been omitted, and this attendant, like the priest, holds the patera appropriate for the libation. His right hand is raised to his lips, possibly in a gesture which betokens the silence required during the sacrifice in order to prevent any ill-omened sound. The familiar
I2

See infra Chap. X, n. 58. Cicero, Pro Murena iI; Livy 45, 40, 8; Val. Max. 5, 7, I; 10, 2; Tacitus, Ann. 2, 41, 4; Suetonius, Tiberius 6. 8 Trumpeters were a regular feature of the triumphal procession; Plutarch, Aem. Paul. 33; Appian, Pun. 66; and the lizuus was a military trumpet; cf. Vergil, Aen. 6, I67; Horace, Odes
7 2,

6

I,

i8.
9

Ancient authors mention bullae, phallic charms, and amulets in the form of a bell and a whip, Pliny, N. H. 28, 39; Zonaras 7, 21; Macrobius, Sat. I, 6, 9. The amulets (osciila) which hung swinging from trees at the Paganalia, the Compitalia, and the Latin festival were in the form of wooden balls and puppets, Festus (Paul) io8 L, 273 L; Macrobius i, 7, 34-35; Varro, Menjp. (Teubner, I865) p. 212: suspendit Laribus marinas (manias?) mo//is pilas, reticula as strophia. See Wissowa I67-68. -o The term camillus is usually applied by ancient authorities to pueri pafrimi et matrimi, pueri ingenui, or pueri et puellae nobiles, who assisted the priest at a sacrifice; see Festus 38 L, 82 L; Macrobius, Sat. 3, 8, 7; Servius, ad Aen. II, 543; Henzen 12-I5. Festus (82 L) is uncertain whether all ministri or only pueri may be called camilli. It is generally believed that the children of the priests originally served as altar attendants and that, as religious officialdom developed, regular camilli of slave and freedman status were attached to the service of the state religion. This is a plausible explanation of the varying use of the term in ancient authors. See L. C. Spaulding, The Camil/Us 2-I1; Wissowa 496. Spaulding notes that camilli are associated in ancient sources exclusively with bloodless offerings. If the object is intended as a laurel twig (verbena) or an aspergi//um for sprinkling water, it is very crudely drawn. The dipper with horizontal handle is the type that appears in Etruscan paintings of banquets (see Giglioli pI. 244) not the vertical-handled type which developed into the simpulum of Roman ritual; see supra Chap. II, n. 20. - Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. io f.; Servius, ad Aen. 5, 755; cf. Macrobius, Sat. I, 8, 2. 13 Servius, ad Aen. I2, 120.

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22

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 14

P1. vI

command to be silent, favefe linguis, is well known from literary sources, but the allusion to it-if such it be-is rare in art. 4 The scene attempts no grouping of altar attendants about the focal point of sacrifice. The center of interest is the general himself, made conspicuous by his costume, by his large eagle-topped scepter, and also by his size and position. Not only is he slightly larger than the other human figures, but his feet extend below the ground line as if he were standing in the foreground closer to the spectator. There can be little doubt that the scene represented is a Roman triumph, in spite of slight deviation from Roman usage. The substitution of the military cloak for the usual toga picla is not unparalleled, for it is recorded that Pompey in his triumph wore the chlamys of Alexander.' Certain details, however, betray the influence of Greek and Etruscan representations. The large wine jar and a table for utensils are familiar in Etruscan banquet scenes. I6 The costume of the priest combines the semi-nudity of Greek and Etruscan male dress with the Roman priestly garb. The association of human and divine figures is a Greek characteristic which persists in Roman sacrificial scenes to the end of the republican period. A sacrifice represented in a terracotta pediment found on the Caelian Hill is too incomplete to be reconstructed or interpreted with certainty, but the surviving fragments throw some light on the earliest Roman treatment of the theme. I, The recipients of the sacrifice were Mars, who occupied the center of the pediment, and two seated goddesses who are possibly Venus and Victoria.i8 Several victims, including the pig, sheep, and bull of the Suovetaurilia appropriate to Mars, as well as a calf and a goat (?), were led in from either side in order to fill the sloping angles of the tympanum. The single surviving togate figure has been interpreted as the sacrificing priest; but the toga was not drawn over his head as required by Roman ritual, and the hand is held too high for pouring a libation. The pose is appropriate to an altar
14 See figs. 6i, 98; also Petersen, Ara Pacis 92, and Kahler, JDAI 69 (I954) 78 f., figs. 6-7, for two examples on the Ara Pacis. I5 Appian, Mithr. II7. Michaelis, Ad! 48 (I876) II2-I6, argues that the scene represents the lesser "Alban" triumph, chiefly on the basis of the general's military dress. See Livy 26, 2I, 6; 33, 23, 3 and 8; 45, 38; Valerius Maximus 3, 6, 5; Pliny, N. H. I5, I26; Plutarch, Marcel/us 22. Cf. also fig. 77 c. I6 Giglioli pls. 136-37, 245; Poulsen, Etr. Tomb Paintings figs. I5, 32, 36.
I7

197-201;

BulZComm6 (I878) 293-95; Andren, Actalns/Suec 6

(1940)

Ryberg, Archaeo/. Record 195, n. 99, with bibliography, and 350-60, Series A.

I8 The goddess most naturally associated with Mars is Venus, to whom a heifer was probably the appropriate victim. Though no victim sacrificed to Venus is recorded, a female bovine sacrifice was most commonly offered to goddesses in state cult; see Krause, RE, Suppl. 5, "Hostia," 263; Arnobius 7, i9; cf. Stengel, Opferbrduche d. Griech. I90-96. The second goddess has no identify ing attributes and the only remaining victim, a goat, is not known to have been offered to any goddess in the Roman pantheon; see Krause, op. Cit. 250-5I. Victoria would be appropriate in the context, as an aspect of Mars rather than an individual deity sharing in the sacrifice, and the figure is not unlike that of a winged Victoria represented on a Praenestine cista, cf. supra Chap. II, n. 49 and fig. 9; cf. also the appearance of Victoria as an accessory figure in the Borghese and Falerii reliefs, figs. Is and I6.

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

23

Fig. J5 a P1. Vii,

attendant or a lyre player, both of which appear in republican altar scenes clad in the toga but with head uncovered.I' The priest must have stood between this figure and Mars, and the difference in scale between human and divine figures may have been less startling than now appears. A semicircular table, with top slanting forward to show a tray of sacred objects resting on it, was presumably not a form of altar but an accessory table like that in the triumphal sacrifice described above. 20 Though the fragments were found at some distance from the site of the Temple of Mars outside the Porta Capena, the central position of Mars and the offering of the Suovetaurilia make it a plausible hypothesis that the pediment belonged to that temple.21 The relief is particularly interesting as an example of the fusion of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman elements in a Roman work of the late second century B.C. The composition consisted mainly of a simple row of figures. Only the one victimarius with an animal in lower relief behind him gives any indication of a relief style, in which different depths are used to create an impression of a tridimensional scene. The deities are strongly Greek in style, but the painted horizontal bands on the cuirass of Mars recall the bands which adorn the cuirasses of warriors on Etruscan urns.22 The representation of the gods in larger scale than the human figures, as customary in Greek votive reliefs, is here turned to good use in adjusting the scene to a triangular field. The figure of Mars appears to have been shown with right hand extended, perhaps holding a patera after the fashion of the Greek recipients of sacrifice.23 The sacrifice itself was essentially Roman, and the arrangement of the victims in an ascending line toward the center, here dictated by the slope of the pediment, is a characteristic device of composition in late republican reliefs. The first sacrificial scene to attest any real development of a "Roman" style is represented on an altar in the Villa Borghese.24 The mouldings of the altar itself and of the altar represented in the relief have a full swelling double torus, similar to that of the Sullan temple to Hercules (?) in the Largo
T9 Cf. the lyre players on the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus, figs. 15 and 17. As an altar attendant such a figure might have held a pitcher or incense box, as in those reliefs. op. cit. (supra n. 17) Series A, no. 20; cf. such accessory tables with ornamental 20Andren, animal legs in Etruscan reliefs, Brunn-K6rte, Rilievi i, pls. 44, 68, 95. 21 See Jordan-Huelsen, Tfopog. I, 3, 213-14; Platner-Ashby, TolpogDict, "Mars." In the pediment of the Temple of Mars Ultor, Mars stood in the center flanked by Venus and Fortuna, Strong, ScultRom 7I, fig. 45; cf. fig. 36 d. 22 E.g. Brunn-Korte, Rilievi i, pls. 36 if.; 2, pl. 83. 23 E.g. Svoronos pl. II2; MusLouvre, Encyclopidie pholographique 3, 2i6 a; cf. supra Chap. I, nn. I5, 28, and fig. 2. Z4 Reiiferscheid, Ad! 35 (I863) 361-72; MonInst 6-7, pl. 76, 4-5; Reinach, 3, 171, i; Weickert, FTestArndt 48-6I; Goethert, Xunst d. rom. Republik I8-21; Seltman, CAH, P/a/es 4, 88. The monument is probably an altar, as cylindrical altars were not uncommon in the republican period; see figs. I9 d, Io6 a. An Augustan cylindrical altar to Pietas shows a similar decrease in diameter toward the top; see Strong, ScultRon 50, fig. 27.

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24

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Argentina.25

Fig. 15b P1. VI1

The drapery has the soft indefiniteness characteristic of late republican relief, but the length of the toga dates it later than the change in fashion from the old /oga exzgua to the more voluminous garment worn after 70 or 65 B.c.26 The lower terminus is fixed by the relation in style to the base of Ahenobarbus discussed below. The mouldings here are earlier and the drapery of the toga is less competently handled. The relief uses, in less developed form, the same devices for unifying the composition and conveying the illusion of depth. The relief represents a bull and a pig brought to an altar in the presence of three deities, Hercules, Victoria, and a goddess who has been interpreted as Venus Genetrix or as luventas. A fourth figure equipped with lyre and plectrum was originally believed to be Apollo, but the fact that he wears a toga, and occupies the customary position of tlhe lyre player at the left of the flutist, He is as tall as the has established his identification as an altar attendant. deities and his head, like theirs, cuts slightly into the top of the moulding, but this detail seems to be due to an overzealous effort to achieve depth in the altar group by placing the lyre player closer to the spectator than are the other attendants. Behind the altar appear the flute player and a second togate figure, whose raised hand would suit the pose of a camillus holding an incense box, though no trace of the object has survived. Another attendant at the right of the altar, also togate, must be intended to appear in the background, as the priest reaches across him to pour the libation. The priest is attended by two lictors, each carrying a bundle of fasces and also a shorter rod, probably a comme/aculum. The comme/aculum is defined by FestuLsas a rod with which a flamen might clear the path at sacred rites; and since this was also the lictor 's task, it may be that the rod was a perquisite of lictors as well as flamines. The second lictor is represented in very low relief behind the two victimarii, who lean out from the background over the backs of the animals. Their pose, together with the use of three actual levels of relief, makes this the first successful example of one of the chief devices by which Roman relief achieved tridimensional effect. The victim group is much more effective than the altar scene, with its painstaking arrangement of figures around the unnecessarily large altar. Its composition also is successful in carrying the eye toward the
27

pI.

See Seltman, CAH, P/ates 4, 96 b; Wijkstrom, ActaInstSuec, Corolla Arch. 2 (1932) 22-23, F. Castagnoli, Ar/ifigurative I (I945) 196, n. 9I, maintains that the Borghese altar is later than the base of Ahenobarbus. The reasons why this author does not share that view are set forth below in the discussion of the base, and in notes 42 and 50. 26 See A. Zadoks, Ances/ral Portraiture 62-64. Goethert dates both this and the relief of Ahenobarbusin the late second century B.C., partly on the evidence of the toga, which he believes to be the older type. For discussion of the point, see below. 27 Festus (Paul.) 56 L. A separate rod or two rods in addition to the bundled fasces, often appear in both Etruscan and Roman representations of lictors; see fig. 37; Strong, Scu//Rom 8o, fig. 52; Altmann no. I9I, fig. 128; Colini, Fascio Littorio pls. i6, 26, 28; cf. the rod carried by Etruscan officials, supra Chap. II, n. 64. See Magi, Rilievi Flavi 94-96.
25

2.

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

25

center. The forward slanting line along the backs of the two victims is repeated by the shoulders of the attendants, and again by the hand and forearm of the lictor. The contrasting oblique lines of fasces and commetaculum balance this forward thrust and create an interesting design which integrates foreground and background. The altar group, on the other hand, is not convincingly involved in the action. The altar itself, made too large in a crude effort to centralize the scene, is entirely bare of offerings or flames. The lyre player is so unconnected with the group as to have caused question of hiis function. The two altar attendants have none of the appropriate utensils and give no sign of
participation.

Two different interpretations have been proposed. The first, suggested by Reifferscheid and developed further by Weickert, was that the altar commemorated the games given by Caesar in 46 B.C. to celebrate the dedication of his Forum and Temple of Venus Genetrix. The games are referred to by ancient authors either as Ludi Veneris Genetricis or as Ludi Victoriae Caesaris, 28 and the winged Victoria beside "Venus Genetrix " was interpreted as an allusion to the double title as well as to the occasion itself. The iconography of the goddess, however, does not accord with that of any of the known representations of Venus Genetrix.29 Moreover she is farthest of all from the altar and thus strangely placed for the chief recipient of the sacrifice. Once the lyre player is demoted from the rank of deity, it becomes clear that Hercules occupies the chief position and is most concerned with the offering. For he is turned slightly toward the altar and holds a skyphos as if, like the deities in Greek votive reliefs, he were participating in the rite. Goethert proposed the more satisfactory hypothesis that the goddess is luventas, a minor deity associated with Hercules and here fitly placed in a subordinate position. The winged Victory is appropriate as an allusion to the aspect of Hercules to whom sacrifice is offered, Hercules Victor. 30 There is even more evidence for this interpretation than was presented by Goethert. Two aspects of the worship of Hercules were popular in the late Republic. He was the male god of fertility and thus of youthful vigor and physical strength. He was associated, as was Juno, with the rite of marriage and the birth of children, and was in some respects the equivalent of Genius. He often appears with club and skyphos in household shlrines, sometimes accompanied by Genius, and the victim sacrificed to him was a pig, a common offering to deities of
3'

CIL I, p. 397; Cicero, ad Fam. iI, 28, 6; Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 28; Dio 49, 42. Pliny, N. H. 35, 156; M. Bieber, RM 48 (I933) 26i-76 and cf. the Venus of the relief from Falerii, fig. I6; G. M. A. Richter, Critical Periods 5i, n. 9; Hommel, Stud. rom. Figurengiebeln 26 f. 30 In one of the Hadrianic medallions of the Arch of Constantine Hercules has a statuette of Victory in his hand, Strong, ScultRom fig. 138. 3I Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals 142-44; cf. I05. The exclusion of women from the worship of Hercules at the Ara Maxima is a sure sign of a fertility cult; Plutarch, Q. R. 6o; Gellius ii, 6. On Hercules represented in household shrines, see Helbig, Wandgemdlde IO, no. 27 and pl. 4;
28
29

De Marchi, Culto Privato 88-89.

6

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26

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART
32

fertility. In this aspect he was associated with Iluventas, to whom the Roman youth paid sacrifice on assuming the /ogazvyriis. The Greek rite of a /ec/isternium dedicated to Iuventas in the Temple of liercules in 2 i8 B.C. demonstrates her connection with Hercules and makes probable her identification with Hebe. She is represented on Antonine coins dressed in an old-fashioned high girt tunic, like that worn by the goddess of the Borghese relief, and luventas or Hebe appears in a Pompeian painting as the bride of Hercules, veiled as for a wedding, but carrying a scepter as does the Borghese goddess (fig. 99). Even more conspicuous in the late Republic than Hercules-Genius associated with Juventas was a second aspect of Hercules represented by the titles Victor and Invictus, worshipped at the Ara Maxima and also in a temple near the
Porta Trigemina. In
I46
B.C.

tithes of the booty

taken by Mummius

at

Corinth were dedicated to Hercules Victor. Increasingly in the last century of the Republic Hercules was replacing Mars as the god of military victory. 34 Temples in his honor were dedicated by Mummius, by Sulla, and by Pompey. During the celebration of a triumph a statue of Hercules Victor was draped in triumphal garb, and after the sacrifice, while the military commander was entertained at a banquet with the senators in the Capitolium, soldiers and citizens feasted in the Temple of Hercules. The watchword of Pompey's army at Pharsalia was "Hercules Invictus," and the title of Deo Invicto inscribed beneath a statue of Caesar in the Temple of Quirinus was surely a loan from Hercules. The literary evidence on the worship of Hercules in the late Republic has been reviewed here in some detail because it illuminates the content of the Borghese relief. The deity to whom sacrifice is offered is undoubtedly Hercules, his two aspects represented by the subordinate figures of Victoria and Iuventas. These two aspects are recognized also in the victims brought for sacrifice. The customary offering to the Hercules-Genius associated with Luventas was a pig, but a bovine victi-m was sacrificed to Hercules Victor or

Religious

Piso, quoted by Dionysius 4, I5, 5; Livy 2I, 62, 9. See Wissowa 135-36; Warde Fowler, By token of her connection with physical vigor and strength Experience 332, n. I2. Iuventas seems to have been associated also with military might. Ludi were vowed to Iuventas in a prayer for victory during the battle of Sena in 207 B.C. (Cicero, Brut. 73), and a temple 127. was dedicated to her in i9i B.C., Livy, 36, 36, 5-6. See also Taylor, TAPA Si (I920) see also On the iconography of Iuventas, see Mattingly 4, pI. 34, i; Strack 3, pl. i6, 920-21; infra Chap. XI, n. 25 and fig. 99. 33 This aspect may have developed either from Hercules' connection with physical vigor (see supra n. 31), or from the old custom of paying tithes of profit to Hercules of the Ara Maxima. See CIL Ix2 i, 632. An earlier dedication to Hercules (ibid. 607) made by a dictator is probably military in character. Dionysius 6, 17, 2, mentions tithes of booty offered by Postumius in his triumph over the Volscians, 494 B.C. 34 On Hercules in the later Republic and his association with military victory, see Haug, RE, R. Schilling, "Hercules", 572, 574, 589; A. R. Anderson, HSCP 39 (1928) 7-58, esp. 35-4I;
32

RevPhil

I6

(1942)

31-57, I;

Pliny, N. H. 34, i6, Babelon I, 422-23.

esp. 35-40. See also Platner-Ashby, TopogDidc 252-57; Strabo 4, I, II; 7, 95; Athenaeus 5, pI. 22I f.; Appian, Bel/. Civ. 2, 76; Dio 43, 45, 3;

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

27

Fig. i6
Pl. Vll

Invictus. 3 The arrangement of figures in the relief emphasizes the military aspect of the god. As the bull is nearest the altar, so Victoria stands next to Hercules, and the palm and wreath in her hands can only mean that the occasion of the offering is a military victory. The dress of the priest, with toga drawn over his head, gives one further clue, for the rites at the Ara Maxima were performed with uncovered head according to Greek custom, Graeco ri/u. 36 The relief must therefore represent a sacrifice at one of the other temples of Hercules Victor or Invictus, offered on an occasion sufficiently important to justify commemoration,-possibly the dedication of Pompey's temple to Hercules, the date of which is unknown. 3 A scene of sacrifice on a circular base or altar from Falerii belongs to a different tradition from the still crude but vigorous historical relief of the Borghese altar. 38 In an eclectic style with a strong flavor of the mannered Neo-Attic sculpture popular at the end of the Republic, the relief represents an armed figure pouring a libation in the presence of Mars, Venus Genetrix, and Vulcan. A winged Victory carrying a palm and holding a laurel wreath above the warrior's head distinguishes the sacrifice as a thank offering for victory in war, and the bearded face and bare feet of the latter mark him as a legendary rather than a contemporary hero. On the basis of the Neo-Attic flavor of its style Herbig proposed to date the relief about 40 B.C., and that date is consistent also with the reappearance of Mars as the god of military victory. For Hercules, who had nearly displaced Mars in the last century of the Republic, was displaced in his turn by Mars Ultor after the death of Julius Caesar.39 A legendary hero offering such a triumphal sacrifice could hardly in this period be other than Aeneas, who might very fitly, after his victory over Turnus, bring a thank offering to Mars as god of war, to Venus his goddess mother, and to Vulcan who fashioned his armor for the combat. One of the most controversial among Roman sculptured monuments is the so-called Altar of Ahenobarbus. 40 This was a large base approximately five

Roman cult practice would normally demand a male victim for a male deity, and a bull I, 579; Vergil,Aen. 8, i8o; Servius,ad Aen. 8, I83. But there are a number of ancient references to f heifer offered at the Ara Maxima, Livy I, 7, 12; Varro, De Ling. Lat. 6, 54; DionysiusI, 39, 40. 36 Macrobius, Sat. 3, 6, I7; cf. Servius, ad Aen. 8, 276-78. 37 A temple dedicated to Hercules by Pompey is mentioned by Vitruvius 3, 3, 5, and Pliny, 1N.H. 34, 57, but neither its date nor the occasion of its dedication is known. The occasion appears not to have been Pompey's eastern triumph, as the spoils of that triumph were dedicated to Minerva; Pliny, N. H. 7, 97. 38 Herbig, RM 42 (1927) 129-47, pls. I5-i8; Rumpf, Griech. und rom. Kunst 86; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, go b-c. The cuirass worn by Mars and by the sacrificant is similar to that on a late republican terracotta relief; Fuhrmann, Mdl 2 (I949) 23 ff., pl. 8. 39 See Suetonius, Augustus 29, 2; Ovid, Fasti 5, 569-78. The temple to Mars Ultor was vowed at the battle of Philippi. See Anderson and Schilling (supra n. 34). Clarac, Mus. sculpt. 2, 747-50, pI. 221; AntDenk 3, 12; Furtwangler, Intermezzi 39-48; Strong, ScultRom IO-I4; von Domaszewski,ArchRW I2 (I909) 67-82; Abhandlungen 227-32;Michon, MonPiot 17 (I910) 147-57; Sieveking, JOAL 13 (I910) 95-IOI; Gnomon8 (I932) 417-24; F. Goethert,
35

is mentionedby Ovid, Fasti

40

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28

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. I7 a-c

P1. VIII

meters square, adorned on three sides with a frieze of sea deities, on the fourth with a relief representing a lus/ra/io, an old apotropaic rite in which a Suovetaurilia was led in procession around the fields, the city, the army, or the citizen body, and finally sacrificed to Mars. The monument has been interpreted as the base of the famous Scopadic group of Neptune, Thetis, Achilles, Nereids, and Tritons which Pliny mientions as an adornment of Domitius Ahenobarbus' Apart from the strong probability that the reliefs were temple to Neptune. found in the Campus Martius in the general neighborhood of the Temple of Neptune, the association of sea deities with a religious rite in honor of Mars is consistent not only with the passage from Pliny but also with numismatic evidence, to be discussed later in this chapter, that Ahenobarbus' vow to dedicate a temple to Neptune was occasioned by his success in a naval battle in 42 B.C. The relief which represents the lies/ratio is clearly related to the Borghese altar but is somewhat more advanced in style. As in that relief, the sacrificial animals approach a central altar from the right in order of increasing height, so that the lines of the victims' bodies and the stooping pose of the attendants serve to carry the eye forward toward the centrally placed altar. The fact that this arrangement reverses the ritual order of the Suovetaurilia is not allowed to interfere with the artistic advantage secured by placing the largest victim, here even exaggerated in size, nearest the center. The priest holds a
4I 42

patera into which a small togate camillus pours wine from his pitclher (gut/us),

43

Zur Kuns/ d. rim. Republik 7-I8; E. Lowy, Jahrb. d. kunsthis/.Samml. Wien 1928, Schober, JOAI 27 (193I) 57-58; CAH, P/a/es 4, 86; Platner-Ashby, TopogDi/ 360-6I; Vessberg, Ac/ahIs/Suec 8 (I94I) I8I-82, n. 8; Castagnoli, Ar/i Figurative I (1945) I8I-96, with additional

bibliography on p. 192, n. I. 4 Pliny, NV.H. 36, 26; Jordan-Huelsen, Topog.
(supra n. 40) 35.

I,

pt. 3,

522-23.

Cf., however, Lowy,

42 The forward movement of compositional lines in the Borghese relief is relatively slight, consisting only in the ascending height of the two victims, in the lines of the left arm and shoulder of each of the victimarii, in the outstretched right hand of each lictor. The use of the same device in the relief of Ahenobarbusis more marked and more complex. The ascending height of the victims is carried to the point of exaggeration of the size of the largest animal. Interlocking of lines moving in toward the center from both ends makes the composition much less paratactic than the Borghese relief. This is well illustrated in the two smaller victim groups as compared with those of the Borghese altar. Not only is the cQmpositional line carried forward with more decision along the bent backs of the two stooping victimarii, but the upward slanting line along the animals' bodies is practically continuous. In a frieze on the pronaos wall of the Temple of Bacchus at Baalbek appears a procession of victims which employs the same basic composition, though mingled with elements more suggestive of Greek friezes than Roman. A bovine victim followed by a sheep is conducted toward a small altar, beyond which apparently stood a group of deities. See Wiegand, Baalbek 2, 13, fig. 25; 24, fig. 43, pIs. 25-26. A similar victim group, a sheep conducted by a stooping victimarius, occurs on a circular base from the Temple of Zeus at Termessus, probably of early

imperial date; Reinach

2,

III,

3; Lanckoro'ski,

,S/dd/e Pamphyliens

und Pisidiens

2,

48-50,

figs. 7-8. Here the sheep is brought in from the right, while the priest is turned toward the left, pouring wine on the head of the bovine victim. The absence of an altar suggests that the scene combines Greek and Roman elements. 43 The pitcher was formerly called a praefericulum, but the name gu//us has been established by von Schaewen, Rdm. Opfergerd/e I5-23, pls. 1-3; Varro, De Ling. La/. 5, 124.

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

29

perhaps in this case intended not for the libation but to be poured upon the head of the first victim, toward which the priest turns his head. Another camillus crowded in at the right of the priest has a rectangular incense box (acerra) on his shoulder. A second small figure behind the altar lifts his hand as if to pull up a fold of the toga which covers the back of his head. 46 The togate lyre player and flutist, small in size like the camilli, are moved away from the altar to make room for an armed figure, whose left hand holds some object, possibly a dagger (parazonium).4 The warrior is probably Mars, and is the last of the greater gods to appear, in the Greek fashion, as a recipient of the sacrifice. Only slightly taller than the other principal figures, he might be identified as Domitius except for the fact that it was customary for a military commander himself to perform the lustration of his, troops. 48 Indeed, the composition is managed in such a way as to throw the emphasis upon the sacrificant, who is presumably Domitius, rather than upon Mars. Both attendants behind the altar turn toward him, and at the right the closely massed. figures of incense bearer, victimarius,and bull focus attention on this point. The relief shows evidence of artistic experimentation not only with a relatively new and unformed composition but with various devices of tridimensional illusion. In the group at the left, a careful arrangement of oblique lines leading toward the center may be traced in the extended arm of the figure second from the left, in the conversational gesture and bent arm of the next two, and in a soldier's hand which is lifted to his helmet for no obvious reason except to carry out the compositional design. The priest turns his head back toward the victims, apparently to connect the procession with the altar group. A veiled standard bearer carrying a vexillum is placed so as to add interest to the background in the space above the smaller victims, and the vexillumn
44 4

44 Cicero, De Divin. 2, 37; Juvenal I2, 8; Festus 97 L, 125 L; cf. fig. 97 c and supra n. 42; also Reinach, Rip. stat. 2, 737, 5. This explanation of the turn of the priest's head away from the altar was suggested by Clarac, Mus. sculpt. 2, no. 3I3, p.. 748. 45 Festus 17 L; Horace, Odes 3, 8, 2. 46 An examination of the original shows the edge of the toga across the back of the head, though it is not properly continued to a joining with the heavy fold over the left shoulder. The fact that this figure alone lacks the laurel wreath accords with the apparent intention to represent him as velatus. There is no intelligible reason why an attendant should at this moment be adjusting the toga over his head, and the gesture seems to be merely a bit of stage business, the purpose of which is to introduce a line leading into the background. The device is not very effective in producing an illusion of depth, but it is of a piece with the painstaking placing of the shields so that their farther edges disappear into the background, and the unsuccessful bend of the soldier's head at the far right. Clarac, op. cit. (supra n. 44) p. 748, describes the figure: une jeune file se couvre la etied'un voile. 47 A dagger is held in this position by warriors on Etruscan urns; Brunn-Korte, Rilievi 2, pls. 62, 12; 65, 7. The details of the armor correspondto that of warriorson Etruscan urns. For the crested helmet, see ibid. i, pls. I4; 30; 86, 2; 2, pI. I2, 4; for the cuirass, with decorative design on the breast and thongs around the thorax, ibid. I, pls. 66, i; 68 I; 2, pI. i6, 4. L6wy, Jahrb. d. kunsthist. Samml. Wien (I928) 38, sees in the armor evidence for the earlier dating; cf. Coussin, RA I9 (1924) 5I, n. I. 48

Cicero, De Divin.

I,

I02.

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30

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

cut in very shallow relief helps to convey the impression of a tridimensional group. The toga drawn over the head usually distinguishes only the priest, 49 and here seems to have been introduced primarily as interesting design. The drapery is actually incorrect, as no conceivable arrangement of the toga allowed the left arm to be bare, but the artist's purpose was better served by this design. The two laurel branches carried by a victimarius are not inappropriate to a ritual procession, but here they are used primarily to enhance the composition. One repeats the line of the vexillum, the other fills the large empty space above the bull's back. Carved in shallow relief against the background, they also add to the illusion of depth. The effort to achieve a tridimensional scene apparently accounts for some of the gestures and attitudes. A victimarius placed in front of the pig leans into the background, another leans slightly outward from behind the sheep and looks out from the relief, as do several other figures. At the left end the second figure reaches out from the background; the second of the two soldiers turns away so that his shield recedes into the background, showing its handle and interior curve. One camillus reaches into the foreground to pour from his pitcher, and the gesture of the other, with elbow thrust out as he reaches up to adjust the toga over his hiead, similarly reminds the spectator of the depth of the space over the altar. The same concentration upon tridimensional illusion explains several details in the arrangement of figures. Three planes of spatial depth are achieved by the placing of background figures behind and partially obscured by those in the foreground: for example, at the left end a togatus stands in the background behind a seated figure and the pile of tablets; the vexillum carrier and a soldier are placed behind the two smaller victim groups. 50 The dress of the participants is similar to that of the Borghese relief and, in general, to the usage of the Augustan Age. As on the Ara Pacis, the attendants wear laurel wreaths and the priest, like Augustus, is both veiled and laureate. The camillus is not yet fully developed as a type. As in the Borghese relief, the camilli are small togate figures, while from the Augustan Age on they invariably wear only the tunic, sometimes with a cloak girt about the waist. 5' The bull is adorned with a tasselled fillet wound about his horns and a broad band (dorsuale) around his body. Both these adornments appear occasionally in Greek sacrificial scenes, and Etruscan art supplies a single exain49 Cf., however, the veiled attendant of the Ara Pacis who precedes the flamines and carries the axe; fig. 23. The interpretation of the scene as a census assumes that this figure is the second censor; see von Domaszewski, ArcARW 12 (1909) 78-82 = Abhand/. 227-33. Castagnoli, Ar/i figurative i (1945) I84, argues that this is the same censor as the sacrificant, here represented as leading the army back into the city ad vexillum, as described by Varro, De Ling. Lat. 6, 93. 50 The marked prevalence of these devices, by which the artist seeks to convey an illusion of depth, implements other indications of advance in style over the Borghese altar. In that relief three planes are achieved only at one point, by placing a lictor behind the victim groups. 51 The imperial type appears first in the bronze camillus of the Conservatori, though the girlishly dressed hair does not appear in reliefs until the Flavian period; see infra fig. 38; Strong, ScultRom fig. 62.

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

31

ple of the dorsuale; but they soon became a regular part of the sacrificial accouterments represented in Roman relief. The form of the toga has been a key point of controversy in the dating of both the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus. If it is the oldfashioned loga exigua, the reliefs must be dated before 70-60 B.C. when the longer toga came into use.53 The only lustration associated with a Domitius Ahenobarbus before 70-60 B.C. was performed in II5 B.C., when a census was taken and the lustrum closed by censors one of whom bore that name. That the relief is a contemporary representation of that lustration has been argued ably by Goethert and is now one of the widely accepted hypotheses. 54 It is reasonably probable, however, that the garment represented is actually not the toga exzgua, unquestioned examples of which are to be found in the Arringatore and the togate figure of the terracotta pediment from the Caelian hill. The toga shown on the base finds its closest parallels in a number of
52

works of the first century

B.C.,

particularly

the relief of Aurelius Hermia.

55

It is slightly longer than the toga represented on a coin issued by Cassius in 52 or 5i B.C. 56 In actual length it is not appreciably different from some of those represented on the Ara Pacis. The richness and elaboration of the folds was always a matter of sculptural style, and here the clumsy skimpiness of the toga matches the treatment of the tunic. The lack of sinus and umbo, the overhanging folds at the side and in front, corresponds to the preAugustan draping of the garment. 57 The handling of the human figures invites comparison with a late republican relief of a bireme, which is probably to be associated with the battle of Actium because of the crocodile on its prow. 58 That relief is very similar in its painstaking effort to achieve an illusion of
52

53 54

Festus IOO L. SHA, Gallienus 8, 2, gives the name dorsuale. A. Zadoks, Ancestral Portraiture 62-64. See Ryberg, Archaeological Record I99, n. II8. The earlier dating was proposed by von Domaszewski, ArchRW I2 (I909) 78-82; refuted by
I3 (19IO) 95-101;

Sieveking, JOAI

Gnomon8 (1932)

417-24;

accepted by Lowy, Jahrb. d. kunsthist.

Samml. Wien (1928) 35-38; and by Schober, JOAI 24 (I931-33) 57. Goethert's thoroughgoing defense of it has been accepted in CAN, Plates 4, 86; Rodenwaldt, AbhBerl (I935) no. 3, p. I3, n. 2; von Schaewen, Rom. Opfergerdte 70; P. E. Arias, La scultura Romana (Messina I943) 39-42. 55 BritMusCatSculpt 3, no. 2274; Vessberg, ActaInstSuec 8 (I94I) i8o-8i, pI. 24, 2; Castagnoli (supra n. 40) i88. The relief cannot be dated later than the mid-first century B.C., because of the old spelling with double vowels (jfaato, naatam), which was introduced by Accius and went out of fashion in Sulla's time; see CIL I, IOII; 6, 9499. Vessberg notes that the togas at the left end of the relief of Ahenobarbus are similar to that of Aurelius Hermia, but that the priest's toga is louger and more voluminous. 56 Grueber I, 494, pl. 49, 6; and see Castagnoli (supra n. 40) i88. A glance at Vessberg, pI. I2, shows how unreliable for accurate dating are the representations of togate figures on coins of the first century B.C. The toga shown on the coin of Cassius issued ca. 52-51 B.C. is shorter than that on certain coins issued some years earlier. 57 The well known late republican togatus of the Vatican wears a long and voluminous toga which is draped without the umbo; see CAH, Plates 4, 58 c; cf. ibid. 58 b. The sinus and umbo are not invariable even on the Ara Pacis; cf. Petersen, nos. 6 and ii in the procession of

the north side. See also Sieveking, Gnomon 8
58

(1932)

4I8-23.

See Strong, ScultRom I1-i6,

fig. 8; Sieveking (supra n. 54) 4i8-23;

R. Heidenreich, RM

(1936)

337-46.

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32

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

depth, in the doll-like proportions of the human figures, in treatment of drapery, and in the relation of figures to the background. Even the procession of the small inner altar of the Ara Pacis is not too distantly related, though clearly the work of more competent artists. Other interpretations of the base have abandoned the whole association with Domitius Ahenobarbus and with the Temple of Neptune. Of these the most acceptable is the hypothesis proposed by Castagnoli, 59 who connects the
nmonument with the Temple of the Nymphs in the Campus Martius, where the census records are known to hiave been kept. 6o That temple was destroyed in 58 B.C., and a monument of this type might have been made and dedicated at the time of the rebuilding, presumably in the years immediately following its destruction. The juxtaposition of the reliefs of the Nereids witlh a scene representing the census would not be inappropriate in such a context. Since no census was taken during this period, the iuslrafio must be assuimed either to represent the founding of the ritual of closing the lustrum, or to be a kind of genre presentation of the rite. There appears, however, no sign of the customary earmarks of a legendary scene, and a merely genre scene representing the closing of the lustrum is quite out of keeping with what is known of the development of Roman commemorative relief. If the hypothesis proposed by Castagnoli be eventually accepted, attractive as it is in accounting for the juxtaposition of the two types of relief, it must rest on firmer ground of stylistic evidence than is as yet available. On the other hand, there is strong evidence which makes the base with its combination of subjects entirely suitable to the career of the Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus who was consul in 32 B.C. This Domitius won distinction as a naval commander in the civil wars following the death of Caesar, 63 and a temple to Neptune which appears on coins issued in his name associates him beyond reasonable doubt with the temple mentioned by Pliny. 64 In 42 B.C.,
6

62

59 Castagnoli, Ar/i Figurative i (I945) See also the views of Anti, Ducati, and others, I8I-96. summarized by Castagnoli, p. I83. Vessberg (supra n. 40) 18I-82, n. 8, agrees substantially with Castagnoli on the dating of the base, but follows Goethert's interpretation of the scene as a representation of the census of 115 B.C. 60 See Castagnoli (supra n. 40) I85-86, and references cited in note 32; e.g. Cicero, pro

Milone 73; de Har. Resp. 57; pro Caeio 78.
6i A legendary scene representing the founding of the census would normally be distinguished by bearded heads and idealized faces; cf. supra fig. I6; infra fig. 2I; see also Vessberg

(supra n. 40) 151-52.
62 The parallels to heads on late Etruscan cinerary chests, cited by Vessberg (supra n. 40) i8i in support of a date in the first half of the first century B.C., are unconvincing to this observer, as also to Castagnoli (supra n. 40) I96, n. 9I). 63 On the career of Domitius and the facts pertinent to this question, see Miunzer,RE, "Domitius" no. 23; cf. Velleius 2, 76 and 84; Suetonius, Nero 3; Appian, Bell. Civ. 5, 5o, 63, 75; Plutarch, An/ony 39, 63; Dio 48, 54, 4; also Vessberg 150-52; Broughton, Magis/rates of the Roman

Republic
64

2, 332,

353, 365; Shipley, MAAR

9 (I935) 43-44.

Grueber 2, 487-88, pl. II2, 14. The representation of the building with high podium but no steps at the front apparently designates it as a temple which had been vowed but not yet built; cf. the Temple of Julius Caesar represented on coins of 36 B.C.; Grueber 2, 580,

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

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as a member of the conspirators' party, he defeated Calvinus in a sea battle off Brundisium and was hailed by his soldiers as Imperator-the customary prerequisite for a triumph. The appearance of the title on coins probably indicates that the temple was vowed to Neptune on the occasion of that battle. As a surviving adherent of the conspirators, in command of his own fleet, he was dealt with as an independent agent at the conference of Misenunmin 39 B.C., and was given the promise of a consulship. He spent the next years in the East, where he served as governor of Bithynia and as Antony's ally in eastern campaigns; and Furtwangler's suggestion that the famous marble group of sea deities was acquired for his temple while Domitius was in Bithynia is inherently probable. 65 Its installation cannot be placed much later than the beginning of 32, as both consuls, Domitius and Sosius, departed to join Antony when the breach between the triumvirs finally came in February of that year. Moreover, the performance of a lus/ratio exerci/us is not inconsistent with the career of this Domitius. A Suovetaurilia was prescribed by Roman ritual on a variety of special occasions besides the annual lustrations connected with the worship of Mars. 66 It was a part of the closing of the lustrum which followed the census. It might be performed as a piaculum, to purify the city after a serious prodigy, or to purify an area for the construction of a temple. A lustration of the army preceded a campaign or an important battle, and there is an occasional reference to the offering of a Suovetaurilia also at the completion of a campaign. Domitius' eagerness to commemorate his military success is amply attested by his coin types. He could not hope for a triumph, for that honor was never granted for victory in a civil war. But a relief representing the lustration and disbanding of his troops, associated with sculptures alluding to the sea, could serve as a public memorial to his victory without
4; and see D. Brown, Temp/es of Rome as Coin Types, Numismatic Notes and Monographs The temple may have been a reconstruction of an earlier building in the Circus iI. Flaminius, where there was at any rate an altar to Neptune as early as 206 B. C.; see PlatnerAshby, TopogDict, "Neptunus," "Ara" and "Aedes." See also Vessberg (supra n. 40) I50-52. 65 Intermezzi 43; von Domaszewski, Abhandlungen 232; and see Jordan-Huelsen, Topog. I, 3, 522. Domitius' colleague in the consulship, Sosius, likewise brought statues from the East to adorn his temple to Apollo. 66 See Warde Fowler, RomFest I24-27; Varro, De Ling. La/. 6, 22. For the offering of a Suovetaurilia at the closing of the lustrum: Livy I, 44; Varro, De Ling. Lat. 6, 87, 93; Cicero, De Divin. I, 45, I02; after a prodigy: Livy 8, I0, 14; 21, 62, 7; 35, 9; 42, 20, 3; 45, i6, 6; Tacitus, Ann. 13, 24; Henzen, Ac/a Arvalium 143; before the construction of a temple: Tacitus, His/. 4, 53; before a campaign: Appian, Iber. 6, I9; Dio 47, 38, 4-5; Caesar, Be/i. Afric. 75; Tacitus, Ann. 6, 37; von Domaszewski, AEM i6 (I893) I9-2I; Furtwangler, Intermezzi 4I; LehmannHartleben, Die Traianssdule 24-25, and see infra Chap. VIII, discussion of figs. 55-58; at the close of a campaign: Dionysius 6, I7, 2. That the army was purified at the end of a campaign may also be inferred from the annual rites of the Salii; for the early calendar records a lustration of the shields of the Salii at the end of their period of activity in spring and fall, before the shields were returned to the shrine of Mars in the Regia. See Furtwangler, Intermezzi 4I-42. Servius' reference (ad Aen. 9, 624) to a Suovetaurilia performed at a triumph is probably a misunderstanding of the spo/ia secunda (Festus 204 L).
pI. 122,

90

(I940)

7

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34

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig.J8
P1. IX

violating the proprieties of Roman ritual. This interpretation, first proposed by Furtwangler, is in full accord with the details of the relief itself as well as with the stylistic evidence. The seated togate figure at the left end writes on a folding tablet, which might be either a list of demobilized soldiers or a census record. The pile of tablets at his side might be either the records of accounts presented by individual citizens or certificates af discharge, one of which an ex-soldier, now in civilian dress, has just received. 67 The absence of lictors has been cited as evidence that the relief represents the closing of the lustrum, for the censors were not invested with the imperium and were accordingly not entitled to the fasces. 68 But the same may have been true of Domitius. He was acting with the conspirators, perhaps as a legate of Brutus, and, in spite of his assuming the title of Imperator and issuing gold coins in celebration of his victory, there is no evidence that he held a grant of imperium from the Roman people or had any claim to attendant lictors. Thus there is a reasonable probability that the base of Ahenobarbus, like the Borghese altar, celebrates a military success rather than a closing of the lustrum. The allusion to the victory is in this case indirect, for even an Ahenobarbus, recalcitrant anti-Caesarian by inheritance, would have dared to come no closer to public commemoration of a victory over a Roman foe. The interpretation of the relief as a memorial to a military victory is indirectly supported by another Suovetaurilia of slightly later date. This is crudely represented on a small cippus found at Isernia, dedicated by Attalus
Noni M(arci) s(ervus), apparently in honor of his master. 69 The monument has been published by Fuhrmann, whose keen analysis of the available evidence establishes the nationality of the slave as Celtic and the identity of the master as M. Nonius Gallus, victor in a conflict with the Treveri in 29-28 B.c. The Gallic trophy, Roman general, and barbarian captive represented in duplicate on the sides of- the cippus allude to both the victory of Nonius and the capture of Attalus. On the front the wheel, rudder, and globe help to identify the two goddesses in the topmost tier as Fortuna and Nemesis, twin counterparts of the power that sways the destinies of slave and general alike. The Victoria leading a horse toward the deities may possibly, as Fuhrmann
67 Castagnoli (supra n. 40) 183-84, points out that citizens were required at the census to present an account of their property and personal possessions, and that the tablet in the individual's hand might be a record of his possessions; see CIL I, 2, I, p. 485, Lex Iul. munic. lines 144-47; Cicero, De Leg. 3, 7; Plautus, Trinummus 872. The earliest surviving examples of military diplomas granting citizenship for military service are from the time of Claudius; but such grants are known to have been made in the late Republic, and records were kept of the names of individuals thus rewarded:Cicero, Ad Fam. I3, 36; Phil. 2, 36, 92; cf. In Pisonem go; Suetonius, Nero I 2; Dessau 8888; and see Wiinsch, RE, "Diploma." 68 Goethert (supra n. 40) I0; Kubitschek, RE, "Censores" I906; Zonaras 7, I9. In point of fact, the appearanceof lictors in Roman reliefs was by no means invariable. No lictors appear in the representation of a Roman triumph on the engraved cista (fig. 13), though lictors were customary in that period. Augustus appears as Pontifex Maximus without the lictors to which his office entitled him, e.g. figs. 26, 28 b. 69 H. Fuhrmann, Mdl 2 (I949) 45-65, pls. 11-13 cf. Dio 5I, 20, 5.

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

35

suggests, be bringing booty taken from the Gallic people distinguished for its cavalry, to present to the divine givers of the victory. But it is not necessary to assume with Fuhrmann that the Suovetaurilia represented in the central tier is to be sacrificed to Fortuna-Nemesis. The Suovetaurilia was so firmly established as the offering peculiar to Mars that the presence of Fortuna and her symbols would hardly have misled a Roman spectator. The timehonored rite performed by a figure in Roman priestly garb is surely Nonius'
lustration of his army at the conclusion of his successful campaign andvictory over the Treveri. As in the case of Ahenobarbus, there is no record of a triumph accorded to Nonius Gallus, but like Ahenobarbus he was acclaimed imperator, an honor accorded only to a commander of a victorious army. Thus the two situations are almost exactly parallel, and in the case of Nonius' monument the nature of the event is unmistakably indicated by the trophy on each side. The choice of the lustratzio exercitus as an appropriate theme for commemorating a victory may here have been influenced by Ahenobarbus' celebrated monument in Rome. The Isernia relief of the Suovetaurilia, crude as it is and inherently likely to have been adapted from some more important monument, gives some evidence of experimentation in design. The division of the field into three tiers, with
70

the principal scene in the center tier, stems from the long tradition of the Etruscan cippi. The general arrangement of the victims, turned toward the left, with the largest animal nearest the altar at the center, is similar to that of the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus. The soldier's head crowded into the upper right corner echoes the inclusion of the soldiers in Ahenobarbus' lustration. Lack of space probably dictated the contraction of the procession by placing the sheep slightly in the background and only partly visible between the bull and pig. But here the adaptation of the earlier design ceases. The
awkward empty space above the altar is relieved by the flames and the two

laurel branches at its corners. The figure of the deity is omitted and the space to the left of the altar is left free for the priest, trumpeter(?) or flute player, and camillus. Instead of the more usual libation, the priest offers incense from a jar held in his left hand, and the camillus appears to be holding a patera ready for the libation. For the first time in any extant Roman relief the victimarius at the bull's head carries over his shoulder a mallet for the slaughter, and is thus designated as the popa. The priest is vela/us, as demanded by Roman ritual, but he appears to be wearing instead of the toga a garment like a ricinium, which covers his head and falls in a straight line to the hem of his long tunic. The placing of the sacrificant at the left of the altar was an experiment tried now and then in Roman relief. But the position at the
7I 72

70 See Fuhrmann, op. cit. 59-62 and CIL Roman Revolution 302, 308-og. 7' Wissowa 498, n. 2. See infra Chap. VI, n. I5.
72

9,

2642; Kroll, RE, "Nonius" no. 33; R. Syme,

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36

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. '9 a P1. IX

right made the figure of the priest easier to manage, and this became the standard formula in Augustan sacrificial scenes. Two travertine fragments found in Rome in 1936 preserve part of what was probably a late republican relief representing a triumphal procession. 73 One piece shows the left end of the frieze with the projecting border, apparently the end of the procession. On this a group of four toga/i move toward the right, preceded by four lictors. The toga is draped in such a way as to cover the right arm, in a manner suggestive of the himation but not unparalleled in Roman relief. 74 On the second fragment appear the two forward bearers of a fercutum, reduced in size to allow room for figures or objects on the fercu/um platform. Two togate tubicines blow their trumpets as they march behind a wingless Victoria driving a biga. No victims nor equipment of sacrifice appear in the surviving fragments, but their inclusion in the frieze may be assumed on the evidence of other examples of the type. Trumpeters, ferculum bearers, lictors, and other togate participants are all paralleled in the Journey to Hades on Etruscan urns and sarcophagi, 76 but the advance in style over most of the Etruscan reliefs is as marked as in the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus. As in those reliefs, a tridimensional effect is achieved by overlapping of the figures and the relation of the figures to the background. It remained for the sculptors of the Augustan Age and the early Empire to solve the problems of illusionistic relief; but their solution lay in the direction of these late republican works.

Fig. I9b P1. IX

Fuhrmann, Mdl 2 (I949) 27, p1. 9. 5I (I936) 47I-72; Cicero, Pro Cael. i i, bracchium cohibens toga. One or two figures in the senatorial procession of the Ara Pacis wear the toga in this fashion. 75 What appears to be a wing is a long curving palm carried over the shoulder. Several details, including the Victory driving a biga, are paralleled in a pompa on an early imperial monument of a Sevir (fig. 48), and it is possible that this is not actually a triumph but a pompa connected with ludi. But the presence of four lictors suggests the former, and the triumphal procession was a popular frieze subject in the early Empire; see infra Chap. X. 76 Brunn-Korte, Riiievi 3, pls. 80-92, and see supra Chap. 1I, n. 57. A relief found near Amiternum, of late republican or early imperial date, represents a funeral procession which shows the influence of several Etruscan types; Persichetti, RM 23 (I908) I5-I8, pl. 4; Reinach, 3, 2; Strong, Apotheosis I75-80, pI. 23; Fuhrmann,Mdl 2 (I949) 65. The procession led by flute players, lituus player, and horn blowers is an elaboration of the Journey to Hades on late Etruscan urns. The little attendant following the cortege carrying equipment for the rites-in this case a situla and a palm branch-is a familiar figure in the Journey. The bier is carried on poles resting on the shoulders of attendants, like the fercula in Roman triumphal reliefs. The naive narrative manner of popular art may be seen in the representation of the bearers on the far side, who are reduced in scale so as to be seen in full view below the nearer pole. The division into two tiers, with each row of figures standing on its own projecting ground line, is apparently a crude device for showing a double line, or for telescoping a longer procession into the available space. The lack of spatial integration and the crudeness of figures, drapery, and poses are reminiscent of late Etruscan urns and sarcophagi. The figure of the dead lying in state is an echo of the mourning scenes on earlier Etruscan cippi; e.g. Giglioli pls. I38, I43, I46-47. This motif appears again in Roman art on the monument of the Haterii, in the elaborate relief of the bier attended by mourners in varying attitudes of grief (Brunn, Kleine Schrif/en I, 72-I02; Reinach 3, 285-86).
73

AA

74

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RELIEFS OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

37

Representations of religious rites comprise most of the historical reliefs that can be dated in the republican period. "7 Though the rites are offered to different deities, Jupiter, Hercules, and Mars, they all celebrate a single theme, that of victory in war; and all the reliefs probably adorned monuments commemorating the public achievement of the persons who dedicated them. Their glorification of individuals, as well as their military character, is peculiarly appropriate to an age which saw one individual after another rise to supreme power in the state through the instrument of military command.
77 Two republican coin types represent sacrifices, the offering of a goat to Apollo (?) and of a cow to Diana of the Aventine; see Grueber 2, 3PI, pl. 40, I5; Vessberg, (supra n. 40) pI. I2, Fig. I9c-d 3 and 5; Babelon I, 351; 2, 358-59; cf. Livy I, 45. In both cases the composition is simple and P1. IX well adapted to a coin, with the priest standing at the left or right of a small circular altar, opposite the victim. The latter design occurs again in the Augustan Age on a coin of I3 B.C. and on an altar to the Lares and Genius Augusti; see figs. io6 a and 32.

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CHAPTER

IV

THE AUGUSTAN ALTAR OF PEACE

In the Augustan Age for the first time Roman historical relief is inspired and permeated by a great unifying idea. The same themes recur on one monument after another, tied together by their common reference to the new regime. Sometimes this reference is primarily secular, but because of the whole character of the Augustan program it more often has some definitely religious implication. Few Augustan works of art can be dated with certainty to the period before the Ara Pacis, but coin types and gems reflect the growth of an imperial symbolism which is often religious in character. Special association with certain deities and claims of incarnation were liberally used as weapons in the struggle to inherit Caesar's power. A contemporary allusion to the battle of Actium may be seen in two cameos which represent Octavian as Neptune or some other deity of the sea.2 The idealized portrait used on coins is not only a reflection of the Hellenization of Roman art in this period but an intentional approximation of Apolline beauty. 3 A statue of Apollo with the features of Octavian is known to have stood in the hibliothecaof the new Palatine temple dedicated in 28 B.C., and various coin types suggest his possession of attributes of Apollo, Mercury, or Jupiter. 4 Identification with Mercury was as persistent in Augustan literature and art as was the association with Apollo, and the caduceus soon acquired a permanent place among the imperial symbols alluding to prosperity and peace. I A statue by Kleomenes in the Louvre, formerly identified as Germanicus, is possibly an
I

Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor I 8-22, 131-34; Alfoldi, R1 50 (I95) I05; 0. Immisch, "Zur antiken Herrscherkult,"Aus Roms Zeitwende I-25. Gage, Md/Rome 53 (1936) 83-92, pI. I, 2. 3 J. Liegle, JDAI 56 (I94I) 9I-96, II8-I9, figs. i if. Liegle points out the close resemblance to coin types with the head of Apollo, and also the contrast between the idealized Apolline portrait of Augustus and the earlier portrait used on coins in the period of tne triumvirate; see Grueber pl. 58, I3-20. Cf., however, Immisch, op. ci. 26-27. 4 Pseudo-Acro, Horace, Epist. I, 3, 17; Liegle, op. cit.; M. Ward, StudMatStorRelig 9 (1933)
2

203-24. 5
(1922)

Horace, Odes I, 2, 41-44; Six, RA 4 (I9I6) 257-64; Rostovtzeff, Univ. Wis. Studies 15 138; K. Scott, Herm.es 63 (1928) 15-33; Brendel,RMso (I935) 23I-59. See also Altheim,

Roman Religion 365-68, who points out the connection, of long standing in Roman ritual, between Mercury and peace. In the numerous dedications which associate Augustus with the greater gods, one of the familiar combinations is that with Mercury, e.g. CIL 6, 519; 10, 205.

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THE AUGUSTAN ALTAR OF PEACE

39

Fig.

20

Pi. X

early portrait of Augustus in the guise of Mercury. 6 The incarnation as Mercury appears also on gems, in a stucco relief of the Farnesina ceiling, and on an altar found at Bologna, associated in the last instance with a simple sacrificial scene which probably represents the offering of a libation to Mercury-Augustus by citizens of Bologna. 7 Such identifications witlh the greater gods are more Hellenistic in spirit than Roman. They are part of the strong Hellerlizing trend which affected all aspects of Roman culture in the later first century B.C., and it is noteworthy that they are more conspicuous in both literature and art in the earlier years of Augustus' principate, before the final shaping of his matured religious policy. 8 While identifications with certain deities continued throughout the Empire as a subsidiary aspect of the ruler cult, the main stream of artistic expression took another course. In the Prima Porta Augustus an identification with Mars is perhaps implied by the bare feet of the emperor and the smiall Julio-Claudian Cupid sitting on a helmet beside him. But the central relief of the breastplate, surrounded by allegorical figures which stuggest the special protection of the gods, represents an historical event of imperial significance, the recovery of the standards of Crassus in 20 B.C. "Coin types reflect a new emphasis in Augustan religious symbolism. lo The star of the deified Julius appears on coins for the first time in I7 B.C., both as a reverse type and as a distinguishing mark on the forehead of the Divus. The oak wreath flanked by two laurels which adorned the door of Augustus' house is represented on coins of 12 B.C., contemporary
6 Brendel, op. Cit. 25I-59, plS. and n. 2 on p. 254; cf. Bernoulli, Rom. Ikonog. 27-28, Six, op. cit. 257-58; Scott, op. cit. 34. Cf. however, Richter, CriticalPeriods 53, 59, fig. I30. 7 Brendel, op. cit. (su.pran. 5) 231-41, fig. i and pl. 26; Lehmann-Hartleben, RM 42 (1927) I63-76, pIs. 20-2I; Scott, RM 50 (I935) 225-30. as Augustan Crossedcornucopias, distinguished
I, 227;

symbols by the capricorns' heads, appear also on an altar from the Via Salaria, CAH, Plates 4, 124 b; cf. Furtwangler, Beschr. geschnitt. Steine in Berlin 224, pl. 41. 8 Cf. Horace, Odes i, 2; 3, 3. Augustus' shift in policy with regard to his religious status has been traced by Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor i i8 ff., 148 ff. 9 Seltman, CAl, Plates 4, I48 a; Loschke,BonnJbb 114-15 (I906) 470-72; Studniczka,RM 25 (19I0) 27-55; Lechat, REA 13 (I9I), 155-60; Rodenwaldt, Kunst um Augustus i6-I8. '\ Mattingly I, cxi, cxXiii-iV; pp. 13, 26, 59, 102, io6; pls. 4, 14-15; 6, 6-8; I5, IO. A type published in Mattingly I, cvi-vii, 104, pl. I5, I7, shows the emperor in priestly garb guiding a plow drawn by oxen around a walled city. The type had been established earlier as an allusion to the founding of a colony, and it appears on a relief of early imperial date as well as on imperial coins; see Grueber i, 353; G. Brusin, .Mus. arch. di Aqui.eia 5-6, fig. i; Mattingly 2, xl;
3, C-ci.

represents the Fetiales sacrificing a pig in the ancient rite of treaty-making, 24, 9; G;rueber 2, 55-56, pl. 71, II. Mattingly i, cvi. The type is a revival from coins of the Social War, but its appearance on Augustan coins undoubtedly reflects Augustus' emphasis on old Roman rites; see E. G. Hardy, The MonumentumAncyranum (Oxford 1923) 51-52; J. Newby, Numismatic Cammentary on the Res Gestae, Iowa Studies in Class. Philol. 6 (1938) 36-40; cf., however, Grueber and Mattingly, loc. cit. To the same period belongs a small marble altar from Tarentum, which represents on two opposing sides Victoria and Venus Genetrix, on the other two a figure in priestly garb pouring a libation and a similar figure holding a simpulum. It has been suggested that the reliefs allude to a victory won by Octavian and Agrippa, perhaps that of Actium, and that the altar was made ca. 17 B.C.; Riis, ActaArch 23 (1952) 147-52, figs. 1-4.
B.C.

A coin of i6

as describedby Livy

I,

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40

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 21 P1. X

with the first appearance of these symbols on Augustan altars. Coin types reflect also Augustus' policy of associating the new regime with old Roman religious rites, the ritual of the pomerium and the rite of treaty-making by the Fetiales. The Ara Pacis, dedicated in 9 B.C., brought together for the first time various religious motifs which at once became an imperial repertory of themes, usable in the service of the state. " Allusions to the protection of the gods, to the legendary origins of Rome, and to the divine ancestry of the family of Augustus were combined with representation of a religious ceremony connected with the founding of the altar. To give unity to these various elements, the details chosen for presentation were carefully selected. Roma and Terra Mater (or Italia), symbols of the state restored to order and the earth restored to fruitfulness by the Augustan peace, Mars, father of the Roman race and of the Julian house in particular, watching over his offspring nursed by the wolf; Faustulus' discovery of the twins and Aeneas' sacrifice of the sow-all these served as a link to unite the divine and human elements, and in particular to associate Augustus with the gods. The religious ceremony, on the other hand, associated Augustus and his family in a natural manner with other Roman citizens and, in spite of allusions to their connections with divinity, they are actually portrayed walking in procession with the senators and other citizens, themselves led by the priests, Vestal Virgins, and the sacrificial victims. Even here, it is worth noting, the presence of the Flamen of Julius Caesar with the three major flamines was a reminder of the divinity achieved by Julius and, by implication, expected by Augustus at his death. As the contemporary event selected for representation was a religious rite, so the subject chosen from the legend of Aeneas was his sacrifice of the prophetic sow. Here the treatment is romantic, as befits a legendary subject, with a
landscape setting and in a style familiar in other Augustan-Hellenistic reliefs." The heroic figure of Aeneas, bearded and idealized in features, places the scene in the realm of legend, but the details of the sacrifice reflect the formal ritual of the Roman state religion. Aeneas, though barefoot and semi-nude, has his garment drawn up over his head in the manner of the Roman officiating priest,I3 and both he and the attendants are crowned with laurel. The camillus has the crinkled man ele, fluted pitcher, and bowl of fruits and cakes familiar in
See article by the author in MAAR I9 (I949) 79-IOI, and bibliography cited in note II of that article; also J. Toynbee, ProcBritAcad I953, 67-95, pls. 5-32. Themes from the early

i

legends of Rome had already become popular subjects in secular art. Some years earlier the walls of a columbarium near Rome were adorned with a series of frescoes representing legends of the founding of the city, M. Swindler, Ancient Painting 364-66, fig. 569. The same cycle of legends appears on the frieze of the Basilica Aemilia (see Bartoli, BdA 35 [1950] 289-94 for partial publication), possibly from Paulus' building completed in 34 B.C.; see Platner-Ashby, TopogDict 72. Moneyers of the later republican period often chose themes connecting their names or ancestry
with early Roman legends, e.g. Grueber
I2Strong,
'3

i,

I31,

297-98.

ScultRom 76 ff. This detail of ritual was placed in the legendary period also by Vergil, Aen. 3, 403-09.

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THE AUGUSTAN ALTAR OF PEACE

4I

Fig. 22 a

P1. XI

scenes of Roman sacrifice. In the pediment of the small temple appear the common priestly symbols, patera and lituus. The seated deities inside the temple, semi-nude and with spear in hand, resemble the popular representations of the Penates Publici and are evidently intended to portray the household gods brought by Aeneas from Troy and established in a shrine at Lavinium. 4 They are not the recipients of the sacrifice, which is a fe/a sus and must be offered to some goddess of fertility, whether to "maxima Juno," as recorded in the Aeneid, or to some other variant of the same numen.'5 But they are appropriate as participants in a rite so closely bound up with the founding of Rome; they are, further, the same Penates as those worshipped in a temple on the Velia as household gods of the state I6 and linked by the legend of Aeneas to the Penates of Augustus' house. In contrast with the romantic atmosphere and idealized beauty of the legendary rite, the sacrificial procession represented in the small frieze of the inner altar is of all the reliefs the closest to an informal narrative of an actual contemporary event. It is less formally composed than the large processional reliefs of the enclosure, with less careful attention either to tridimensional illusion or to unbroken continuity of design. It is evident that the small frieze in its entirety represented a continuous procession moving around both wings and converging at a point in the center of the Ui-shaped altar. ' Thus, in the procession, the victims on the outer face of the surviving left wing are to be thought of as immediately following the six Vestals moving leftward on the inner face. The Vestals are accompanied by three togate attendants, of whom the first and last are lictors, each carrying the two rods that in this period apparently distinguish the liclores curiatii assigned to the service of the priests. They wear mantles closely wrapped and over their heads the suj7lbulum, the white head-covering fastened under the chin which appears in other reliefs representing the Vestal Virgins. The first four carry sacred objects: a small spherical incense jar, a simpulum (?), and two large rectangular objects, possibly tablets containing the sacred ritual. There is only the slightest variation of pose within the group, and it is evident that this relief is closer to the more naive narrative style of popular art than are the carefully comnposed reliefs of
14 See Wissowa I63-66. The Penates Publici in the temple on the Velia were represented as seated male figures with spear in hand, Dionysius i, 68. The Penates worshipped on the Velia were particularly associated with the Penates of Lavinium (Dionysius i, 67-68; 2, 52, 3; 5, 12, 3; 8, 49, 6; Varro, De Ling. Lat. 5, 144; Servius, ad Aen. 3, I2; Marquardt 32 [i885] 253, note 5; cf. Hild, DarSag, "Penates," 379); a bronze statue of the sow with thirty young was a landmark at Lavinium, as was the bronze wolf at Rome; Varro, De Re Rust. 2, 4, i8; cf. a coin of C. Sulpicius, the obverse of which represents the Dei Penates Publici. On the reverse appears the sow with thirty young, across which two men with spears extend their hands, Grueber i, 202 and pl. 3I' 4. '5 See Ryberg, MAAR I9, (I949) 8o-8i and references there cited. I6 See Dionysius i, 68; Res Gestae i9. '7 G. Moretti, Ara Paris I82-89; 279-82; 75-76, pls. 28-35; cf. Rodenwaldt, JDAI 55 (1940)
i8

41.

Festus,

475 L.

Cf. the Sorrento

base

and the Palermo

relief of the Vestals,

figs.

26-27.

8

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42

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

the outer enclosure. Small differences in height may possibly indicate difference in age, 'i but more probably serve the purpose merely of giving variety to a monotonous row of figures. The procession of victims is led by a camillus carrying equipment for the Fig. 22 b P1. XI bloodless sacrifice, who looks over his shoulder toward the priest immediately behind him. The priest is togate and -was apparently veiled, though the 'upper part of the figure is badly damaged and the head missing. He is followed by two togate attendants, one the lictor to whom every Roman priest was entitled, the other possibly a ca/a/or. This frieze is less stiffly arranged than that of the Vestals. Witlh its irregular groupings and greater empty spaces in the background, it seems to provide a link, in the development of Roman relief, with the sacrificial scene of the base of Athenobarbus. As compared with that relief, the scene is less anxiously and painstakingly composed, and the figures more informally distributed. The spacing of the figures varies between the massing of priest and attendants at the right end, which draws the eye to this focal point in the composition, and the looser, wider intervals between the attendants bringing up the third victim. The heifer is being almost hurried along, while the sheep at the head of the group is apparently standing still. This successive increase in movement among thle three victims replaces, as a device for carrying the interest along to the focal point, the careful connections of line and continuous rise in the height of the three victims on the base of Ahenobarbus. The association of a ram, steer, and heifer as a triple offering is unparalleled in Roman religion, but, as Pax regularly received a heifer, it seems reasonable to assume that here the third victim is the sacrifice to Peace herself, preceded by victims to two other deities who served to introduce the establishment of the new goddess in the state pantheon. Janus and Jupiter, to whom the victims offered in state cult were a ram and a steer, are the deities most appropriate
2:

to such a context. 2 Janus and Jupiter wverenot infrequently associated in religious rites, and in some instances these two gods received introductory offerings at rites performed to other deities. Moreover, Janus and Jupiter were both specifically connected with Pax by their association with the return of Peace after victory in war, Jupiter as recipient of the spoils presented at the triumph, Illique whose gates were closed in time of peace. In Janus as index pacis state cult Janus, who had no flamen, was in the charge of the Rex Sacrorum, and it is a plausible hypothesis that the priest who leads the procession of victims is the holder of that almost obsolete priestly office.22 The discovery of the inner altar, even though incomplete, makes possible a more satisfactory interpretation of the whole series of the processional reliefs. Artistically it was far from satisfying that the reliefs of the south and nortlh
cf. Hild, DarSag, "Virgo Vestalis," i9 Moretti, op. cit. (supra n. I7) 280-8I; are represented in order of increasing height also in the Palermo relief.
20 2 22

758. The Vestals

Henzen lxxxi and p. 85. See Ryberg, MAAR I9 (I949)
Ovid, Fasti
I,

90-92. I03,

333;

Wissowa

504 and note 4.

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THE AUGUSTAN ALTAR OF PEACE

43

sides appeared to represent two successive segments of a religious procession which led up to no sacrifice and had, as it were, no culmination. It is now clear that the small inner frieze and the large reliefs of the enclosure compose
an ensemble, representing successive parts of one great procession, wh-ich I believe tO be the ceremony of the constitution of the altar on July 4th, I3 B.C. Leading the pompa, in an inner circle and approaching the point where the actual sacrifice was to take place, appear the Vestals and perhaps other priests, the victims, and their attendants. 24 These are followed by the procession represented on the south side of the enclosure, magistrates, priests, and the imperial family, and these in turn by the senators and citizens on the north side. I t is logical enough, that the procession of victims should appear on the inner altar approaching the place of actual sacrifice, and it was equally essential that the Princeps, the imperial family, and the most important official personin the large reliefs of the enclosure. Augustus Fig. 23 a-b ages should be represented P1. XII himself is placed in the center of the prie,stly group on the south side, distinguished as head of the state by the group of lictors encircling him, and at the same time marked as an officiating priest by the toga drawn over his head (capite The group includes two others in similar garb, the figure at the head ve/a/o). of the procession whom I interpret as the Pontifex Maximus, 25 and at the end of this section Agrippa, dressed as a priest but linked with the imperial family by the child clutching the fold of his toga.26 In the senatorial procession
23

See MAAR I9 (I949) 84-85, 88-89; cf. Toynbee, op. cit. (supra n. ii) 7.6, 82 if. The fragments from the right half of the small altar frieze include one figure wearing a flamen's cap and a togate figure who is veiled and must therefore be a priest, Moretti, op. cit. (supra n. I7) 28I, fig. 146. From the right wing of the altar in a position corresponding to the processions of victims comes a fragment of a victimarius and a bovine hoof turned to the left. It may be that the same procession of victims was repeated on the opposite side, or that still another sacrifice was included. 25 Moretti, op. cit. (supra n. I7) 222-24, fig. 170, and pl. I2, interprets this veiled figure as the Vestalis Maxima. For the author's identification of the two figures and the evidence on which it is based, see MAAR I9 (I949) 86. 26 The assumption that Agrippa held the office of pontifex, commonly made by scholars who identify the velatus as Agrippa, has been corrected by a recent study of the priesthoods by Martha Hoffman Lewis, shortly to be published in Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome. Velleius, 2, I27, refers vaguely to Agrippa's complura sacerdotia, but the only one of the four major priesthoods known to have been held by Agrippa was the quindecimvirate; see G. Howe, Easti Sacerdotum (Leipzig I904) 32. Technically in the capacity of quindecimvir sacrisfaciundis, Agrippa shared with Augustus in conducting the Ludi Saeculares (CIL 6, 32323, 104, I20); but actually his participation with Augustus in those rites was due to his position in the state as heir and partner in the tribunician power; see lAAR I9 (I949) 86. Res Gestae, 12, records that the performnanceof the ceremonies of the Ara Pacis was assigned to the magistrates, priests (sacerdotes), and Vestal Virgins. The term sacerdotes undoubtedly includes all the major priesthoods, and it is likely that Agrippa took as prominent a part in the rites of July 4, 13 B.C. as in the Ludi Saeculares four years earlier. While the sacrifices of the Ludi were performed according to the Graecus ritus with uncovered head, a quindecimvir participating in the Roman rite of the Ara Pacis might very well be represented in the normal priestly garb with toga drawn over the head; cf. infra Chap. XII, note 4 and fig. 104, for variations in the garb of priests represented on coin types of the Ludi Saeculares. Toynbee, op. cit. (supra n. ii) 82-84, suggests that Agrippa appears here as deputy for the Pontifex Maximus. But the hypothesis, suggested by Petersen and Sieveking, that the procession followed
23

24

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44
Fig. 24 a-b P1. XIII

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

three figures appear with toga drawn over the head, and these presumably represent members of the sacerdotal colleges. They are specifically distinguished as priests by the attendants who walk beside them carrying instruments of sacrifice. Many of the senators must have held priestly office and at such a solemn religious ceremony they may have worn the official garb, though it is probably not to be assumed that they have any specific connection with the sacrifice. These veiled figures may have been introduced into the senatorial group in order to create a total impression of religious solemnity, but at least part of the motive for their inclusion was probably the need for variety of line in a group which, in the absence of any children's figures, was inevitably somewhat monotonous. Arnong the women only the first in the imperial procession, who mnust be Livia, 28 shares with Augustus the distinction of both veil and laurel wreath. The other women, like the men, are either veiled or garlanded, but not both. Since the wearing of the sbola over the head was not unusual for women, the variation between the two modes of dress may, in the case of the women, have no purpose beyond those of the artistic design. The flamines in their official dress appear on the Ara Pacis for the first time in art, distinguished by the /aena, a voluminous garment draped over both shoulders and dipping in a full curve across the front of the body,29 and by the apex or spiked close-fitting cap (galerus) tied under the chin. 30 The last of the group carries a commetaculum, which was properly a perquisite of the flamines. These four priests, immediately following Augustus in the sacerdotal procession, nmustbe the three Flamines Maiores (Dialis, Martialis, and Quirinalis) and the new flamen of the deified JUlius. On a fragment
27 3I 32

the ordo sacerdotumrecordedby Festus, 204 L, is unacceptable because it assigns to Augustus the ungrateful position of the Rex Sacrorum,a priesthoodnot only obsolescent and almost empty of significance but, for Augustus, unfortunate in its associations with kingship. 27 It is possible that the three vela/i of the north side may represent members of other priestly colleges, e.g. Augures, Arvales, Fetiales, who are not individually included in the priestly group of the south procession or on the inner altar. But the evidence does not justify any specific identifications. Moretti's detailed identification of certain figures in the senatorial procession as Rex Sacrorum,quindecimvirisacris faciundis, Augures, Flaminica Dialis, and Regina Sacrorumis fanciful and unsupported by evidence; see Op. cit. 245 48; also Kahler, IDA! 69 (1954) 79 ff.
28

See Ryberg, MAAR

19 (I949)

83; also Kdhler, op. cit. 76. Cf. Toynbee, op. cit. (supra n.

ii)

84 f., who returns to the identification of this figure as Julia, and accepts V. Poulsen's suggestion that the next togatus is not Tiberius but lullus Antonius. The /aena is described by ancient authorities as a toga duplex worn by the flamines, Varro, De Ling. Lat. 5, I33; Servius, ad -4en. 4, 262, see K6rte, GJttinger Bronzen 27-28.
29

30 Festus 9I L; Gellius IO, 15, 32; Servius, ad Aen. 2, 683; see von Schaewen, RomOpfergerdte 59 ff. An early inmperial relief published in BullComm 64 (I936) 27-30, fig. I, illustrates an apex of the same type. 'The flamen's cap on the Ara Pietatis differs in some details; see fig. 35 c; cf. Strong, ScultRom 74, fig. 48. See also Grueber pl. I02, I; pl. I03, 6; Korte, op. Cit. 22-35. 31 See supra Chap. III, n. 27 and infra n. 39.

32 The office of the Flamen Iulianus was patterned on that of the Flamines Maiores, Dio 44, 6, 4; Cicero, Phil. 2, IIO; see Wissowa 522, n. 2. BritMusCatSculpt 3, 2621, shows a Flamen Divorum wearing the apex of the Flamines Maiores.

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THE AUGUSTAN ALTAR OF PEACE

45

from the small altar frieze appears a/lamen minor, distinguished from the patrician maiores by his galerus with a small knob instead of a spike (apex).33 The procession includes, further, various kinds of attendants who were attached to the service of the state religion. Lictors were religious as well as state attendants, and they appear in both capacities on the Ara Pacis. They are invariably togate and laureate, as on the Borghese relief of a generation earlier. The group surrounding Augustus, whatever their original number, 34 must represent the twelve to which he was entitled as Princeps. The two who precede the senators may perhaps be a token number to represent the lictors attached to various annual magistrates included in the senatorial procession. 3 Those who appear on the small altar as priestly attendants are presumably lic/ores curia/ij, 36 and they are treated somewhat differently. The Vestals had a right to be accompanied by a lictor on public occasions, and they are here preceded by a togate figure carrying two rods held vertically before his face. 3 The attendant who follows the Vestals, whether a second lictor or a ca/a/or, carries a pair of rods held as a staff. Two attendants follow the priest at the head of the sacrificial procession, one of whom holds the two rods over his left shoulder in the manner of fasces, while the other has a shorter rod pointed toward the ground. The two longer rods were evidently an ordinary part of a lictor's equipment, as they frequently appear in reliefs along with the tied bundle of fasces, but the lic/ores curia/ii seem to have carried only the two rods, wTithout the bound fasces. 38 The shorter rod is the comme/aculum,
33 Moretti, op. cit. (supra n. I7) fig. I47. G. Korte, GttIBronz 30-32, points out a distinction between the spiked galerus of the Flamines Maiores and the cap worn by the minor flamines, which was adorned with a knob. A galerus with a knob is represented on a tombstone of a Flamen Cerialis, PBSR 4 (I907) 84, pl. 3, fig. I; see Jullian, DarSag, "Flamen," ii68, figs. 3102-04; von Schaewen, RomOpfergeralepl. 8, 4. 34 Fragments of eight more lictors are preserved; Moretti, op. cit. (supra n. I7) 222, pI. 12. In imperial reliefs the actual number of lictors represented was dictated by artistic rneedsrather than factual accuracy. Four or five appear with Augustus and Tiberius on the Boscoreale cups, fig. 77 and Strong, Scul/Rom fig. 52; four is a familiar number on the Column of Trajan; but the long panels of the Arch of Titus and the Arch at Benevento show the full number,

figs. 79, 83.
35 Since only the consuls appear with Augustus, the other annual magistrates are presumably included among the senators; see MAAR I9 (I949) 85. 36 See Wissowa 497-98, 507, and sources cited; cf. Kiubler, RE, "Lictor," 5I5-I6; CIL I4, 296. 37 Dio 47, I9, 4. It is possible that the rods are carried in this unusual fashion merely to make clear, in a scene so small in scale, that the attendants are lictors. 38 See supra Chap. III, n. 27. The suggestion here offered that lictores curiatii carried only the two rods without the bound bundle is based on evidence from the reliefs. This distinction is far from universal in scenes of religious ritual; for in monumental reliefs the priest is normally the emperor, who was entitled to magisterial as well as priestly lictors. But it seems significant that in the sacrificial procession of the Ara Pacis the lictors who accompany the Vestals and the priest carry only the two rods, though Augustus in his combined role of emperor and priest is attended by his imnperial lictors with bundles of fasces. The same is true of the Domitianic Cancelleria relief, in which the Vestals' lictor has the two rods, while those accompanying the emperor carry fasces with axes; see Magi, Rilievi Flavi pl. i and examples cited on pp. 94 ff. Cf. also the frieze of the Arch of Augustus at Susa, fig. 52. The evidence of these reliefs is confirmed by the Suovetaurilia of the Louvre, in which the lictors are equipped with the two rods only. In

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46

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

defined by Festus as a genus virgu/ae qua in sacrzfiis u /ebani-ur. Another passage mentions the virgae as the special implement of the flamines, used by them to clear the way as they proceded to the place of sacrifice (quasfamines por/an pergen/es ad sacrificium, u/ a seIzomines amoveant); but in Roman reliefs this short rod appears even more frequently in the hands of a lictor, or of a
tunicate attendant whose dress suggests a camillus. 39 To the priestly colleges were attached various other attendants, chief of wvhom were the ca/a/ores. 4 The ca/a/ores had no specialized function which could be distinguished visually by a special attribute, and it has been customary to suggest this designation for togate attendants who cannot be, otherwise identified. In the procession of the south side the laureate heads in low relief behind the flamines are sometimes referred to as ca/a/ores, but in any case their chief function is manifestly that of space-filling. Much more definitely characterized in dress and attributes are the minor functionaries of the general categories of camilli and victimarii. The scene of Aeneas' sacrifice makes no distinction in dress or appearance between the camillus and the victimarius, both of whom are youths wearing laurel wreaths and simple The small attendant leading the tunics girt with a cord about the waist. 4' procession of victims almost duplicates one of the camilli in the senatorial procession, and a simnilar figure brings up the rear. The nine other attendants are all clad in the limus of the victimarius, and are occupied with conducting the animals or are carrying equipment to be used in their immolation. Of the three who accompany the first victim, two are distinguished as cul/rarii by the triangular knife (cu//er). One holds the implement in his upraised hand, the other carries it on a large plate or tray (/anx). The latter also has a pitcher, perhaps containing the wine to be poured or sprinkled on the victim's head before it was slain. The second of the victimarii conducting the heifer has a short stick in his hand, apparently for the purpose of keeping the animals under control. Another carries a branch of laurel, as in the relief of Ahenobarbus. 43 Behind the victims marches the popa, carrying against his shoulder
42

this case the sacrificant is probably Claudius' colleague in the censorship, an office which did not carry the perquisite of the fasces; see infra Chap. VIII, nn. 14 and i8. 39 Festus 49 L; 56 L; 64 L; cf. figs. I5, 43, and Strong, ScultRom fig. 52. The bronze camillus in the Metropolitan Museum has a short rod in his right hand; G. M. A. Richter, Greek, Roman and Etruscan Bronzes I35-36. 40 See Wissowa 497, 519. Wissowa believes that the pontifices minores may have developed from the calatores. 41 Though the bronze camillus in the Conservatori Museum has long hair drawn into a knot, the long-haired camillus does not appear in Roman reliefs before the Flavian period; see figs. 38, 79; Strong, ScultRom 89, fig. 62. 4' See supra Chap. III, n. 44. The same detail appears on a circular base from the Temple of Zeus at Termessus; see supra Chap. III, n. 42. 43 Cf. an early imperial altar to Peace, infra n. 47. Moretti, op. cit. (supra n. I7) 28I282, suggests that the branch is olive and symbolic of the goddess, but laurel was equally appropriate to Pax; see Ryberg, MAAR I9 (I949) 9I-92; cf. Ovid, Fasti I, 7II-14; Pliny, /V. H. I5, A laurel branch is carried in sinmilar fashion by a victimarius on the base of Ahenobarbus, I33. and it may here also be simply a part of the customary ritual of sacrifice.

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THE AUTGUSTAN ALTAR OF PEACE

47

the mallet with which the larger animals were struck, and arnothervictimarius bearing the situla in which the exia were cooked and a plate (lanx), perhaps containing the salted meal (mola salsa) to be sprinkled on the victim's head.44 The animals are not here wearing the dorsuale which customarily adorned the victim led to sacrifice, but traces of a fillet can be seen about the horns of the steer. All the attendants, both camilli and victimarii, are slightly smaller than the togate figures at the head of the procession, but this difference in height apparently indicates a difference in importance rather than in age. The laurel wreaths worn by all but the veiled figures in the larger reliefs and the laurel twigs carried in the hands of many individuals seem very natural in a rite to Pax par/a victoriis. Laurel was associated particularly with military
victory, 45 and the celebration of Augustus' return to Rome in 13 B.C., accompanied by the dedication of the laurel from his fasces and the payment of vows in Capi/ollo, was in meaning and spirit very close. to a triumphal rite. The use of laurel was, however, exceedingly common in Roman religion, in purificatory and apotropaic rites, in suppiicationes, and in the worship of the household deities. 46 Indeed its use was so widespread in ancient religion that its absence in representations of religious scenes is more remarkable than its presence. All together the reliefs of the Ara Pacis, large and small, constitute the most complete visual record which has survived to illustrate a state religious ceremony. Their meticulous attention to detail may be due in part to the elaborateness of the monument itself, which made both altar and enclosure wall available for figured relief. But it is also in accord with what we know of Augustus' own attention to religious ritual, as exampled in his revival of tlle old Roman cults and priesthoods, or in the detailed record of the ritual of the Ludi Saeculares. The ideas presented and suggested by the whole ensemble of reliefs are much broader in scope than the namie Ara Pacis would imply. The monument embodies the basic ideas of the Augustan principate, of which
44 Festus 97 L; 124 L; Cicero, De Divin. 2, 37; Servius, ad Aen. 2, 133; IO, 54I; Ovid, A'fe/. 7, 594; and see supra Chap. III, n. 44. On the cooking of the exta, see Latte, RE, "Immolatio," II3I; Livy, 41, I5, 2; Plautus, Rudens I35; Henzen 92, 94. For the term lanx see von Schaewen, RdmOpfergerd/e 32-35. 45 Festus 104 L; Pliny, N.H. 15, I27 and 133-35. 46 See De Marchi, Culto Privato I42; cf. Steier, RE, "Lorbeer," 1441. The use of laurel was so general in Greek and Roman religious ritual that it is difficult to attach a single specific meaning to its presence. In Roman ritual it appears on occasions of rejoicing, such as the triumph, ludi, happy arrival, but also in purificatory or apotropaic rites like the lustratio. It is generally believed to have been introduced into Rome through Greek cults (J. S. Reid, JRS 2 [I9I2] 45-47; A. K. Lake, Quantu/acumque 248-50; but cf. Boas, Aeneas' Arrival in Latium I13); and the first literary references to laurel crowns in Rome are associated with the at least partially Greek supplicatio, Livy 23, I I, 5; 27, 37, I3; 40, 37, 3; 43, I3, 8; Gellius 6, 4, 5. Festus' statement (2I L) that the spectators at the Ludi Apollinares were laureate is entirely consistent with both its Greek origin and its purificatory - basically apotropaic -- significance; for the Apolline Games were originally performed in time of pestilence. The invariable wearing of laurel crowns in both the lus/ratio and the triumph is most easily explained as apotropaic. The fact that the supplica/io was associated with occasions of dire peril and also with special thanksgiving may account for the apparent double significance of the laurel in the history of Roman ritual.

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48

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

The equipoise between Roma and Terra Mater the Pax Augusta was only one. (or Italia) at the east end of the enclosure, and the subtle combination of personal and national implications in the legendary scenes at the west end define the place of the new ruler in the Roman world. The equally subtle juxtaposition of Augustus in priestly garb witlh the flamen of his deified father, and the position assigned to the imperial family, linked to the sacerdotal group through Agrippa who was both heir apparent and priest, define the emperor's status in the religion of the state, and declare his hope of establishing a dynasty. With its synthesis of themes and modes of presentation the Ara Pacis exerted a tremendous influence upon both the content and the style of the developing monumental relief. Its decorative and symbolic motifs provided the starting point for the Roman development of an ornamental relief permeated with religious symbolism. The reliefs of Terra Mater and Roma initiated a long series of allegorical figures of imperial significance, abundantly illustrated both in major works of art and in imperial coinage. The processional reliefs not only established in artistic tradition the ceremonial details and the official personnel which regularly appear in representations of state ritual, but they also formulated the two principal types developed in imperial relief, the altar scene and the ritual procession. The relief of Aeneas combines landscape and legend with the ritual of sacrifice, but it includes all the essentials of an altar group: priest, attendants, utensils and materials of sacrifice, and victim. The sacrificial procession of the inner altar was an important link in a long development, 48 and its influence may be detected not only in the direct descendants of the Ara Pacis but also in other types, such as the Suovetaurilia and the triumphal processions of early imperial friezes. Most important of all for the history of Roman sculpture, the great processions of the outer enclosure established the direction of the next major development in monumental relief, the illusionistic style which culminated in the panels of the Arch of Titus.
47 It is interesting to note that the Ara Pacis throws no direct light on the iconography of Pax herself. The representation of Pax on Augustan coins gives her the caduceus, a symbol of prosperity popular in the Augustan age, Mattingly I, II2, pl. I7, 4. A patera between crossed cornucopiae, a rudder, laurel (or olive?) tree and snake, appear on an early imperial altar with a veiled goddess who has been interpreted as Pax, Deubner, RM 45 (I930) 37-42, pIs. 25-26; cf. Mattingly I, 329, 380; 2, passim. The goddess touches the sinus of her mantle with a gesture characteristic of Nemesis,' but occasionally found in representations of Pax on early imperial

coins; see MVattingly

i,

cliii, i65;

2,

lx, 82.

Fig. 25 Pl. XI

and she may indeed be Pax, whose iconography never became fixed in Roman art; see Petersen, Ara Pacis 128-29; Wissowa 334. On the concept of Pax embodied in the Ara Pacis, see also Momigliano, Warburg Journal 1942, 23I if. 48 A direct adaptation, close to the original in date as well as in style, appears in a fragment in Ince Blundell Hall, which represents the sacrifice of a heifer. The relief is comparable in scale to the inner frieze of the Ara Pacis and, except for the three restored figures at the right end, both figures and composition are derived fronm it. The victimarii conducting the heifer and the massed group of three togati are closely modelled on the correspondinggroups in the altar frieze, while the leading togatus represented from the back has a parallel in the lictor facing Augustus in the imperial procession. See B. Ashmole, Ca/InceBlundel/Hall no. 277, pl. 46; Rodenwaldt, JDAI 55 (I940) 40-4I, fig. I7.

She holds in her hand a laurel (or olive?) sprig,

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CHAPTER V

AUGUSTUS AS PONTIFEX MAXIMUS

Fig. 26 P1. XIII

While the Ara Pacis was of all the Augustan monuments the most significant in establishing the relief style and the motifs employed in the representation of religious rites, closely related themes were being worked out at the same time in minor works of art such as altars and statue bases. The years between the constitution of the Ara Pacis and its completion, 13 to 9 B.C., witnessed important steps in the reorganization of the state religion. These exerted a determining influence on imperial art and were, in their turn, promulgated and popularized by works of art. On March 6, I2 B.c. Augustus assumed the office of Pontifex Maximus vacated by the death of Lepidus.1 His first act as titular head of the state religion, an act of far-reaching importance, was to resign to the Vestals the old domus publica, the official residence of the Pontifex Maximus, and to make his own house a domus publica, 2 in which he dedicated a statue and altar to Vesta. 3 The establishment of Vesta in Augustus' house appears to be the subject of a relief on the Sorrento base, which is dated by its style in the Augustan The relief represents the Vestals against an architectural background Age. evidently intended to identify the locale. Beyond a curtain, hung behind the Vestals to indicate an interior scene, I appear an Ionic portico and a circular temple, while statues of a bull and a ram are seen as if in interstices between
Mommsen, Res Gestae 45; Dio 54, 27, 2; maintains that Augustus' religious reforms were assumed the chief pontificate as has sometimes carried out earlier under his other priesthoods, 2 Dio 54, 27, 2. 3 CIL I>, i, p. 3I7, and see infra n. 6.
4

CIL io, 8375; Gage, MelRome 48 (I93I) 96-97, not so exclusively confined to the time after he been thought, and shows that many had been chiefly the augurship.

For a full discussion of the reliefs of the base, see Rizzo, Bu/lComm 6o

(1932)

7-109;

bibliography on pp. I2-15. Cf. Heydemann, RM 4 (I889) 307-Il, pl. IO; Samter, RM 9 (I894) 127-33; Huelsen RM 9 (I894) 238-45; Petersen, Ara Pacis 69-75 and JDAI 28 (I913) I2-I3; Graillot, Le cu/te de Cybede I I 2. 5 The use of a curtain is a familiar artistic convention of Hellenistic art used to indicate an interior scene. It coincides exactly with Festus' description of the Penus Vestae as a locus in/imus in aede Vestae fegetibus saeptus, and it may possibly be intended to indicate that the scene is located within the Temple of Vesta, the exterior view of which itself appears in the background. Such a device of presenting in the same relief an exterior and interior view of the same temple would not be inconsistent with the tendency of Roman art to employ narrative conventions, nor 9

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RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

the hangings. The temple, shown to be circular by the radiating lines of its roof tiles, is evidently the Temple of Vesta with the Palladium appearing from inside it. Originally interpreted as the old Aedes Vestae of the Forum, the temple was identified by Rizzo with the new shrine on the Palatine, and the portico with part of Augustus' house. More recently, however, Mommsen's restoration of the Praenestine Calendar, which was the only unequivocal allusion to the existence of a Palatine temple to Vesta, has been corrected by Degrassi to read
[sign]VM ET [ara] VESTAE IN DOMV IMP. CAESARIS
AVGV[Sti

po]NT(ifiCiS)

MAX(zMi)

DEDICATAST,

and it now seems more probable that Augustus dedicated a statue

and altar to Vesta in his own house, than that he set up a new shrine to rival that of the Forum. 6 Rizzo suggested that the statues of bull and ram are to be identified as part of the dona ex manu6iis dedicated by Augustus in the Temples of Divus Julius, Apollo, Vesta, and Mars Ultor. As parallel examples of these dona he cites the four statues of bulls by Myron which Propertius mentions as But standing circum aram in the portico of the Palatine Temple of Apollo. there is no evidence either that the statues by Myron were gifts of Augustus or that the statues of bull and ram which appear in Augustan representations of the Temple of Vesta 8 were intended to distinguish a new shrine on the Palatine from the old Aedes Vestae in the Forum. The other reliefs of the Sorrento base are all clearly associated with Augustus' house, but the association is not exclusively topographical. On the front appears the Genius of the emperor 9 seated before an Ionic portico distinguished by the car4a civizca as the house of Augustus, flaankedon one side by Mars Ultor with Cupid and on the other, which is lost, probably by Venus Genetrix. On the two long sides are represented the Magna Mater and the scene of the Vestals with their goddess, on the back Apollo with Diana and Latona. The content of this whole group of reliefs reflects the trend of Augustus' religious reorganization in the years following I2 B.C. The Genius of the Princeps is presented as the center of the new state religion, surrounded and
would it astonish a spectator familiar with the theatrical convention of presenting an interior scene against a background showing the exterior of the house. Cf., however, Degrassi, BullComm 67 (I1939) 79-80, who suggests that a temple covered with a curtain, in this and other reliefs, is a temple not yet dedicated. 6 Degrassi, Ac/es du deuxieme congresinternational d'epigraphiegrecque et latine (Paris 1953) Other ancient references to the worship of Vesta on the Palatine are as appropriate 99-IOO. to the corrected reading as to the old reading aedicula et ara; e.g. Ovid, Fasti 4, 949-54; Met. 15, 864. A fourth century inscription mentions a praepositusPaladii Palatini, (CIL IO, 6641; Dessau, 1250; Wissowa, Hermes 22 [i887] 44), but Degrassi points out that the location of the palladium in the Aedes of the Forum is attested in I93 A.D. by Herodian I, I.4, 4. Cf. also Lugli, AttiAccad. San Luca, n.s. I (I953) 49-51. 7 Rizzo, op. cit. (supra n. 4) 32-35; Res Gestae 2I; Propertius 2, 31, 7-8. 8 The statues appear also in Augustan coin types of the Temple of Vesta, see Mattingly I, No satisfactory explanation of them has been discovered. pI. 25,I. 9 The figure appears to be wearing a short garment, but the break in the surface may have destroyed the lines of a toga over the right knee. The folds over the left thigh suggest a long garment; cf. Huelsen, RM 9 (1894) 239.

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AUGUSTUS AS PONTIFEX MAXIMUS

51

Fig. 27

supported by Augustus' divine ancestors Venus and Mars, 'O by the Trojan goddess Cybele, protectress of the Julian line, by his personal guardian and protector Apollo,"I and by Vesta. The cult of Vesta in the imperial household here takes its place among those especially associated with the family of the emperor; but in this case the association rests not on any mythical allusion to divine ancestry or personal claims to divine protection, but on the intimate connection of Vesta with the office of Pontifex Maximus. This relation was so fundamental that the chief pontifex was sometimes called the sacerdos Ves/ae, and Vesta appears on imperial coins with the legend PONTIFEX MAXIMVS as an allusion to the emperor's position in the state religion. I2 While the Vestals, like the flamines and Salii, were attached to the service of a particular deity, their functions extended far beyond the service of a single cult and their position was thus parallel rather to that of the pontifices. They were present at many of the regular religious ceremonies of the year, at festivals devoted to various deities, and they prepared and kept the mola sa/sa regularly used at all state sacrifices. Horace mentions the Vestal Virgin along with the pontifex as the symbol of the most sacred traditions of Roman religion. It was accordingly in keeping with their established position that the Vestals were brought into a prominent place in the new-old religion of the Empire. At the various special ceremonies which commemorated Augustus' achievements they invariably participated.I3 The senate decreed that the Vestals, the senate, and the populus should go out to meet Augustus on his return to Rome after the battle of Actium. The pontifices and Vestals were directed to make annual sacrifice at the altar of Fortuna Redux, erected to celebrate his return from the East in I9 B.C. The Vestals were present with the pontifices, magistrates, senate, and populus at the constitution of the Ara Pacis, and with them were charged with the observance of the anniversarium sacrum. The interpretation of the scene on the Sorrento base has been aided by comparison with a relief in Palermo which is apparently a later adaptation
On the Sorrento base Vesta is of the same or a closely related original. seated on a throne with her head veiled and a patera (?) in her extended right
14

Pl. XIV

lo Worship of the emperor's Genius took place in the Temple of Mars Ultor, as attested by the Acta Arvalium; Henzen lxxv, lxxxvi, xciv, xcvi. The Cumaean Calendar recordedsupplicationes to Mars Ultor and Venus Genetrix on Caesar's birthday, CIL Iv, I, p. 229; cf. Taylor, TAPA 51
(1920) I24-26;

-- Apollo is represented in flowing robes like the Actian Apollo on Augustan coins, Mattingly with his left hand touching the tripod. At his left stands Diana I, 79, pl. II, 7-9, I5-I2 B.C., with a torch, at his right Latona, a veiled matronly figure with a long sceptre. At her feet is seated a semi-nude woman with a veil drawn over her head, probably the Cumaean Sibyl, whose presence might allude to tbe moving of the Sibylline Books to the new Temple of Apollo; see Rizzo, Bul/Comm 6o (1932) 7I-76. Ovid, Fasti 5, 573; Dionysius 2, 66; Wissowa i6o-6i; Mattingly I, 365, 373, pls. 6o, 7; 6i, 9-I0. Cf. also Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor I95.
12

Divinity of the Roman Emperor

202.

13 14

See Dio 51, 19, 2; Res Gestae I I-I2. Samter, RM 9 (1894) I25-33, pl. 6; Petersen, Ara Pacis 74-77, fig. 30; Rizzo, BullComm
4I-46,

6o

(I932)

tav. d'agg. C. Samter and Petersen believed that the relief was a work of

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52

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

hand. A veiled woman standing beside her at the right, who closely resembles the figure beside Cybele on the opposite face, may possibly be Livia. In the left half of the relief appears a closely crowded group of five Vestals wrapped in cloaks and we'aring the official headdress of their office, the suffibulum, a rectangular white head-covering fastened under the chin with a fibula.i6 A figure standing almost full face at Vesta's right hand has been described as an attendant, 17 but the edge of the head-covering, which is brought around under the chin in the manner of a suffibulum, makes it reasonably certain that this is the sixth Vestal. Between the extant fragments is a break, the width of which, indicated by the curve of the curtain in the background, was sufficient for at least one more figure dividing the group of Vestals. I8 The lost figure may be supplied with some probability from the Palermo relief, in which a togatus stands before Vesta with his hand outstretched. The Palermo relief, which is assigned to a somewhat later date by the style of the drapery, is simplified in content and differs in a number of details. Here Vesta is seated at the left, with a group of only four Vestals, and the right half of the relief is occupied by a single togate figure. The statues of the bull and ram appear in miniature between the Vestals and the togatus, along with a still more diminutive altar heaped with fruits. The architectural background is reduced to a row of columns of different sizes, evidently intended to represent more than one building. '9 The
I5

Augustan art because of the similarity of the Vestals to some of the figures of the Ara Pacis. The style of the drapery, however, and the lines of the toga appear to be later than the Augustan Age. A third version of the scene is derived from the Palermo relief and adds no new evidence; see Samter, RM 9 (i894) I26; Zoega, Bassorilievi i, II9 if., pI. 22. '5 Rizzo, BuZlComm 6o (I932) 98-I00, p1. 5. Rizzo believed that the matronly figure beside Cybele was a goddess, probably Demeter-Ceres holding a torch, here associated with Cybele as a related goddess of fertility in whose cult mysteries were performed. The woman has some object, which has little resemblance to a torch, held by the upraised left hand and resting against the shoulder. The corresponding figure in the relief of the Vestals has the right hand similarly raised, apparently lifting a fold of the cloak. It is true that this figure seems rather ample in proportions to be an ordinary matrona, and yet no divine attendant is commonly represented with either Vesta or Cybele. It is possible that the -figure may represent the empress, who might appear appropriately with goddesses so closely associated with the imperial household; cf. her appearance in scenes concerned with the imperial house on the altars of the Vicus Sandaliarius and the Belvedere, figs. 3I and 28 a. The woman standing beside Vesta is not unlike the figure of the empress in a fragmentary relief in the Louvre, MonPiot 17 (I909) 213, fig. I0. I6 See supra Chap. IV, n. i8. '7 Heydemann and Samter, op. cit. (supra n. 4); Rizzo, BullComm 6o (I932) 26. It is probably necessary to assume, with Rizzo, Op. Cit. 20-23 and fig. 3, that the missing section of the relief completed the curve of the curtain and added one more festoon. Rizzo's drawing shows slightly more space than is demanded for the curtain, and there may have been no more than could be occupied by the figure of the Pontifex Maximus, possibly with an attendant, and a small altar such as that in the Palermo relief. In that case the missing portion was slightly narrower than the .54 m. assumed by Rizzo. I9 Huelsen, RM 9 (I894) 238, n. 2, followed by Rizzo, BullComm 6o (1932) 4I-42, suggested that the varying height of the columns was intended to indicate a circular temple; but the three central columns are of the same height. The column at the left end is smaller, and may be intended to represent the lateral colonnade of the same building. A shorter column of different style between the fourth Vestal and the togatus must belong to another building.

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AUGUSTUS AS PONTIFEX MAXIMUS

53

scene that can be restored from the joint evidence of these two reliefs cannot be interpreted conclusively, but its general content is clear. The togate figure in the presence of Vesta is undoubtedly the emperor in his capacity as Pontifex Maximus. His hand is extended, not to pour a libation at the diminutive altar, but to present some object or to make some other gesture. Above the emperor's wrist appears a protuberance which might have been the attachment for a statuette, and it is possible that the scene represents Augustus receiving the new szgnum from the Vestalis Maxima, who looks directly toward him and extends her hand. In such case the significance of the scene is parallel to that of the Belvedere altar, symbolizing, in the presentation of the statue to Augustus by the Vestals, the establishment of the worship of Vesta in the house of the Princeps. The establishment of Vesta in the emperor's house on the Palatine was closely associated, in date and in its implications, with another innovation which was of first importance in giving popular acceptance to the imperial adaptation of the state religion. This was the worship of the Lares and Genius Augusti at the compita, conducted by the vicomagistri of the 265 vici of the fourteen Augustan regions.22 This new city-wide organization is usually dated in 7 B.C.,23 but a few of the altars place the founding of the cult some years earlier, the earliest in I2 B.C., and it is evident that the reorganization of the vici and of their compita had been undertaken shortly after Augustus' assumption of the chief pontificate.24 Considering the tremendous importance of this innovation, as judged ex post facto in the history of the ruler cult, it seems at first astonishing that it is not mentioned in the Res Gestae. On closer study, however, Augustus' omission of it in the record of his construction of temples and establishment of new cults proves to be exactly in accord with his whole policy. When once the emperor's house was made a domus publica and associated with the worship of Vesta, the Lararium of the household was almost ipso facto a shrine of the state as well as of Augustus' family. This transition
20 21

- See Samter, RM 9 (1894) 127, n. I; Petersen, Ara Pacis 74-76. Petersen believed that the object above the forearm of the togatus was a raised hand holding a roll; but the arm in this position could not have been joined to the shoulder. It is more likely that the togatus was holding upon his hand a statuette, as Vesta in representations on imperial coins often holds

the Palladium (Mattingly

I,

335;

2, pl.

50,

7).

See fig. 28b. Suetonius, Aug. 3o; Pliny, N/. H. 3, 66; Dio 55, 8, 6-7; Marquardt 3, 204 f. See Mancini, BuZlComm 63 (I935) 35-79, esp. 69-75. 23 CIL 6, 449-54. 24 CIL 6, 452. In this inscription I09 A.D. is recorded as the 12ISt year of the compitum. Gage, MelRome 48 (193I) 98, believes that the reorganization began as early as I4 B.c. but was finally. accomplished by Augustus in the capacity of Pontifex Maximus. Furneaux, The Annals of Tacitus, Vol. I, 130, associates with the cult of the compita Vergil's reference to ter centum delubra in Aen. 8, 7i6, and believes that the Di htali mentioned in that passage are the Lares Compitales and Genius of Augustus. The inscriptions cited above, however, make it impossible to place any formal organization of the cult of the vici at so early a date. See Mourlot, Essai sur l'histoire de l'augustalite 27 ff.; Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor I84 if.; Nock, CAH .I0, 480, 484 ff.

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54

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

was made easier by the fact that from 30 B.C. the Genius of Augustus had been honored by a libation at all banquets public and private.25 Thus the establishment of the Lares and Genius of Augustus at the compifa throughout the city could be regarded as merely an extension, or a popularization, of a status in the state religion which they had already attained by virtue of Augustus' residence in a domus publica. With very little violence to old accepted observances, with all the appearance of restoration of the old cult of the vici which had fallen into neglect, the Lares were set up at the compita,26 accompaniedby the Genius Augusti whom people were accustomed to include in the worship of their own Lares. But the Lares of the compila were now Lares Augusti in place of the old Lares Compitales, and the new cult in course of time replaced other aspects of the Lares also.27 That the Lares Augusti were grafted upon the Lares Praestites as well as the Compitales is indicated by Ovid's treatment of their festival on the Kalends of May:
Praestitibus Maiae Laribus videre Kalendae aram constitui parvaque signa deum: voverat illa quidem Curius: sed multa vetustas destruit, et saxo longa senecta nocet. Bina gemellorum quaerebam signa deorum viribus annosae facta caduca morae: mille Lares Geniumque ducis, qui tradidit illos, urbs habet, et vici numina trina colunt. 28

Ovid's lines evidently mean that he looked for the statues of the Lares Praestites that had fallen into neglect, and found instead the mille Lares
25

Dio 51,

19,

7; Horace, Odes 4, 5, 3I-36; Epist.

2,

I,

15-I6;

Ovid, Fasti

2, 637.

The tradition of figured representationson the altars of the compita was of long standing, as attested by Naevius' allusion to paintings of the Lares ludentes by the artist Theodotus, Household paintings at Delos of the 2nd century Ribbeck, Comic.frag. Naevius, lines 99-102. B.C. represent simple altar groups, in some cases similar in basic pattern to those on Augustan altars of the vici; cf. Bulard, DJ/os 9 (1926) pls. 3, 5, 7, II, 13, 17, I8. of late December or early January 27 The old Ludi Compitales had been feriae conceptivae and always kept their traditional place in the religious year, as shown by the late calendars, CIL
26

I2,

pp. 305-o6; cf. Dionysius 4,

14;

Cicero, In Pisonem 4, 8.

On May Ist and June 27th the

calendars record festivals to the Lares, devoted respectively to the Lares Praestites and to Lares mentioned without special differentiation. August Ist is designated on a number of altars of the vicomagistri as the day on which those officials took office, and must have been marked by some observance of the new cult; see CIL 6, 128, 283, 445-47; Degrassi Inscrij5. I/al. 13, I, pp. 279, 2-90, notes on lines IO, 52. Of all these dates May Ist and August ist accord best with Suetonius'
statement concerning the new cult of the compita, Compitales Lares ornari bis anno instituit, vernis

floribus et aestivis, and these are generally assumed to be the dates referred to (Suetonius, Aug. 69-70). The notation LVD.LAR. 31, 4; Marquardt 3, 206, n. 3; Mancini, Bul/Comm 63 [I935] under May Ist in the Venusine Calendar suggests further that the Ludi Compitalicii revived by Augustus were celebrated on this day (CIL I2, I, p. 317). Thus the observance of the new cult of the Augustan Lares seems gradually to have become connected with the dates sacred to Lares of all varieties. 28 Fasti 5, 129-32, 143-46. In the next line he breaks off as if the treatment of the compi/a and their three deities belonged properly to August.

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55

Geni`umqueducis now worshipped as the numina trina of the vici. Thus it is clear that Ovid identified the Lares Praestites and Lares Augusti, though he It is in keeping with what we know recognizes that there has been a change. of Roman ritual practice and of Augustus' religious policy that the cult of the Lares Augusti was simply grafted on to old festivals devoted to the Lares, particularly the Compitales and Praestites, which they then gradually absorbed. The absorption was easier because the new festival of May Ist, celebrated on a day sacred to the Lares Praestites but connected with the compifa and probably accompanied by Ludi Compitalicii, obscured the distinction between Lares Praestites, Compitales, and Augusti. In spite of the fact that the, absorption of other cults of the Lares by the new Lares Augusti was so gradual as to be all but imperceptible, and in spite of the fact that the way had been prepared by the earlier inclusion of the Genius Augusti in private worship of the Lares, a very significant change in cult practice marked the reorganization. The Genius of an individual pa/erfamilias was regularly worshipped with incense, wine, and flowers. 30 The Genius Augusti now received the sacrifice of a bull and was thereby associated with the greater gods of the state.3I The cult of the Lares and Genius Augusti is abundantly illustrated in art, by altars of the compifa or altars dedicated by private individuals, and by major state monuments. The extant altars of the compi/a' differ widely in quality and detail, and may be assumed to represent a f.air sampling of the varieties which must have existed in the 265 vici. Some are relatively simple,32 with little more adornment than the oak wreath and two laurels, which appear almost invariably and constitute a kind of sine qua non of the decoration. The combination of oak wreath and laurels is manifestly an allusion to the house of Augustus, which by decree of the senate in 27 B.C. was adorned with the corona
29

29 Jordan identified the Lares Praestites with the Lares Publici, Ad! 34 (I862) 326 ff.; Vesta und die Laren 17-I8; Mommsen, Res Gestae 82, apparently identified the Lares Publici with those worshipped at the compita, which became Lares Augusti after 12 B.C.; see also Hild, DarSag "Lares," 939-40; Taylor TAPA 51 (1920) 130, n. 54; Wilhelm, Sacraiwesen 6i. Two inscriptions of Augustan date found at different points in the Sacra Via, one dedicated in 9 B.C. to the Lares Publici and one to the Lares Augusti, seem to indicate that the new cult of the compita did not immediately displace all other aspects of the Lares; but cf. Huelsen in Jordan-Huelsen,Topog I, 3, 22, n. 50. Wissowa, 177. See Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor 192. A paintingof a bull led to sacrificein one of the Lararia at Pompeii, G. K. Boyce, MWAR I4 (I937) no. 385, dedicated by two freedmen to the Genius of their patronus, may show a tendency to adapt in private cult the practice of the public worship of the Genius of the emperor. 3' Hercules Victor, Mars Ultor, and Apollo also received sacrifices of bulls; see Krause, RE, Suppl. 5, "Hostia," 26I f. The steer was a more usual victim, regularly offered to Jupiter and other greater gods. The bull was the symbol of the king in Eastern ruler cult, and the sacrifice of a bull rather than a steer is obviously connected with the meaning of Genius, from gignere. See Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor 192, 202-04; Henzen lxxv-vi, xciv-vi. 32 Altmann, nos. 237-4I; Pietrangeli, Bu//Comm 64 (i93.6) 13-17; Dessau 36ii ff.; CIL 6,
30

441 if.

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56

RITES OF THE STATE IN RELIGION ROMAN ART

civica and flanked by two laurels. 3 Two laurels flanking the Clipeus Virtutis appear as an Augustan symbol on coins as early as I9-I5 B.C., and the door of the emperor's house distinguished by the oak wreath and laurels is repesented on coins of 12 B.C. 34 To these already familiar Augustan symbols were added, in some cases, representations of the Lares, the Lares and Genius, or scenes of sacrifice. The earliest specimen,- the altar of the Belvedere in the Vatican, 35 seems to commemorate the establishment of the cult. It is dedicated by the senate and the Roman people to the emperor as Pontifex Maximus. On a plane much closer to popular art than the Ara Pacis, this altar illustrates the same synthesis of different modes of artistic presentation and it was probably influenced by the plans for that monument, which were under way when it was designed. Like the Ara Pacis it unites an allegorical-religious scene, an allusion to the early legends of Rome, and a representation of an historical event. The front is adorned with familiar symbols of Augustus. On a pillar between two laurels a Victory places the clipeus virlulis, which bears the inscription SENATVS POPVLVSQVE ROMAN VS
IMPERATORI CAESARI DIVI F(iliO) AVGVSTO PONTIF. MAXIM. IMP. COS. TRIB. POT.

Fig. 28 a On the opposite face is an apotheosis, in which a semi-nude figure rises from P1. XIV the ground in a quadriga drawn by winged horses. In the field above appear the chariot of the sun and the bust of Caelus (?) rising from -a cloud. On the ground line at the right, a woman between two small boys raises her hand in a gesture of salutation or worship. At the left there remains only the lower half of a togate figure. This figure seems originally to have been represented in the same scale as the woman; but above the remaining lower part the background has been levelled smooth and a hole gouged, as if an attempt had been made to recut the relief to show a smaller figure. The head of the woman has been similarly gouged out and the head of the divus in the chariot cut down to the background level. The deified figure has been identified by some scholars as Julius Caesar, by others as Augustus; but, with Augustus designated as Divi filius and represented as Pontifex Maximus on another face of the altar, there seems little doubt that the first interpretation is correct. In the very years when the Ara Pacis was being designed and executed, with its careful suggestion of divine associations of the Julian family combined with the representation of the emperor in person only among the priests and magistrates, Augustus is hardly likely to have been represented in a scene of unequivocal deification. But to present him as the son of Divus Julius and heir to apotheosis, accompanied by Livia and the

33 Mattingly i, CXi, 63, pl. 7, 7. The two laurels are a familiar feature of Pompeian Lararia; (G.K. Boyce, MAAR I4 [I937] pls. 8, i8, 20, 24); but their occurrence may be a reflection of the cult of the imperial Lares. 34 Mattingly I, 26, pl. 4, is. 35 Jordan, AddI 34 (I862) 305-09; Rizzo, RM 21 (I906) 299-300; Amelung, Sculpt VatMus 2, 242-47, pl. I5, no. 87 b; Helbig-Amelung, Fuhrer no. I55; CIL 6, 876; Dessau I, 83; Altmann, no. 230; Strong, Apotheosis 65-67, pls. 7-8; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, I30; Carcopino, Vergile et les origines d'Ostie 7I6-20; Taylor, AJA 29 (1925) 299-3I0; Divinity of the Roman Emperor I86-90; Gage, MelRome 49 (1932) 61-71; C. Caprino, Rivista di Filo. 67 (I939) I64-70; Moretti, Ara Pacis 259-62. The altar is .95 m. high, .97 m. wide at the base, .67 m. thick.

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AUGUSTUS AS PONTIFEX MAXIMUS

57

Fig. 28b Pl. XV

young princes Gaius and Lucius, was exactly consistent with the iconographic policy of the period. The scene of apotheosis is related both in style and in meaning to the relief on the front. In both the ground is a rocky projection from the ends of which spring trees, two laurels on the front, and on the back a laurel and a palm. In content both allude to the position of Augustus in the state, to his position as Princeps and Pontifex Maximus, and to his status as Divi filius. A parallel association connects the two shorter sides. Here the foreground is a strip of rocky land flush with the lower edge of the relief, a setting more appropriate to a scene portraying an actual event. The two scenes are historical, one of legendary antiquity and the other contemporary. The latter is framed by pillars festooned. with a garland, indicating that the setting is a temple, perhaps the Lararium of the imperial house. The patera, lituus, and pitcher in the field above the garland are familiar symbols of priestly office. A priest, who is undoubtedly Augustus, hands a statuette of a Lar across a garlanded altar to one of three veiled attendants. The second Lar has already been handed over and is held in a right hand, apparently that of the attendant seen in the background. 36 Since Augustus' left forearm was extended forward with the elbow bent almost at a right angle, his missing left hand probably still held the statuette of the Genius which was to be given to the third attendant. Augustus' togate companions at the right of the altar are undoubtedly two of the four vicomagiszri, the humble officials who had charge of the cult, but the interpretation of the three attendants at the left of the altar has caused more difficulty. Each wears a long tunic and a ricinium 37 which covers the head and falls in straight lines to the ankles. While they have sometimes been described as women, the length of the tunic in comparison with the sweeping dress of Livia on the adjoining side shows that some form of man's, dress is intended. Their identification has been simplified by the discovery of the Cancelleria relief of the vicomagistri (fig. 37); for the three attendants who here receive the statuettes correspond in dress and appearance to the three boys in that relief who carry the Lares and Genius Augusti. The tunic and head covering are longer, but the manner in which the ricinium is worn is the same, their feet are bare as in the Cancelleria relief, and they are shown to be young boys by their slightly smaller stature as well as their youthful faces. With this clarification of the group at the left, it becomes evident that the scene represents Augustus, accompanied by vicomagistri who will have charge of the shrine, presenting his own Lares and Geniusito the young camilli who assist in the service of the cult. It thus commemorates the first establislhment of the Lares Augusti at the compbia, and the relief can accordingly be dated not much later than the organization of the cult.
36 As the hand holding this Lar is clearly distinguished as a right hand, the artist apparently wished to indicate that the two statuettes are received by different attendants. The result is awkward, since the hand is actually too far away from the figure to which it must belong. 37 See infra Chap. VI, n. 50.

IO

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58
Fig. 28 c P1. XV

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

In the legendary scene, which has presented the chief difficulties of interpretation, Aeneas appears beside a gnarled tree, branches of which must once have occupied the background of the upper part of the relief as in the corresponding scene on the Ara Pacis. At the foot of the tree lies the white sow with a token number of her litter of thirty pigs. A seated figure holding an open scroll has been variously interpreted, in accordance with its identification as a woman with veiled head or as a bearded man. The interpretation of the scene as Aeneas' sacrifice of the sow to the Mater Larum 38 is attractive, since it presents the rite as an ancient and legendary counterpart to the contemporary Augustan cult of the Lares represented on the opposite face. But a close examination of the altar itself makes it unquestionable that the figure was bearded. Moreover the scroll immediately suggests the va/es, and would have made clear even to the unlettered spectator that the theme was the storied prophecy received by Aeneas. To readers of the Aeneid it would have suggested not only the prodigy of the white sow but also the prophecy read from the scroll of fates to Venus in Aeneid I, 26I-96, of the future glory of the Aeneidae, culminating in the return of Julius Caesar to Olympus:
Hunc tu olim caelo spoliis Orientis onustum accipies secura; vocabitur hic quoque votis. aspera tum positis mitescent saecula bellis; cana Fides et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus iura dabunt.

Fig. 29 P1. XVI

The last line of the prophecy as written by Vergil, which almost certainly refers to Augustus under the name of Quirinus, 39 could well be illustrated by the scene on the opposite face representing Augustus as Pontifex Maximus, sacerdos Ves/ae, giving the iura of the newly established cult of the imperial Lares. If we might assume that the designer of the altar had in mind the prophecy of Aeneid i, the scroll in the hand of the seer- provides a link with the scenes represented on both the adjoining sides, the apotheosis of Julius Caesar and the establishment of the cult of the Lares Augusti. Such an interpretation assumes an adaptation rather than a repetition of the material of the Aeneid, but an adaptation not inconsistent with either the narrative or the purport of the epic. 40 A second altar in the Vatican is dated by its inscription in the first year of the cult of its particular compi/um, which cannot be later than the year
4I

38 Taylor, AJA 29 (1925) 303; cf. Carcopino, op. cit. (supra n. 35) 7X6-20, pI. i8; cf. discussion by the author in MAAR i9 (I949) 8o-8i. 39 See Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor I63-65, 175; Gage, MeRome 47 (I930) I38 ff. 40 Dionysius I, 56, directly connects the prophecy of the great destiny of Rome with the prodigy of the sow. The prophecy is uttered by a voice heard from a grove at the spot where the sow gave birth to her litter. 4I Jordan, Ad! 34 (I862) 303-05; Visconti, MusPioClem 4, 343-57, pl. 45; Lippold, ShulptVat Muq 63-65, 9i6 a, pl. 3i; Altmann no. 234. The altar is .86 m. high, .8i m. wide, .72 m. thick.

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AUGUSTUS AS PONTIFEX MAXIMUS

59

Fig. 30

P1. XVI

7 B.C. when the reorganization of the vici was completed. On this altar the corona civica adorns what seems to be the back, for the dedication and the names of the magistrates of the first year appear on the opposite face, above a relief which represents the figures of the bares and Genius. The composition of this is unusual, since the veiled togate figure of the Genius appears at one side, turned slightly away from the Lares, who stand in front of two laurel trees holding some object, possibly a scroll. The Genius once carried a cornucopia, slight traces of which Jordan was able to distinguish, 42 and his right hand is extended as if holding a patera. The altar is unusual also because the same scene of sacrifice is repeated on the two shorter sides, with only slight variation in details. A garland cut in shallow relief above the inset moulding suggests a shrine as background. Two veiled togati, undoubtedly the vicomagistri, stand at either side of a garlanded altar, one sprinkling incense from a small jar, the other pouring a libation. Behind the altar appears a togate flute player, completing the pattern of a simple altar group familiar in other reliefs of the Augustan Age. A more elaborate scene of sacrifice is represented on an altar from the Vicus Aesculeti now in the Museo dei Conservatori, 43 dedicated by the vicomagistri of the ninth year of the cult and therefore not later than 2 A.D. The front is adorned with the familiar corona and two laurels, above which is inscribed the dedication LARIBVS AVGVSTI. On the other faces appear the names of the four officials of the cult designated as MAG(istri) VICI ANNI NONI, while the name of the vicus is inscribed on the travertine base. On each of the shorter sides a Lar holding a laurel branch stands on a rectangular block instead of on the more usual rocky mass protruding from the background. On the back appears the most fully developed representation of the sacrifice to the Lares and Genius Augusti, the only one to include victims to both Genius and Lares and, in addition, one of the two lictors assigned to the vicomagistri on the days of their public duties. 44 On a rocky ledge of ground, at an altar which is set at a slight angle so as to cast a shadow, four vicomagistri in priestly garb extend their hands to offer sacrifice. The two at the left appear to be holding paterae tipped for pouring a libation, while those at the right may possibly be sprinkling incense. The space behind the altar is occupied by a flute player in almost frontal position, in unusual attire, with toga drawn over his head like the vicomagistri. In front of the altar and diminished in height in order to fit into this limited

42 Jordan, loc. cit. While no trace of a cornucopia is now discernible, the break indicates that the arm held some object which protruded from the surface. 43 BullComm i6 (i888) 327-30; I7 (I889) 69-72, pI. 3; RM 4 (I889) 265-67; Wissowa, Roscher, "Lares," I895, fig. 6; Jordan-Huelsen, /opog. I, 3, 521-22; Helbig-Amelung, Fuihrer no. 90I; Altmann, no. 232; Stuart Jones, CatMusConserv 74-75, pI. 26; Strong, ScultRom 55-56; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, 132; Mustilli, MusMussolini 102-03, pI. 59. The altar is I.04 m. high, and about .65 m. square at the base. 44 Asconius, In Pisonem 4, 8.

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6o

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 3I

P1. XVI

space, 45 two laureate victimarii hold in readiness a bull and a pig adorned with dorsualia. The pig appears to be held by a leash in the hand of the popa, though that attendant, equipped with axe or mallet, usually conducts the larger victim. The arrangement of victims, with the larger animal closer to the center, the semi-nude bodies of the victimarii bent slightly forward, and the space above them occupied by the figure of a laureate lictor cut in shallow relief, follows in reversed direction the pattern of the Borghese relief of a half century earlier. The whole scene is artistically better centralized and more tridimensional than that relief and shows, in spite of some crudity in details, the effect of the advance in composition and technique achieved by the major art of the Augustan Age. The historical value of the relief is, however, much greater than its artistic value, for it constitutes the earliest evidence, literary, epigraphical, or archaeological, of the offering of a bull to the Genius Augusti. The offering of a pig to the Lares is abundantly attested not only by literary evidence but also by paintings in the household shrines of Delos and Pompeii. A bull sacrifice to the Genius of the emperor soon became a familiar subject in sculptured relief. Only here are the two combined, thus providing the most complete record we have of the rite performed by the vicomagistri at the compita. An altar of 2 A.D. from the Vicus Sandaliarius, now in the Uffizi Gallery, 46 is one of the finest in qu-ality. The front is adorned with the usual oak wreath and laurels, in this instance flanked by patera and pitcher. One side is occupied by a variation of a familiar Augustan symbol of Victory with a shield, the other by the two Lares holding rhyton, patera, and situla, in a pose familiar in Lararia at Pompeii. The back is adorned with a relief which apparently commemorates the appointment of one of the young princes to the office of augur. A young man in priestly garb stands between Augustus and Livia, holding up a li/uus. Augustus also wears the toga drawn over his head, and has a scroll in his hand, 47 while Livia holds a patera and incense jar. The chicken at the feet of the new augur, pecking at something on the ground, represents the auspicium of the Iripudium and thus serves as an allusion to the priesthood. Since Tiberius was in Rhodes in 2 A.D. and Gaius Caesar was serving a military command in the East, 48 the prince is probably the nineteen year old Lucius Caesar, who is known to have been an augur. 49 This altar is unique, since it goes beyond the province of the cult of the Lares and Genius Augusti for its subject matter, to commemorate a family event of dynastic
45 The victimarii and victims are reduced in height but not actually in scale, which indicates that the peculiarity is due in this case to the exigencies of the composition rather than to the popular tendency to represent the less important figures in smaller scale, as suggested by Rodenwaldt, JDAI 55 (I940) 34. 46 Ad! 34 (I862) 3OI; Amelung, Fiihrer F/orenz 73-74, no. 99; Altmann no. 23I; Reinach 3, 3I-32; Seltman, CAH, P/ates 4, 136 a; Strong, Scul&Rom 56, fig. 35. 47 A roll in the hand often distinguishes an official personage; see Birt, Buchro//e 67-69. 48 49

Dio 55, I0 a. See Howe, Fasti Sacerdo/uMn 27; CIL

2,

2109,

2157;

cf. Gage Md/Rome 48

(I93I)

io6.

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AUGUSTUS AS PONTIFEX MAXIMUS

6i

Fig.

32

Pi. XVI

import. It illustrates the rapidity with which the cult of the Lares and Genius of the emperor tended to embrace the imperial family. An altar in Soriano del Cimino owned by Prince Chigi is associated with this group by its sculptured reliefs, although it retains no trace of any inscription. 50 The front is adorned by an oak wreath within the circle of which appears a patera and, instead of the usual laurels, a liIuus and a simpulum occupy the spaces at either side. On each of the short sides a Lar is flanked by two somewhat meagre laurel trees. Though simplified in detail and cruder in execution, the figures of the Lares are clearly related to those of the Julio-Claudian Altar of Manlius. In the sacrificial scene a veiled priest stands at the right of a garlanded circular altar, while from the left two small victimarii bring in a diminutive bull, crudely sculptured and with no trace of dorsuale or fillets. The smaller of the two attendants walks behind the victim carrying a mallet, not over his shoulder in the usual fashion but slanting forward, apparently to carry the eye toward the central group. The same effort to centralize the composition may be seen in the pose of the larger, victimarius, who leans slightly forward and guides the bull with both hands in such a manner that the predominant lines of his right arm and body slant toward the center. In spite of the evident relation to the Altar of Manlius, all the details of style and composition suggest a date in the Augustan Age. The relatively simple mouldings around the base and the inset panels in which the reliefs are of the first placed recall the altar in the Vatican dedicated by the vicomnagistri year. Except for the addition of the victim in place of the second magis/er, the basic design of the sacrificing group is the same. The priest stands with right hand extended, his head turned to the left but his body in frontal position, the weight on the right foot and the left knee slightly bent, in the position common to the sacrificial scenes on all the Augustan altars. As on the altar of the Vatican, the togate flute player is placed behind the altar in profile to the right and is smaller in scale than the priest. This tendency to express the relative importance of the figures by actual differences in size is a characteristic of popular art and is consistent with the crude execution of all the reliefs of the altar. A non-Roman origin would explain not only the crudity of the work, as compared with other altars of the vici, but also the absence of any reference to more than one priest. The organization of the cult under four in vicomagistri was not universal. While vicomagistri frequently appear in municipal inscriptions, the imperial cult in the municipia was in many cases administered under the charge of a flamen or sacerdos. 53
5I

52

50 C. Pietrangeli, BulZComm 64 (1936) 13-I7 pIs. 1-2. The altar is of Greek marble, and is .82 m. high. The publisher states that it is probably of Roman provenance. 5' See fig. 29. The circularaltar is rare in reliefs of this period, but a number of Augustan altars of this form have survived to attest its currency; e.g. Strong, ScultRom 50, fig. 27. 53 See De Marchi, Culto Privato 92, pl. 6; G. K. Boyce, MAAR I4 (I937) pls. i6-i8; cf. supra

n. 45.
53

Taylor, Divinity

of the Roman Emperor

2IO-12.

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62

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 33 a-d P1. XVI I

An altar published by Altmann represents the Lares standing on little pedestals in a fluted shell, flanked by a seated figure of Mercury at the left and of Hercules at the right. As these two deities were often associated with the emperor in literature and art, it is possible that the Lares in this context may be the Lares Augusti. 54 An inclination to draw other deities into the circle of the imperial cult is
illustrated by a small marble altar in the museum at Naples, 55 of uncertain'

provenance butt unquestionably of non-Roman workmanship. The reliefs of all four faces are figures of deities. On the longer sides are represented Vesta with an ass at her knees 56 and a veiled goddess with cornucopia and patera. On the shorter sides are Mercury with a ram and a togate Genius with cornucopia and patera, distinguished as the Genius Caesaris by the diminutive bull beside him. The publisher of the altar sees in the head of the Genius a resemblance to Augustus and assigns the altar to a local artist of the Augustan Age. The deeper swing of the folds of the toga would normally place the altar in the second century, but this peculiarity may possibly be attributed to non-Roman workmanship. The face shows no close resemblance to Augustus or to any of the Julio-Claudian emperors, but it is so foreign to the style of the second century that it can most easily be accounted for as local work of early Moreover this date is best in accord with the group of deities imperial date. chosen for association with the Genius. As has been pointed out, the cult of Vesta was intimately connected with the household of the emperor as Pontifex Maximus and therefore with the public worship of his Lares and Genius. The association with Mercury amounted in some cases to identification. 58 The other goddess is similar in iconography to several deities, particularly Concordia, but a snake Which winds about her forearm and eats from the patera identifies
54 Altmann, no. 236. See Horace, Odes 3, I4, I-4; CIL 6, 282; 14, 360I; and see infra nn. 55, 58; supra Chap. IV, nn. 5-7. Through the kindness of Dr. G. Susini my attention has been called to the recent discovery, near Modena, of a small altar which is possibly to be associated with the cult of the Genius Augusti. The mutilated inscription, [T]uil [ius] / Mag(ister) -- -] / f(ecit) d(e)..., indicates that the altar was dedicated by a magister, and the sacrifice represented on three sides of the cippus is appropriate to the worship of the Genius or divus. On the front a veiled togatus stands at the right of an altar pouring a libation. A bull attended by a tunicate popa appears on the left face, while on the right a veiled woman fills the role of altar attendant, carrying a cantharus and another indistinguishable utensil. The relief, which will shortly be published by Dr. Susini, appears to be of Augustan or early imperial date. 55 Mustilli, BMusImp The altar is .5i m. high, .40 m. wide, .38 m. 7 (I936) 57-59, pls. 1-2. thick. Altars or stelae each side of which bears the image of a different deity are not unfamiliar among provincial monuments; e.g. Esperandieu II, Suppl. (I938) pp. 62-74. 56 Vesta is veiled and holds a patera, as on imperial coins; cf. Mattingly I, 42I, Index IV. An ass sometimes appears with Vesta in Pompeian household shrines; e.g. G. K. Boyce, op. cit. Wissowa I58. (supra n. 52) pI. 24. See Ovid, Fasti 6, 309-I2; se The portrait, with long nose and low-set mouth, is not unlike the portraits of Augustus on coins from the mint at Lugdunum, Mattingly I, pI. 21, ii and 4. Coin portraits of Caligula and Claudius occasionally show these same characteristics; e.g. Mattingly i, pI. 27, I9; pl. 33, The hair, with no clear indication of the familiar Augustan three locks on the forehead, I3-I6. is similar to that of Claudius. 58 See supra Chap. IV, n. S.

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AUGUSTUS AS PONTIFEX MAXIMUS

63

her almost conclusively as Salus. Salus is represented on early imperial coins in different poses, but invariably as feeding a serpent from a patera in her hand. 59 Like several other abstract deities familiar in early imperial coinage-Providentia, Pietas, Spes-she seems to be little more than an imperial attribute. 60 The altars of the street corners are all minor works of art and in most cases of relatively slight artistic worth. They show, however, the beginnings of types and motifs that continued to develop in early imperial relief: the imperial symbol used as a partially conventionalized ornament; the single figure of a person or deity represented without the context of a setting; and most important of all the legendary, historical, or religious scene treated in illusionistic style. The limited field of a small altar, in contrast to the frieze-like space avaailableon such a monument as the Ara Pacis, encouraged the use of a centralized scene with figures grouped about a single focus. In the development of this type the altars show a significant advance in composition and in tridimensional effect. This may be seen particularly in the altar of the Vicus Aesculeti, where the limitation of the field available for both altar group and victims is turned to profit in good design, successful tridimensional effect, and an illusion of space above the figures. The historical value of the altars is much greater. All together they form a significant body of original evidence on the Augustan reorganization of the state religion. They may be assumed to represent official policy; for the originator of the intricate and carefully integrated structure of the principate would hardly have ignored such an opportunity for guiding popular opinion. These unpretentious little monuments could present in easily understandable form and could keep constantly in the public view the ideas and assumptions fundamental to the principate. The consistency of themes and implications clearly indicates that the content of the reliefs was in fact officially inspired. In all the extant examples we find the same subtle mingling of human and divine in the role of the Princeps, the same special and close association of the emperor with the gods, the same reminders of his divine ancestry and his expectation of deification, and the same insistence on the priestly, not godly, status of the living emperor.
59 Mustilli, MusMussolini 57, suggests, however, that the goddess is Ceres, and cites representations of Ceres with two serpents encircling the forearm, e.g. Rohden-Winnefeld, Terrako#en 4, 4-5, pl. 20. 6o See Mattingly, i, Index of types, Salus, Concordia, Vesta; and see infra Chap. VI.

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CHAPTER

VI

TRADITION OF THE ALTAR OF PEACE

The Ara Pacis was tremendously important not only as a visual expression of the new-old imperial state religion, but as a model for other monuments. In the early decades of the Empire altars were dedicated to Providentia, Pietas, and Salus, all of which are represented on coins in the same fashion and with much the same detail as the Ara Pacis. All three appear to have been unroofed enclosures with corner pilasters and crowning cornice, entered through double doors in the front. A Flavian coin shows the Ara Providentiae adorned with reliefs, and it is a fair assumption that these altars continued the fashion set by the Ara Pacis in ornament as well as in form. This type of monument, which belongs to the general artistic tradition of the great altar of Pergamum and the base of Ahenobarbus, was popular in Rome partitularly in the first century of the Empire. I ts popularity at this time is in accord with literary and epigraphical evidence that the earliest monuments associated with the imperial cult in the western Mediterranean were altars rather than temples. They probably reveal an effort to avoid in the western and more Romanized provinces, as in Rome itself, the resistance which might have met the establishment of the worship of the living emperor on a par with the greater gods. In Rome the Genius of the emperor had no public temple, but was worshipped only in the precincts of other temples 3 and at the little shrines of the compita. The 265 altars of the compita must have been of enormous importance in popularizing the cult, by keeping the emperor and his protecting power always before the minds of the people without arousing the antagonism which might have met a cult of the living emperor enshrined formally in a temple. Their effect was implemented by greater and more impressive monuments such as the altars to Pax, Providentia, Pietas, and Salus. Not only were these deities themselves so closely associated with the emperor that
2

x See Kubitschek, JOAI 5 (I902) The Ara Pietatis is represented on coins only in I53-64. the second century, and there appears similar in structure to the less pretentious "consecratio" type of altar. But literary references associate it rather with the series under discussion. For coin types representing the Ara Providentiae and the Ara Salutis, see Mattingly i and 2, Index of types. See Kornemann,K/io 2 (I902) 117-I8; Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor 281-82; A. Abaecherli, StudMatStorRelig ii (I93) I54-62, i8I-86. 3 Taylor, op. cit. I92 f.
2

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TRADITION OF THE ALTAR OF PEACE

65

they became in the course of time little more than deifications of imperial attributes, but the sculptured ornament of the altars gave pictorial expression to ideas fundamental to the imperial cult. In the case of the Ara Pacis, the language of art was employed to emphasize the emperor's special association with the gods, and to identify the imperial house with the state. In the following decades the cult of the Lares and Genius Augusti and the apotheosis of the emperor after his death were added to the repertory of imperial themes available for use in such reliefs, and it is upon this repertory that artists would naturally draw for the ornamentation of the altars to Providentia, Pietas, and Salus. While Salus seems to have been the guardian of the health of the Princeps, Pietas and Providentia were associated with both the living emperor and the divus. The Ara Providentiae appears first on coins of Tiberius as a reverse type of the undated Divus Pater Augustus series, and we may therefore infer an association with the cult of the divus. 4 Other occasions of sacrifice to Providentia concern rather the living emperor, particularly his escape from danger through the providence of the gods or his own foresight on such occasions as the fall of Sejanus I or the discovery of the Pisonian conspiracy. 6 There is no ancient record of the constitution of the altar, nor do we know its location. A terminus ante quem is provided by the Tiberian coins and by an item in the Acta Arvalia for 38 A.D., which records an offering made ad Aram Providentiae.7 The Ara Pietatis was constituted by decree of the Senate in 22 A.D., on the occasion of a serious illness of Livia, but it was not constructed and dedicated until Claudius' reign. 8 The occasion of its founding shows that the meaning of Pietas is here primarily the filial devotion of Tiberius to his mother, for Tiberius hurried home, as Tacitus says, sincera adiuc inter matrem filumque concordia, sive occultis odiis. 9 The ceremonies provided for on that occasion were performed by the major priesthoods, with whom were included the Sodales Augustales as a priesthood belonging peculiarly to the imperial family, proprium eius domus sacerdotium. The Sodales Augustales were, however, primarily the priests of the deified emperor, and Pietas too appears constantly
4 Other reversesof this series are clearly connected with the deified Augustus: the thunderbolt, the eagle, the Temple of Vesta, Mattingly 1, 140-42. 5 Charlesworth, HarvTheolRev 29 (1936) shows that the fall of Sejanus made a great II2, impression in the provinces, and suggests that the Ara Providentiae in Rome was dedicated in the years immediately after 31 A.D. See also infra n. 6o. 6 CIL 3, I2036; II, 4170; Henzen 121, I25. A sacrifice to Providentia on the occasion of Galba's adoption of Piso refers to the emperor's providence for the future of the state by establishing the succession, and this meaning was common in the second century; see Mattingly 3, lxxxv. 7 Henten 75 f. 8 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 64, mentions su.p/icia dis ludique decreed by the senate on this occasion, but not an altar. The original decree is mentioned in the inscription which apparently records its dedication, CIL 6, 562 (Dessau 202); cf. coins of 22 A.D., Mattingly i, I33, pI. 24, 7. See also T. Ulrich, Pie/as 50. 9 Tacitus, loc. cit. See Wissowa 33I f. Pietas and Concordia were both understood to indicate good relations in the imperial household; cf. CIL io, 8io, a dedication to Concordia Augusta Pietas.
II

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66

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

in association with the worship of the divi. On the first coin type to represent a rite to the deified Augustus, Livia appears on the obverse as Pietas, IO and the Ara Pietatis occurs frequently as a reverse type on the "deified empress" coins of the second century." When the altar to Pietas was finally built by Claudius and dedicated in the year 43, the original significance of the monument was inevitably extended to include the expression of Claudius' own pie/as toward the Divus Augustus, whom he aspired to emulate, and toward the Diva Augusta, whom he himself first established in a formal cult. 12 It has been suggested that one of Claudius' motives in erecting the altar, after so long a postponement, may have been the desire to identify himself with the Julian house, his kinship with which he took great pains to emphasize. There have been discovered in Rome two groups of reliefs which seem to have adorned monuments of the same general type as the Ara Pacis. The larger and evidently more important of these, the well known Villa Medici group, was once believed to be part of the Ara Pacis, but is now generally assigned to the Ara Pietatis. I4 The drapery of the toga, the slight advance in mastery of spatial relations as compared with the Ara Pacis, the slightly greater space left free above the heads, the freer use of bearded heads, and the clearly postAugustan treatment of the hair of the flamen, have established the Claudian date beyond reasonable doubt. The original Villa Medici group, which has been known since the sixteenth century, includes six pieces of a monumental frieze about I.55 m. high. Two represent parts of a procession similar to that of the Ara Pacis, two are from sacrificial scenes, two represent temple facades.
I3

Several new fragmentsfound in the Via Lata in

I923

and

I933,

which cor-

respond in material, size, and style with those of the Villa Medici group, add considerably to the extant remains of the altar. T5 One of the new fragments
Mattingly
ItMattingly
12

I,

I53,

p1. 29,

I4.

3, pl. 66, 8-I0; 4, pI. 35, 8. Suetonius, Claudius II, 2; Dio 60, 5, 2. See Bloch, MilRome 56 (I939) 82-83. 13 See Ulrich, Pie/as 5i; Groag, RE, "Claudius," 2788. Petersen, Ara Pacis 130 ff., summarizesthe history of the reliefs. They have been discussed by Petersen, op. ct. 6o-68, 99-I03 III-2I, figs. 26-28, 35-37; Sieveking, JOAI I0 (1907) i8o f.; Studniczka, "Zur Ara Pacis," Abh. phil. sdchs. Gesellsch. 27 (I909) 907-o8; Strong, ScultRom 66-70; Brendel, RM45 (1930) 209-II; R. Bloch, Me/Rome56 (I939) 8I-I20; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, 126, I9o; Cagiano de Azevedo, Le antichita' di Villa Medici (Rome 195I) nos. 3, II, 23, 24, 41, with detailed discussion under 47; Hommel, Stud. rim. Figurengiebeln 22-41, figs. 2-4, 6. Sieveking first suggested in 1907 that the reliefs might belong not to the Ara Pacis but to Claudius' Ara Pietatis. Curtius, RM 47 (1932) 247, proposes to date them.in the reign of Tiberius. At most points the relief is not intact at the upper edge, but the group about the flamen and the scene of two attendants leading a victim show a slightly greater free space above the heads than is the case in the procession of the Ara Pacis. The greater frequency of bearded heads, particularly among the background figures and attendants, accords with the later date. Cf. Bloch, op. cit. 86-88, for other stylistic details that differentiatethe Villa Medici reliefs from the Ara Pacis. I5 NS I925, 232 f.; Colini RendPont ii (I935) 41-6I; AA 5I (1936) 473-75; R. Bloch, MIlRome56 104-20. Colini op. cit. 54-57, interprets the fragments as part of an arch, possibly an arch (I939) of Diocletian, which incorporated reliefs from a monument of the early Empire. Bloch, op. ci. II8-I9, points out that S. Maria in Via Lata is near the property of the Della Valle family, and that the earliergroup, once owned by that family, may have been of the same provenance. It
14

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TRADITION OF THE ALTAR OF PEACE
Fig. 34a P1.XVIII

67

establishes the close relation of the Claudian altar to the Ara Pacis in details It is clearly dependent on the swags of fruit of structure and ornament. and flowers festooned from bucrania, and must have adorned the inner face of the great marble enclosure. The swags are made of laurel leaves and berries, and are tied to candelabra instead of to bucrania. But the fluttering ribbons which fill part of the field are very close to those of the Ara Pacis, and an umbilicate patera is similarly placed above the center of each festoon. The general design is almost identical and the total effect must have been similar, except that the swags of laurel are less rich in detail and the festoons are smaller. A fragment of floral ornament in Sir John Soane's collection in London Fig. 3 b iS similar in scale and in detail to that of the Ara Pacis but slightly more PI.XVIII advanced in style. Though the origin of the piece is unknown, it can be attributed with some probability to the Ara Pietatis, and the attribution adds to the bulk of the evidence that the Claudian altar followed closely the tradition of its Augustan predecessor. A number of the new fragments represent parts of togate figures and must Fig. 35b have belonged to the processional reliefs. In most cases the pieces are too small P1. XIX to show the direction of movement, but the largest preserves the lower part of two togati moving to the right. I8 This adds support to the inference, which is warranted but not conclusively established by the Villa Medici group, that
is thus possible that the new finds may indicate the original site of the Ara Pietatis, which is located by no ancient authority. In support of his hypothesis Bloch notes that Claudius' triumphal arch of 5I-52 A. D. was part of the Aqua Virgo and at no great distance from the Via Lata. He suggests that this may have been the district that Claudius developed and adorned with monuments. I6 RendPont iI (I935) 54, fig. I5. The piece is .70 m. high, I.OO m. long, .30 m. thick, with a .Io m. protruding band at the top. The patera, if placed at the same relative height as on the Ara Pacis, would suggest a total height of I.5o to I.6o m., but the festoon is scantier and is placed higher than on the Ara Pacis. The use of such festoons is familiar in early imperial relief, and most examples which have survived-to be sure on monuments less pretentious than the Ara Pacis-show the same tendency to be scantier and less rich in detail. '7 I am indebted to Mr. Cornelius Vermeule for calling my attention to the fragment and for permission to publish his photograph and the following item from his Classical Antiquities in Sir John Soane's Museum (in typescript, p. I98, no. 152-I124 M): BASE CENTRE SECTION OF A CARVED RELIEF PANEL: PERHAPS FROM THE ARA PIETATIS AVGVSTAE. The base center of a stem, tendril, and flower enrichment rising from flattened and overcurling acanthus leaves. "Both design and details were modelled on and very close to the acanthus-leafbase centers of the lower outside relief panels of the Ara Pacis, but certain stylistic details-deeper shadowing and undercutting of the more twisted, animate foliate details-all point to work of a slightly later date, certainly no later than the middle of the Julio-Claudian period. The dimensions of the fragment correspond exactly with the similar portions of these lower relief panels on the outside of the Ara Pacis, and the identical technique of transition into moulding and the fitting of the fillet-base on which the enriched panel rests both suggest that we are dealing with carving which was set in a manner parallel to those of Augustus' altar. These factors, coupled with the obviously high quality of the Soane fragment, give rise to the suggestion that it derives from another famous civic altar in earlier Imperial Rome-the Ara Pietatis Augustae." I8Mi/Rome fig. iI; Mustilli, MusMussolini I62, pI. I02, 368. The fragment 56 (193.9) iii, is .30 m. thick and .go m. high, implying a total height of the figures consistent with the Villa Medici reliefs, i.e. ca. 1.50 m.

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processions on two opposing sides of the enclosure were reversed in direction, as on the Ara Pacis, and were thus moving toward the same end of the monument. Of the processional reliefs of the Villa Medici group the larger piece shows Fig. 35a andc a flamen clad in the lzena or "double toga" and spiked cap, surrounded by P1. XIX laureate attendants two of whom bear the lictor's bundle of fasces. Attention is centered upon the flamen by a technique familiar on the Ara Pacis. '9 The figure marching before him in the procession is turned in full profile, in this case away fro'mthe flamen, so that the deep vertical line of the toga down from the shoulder sets off the group immediately surrounding him. His head is placed as it were in a frame, or shallow niche, composed of five heads cut in low relief and a sixth more deeply cut at the right end. This frame is closed at each side by heads turned toward the center. The flamen himself stands in almost frontal pose, with head turned slightly to the right, contrary to the direction of the procession, his right hand extended in a familiar imperial gesture of address or welcome. The treatment of the whole group marks the flamen as the chief figure, who occupies a position corresponding to that of Augustus on the Ara Pacis. The other processional relief represents a young boy carrying a statuette Fig. 35d of a Lar, and three adult figures facing right. Older reconstructions of the reliefs placed this piece in the same procession as the flamen, but the adult P1.xx figures are more appropriate to a group moving toward the right. The Lar carrier is fully frontal in pose, and the turn of his head to the left is easily explained as a glance back toward the statuette of the Genius which followed those of the Lares. He is bareheaded and laureate, but has over his shoulders a garment which might be the same as the ricinium worn over the head by the Lar carriers of the Cancelleria relief. The adult group is placed so that each figure partially obscures his neighbor to the left, with the result that the shorter bearded man furthest to the right is brought out to the foreground and the group forms a kind of niche for the Lar carrier. All three, though they are without the usual laurel wreath and therefore presumably spectators, are strongly individualized and remarkably interesting figures. An alluring hypothesis recently proposed by Carpenter, that they are Propertius (?), Vergil, and Horace witnessing the Ludi Saeculares, conflicts with the only certain points established by the relief itself. The statuette is manifestly one of the Lares Augusti, established in public cult only in I2 B.c., and this terminus post quem excludes both Vergil and the Ludi Saeculares. Of the sacrificial scenes, one represents a bull being conducted past the Fig. 36a XXI P1. lateral wall of a temple by victimarii who walk at either side of its head.
20

'9 To emphasize the figure of the flamen, this relief combines the device of "encirclement," used on the Ara Pacis in the group about Augustus, with a strong vertical line of a profile used to mark off a group, as seen on the Ara Pacis in the family groups of the two Antonias. 20 MAAR i8 (I94I) ioo f; see also Scramuzza, CP 38 (I943) 240-45, who proposes LUvy in place of Propertius.

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TRADITION OF THE ALTAR OF PEACE

69

Fig. 36 Pi. XXI

The animal is closely related to the bull in the Suovetaurilia of the Louvre, with low dewlap, small head, and heavy swell of muscle along the ridge of the neck. There is a long tufted fillet about the horns and between them a fratne adorned with palmette and scroll.21 The treatment of space here shows an advance from that of the Ara Pacis. The victim's body is placed at a slight angle to the plane of the relief, the attendant on the far side seems to step out toward the spectator, and the popa on the near side is so placed as to suggest spatial depth, with torso seen from the back and raised heel toward the foreground. The cornice along the side of the temple also is cut in relief of increasing depth toward the right corner.22 The second of this pair is from an ox-slaying scene. Here the dorsuaie, fillet, and ornamental yoke have been removed, as was customary before the victim
was slain. The animal's head is held down and pulled into the foreground by a kneeling attendant, while a knife is plunged into its neck by a second kneeling victimarius whose hand alone is preserved. In the missing portion at the left must have stood the popa with his axe poised, for the attendant holding the animal's head looks up as if at another figure. Two lictors appear in the space above the animal's back, and there are traces of another bundle of fasces and of the drapery of at least two more figures. At the right stands the flute player, his head turned to watch the completion of the sacrifice, his double flute now folded and held idly in his hands. By this turn of attention toward the victim the flute player serves as a link between the ox-slaying and the altar group proper, of which he is the only surviving figure. The two remaining fragments of the Villa Medici group represent temple facades, reduced in scale so as to be the same height as the human figures. They have been identified with reasonable certainty as the Temples of the Magna Mater and Mars Ultor. The first is clearly identified by the acroterial figures of dancers in Phrygian dress and by the figures in the tympanum, Galli leaning on tambourines on either side of a throne which supports a turreted crown. The second has aroused some controversy, but the structure accords with that of the octostyle Corinthian temple of the Augustan Forum, and the figures in
23 24

21Petersen, Ara Pacis ii8, mentions also traces of a dorsuale, as in the Suovetaurilia of the Louvre. The rather unusual characteristics of the victims common to these two reliefs support the Claudian date of the Suovetaurilia, which is still a subject of controversy; see infra Chap. VIII. The ornamental frame between the horns of the victim in the Villa Medici fragment is not uncommon in reliefs of the early Empire (e.g. figs. 77-78), though it is seldom so elaborately adorned as here. It was apparently a ritual yoke of gold, as the phrase iunctus auro, or cornua auro iugata, occurs occasionally in ancient descriptions of victims; see Henzen
I44.

SHA, Gallieni

duo 8, 2; cf. Servius, ad Aen. 5, 366; Latte, RE, "Immolatio," II26. The frame is more often a simple triangle, similar in shape to the yoke actually worn by oxen in the Aquileia relief of oxen
ploughing the pomerium, Brusin, MusArchAquileia 5, fig. I; AA 47 See Cagiano de Azevedo, op. cit. (supra n. I4) no. 41. 23 Ibid. pls. 9-iI; Petersen, op. cit. III-I5, figs. 35-36, pI. 7.
24

(I932)

453-54, fig.

2.

Schriften

Cf. the flute player in a marriage scene represented on a sarcophagus, H. Brunn, K/eine I 2I5, fig. 52; MonInst 8, pl. I9; alsoMustilli, Museo Mussolini pl. 9. 30-31.

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the tympanum are probably Mars, Venus Genetrix, and Fortuna. 25 Recent study of the Villa Medici reliefs by Dr. L. Cozza has shown that the fa-ade of the Temple of Magna Mater originally joined the lateral wall represented in one of the sacrificial scenes. Accordingly the togate figures partially preserved at the right of that faqade must have been part of the altar group toward which the victim was being conducted. Cozza's study has determined, further, that the ox-slaying was placed immediately to the left of the Temple of Mars Ultor. Since the flute player, here attached to the ox-slaying, was normally part of the altar group, it must be assumed that the pouring of the libation was represented at the right of the temple faqade, and that this figure served to show the continuity between the two parts of the scene. Casts of the reliefs, with the new assembling of pieces which has resulted from Cozza's important work, are now on display in the Museo della Civilta Romana; and he has very kindly permitted me to reproFig. 36 c-d duce photographs of the two sacrificial scenes from the manuscript of an article P1. XXI bis to be published in the BolleUino d'Arte. One of the new fragments represents an Ionic tetrastyle temple, 26 whose rather unusual palmette moulding is almost identical with that of the Villa Fig. 34 c P1. XVIII Medici Temple of Magna Mater. The relief in the pediment represents a scene of combat between Greeks and barbarians, which might possibly be an allusion to the battle of Actium under the symbol of Apollo's victory over the Gauls invading Delphi. The pairs of combatants, in particular the central figure of a warrior slaying an adversary whom he has seized by the hair, find parallels in several scenes of battles against the Gauls. 26a Such a subject would be peculiarly appropriate to the Palatine Temple of Apollo, and the selection of that temple for representation, along with those of Magna Mater and Mars Ultor, is inherently plausible. 7
25

(I939)

96-IOI.

See Petersen, op. cit. 60-65; Strong, ScultRom-69-7I, figs. 44-45; R. Bloch, MilRome 56 For other views, see Brunn, op. cit. I08-13; Studniczka, JIDAI 21 (I906) 87; Sie1io (1907) I89-90);

veking, JOA

Weickert, FestArndt

6.

Sieveking's

and Weickert's objection

to the identification of the semi-nude helmeted figure at the center of the tympanum as Mars lies in the fact that the cult statue in the Temple of Mars Ultor was probably cuirassed, like th6 Mars in the relief from Carthage and on the Sorrento base. This is not an insurmountable objection, for the tympanum would not necessarily repeat the type of the cult statue; see Petersen, Ara Pacis 6I-62. Cf. CAH, Plates 4, 9o a and b;Hoel, .t.(supra n. I4) 22-30. 26 NS 1925, 232, pI. I2; MilRome 56 (I939) I05-II, fig. IO; Mustil]i, MusMusso/ini, I07, pls. 63-64, 252; CAH, Plates 4, 190 c.
See Reinach 3, 9, 247; Bie'nkowski, Die Darstellungen der Ga/lier in der he/lenistischen Kunst (Vienna I908) figs. io6, IIO, II8, and Les Ce/tes dans les arts mineurs greco-romains (Krakow I928) figs. 72-74. The representation of barbarian dress varies greatly, but in many
26a

instancesgives the impressionof draperyover the thighs, as in the pediment of the tetrastyle temple; cf. Bienkowski, Les Ce/tes figs. 68, 7I, 73, 79, 117. 27 See Bloch, op. cit. (supra n. 25) io8-iio. The rescue of Delplli from the Gauls is known to have been represented in one of the reliefs of the doors, Propertius 2, 3I, 12-I6. Included for identification of the temple, the relief may here be shown in the larger space of the pediment in order to be intelligible. Similarly in representation of temples on coins, figures are occasionally transferred from the tympanum to the position of acroteria, cf. Mattingly I, I37, pI. 24) 14. Richmond, in Stud. Ridgeway I89-206, attempted to identify as the Temple of Palatine Apollo an Ionic temple represented on a coin of Caligula, ca. 37 A.D. (Mattingly I, I53, pI. 29, 14).

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TRADITIONOF THE ALTAR OF PEACE

71

Of special interest among the new fragments, because it adds new details, Fig. 36c is a fragmentary relief of an attendant who carries on his head a large wicker Pl. XXII basket, from the far edge of which hangs a fillet.28 A crumpled cloth which covers most of the contents is pushed back at one point to reveal three or four sacrificial cakes (liba) and a few heads of grain. The youth is laureate and clad in tunic like a camillus. The face shows no individualization and, except for the typically Claudian arrangement of the hair, the figure suggests a Greek canephoros rather than a Roman camillus. 29 At the left appears part of the head and shoulder of a woman whose hair is gathered into a simple knot at the nape of the neck. Her head and shoulders are inclined slightly forward, as if she might be engaged in some preparation for, or performance of, the ritual. An axe traced in shallow relief at the far right shows that the scene included an animal offering. The woman attendant and the prominence of the basket of grain and cakes inevitably associate this part of the ritual with the Vestals, who were specially charged with the grain, the mola salsa, and the cakes used in public sacrifices. 30 Another fragment found with the group is similarly unique in content. It Fig. 36(I represents a banquet of the Vestals, in somewhat the manner of Hellenistic P1. XXII reliefs of funerary banquets. Six Vestals wearing the su.fibulum are shown reclining on a semi-circular couch before which is set a heavy low table. Two appear to have some object in the left hand (a cake and a cup or incense jar?), and on the table can be seen a flat cake and a plate of fruit(?). The Vestal at the right end is shown from the back, her head turned to the left as if in conversation with her neighbor. This exceedingly difficult pose is not entirely
3I

But the thoroughly Augustan character of the figures of the pediment and acroteria, some of which are repeated on a coin representing the Antonine reconstruction of the temple to the Divus Augustus, makes the older identification with that temple reasonably certain; see Gage, Md/Rome 47 (1930) 145-52; and cf. infra 95. Hommel, op. cit. (supra n. I4) 34-41, proposes to identify the tetrastyle temple from the A;a Pietatis as that of Juno Regina on the Aventine, and the pedimental sculptures as scenes from the destruction of Troy (the violation of Cassandra in the center, the death of Priam and the reunion of Menelaus and Helen at left and right). But the Temple of Juno lacks any close relation with the content of the other reliefs, and seems out of place in the context of the Ara Pietatis. Hommel argues, further, that the Temple of Apollo would not have been shown in abbreviated fashion as a tetrastyle temple on the same monument on which those of Mars Ultor and Magna Mater were represented with their full number of columns. But such abbreviations were dictated bv the demands of the individual composition, of which in this instance there remains no evidence. 28 RendPont II (I935) 44-47, fig. 7; Md/Rome 56 (I939) The piece is I.00 m. 113-14, fig. I2. high, .85 m. long, and .34 m. thick. Another fragment with the wing of a victory has a similar heavy band at the top, but is much thicker, ca. .70 m., and may not belong to the group. 29 Cf. Reinach, Rip. stat. I, 2I7. The basket is of a type familiar in Greek vase paintings and sculpture, but not common in Roman reliefs. 30 Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals I48-50. 3' RendPont ii (I935) 48-52, fig. 9; AA 5I (1936) 473-75, fig. I5; Cagiano de Azevedo, op. cit. 6i, 64. The fragment is .47 m. high, .50 m. wide and .43 m. thick. The upper edge is preserved at the top. The funeral banquet appears in Greek votive reliefs, JHS 5 (1884) I05 ff.; Svoronos pls. 85 if.; on Etruscan urns, BritMusCatScuipt I (2) D 55, D 63; in a late republican relief from Amiternum, RM 23 (I908) pl. 4; see also Altmann figs. I17, 137; Esp6randieu 8, nos. 6447 ff.

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RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 35c
P1. XIX

successful but, in spite of the awkwardness of the individual figure, the attempt adds to the illusion of spatial depth in the scene. There is sufficient variety among the six in facial type, turn of the head, space between the heads, and expression to give some sense of an actual group around a table rather than a mere row of figures. In the somewhat high space above the reclining group appear in low relief five heads of women attendants, their hair waved softly from a center parting and gathered into a knot at the nape of the neck, like that of the woman in the fragment described above. This piece is of the same material but smaller in scale than the other reliefs, and could only have been part of a smaller altar within the marble enclosure. In style it is closer to Flavian relief and, if it belonged to the Ara Pietatis, it may have been part of a restoration of somewhat later date. It is tempting to include a relief of this subject in the original ensemble because of the allusion to the service of the Vestals on the outer enclosure, and also because its content is peculiarly appropriate to the interpretation proposed below. The occasion of the procession and sacrifices represented on the Ara Pietatis might be assumed, on the analogy of the two earlier monuments of the same type, to be the constitution of the altar itself. Rites of the imperial cult, as well as the participation of the Vestals, are appropriate to such an occasion. The Vestals, moreover, had recently been placed in charge of Claudius' new cult of the Diva Augusta. 32 The chief objection to this very natural interpretation is raised by the figure of the flamen. He is almost certainly to be identified as Claudius. The arrangement of the hair is typical of that emperor and, when allowance is made for the idealization proper to such a monument, the features are consistent with his known portraits. The imperial pose and the retinue of attendants, which make the figure of the flamen parallel to that of Augustus on the Ara Pacis, are proper only to the reigning Princeps.33 But in 43 A.D. Claudius was emperor and Pontifex Maximus, and he would not have been wearing the flamen's spiked cap. It is possible, however, that the reliefs represent some earlier ceremony in which Claudius took part as Flamen Augustalis. 34 There is no record of his having held this priesthood, but the records of his life before his accession are so scanty that the omission would not be astonishing. The known Flamines Augustales are Germanicus (d. I7 A.D.), Drusus (d. 23 A.D.), Nero Drusus (d. 3I A.D.), and L. Silanus (d. 94
32 33

Dio 6o, S,

2.

L. Silanus, who was Flamen Augustalis after Claudius' accession, is hardly likely to have been placed in such a position, in view of Claudius' efforts to emphasize his own kinship with Augustus. 34 Petersen, op. cit. IOI, believed that the apex wearer was the Pontifex Maximus, in spite of the unusual dress. Bloch, MeIRome 56 (I939) 92-96, suggests that Claudius may be represented in this garb as sodalis Augustalis; Curtius, RM 47 (1932) 247, offered the same suggestion,- but dated the relief in the reign of Tiberius. Seltman, CAH, P/ates 4, I26 a, proposes that the relief represents Claudius' assumption of the augurate in 8 A.D. Goethert, RM 54 (1939) 200, altogether rejects the identification as Claudius. See Cagiano de Azevedo, op. cit. (supra n. 14) for a r'sume of the various identifications.

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TRADITION OF THE ALTAR OF PEACE
A.D.).

73

Silanus, however, was born in the year 23 and is hardly likely to have been made a flamen in 3I A.D. at the age of eight. It is not improbable therefore that Claudius, who was eligible for the priesthood as the nearest living relative of Augustus, may have held it from 3I to 42 A.D., when his assumption of the chief pontificate would have necessitated his resignation from the flaminate. The ceremony, or at any rate one of the ceremonies, represented on the Ara Pietatis may therefore be the installation of its founder as Flamen Augustalis, an occasion in his own earlier career which was appropriate in all respects to the significance of the Altar to Pietas, and which would, furthermore, emphasize the kinship with Augustus that the altar was designed to make conspicuous. The content of the reliefs-procession, sacrifices to the divus and Genius, facades of temples associated with Augustus-is entirely in keeping with such a ceremony. The Vestals too were apt to be involved with family occasions in the imperial household. 36 Moreover, chance has preserved a detail of Roman ritual which makes the small relief of the Vestals peculiarly appropriate to this interpretation. For a passage in Macrobius mentions the fact that the inauguration of Lentulus as Flamen Martialis was celebrated by a banquet attended by the Rex Sacrorum, pontifices, and Vestals. 37 With such a large part of the Altar of Pietas still missing, it would be hazardous to attempt any detailed reconstruction. Certain inferences, however, are justified by the available evidence. The monument was a marble enclosure, similar in structure and scale to the Ara Pacis, adorned outside with floral designs and inside with festoons of laurel. On two opposing faces were processions of togate figures moving, as on the Ara Pacis, toward the same end of the monument. As on the Ara Pacis, the principal figure was represented in the leftward procession, wearing a laurel crown in addition to his priestly head-covering, and marked as the chief personage by his surrounding "frame" of subsidiary figures. In both instances this principal figure is preceded in the procession by at least one togatus other than members of his own retinue, and it is possible that here too this figure is the Pontifex Maximus, 38 who had charge of the appointment of the flamines. While Claudius is not represented with the twelve lictors of his imperial station, at least one is added to the Flamen Augustalis'

35 CZL 6, 909, 913; 12, 147; Dessau, EphEp i, 62; Howe, Fasti Sacerdotum 5i; Beurlier, Ze culte imp rial 78. 36 The calendar of festivals from the Temple of Augustus at Cumae mentions a supplica/io Vestae on the birthdays of the princes, Dessau io8; CIL io, 8375. As noted above, the Vestals had specific charge of the cult of the Diva Augusta, Dio 6o, 5, 2. 37 Macrobius, Sat. 3, 13, II: duobus tricliniis pontifices cubuerunt,. . . rex sacrorum, ... et L. Iulius Caesar augur qui eum inauguravit. In tertio triclinio Popilia Perpennia Licinia Arruntia virgines Vestales et ipsius uxor Publicia flaminica et Sempronia socrus eius. 38 See Ryberg, MAAR 86. On the appointment of the flamines, see Wissowa, I9 (I949) 487, 510, n. 3, 522. The flamen might also have been preceded by the augur qui eum inauguravit. (See preceding note).

12

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RITES OF THE STATE RELIGIONIN ROMANART

ordinary perquisite of a single lictor,39 and attendants without fasces fill out the circle of a somewhat more modest retinue. The procession of the Lar carriers, manifestly associated with the cult of the Genius of the living emperor, is moving to the right, 40 and accordingly belonged to the opposite side of the monument from the flamen, who was devoted exclusively to the divus. The character of the two processions demands the inclusion of sacrifices to the deified Augustus and the Genius of the emperor; and, in fact, offerings to both divus and Genius would inevitably have marked the inauguration of a new Flamen Augustalis. At the date when Claudius might have been made flamen, a sacrifice to the deified Augustus would properly have taken place before the Temple of Mars Ultor, which was a principal center of the cult before the completion of his own temple in 38 A.D. The ox-slaying scene from the Ara Pietatis is therefore likely to have been the culminating point of the procession led by the flamen. The location of the other surviving sacrificial scene is more difficult. A bull was the appropriate victim for the Magna Mater, and Cybele, by reason of her Trojan associations as well as her proximity to Augustus' house on the Palatine, had been drawn into the circle of cults associated with the imperial family. 4" But the space allotted to this scene distinguishes it as a major item in the total content of the reliefs, and it is almost necessary to assume that the second majot sacrifice represented on the Altar was that to the Genius. Since the chief center of worship of the Genius was the emperor's house, it is tempting to suppose that the location of this sacrificial scene is the area before the imperial residence, identified by the more easily recognizable Temple of Magna Mater. Both scenes of sacrifice, including their respective temple facades and the altar groups which must be supplied, are too wide to have occupied an open end of an enclosure corresponding in scale to the Ara Pacis. The arrangement of the content must therefore have followed a somewhat different scheme, and any attempt to locate the reliefs in detail would be purely speculative. It is interesting to note that the deities alluded to are exactly the same as those represented on the Sorrento base-Apollo, the Magna Mater, Vesta, and Mars Ultor with Venus Genetrix and the Genius Augusti-a group undoubtedly selected, in both cases, for their intimate association with the emperor. The banquet of the Vestals, if such a scene was part of the original ensemble, must by reason of its scale have adorned the small inner altar. But the fragment which represents the boy with a basket on his head implies the
39 See Wissowa 497-98, 522, and n. 2. The flamen's right to a lictor is further confirmed by the specific reference of Dio, 56, 46, 2 to the assignment of a lictor to Livia as flaminica of the deified Augustus; cf. infra Chap. VII, n. 5. 40 The two other surviving examples of processions bearing the statuettes of the Lares and Genius Augusti are also turned to the right, and it seems likely that the direction as well as the details of such processions tended to become traditional. 41 See Wissowa 63 f., 88, 317-26, esp. 3I8; Graillot, Le culfe de CybeZe io8-io. Cf. also reliefs of the Sorrento base fig. 26 and Bu/lComm 6o (I932) pIS. I-5.

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TRADITION OF THE ALTAR OF PEACE

75

participation of the Vestals also in the rites shown on the outer enclosure. Since the piece is so distinct in manner from the other sacrificial scenes, it is most plausibly assigned to one of the ends of the enclosure, which-if this also have represented some sacrificial ritual. attribution be correct-must It is interesting to note that none of the surviving fragments suggests the presence on the Ara Pietatis of the allegorical and legendary elements wllich were so prominent on the Ara Pacis. They contain no allusion beyond the immediate and actual ceremony. Thus in contrast to the Augustan synthesis of allegory, legend, and history, the emphasis appears to have been placed rather on illusionistic presentation of the actual event. In the introduction of temple facades into the sacrificial scenes we may observe the beginning of the narrative convention of architecture, which was eventually to lead Roman relief away from illusionism into a new form of historical expression. Small temples had been used as features of the landscape background in RomanHellenistic genre scenes and in Aeneas' sacrifice on the Ara Pacis, but in such a way as to create the illusion that they were part of the distant landscape setting. Roman relief was familiar also with figured scenes represented against the background of a temple faqade, like the sacrifice before the temple of Divus Augustus on a sestertius of Caligula. 42 There,, however, the temple is presumably at some distance from the spectator and thus properly reduced in scale. Here the temples rise from the ground line of the relief and are apparently in the foreground, but they are reduced in scale so that the full fagade is brought down to the height of the human figures. 43 There is thus a deliberate departure from realistic scale for the purposes of narrative, and a clear foreshadowing of the narrative style which appears full blown on the Column of Trajan. The second group of reliefs which can be assigned with some degree of PIs. XXIII-Iv probability to one of the altars to the imperial goddesses was found under the Palazzo Cancelleria in 1938 and I939. 4 The several pieces form one complete side of a rectangular monument, one dimension of which was approximately 5 meters. Its height, to all appearances complete, was I.05 m., a third of which is occupied by richly decorated mouldings at top and bottom. The corner at each end of the relief is preserved, with a trace of both moulding and figured scene from each of the sides. The side that is complete represents, in a style clearly developed from that of the Ara Pacis, a procession of magistrates and lictors, three victims with their attendants, victimarii, musicians,

4' See fig. 44. Cf. also the Capitoline Temple represented in the sacrificial scene on the Boscoreale cup, fig. 77 d. 43 The octostyle temple is I.44 m. high, the hexastyle temple I.36 m. The human figures in the procession are ca. 1.50 m. high, those in the sacrificial scenes 1.42 m.; see Bloch, Md/Rome

56

(1939)
44

88.

Bud/Comm 67 (939) 205, pls. D-E; AA 53 (1938) 686-92, figs. 29-3I; Nogara, Monumenti Romani, Quaderni d. Stud. Rom. 9, 19-23, pl. 5, a and b. Fuhrmann, AA 55 (1940) 463-67; Hommel, Stud. rom. Figurengiebeln 96, n. 338.

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76

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGIONIN ROMANART

Fig. 37 a P1. XXIII

Fig. 37 b Pi. XXIII

camilli, and priests. From the relief on one adjoining side there remains part of the figure of a camillus carrying a long-handled patera, which might have been part of either a procession or an altar scene. On the other side, toward which the procession is moving, there remain traces of a claw foot and the seat of a throne. This can hardly have been part of a procession and must have belonged to a scene more like those of the open ends of the Ara Pacis. In such case the scene evidently included the representation of a throned deity. The Cancelleria relief is thus appropriate in content and in scale to a smaller monument of the same general type as the altars to Pax and Pietas, with rectangular reliefs adorning the open ends and continuous processional reliefs on the two closed sides; or it might have formed some part of the altar inside a great marble enclosure. 45 The procession is led by two togati standing frontally with heads turned toward each other, followed by two tunicate attendants in similar pose. The right hand of the second togatus once held some object, perhaps a roll, the attachment of which may be seen inside his wrist. The end of a handle (or of a rod), which can be seen in the hand of one of the attendants, might be part of a longhandled patera of the type represented on the back of the altar. In the background, at a higher level and cut in very shallow relief, appear three lictors, each carrying not only the bundle of fasces but also the two single rods that were part of a lictor's equipment. 46 Crowded in between this group and the first victims are three trumpet players, the third of whom is naively heightened so that his head and shoulders may be seen above the first victimarius. The three animals, a bull, a steer, and a heifer, are adorned as sacrificial victims, with tasseled fillets about the horns and dorsualia ornamented with simple conventional designs. The victim groups are similar in design but varied in arrangement of details. The first victimarius is represented with his weight thrown violently forward as if in an effort to bring the bull to a stop, while the animal appears to be pushing ahead, his right forefoot raised and tail curled up over his back, his head forced to the side. The third victimarius carries an axe, the corresponding figure in the next group has a mallet over his right shoulder, and a triangular knife may be seen in the hand of the middle figure in the second and third groups. The groups are varied also by other figures which appear in low relief in the background. The first, above the head of the bull, wears a tunic in the fashion of a camillus and carries on a tray a large object resembling a ram's head. 47 Above the head of the heifer may be discerned, in still shallower relief, a semi-nude figure carrying a large situla, which rests
45 The base of the inner altar of the Ara Pacis is of approximately the same length, and it is possible that such a relief might have adorned the inner altar of the Ara Pietatis. See Moretti, Ara Pacis Augustae pI. 38; also Fuhrmann, AA 55 (1940) 463-67, for the suggestion that both the Cancelleria relief and the fragments from the Villa Medici and the Via Lata might have been made at the time of the Claudian Ludi Saeculares to adorn the Tarentum. 46 See supra Chap. III, n. 27. 47 On a frieze from the Temple of the Sosian Apollo, which represents a triumphal procession, a pig's head is carried with other food offerings in aferculum; see fig. 78 c.

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TRADITION OF THE ALTAR OF PEACE

77

Fig. 37e P1. XXIV

Fig. 37 d Pi. XXIV

horizontally on his shoulder. The situla is a familiar utensil of animal sacrifice, 48 but the tray bearing part of a dismembered animal is an unusual detail, perhaps an allusion to a preliminary offering of a piaculum. The sacerdotal procession following the victims is led by two more musicians, a flutist and a lyre. player, the latter crowded in to serve partly as a background figure. The four bearers of the Lares and Genius Augusti are given a peculiar prominence by their unusual dress, by the pronounced portraiture of their faces-, and by greater depth of relief. The heads are cut entirely in the round and are attached to the background by two-inch supports at the back. The faces, particularly those of two carriers of the Lares, are unmistakably portraits of early Julio-Claudian style and iconography. Barefoot and dressed in ungirt tunics, they wear over their heads a fringed square garment, falling to the knees at each side, which answers to Festus' description of the ricinium worn at certain sacred rites.49 The slight beard which distinguishes these heads may be intended to indicate that they have not yet assumed the toga vyri/is, for only one other figure in the whole relief is bearded. 50 The three bearers of the statuettes are preceded by a fourth who has both hands outstretched to hold some object, possibly a scroll partially unrolled, the support for which may be seen below his right hand. The procession is completed by four togate figures whose number and context identify them as the four vicomagistri, probably those of the precinct in which the altar stood. The homely plebeian-looking faces of the two whose heads are preserved accord with this identification, as the vicomagistri were usually of freedman status. Their shoes are clearly distinguished as the high calcei, like those of the magistrates, which the vicomagistri were privileged to wear for the performance of their sacerdotal duties. 5r All the figures in both foreground and background are laureate except the four boys, who wear the ricinium instead of the laurel wreath. In style the relief is of peculiar interest because it illustrates the advance in the use of illusionistic techniques. An advance in date from the Ara Pacis is shown not only by the slig-htly later treatment of the toga, but by the marked departure from a formal isocephalic line of figures, and by the increased open
48 See supra Chap. IV, n. 44. A vessel carried horizontally on the shoulder is unparalleled in Roman sacrificial scenes, but appears in Greek reliefs; e.g. Reinach I, 455. Pueri riciniati carried fruits to the altar in certain rites of the 49 Festus 342-43 L; 368 L. Arval priests; Henzen clx. Henzen, Ad! 30 (i858) 9-IO, identifies the fringed cloth carried over a camillus' shoulder as a ricinium (cf. figs. 2i and 38 b); but this was more probably a mantele; 65-66. In other details the Lar carriers' garb corresponds see R. von Schaewen, RomOpfergerate,

to that of the primores equestris ordinis tunicati el discincti, pedibusque nudis, who carried the ashes

of Augustus to his Mausoleum (Suetonius, Aug. ioo). 50 Bearded heads, particularly of subsidiary or background figures, become increasingly common in the course of the early Empire. In this respect the relief lies somewhere between the Ara Pacis and the Ara Pietatis. 5' The absence of the attending lictors to which the vicomagistri were entitled during the performance of their sacred office may be due to the fact that on this occasion public magistrates are evidently in charge of the ceremony.

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78

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

space above the heads. The use of the upper background to add interest to the design foreshadows the full development of illusionistic relief on the Arch of Titus. The sober figures of the two magistrates might have appeared on any of the altars of the Lares Augusti, with the typical Augustan frontal pose and the weight on the right foot. But there is an immediate contrast in the group of trumpet players, the most striking and original figures in the relief. The representation of a togate figure from the back occurs on the Ara Pacis in the figure of the lictor facing Augustus, but here the effect is much more startling. The parallel lines of the three trumpets cutting obliquely forward across the upper field are counterbalanced by the twice-repeated backward swing of drapery, brought up sharply in the strong vertical lines of the toga as it falls straight down from the shoulder. The backward swing is emphasized and carried out further in the pose of the first victimarius, who leans to the left, throwing all his force against the forward stride of the bull. The superposition of the background figures in low relief is used not only to vary the cephalic line but also to add interest to the whole design. One is placed over the head of each of the victims in such a way as to repeat in the cephalic line the upward curve of the victim's forequarters. The priestly procession following the victims is much stiffer and more hieratic in rendering, but here too the advance may be seen in the open space above the heads and the slightly irregular height of the figures. Certain features of the style, particularly the superposition at several points and the use of the background space, might make the relief seem even more advanced than would accord with an early Julio-Claudian date. But a relief of small scale is likely to be less conservative in treatment, as is illustrated by the small altar of the Ara Pacis. There too, in the small relief more comparable in size to the Cancelleria fragments, there is greater irregularity and looseness in the arrangement of groups than in the stately procession of the outer enclosure. There too the small relief is characterized by more free space above the heads and by greater informality in movement. It appears that in style, as in size, the Cancelleria relief falls somewhere between the processional reliefs of one of the great enclosures and the small reliefs on an inner altar. Some of the same characteristics of style-the looser grouping, the open space above the heads, and the use of it to enhance the design-may be seen also in the small reliefs on two Augustan silver cups from Boscoreale. 5 In composition of the victim groups the Cancelleria frieze is closely related to the Julio-Claudian relief at Ravenna, but the latter is slightly more advanced, more elaborate in grouping and more carefully worked out in spatial relations. The patterns and the execution of the mouldings likewise support a Julio-Claudian date. They are less undercut than was customary in the Flavian period; the tongue pattern is more closely related to the cornice from the Augustan Temple of Concord than
52

The massing of a group with a head in the background at a higher level occurs even earlier, on the Belvedere altar; see fig. 28b. The motif of trumpets cutting diagonally across the background also has an earlier parallel in the gladiator relief in Munich, CAH, Plates 4, go a. 53 See fig. 77 and Strong, Scul/Rom figs. 52-54.
52

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TRADITION OF THE ALTAR OF PEACE

79

to that from the Temple of Vespasian; 54 the designs are in general similar to
patterns used on the Augustan altars, but are slightly more elaborate.
55

The analogy of the Ara Pacis suggests that the ceremony represented in the Cancelleria relief is the founding of the altar itself. The procession of victims is exactly parallel. As on the Ara Pacis the heifer to Pax is preceded by two victims to deities closely associated with the new goddess, so in this case the heifer-the victim appropriate to Pietas, Providentia, or Salus -is preceded by two others, probably to be offered in introductory sacrifices. The statuettes of the Lares and Genius Augusti carried in the procession make it reasonably certain that one of these is a bull for the Genius of the emperor; and in such a context the steer is in all probability to be offered to the Divus Augustus. The two togate figures who lead the procession are not in priestly garb and must therefore be magistrates, in all probability the consuls, whose presence marks the occasion as more important than the regular rites of the Lares and Genius Augusti. The vicomnagistri, who conducted such regular observances, are here present in the procession but not in charge of it. They accordingly are not accompanied by the lictor to whom they were entitled during the performance of their sacerdotal duties, but as perquisite of their office they wear high shoes like those of the consuls. The Lar carriers have been described as camilli, and as camilli they might be sons of noble families assisting in the rites on such a special occasion. 56 At the same time, these young men are distinguished in a number of details from the camilli who appear regularly in scenes of sacrifice. They occupy a position of greater importance as an independent part of the procession, they are represented in deeper relief, and are of equal height with the other adult figures. They are distinguished from the ordinary camillus also in dress. They are barefootan unusual detail-and the ricinium over the head adds solemnity to their appearance. The middle statuette carrier is particularly set off from the others by his slightly greater height and by being placed against the plain ground with no background head seen between him and the youth preceding him. The portraiture of this figure suggests a possible explanation of the peculiar importance assigned to the Lar carriers. His head shows a strong resemblance, in its full skull widening above the temples, its slightly protruding ears, its hair line and regular features, to the portraits of the younger Julio-Claudian princes. Tacitus records that the college of the sodales Augusfi, organized in I4 A.D. to share with the flamen the service of the cult to the Divus Augustus, included the princes of the imperial house. 5 On the occasion of Livia's illness,
54 Huelsen, Forum and Palatine pl. I2; Strong, ScultRom pI. 26; cf. also a Flavian altar, ibid. fig. 8o. 55 The upper moulding of the Cancelleria relief is related to that of the altar to the Augustan Lares in the Uffizi, Strong, ScultRom 57, fig. 35. The lower moulding is somewhat similar to a pattern on the Augustan altar of plane leaves, ibid. 51, fig. 29. 56 See supra Chap. III, n. io. 57 Ann. I, 54. There were originally twenty-one sodales, and the princes were apparently added as supernumerary members; see Beurlier, Le cu/fe impe'rial 82-84; Howe, Fasti Sacerdo/um 42-43.

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80

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGIONIN ROMANART

Fig. 35e Pi. XX

when the Ara Pietatis was decreed, the soda/es were to participate in the rites as a proprium eius domus sacerdotium.58 Dio recordstheir presence at the ludi which marked the dedication of the Temple of the Divus Augustus. They shared in the giving of annual ludi in commemoration of the fall of Sejanus, an event signalized also by a statue to Libertas and an offering to Providentia.59 It is a reasonable inference that they were present at the founding of the altars to Pietas, Providentia, and Salus, when they might very appropriately have carried the statuettes of the Lares and Genius of the emperor. The Cancelleria relief thus forms another link in the chain of evidence on the gradually developing imperial cult and the use of art in its service. Providentia, Pietas, and Salus, like Pax, were new deities of the imperial religion, closely associated with the person of the emperor and no less suggestive of his special relation with the gods. In the course of the first century they became little more than attributes of the emperor himself, and the occasion of their establishment in the state pantheon was appropriately celebrated by the rites peculiar to the imperial household. Two Lar carriers on a small marble fragment in the Lateran ' may have come from another of this same series of monuments. The relief to which the piece belonged was comparable in scale to the Cancelleria procession, but the composition is developed rather from that of the Ara Pietatis. As on the Ara Pietatis, the youths carrying the statuettes are placed against a background of adult togate. figures seen in front view and were apparently part of a similar, though smaller, processional frieze. Like the Lar carrier of that altar, they wear their hair in girlish fashion and the outer garment -cloak or riciniumis bunched over one shoulder, not drawn over the head as in the Cancelleria relief. Each wears a fillet about his forehead, tied at the back, with an end falling forward over the shoulder. They walk close together in profile to the right, and the whole effect is quite different from that of the earlier processions, in which the boys are posed in a manner designed to center attention upon the statuettes. It is evident, from the number of the fragments that have survived, that the artistic and religious tradition of the Ara Pacis was firmly established in monumental relief of the early Empire. The themes which became part, of that tradition reflect the influence not only of the great Altar of Peace but also of the little shrines of the street corners, where the Genius of the emperor was tended by humble officials of the neighborhood.
58 Tacitus, Ann. 3, 64; cf. Hist 2, 95; Dessau, EphEp 3, 74-76; 205 ff.; Beurlier, op. cit. 85-93; Marquardt 3 (i885) 470. 59 Dio 59, 7, 4; 58, 12, 5; Wissowa 336. The fall of Sejanus was an occasion entirely appropriate to the founding of the Altar of Providentia. The emperor's return to the city was greeted by a delegation of senators, knights, and people, as on earlier occasions when the Ara Pacis and the Altar of Fortune Redux were constituted; Dio 58, 13, 2; cf. Mommsen, Res Gestae 46-49. 6o Benndorf-Schone344-45, no. 486, pl. I3, i; Helbig-Amelung, Fuhrer no. 1221. The piece is .32 m. wide, .30 m. high. The left edge of the block is preserved, but the lower edge and the feet of the Lar carriers are restored.

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CHAPTER

VI I

THE RULER CULT IN ART

The descendants of the Ara Pacis discussed in the preceding chapter illustrate the expansion of the ruler cult into an imperial circle of rites which embraced the Divus Augustus, the Genius of the living emperor, and a number of abstract deities who were little more than deified imperial virtues. This was only one of several directions in which the developing ruler cult can be traced in monumental relief. Another line of development continued the tradition of the Roman altars to the Lares and Genius Augusti. Of the several municipal and provincial monuments which carry on that tradition, I the closest to the
Augustan type is the well known altar in the Temple of Vespasian at Pompeii. This altar, larger and superior in quality to the altars of the vici in Rome, stood in the courtyard of a temple and was associated with an established imperial cult. Since the sacrificial scene represents the offering of a bull, and not the steer which was the proper victim to a divus, the altar and perhaps the temple must have been dedicated to the Genius of the living emperor. On one of the
2

On exterior walls at street corners in Pompeii there are painted scenes of sacrifice offered by four vicomagistri. The sacrificants are four togate figures arranged in a group or in pairs at either side of an altar, while the Lares are painted in larger scale, as was customary in the Lararia

of individual houses; Helbig, Wandgemdlde13, nos.

4I-45;

Jordan, Vesta und die Laren

14-I5;

cf. Altmann no. 234; Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor i86. In such a context the Lares are undoubtedly Lares Augusti, though in only one instance is the Genius actually represented; see Jordan, loc. cit. Sacrifice to the Lares Augusti appears also in a series of crude reliefs on small altars found

at Pettau in Austria. See Skrabar,JOAI

20

(I919)

Beiblatt

279-94.

These reliefs, which all repeat

the same-scene with minor variations, represent three veiled togati with laurel twigs in their hands, standing in stiff frontal pose behind an altar upon which they offer incense or pour a libation. The cult of the Genius in this locality was evidently under the charge of three vicomagistri, in accordance with an organization that was not uncommon; cf. CIL 5, 3257; I2, 406. No victim appears in any of the reliefs from Pettau, but a closely related relief at Aquileia represents three similar figures at an altar beside which appear two victims, a pig and a cock; G. Brusin, MusArchAquileia I5, fig. 35. This whole series of reliefs is not earlier than the second century, and illustrates the continuation in provincial art of types and themes that had disappeared from view in the capital. See also Esperandieu i, no. 432; CIL I2, 3074-77; Mourlot, Essai 32-36; Wis-

sowa I 73.
Divinity of the Roman Emperor 2I6-I7;
2 Mau-Kelsey, Pompeii I06-09; A/tiAccNapoli i6 (I891-93) i8i-88; Nissen, Pompeianische ,Studien I83, 270-74; Overbeck-Mau, Pompeii II7-I9, fig. 69; Taylor, TAPA 5I (I920) I29-31;

Altmann, no.

242;

Brendel, RM
23-24

45

(1930)

200-OI;

Maiuri,

Ultima fase edilizia di Pompeii 43-48; De Franciscis, RendPont 13

(I947-49)

I75-86.

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82 Fig. 38 b Pl. XXV;I

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 38a P1. XXV

principal faces. appears the familiar symbol of the oak wreath flanked by two laurels. The design is here modified by placing the oak wreath upon a shield, in the manner of the laurel-wreathed shield used later as a symbol of victory or imperial vo/a. The reliefs of the shorter sides represent not the Lares but various utensils of sacrifice-a simpulum, pa/era, and gu//us on one side and on the other a li/uus, acerra, and man/ele-beneath festoons hung from bucrania. The side toward the street represents a sacrifice, probably that offered on the occasion of the dedication of the temple. The scene is elaborately composed, with more ease and more subtlety than those of the Augustan altars. The bull is led in from the right, and the mass of the victim and its attendants forms a counterpoise to the altar group proper, all of which is shifted to the left of the tall tripod altar. But these two distinct groups are interlocked by the figure of a victimarius standing behind the animal's head and yet facing the altar as if participating in the preliminary sacrifice. He is made an arresting figure by the treatment of his head as a portrait of an elderly person, quite different from the other young and slightly characterized attendants. The two other victimarii, one on either side of the bull's flanks, are big muscular men whose very size adds to the strength of this group. The victim itself, with forequarters appearing from behind a human figure, head held high and pulled into the foreground by the attendant's hand on the halter, left foreleg lifted as if just brought to a stop, is closely related to that on a coin which represents Caligula's dedication of the temple to the Divus Augustus. 4 A tridimensional effect is given by the turn of the bull's head into the foreground, but his stance, horizontal to the plane of the relief, forfeits the spatial illusion achieved in the sacrifice on the Boscoreale cup by the long diagonal slanting into the background (fig. 77). This is hardly compensated for by the addition of a victimarius on the other flank of the bull to establish a third level of distance wi-thin the group. The latter is closely tied into the composition by the mallet crossing his shoulder and by the slight forward bend of his body and head. The priest is placed at the left of the altar and is represented in full profile, with right hand extended to pour a libation.' This departure from the favorite Augustan formula with the priest in frontal pose at the right gives somewhat less prominence to the sacrificant, but it is compensated for by his position in the center of the altar group, with attendants placed about him in such a way as to form a
See fig. 7'. See fig. 44. 5 Degrassi, BullComm 67 (I939) 73, interprets the sacrificant as one of the duumviri, and the older man facing him across the altar as the second municipal magistrate. But the nude chest and shoulders of the latter mark him certainly as a victimarius. Two lictors were the 'regular perquisite of the municipal magistrates, as of the vicomagistri; see infra Chap. V, n. 44 and cf. CIL 12, 6038. Dio, 56, 46, 2, states that Livia as priestess of the deified Augustus was accorded one lictor, like most Roman priests. Tacitus' mention of Tiberius' refusal of a lictor for Livia apparently refers to her right to a lictor in her capacity as empress, not to a priestly
3
4

lictor; Ann. i, I4, 3. nium Claudiale.

See Ann.

13,

2

for the decree of two lictors to Agrippina, with the flamo-

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THE RULER CULT IN ART

83

triangle over his head -if looked at in the plane of the relief-and a niche behind him, if tllought of tridimensionally. In the space above the tripod is the togate flute player, in profile to the right as mnmany Augustan reliefs. To the left appears a small camillus with hair gathered into a knot at the nape of the neck, carrying a pitcher and a long-handled patera. A taller tunicate attendant holds a broad dish containing mo/a salsa (?), from which he is apparently about to take a handful to sprinkle on the victim's head. 6 Two lictors appear in the background, and the laurel-tipped bundles of fasces slant upward in a series of diagonal lines which add interest to the space above the heads. An illusion of spatial depth is achieved by the strong emphasis upon the two principal figures in the foreground, while the interest of the figures recedes with greater distance from the spectator. The flute player is shut into the background by the profile view which separates him from the action at the altar, and the farther of the two lictors is almost hidden behind the priest; but the two attendants nearest the spectator at the left are brought into the action, and the strongest emphasis of all is placed upon the priest and victimarius facing each other across the altar. The little camillus seems just to have walked forward, perhaps to replenish the patera in the hand of the priest, whose right foot is poised as if he had just turned away from the camillus and toward the tripod. The colonnade which furnishes a background for the scene is cut in very shallow relief and serves merely as backdrop, without adding to the illusion of depth. The garland and the curtain festooned over a shield in the tympanum suggest that the occasion is the unveiling and dedication of the temple. I Mau's dating of both temple and altar in the Flavian period has been widely accepted, and this dating of the temple has been confirmed by the recent studies of Maiuri. The date of the building does not, however, necessarily set the lerminus pos/ quem for the altar. De Franciscis points out that it was modified for re-use in its present setting, and offers arguments for an Augustan date. None of the external criteria that can be applied are conclusive, and in the last analysis the dating must rest on the evidence of style. The oak wreath between two laurels is a characteristically Augustan symbol, but Vespasian's well-known penchant for reviving Augustan types 8 makes it suitable to either period. The utensils of sacrifice which adorn the two shorter sides recall the familiar priestly symbols used by Augustus as a coin type, but the addition of the acerra and man/ele
i Frequently the dish carried by an altar attendant is obviously filled with fruits. But here the smoothly heaped contents and the gesture of the right hand accord with the supposition that the dish contains mola salsa, to be sprinkled on the victim's head, in spite of the fact that the attendant is dressed as a camillus rather than a victimarius; cf. the victimarius carrying a similar dish in the sacrificial scene on the Altar of Manlius, fig. 39. 7 See Degrassi, BullComm 67 (I939) 79-80. It may be, however, that the curtain merely indicates an interior scene, as usual in Pompeiian paintings, and that the colonnade is that of the entrance to the courtyard, only part of which is represented. Such an explanation makes more intelligible the fact that the curtain is attached not to the corners of the tetrastyle "temple," but at some distance beyond it at each side. 8

See coins of the year 74, Mattingly 2,

XXXViii,

pls.

I-2

and 4.

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84

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

suggests that these are not allusions to the emperor's priestly offices, as on the Augustan coins and altars, but illustrations of the practice, popular in the early Empire, of using instrumenta sacra as decorative motifs. 9 The moulding of the plinth is a familiar Flavian pattern Io but, as this was partially recut to adapt it to the present altar, it furnishes no criterion except a terminus ante quem for the original moulding. The present moulding is a patchwork, with the earlier leaf pattern allowed to remain on the left side, badly joined with the new design. Moreover the plinth fits the altar very inaccurately. The two lateral faces are set back from its top moulding, as if the plinth had originally supported a slightly larger cippus. The oak wreath on the front and the garlands on the sides are less naturalistic, and the ribbons less delicately handled than is usual in Augustan relief. The sacrificial scene, however, is stylistically the most indicative of post-Augustan date. The elaborateness and the subtlety of both linear design and spatial illusion cannot be matched in Augustan relief. A number of small details also suggest a date later than the Augustan age. The use of a tripod for an altar is paralleled in the Boscoreale relief, but this tall slender shape is closer to the tripods common in second century sacrificial scenes. The long-handled patera is first attested in Julio-Claudian reliefs." The girlish coiffure of the camillus does not appear elsewhere in Roman relief before the Flavian period. The wearing of laurel wreaths only by the priest and victimarii is usual enough in the second century, but is in strong contrast to the much more lavish use of laurel wreaths in Augustan sacrificial scenes. The limus worn by the popa is slightly longer than is usual in Augustan reliefs, though shorter than the fashion of the second century. The victim, with low dewlap, relatively smrallhead, and heavyhindquarters is most closely related to those of the Tiberian Cancelleria procession and of the frieze from the Temple of Apollo. Thus the balance of evidence both stylistic and iconographic points to a post-Augustan date for this whole relief. Since the date of the building sets the time of the re-use of the altar, it seems probable that, while the relief of the oak wreath and laurels may actually be Augustan, the reliefs of the sides were recut with designs more appropriate to the present setting, and that the sacrificial scene is an early Flavian relief representing an offering to the Genius of Vespasian at the dedication of the temple. One of the most interesting and puzzling descendants of the Augustan altars to the Lares and Genius Augusti is the Julio-Claudian altar of Manlius found at Caere. 13 This was not per se a monument belonging to the imperial cult,
I2

9 Cf. the frieze of the Temple of Vespasian, Strong, ScuItRom pI. 26; Stuart Jones, CatMusCap pl. 6 i. See De Franciscis, op. cit. (supra n. 2) i8i. A camillus carrying a patera of this type appears in the Cancelleria relief, fig. 37; also on a coin of Caligula, fig. 44. - See figs 37, 78. T'he altar was found in I846 in the theatre at Caere, with fragmentary statues of Tiberius, Claudius, and other members of the Julio-Claudian house. Benndorf-Sch6ne 134-35, no. 2I6;
I3

Henzen, Ad! 30 SacrificialAltars

(i858)
24-27;

5-17; 34 (I862) 309-I0; Helbig-Amelung, Fuihrer no. II77; Altmann, no. 235; Taylor, AJA 25 (I92I) 387-95; 29 (1925)
(1930) 204-05;

3I3; I28.

Bowerman, Strong,

ScultRom 59, figs. 36-37; Brendel, RM 45

Seltman, CAH, Plates 4,

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THE RULER CULT IN ARF

85

Fig. 39a
Pl XXV

but was dedicated to a C. Manlius, censor perpetuus, by his clien/es; and the usual corona civica and two laurels on one of the principal faces are replaced by a scene that apparently alludes to the career of Manlius himself. On each of the shorter sides, however, appears a Lar standing on a small rocky projection between two laurels. The Lares wear the bulla and, though their pose is ordinary, the flowing curly hair and the fluttering skirts elaborately girt about the waist distinguish them from the figures of the Lares on most of the altars. They belong to a type which appears in cruder form on the Chigi altar described above (fig. 32). The sacrificial scene, which in this case is represented on the front of the altar beneath the inscription, is the most complete extant example of the "oxslaying." Of all the small altar reliefs this is the closest to the main stream of development in tridimensional illusion, and its composition was probably adapted from some major monument such as the Ara Pietatis. The rich garland of fruits and flowers festooned from bucrania tied with fluttering ribbons is much closer to its original on the Ara Pacis than are the attenuated garlands that ordinarily adorn the altars of the Lares Augusti. All the figures are laureate, as on the Ara Pacis and other altar enclosures of the same type. On a projecting rocky ]edge, similar to that of many of the Augustan altars, a veiled priest stands with patera in hand at a low garlanded altar which is represented at an angle to the plane of the relief. Beside him is a camillus with pitcher and mcanfele (?), and a second attendant appears between the two as a space-filler. In the space above the victim stand a togate flute player and a victimarius carrying a mallet over his shoulder and a shallow dish of mola sa/sa (?) in his hand. The heads of all four attendants are turned toward the priest, in accordance with a technique developed in the monumental reliefs of the period, of centering the interest on the important personage. The interest of this altar group is fully matched by the ox-slaying at the left. As in the sacrifice of the Ara Pietatis and the triumphal sacrifice on the Boscoreale cup, the moment chosen for representation is just before the actual slaughter of the victim, when the axe and knife are poised for the kill. The animal is here turned in the opposite direction, toward the right, in order to give to the priest the position best adapted for the pouring of the libation. The head is held down by attendants kneeling at either side, one of whom is about to plunge a triangular knife into the bull's neck. At the same time the popa, his body twisted to the left and right knee flexed, holds the axe poised above his head, ready to swing. The victimarius at the right looks up awaiting the blow, while the other concentrates on the vulnerable point into which he will thrust the knife. The presence of the Lares on the sides of the altar leaves little doubt that the sacrifice is offered to the Genius Augusti, but the connection with the censor Manlius remains a matter of speculation. The strong emphasis upon the priest is most easily explained by the inference that it is Manlius himself who offers the sacrifice. The solution may possibly be that Manlius was a sacerdos of the imperial cult as well as censor perpeluus, though only the latter title appears in the inscription.

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86

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 39b P1. XXVI

No light is thrown on this point by the scene on the back of the altar, which presents other problems of its own. upon an ornate throne placed on
a high pedestal of crude rock sits a veiled goddess holding a cornucopia and a patera, while at either side stand three human figures. The most satisfactory interpretation thus far proposed identifies the goddess as Concordia, I4 a deity who achieved a particularly prominent place in the imperial pantheon in the period when the concord between Tiberius and Livia was made as conspicuous in the public eye as it was precarious in actual fact. The cornucopia and patera are the attributes employed on early imperial coins most frequently to characterize Concordia, and the representation of the goddess on the altar corresponds exactly to that of Concord as she appeared in Tiberius' new temple. I6 The rocky eminence on which the throne is placed could allude, as suggested by Taylor, to the steep ground on which that temple stood. Moreover, the identification of the goddess as Concordia offers a possible explanation of the group gathered about the foot of the throne. At the right are three togate figures, one of whom lays hands on another, while at the left three women stand facing the goddess, who is turned slightly toward them. All three are veiled, and at least the first appears to wear over her head a separate garment which falls almost to her feet, resembling the ricinium often worn in The first woman lifts her hand to touch the knee of the religious rites. goddess; the second raises her left hand in a gesture of prayer, while in the right she holds some object, perhaps a laurel twig; the third holds what appears to be a statuette of a winged victory bearing a wreath. This scene evidently alludes to some local incident, presumably an incident in which Manlius was
I7

involved either as pa/ronus or as censor. It has been suggested that the group at the right may represent a creditor seizing a debtor, with Manlius standing by in the role of patronus protecting a client, while the women intercede with the goddess Concordia.i8 A slightly different interpretation is needed, however, to account for the statuette of victory. The prayers of the veiled women are equally appropriate to a supplica/io of thanksgiving, at which a statuette of victory might fittingly be presented to the goddess. The group at the right is clear in only one point, namely, that it represents some act of violence. This might be either the seizure of a debtor or an allusion to some incident of sedition or civil strife, in which perhaps Manlius was involved by his duties as censor. The successful conclusion of sedition or civil strife was a familiar

'4 Taylor, AJA 25 (1921) the earlier identification as Con393-94. In AJA 29 (I925) 313, cordia is retracted. Other earlier suggestions were Fortuna and Salus; see AdI 30 (I858) I5

and Altmann, no.
'5

235.

Tacitus, Ann. 3, 64. Not only did Tiberius rebuild the old temple on the slope of the Capitoline, but Livia dedicated a shrine to Concordia in the Porticus Octaviae (Ovid, Easti 6, 637) and was represented on coins as Concordia; see also Wissowa 328. i6 Mattingly i, cxxxviii, 137, n. 4, and Index 2. '7 See supra Chap. VI, n. 5o. i8 See supra n. 14.

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THE RULER CULT IN ART

87

occasion both for a dedication to Concordia "9 and for a decree of a supp/ica/io of thanksgiving.20 It is perhaps worth noting that one definition of the pulvinaria, which stood out-of-doors before the temples on the occasion of a lectis/ernium or a supplica/io, describes them as either lec/i deorutmor fabulata in quibus stabant numina ut eminentiora videren/ur. The emphasis in this scene on the high pedestal, whose crude rock structure could very well indicate outdoor setting, fits in wi-th the interpretation of the incident as a supplicatio to Concordia in thanksgiving for the successful termination of civil discord. The hypothesis here proposed affords no more clarification of the incident represented, which is buried in the annals of Caere, but it provides a possible explanation of all the details of the relief itself. It is interesting to note that this scene, which records some local event and therefore had no models from monumental art to draw upon, is much less competent in design than the sacrificial scene on the opposite face, though presumably the work of the same artist. The composition is little more than a row of isocephalic figures crowded together on each side of the high pedestal, from which the figure of the goddess rises into the center of the empty field above the figures at a height that destroys the unity of the group and gives an awkward vertical-horizontal pattern to the whole. In the unsophisticated manner of narrative popular art it emphasizes the lofty throne of the goddess without regard to the harmony of the whole composition. The popularity of the Augustan cult of the vici is reflected in the tendency of its circle of themes and motifs to appear on monuments not directly concerned with the cult. A conspicuous illustration of this tendency is to be found in a marble altar dedicated by the mzinis/ri lustri secundi, apparently to Minerva as goddess of the guild of fabri to which the minis/ri belonged. 23 The guild is identified by the saws, axes, and other workman's tools that appear on one of the shorter sides beneath the familiar sacerdotal emblems, /i/uus, apex, and triangular knife. This altar, like that of Manlius, is dated somewhat later than the Augustan group. The rather elaborate mouldings, the form of the toga, and the traces of "superposition" in the figured reliefs24 place
21 22_

19
2o

See Wissowa 328; cf. Livy 9, 46, 6; 22, 33, 7-8; Pliny, NV.iH. 33, 19. A supplicatio followed the conclusion of the Catilinarian episode, Cicero, In Pisonem 6.

Tacitus, Ann. 2, 32, records a supplicatio with gifts to Jupiter, Mars, and Concordia at the con-

clusion of the trial of Scribonius Libo for treason. The ancient sources mention specifically the participation of ma/ronae in the rite of the supphca/io; Livy 5, 23, 3; 26, 9, 7; Vitruvius 3, 3, 3; Horace, Odes 3, 14. Twigs of laurel were regularly carried by the worshippers; Livy 40, 37, 3.
2 Pseudo-Acro on Horace, Odes Quantulacumque 244-47.

I,

37, 3.

See Taylor, CP

30

(I935)

128-29;

A. K. Lake,

2z The composition is similar to that of a number of paintings of the third Pompeian style, e.g. Jason before Pelias, Orestes and Electra in the Taurian temple; Curtius, Wandmalereifig. 140;

Hermann, Denkmd/er der Malerei pls. 75,
23

I15. 30982;

The altar is made of Luna marble, .go m. high, .48 m. wide. CIL 6,
120-21,

Stuart Jones,

Ca/MusCap
24

pl. 3I.

The Cancelleriarelief shows a correspondingdegree of superposition;see fig. 37. The pose of the popa and victim in the sacrificialscene may be compared with that on the altar of Carthage;see fig. 4I d. The mouldings resemble those of a Flavian altar in the Uffizi, Strong, Scul/Rom I25, fig. 79.

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88

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 40a P1. XXVI

Fig. 40b Pi. XXVI

it more probably in the Julio-Claudian or Flavian period than in the Augustan Age. The front represents a sacrifice offered before the image of a goddess. The goddess is presumably Minerva the patroness of the guild, though the iconography is somewhat unusual. The pose resembles that of the Minerva represented on coins of Claudius, but, as the left arm is raised, it can hardly have held a spear. The head appears to be veiled,26 and the extended right hand is turned downward and holds some small object, possibly a spindle. A rather elaborate altar group has been so damaged by a chiselled strip across the center that some of the figures are barely discernible. A priest stands at a rectangular altar placed at an angle to the plane of the relief, apparently offering incense from a jar held in his left hand. Immediately behind the altar appears a camillus, and behind him at a higher level a flute player. At the right edge of the field there is a second camillus, whose bare foot can be clearly discerned. From the left two semi-nude attendants, one with an axe over his shoulder, conduct a bovine victim, presumably the heifer which Roman ritual prescribed as the proper offering to Minerva. This elaborate altar scene differs in many respects from any of the compositions known from other monuments, but it employs familiar elements. The victim group is similar in design to one of those on the Ara Pietatis; the right half is unusual only in the fact that a full altar group is crowded into the space to make room behind the altar for the statue. The representation of a sacrifice offered before an image of the deity is more Greek than Roman, and it may be conjectured from the non-Roman names of the minis/ri that the presence of Greek elements in the relief is not accidental. On the opposite face a priest hands a statuette across an altar to several smaller togati who stand closely grouped on a separate ground projection. The group consists of five or six figures, and they have been interpreted as Vestals receiving the Palladium from the hands of Numa. If the much damaged togatus -was originally bearded, as Stuart Jones believed, he must be identified as Numa. But he appears to this observer to be unbearded, and the group at the left seem, from the length of their garments, to be wearing the toga. If this is correct, the relief probably represents the minis/ri who dedicated the altar receiving from the emperor, as Pontifex Maximus, a statuette of Minerva similar to that before which the sacrifice is offered. The occasion must be the installation of the minis/ri as servants of the cult, but the scene is clearly adapted from the Belvedere altar (fig. 28 b). If we may see in it an implication that the Minerva of the guild is identical with the Palladium kept in the pene/ralia of the state, it also illustrates the tendency of other cults not only to adapt art motifs popularized by the imperial circle of cults, but also to associate themselves with imperial themes.
25

E.g. Mattingly I, pl. 35, 4. Stuart Jones describes the figure as helmeted, but the shoulders.
25

26

traces of drapery can be seen above

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THE RULER CULT IN ART

89

Fig. 41 a-b

P1. XXVII

Fig. 41 c Pi. XXVII

Fig. 4i d

While the cult of the Lares and Genius continued to be a prominent theme in early imperial art, the worship of the Genius appears on a number of monuments, either independently or associated with the cult of the Divus Augustus. One of these is the well known altar of Carthage 27 found near the remains of a building dedicated to the Gens Augusta by a sacerdosperpe/uus of the imperial cult. The altar was at first placed in the early Augustan Age, but a post-Augustan date accords better with the evidence supplied by the altar itself and by its context. Not only are the reliefs derived from the Ara Pacis and related monuments, but the curious "Gens Augusta" of the dedication is more likely to have occurred under an emperor who was not a member of the Gens Julia, than under Augustus, whose identity as a Julius was constantly kept in view by allusions to his deified father. The dedication attests further that the cult was devoted principally to the Genius, who was par excellence the deity of the gens. The reliefs of the two principal faces represent Roma and Apollo in almost exactly similar pose. Apollo sits on a throne with his lyre and a winged griffin beside him, a laurel twig in his right hand, and before him the tripod. The inherently plausible conjecture that he was represented with the features of Augustus cannot be verified because, by the usual misfortune of the f-gures on pagan altars, the features have been mutilated beyond recognition. Roma is seated on a pile of armor and holds in her right hand the familiar Augustan symbol of a flying Victory placing a shield upon a pillar. The cornucopia resting on a pedestal or low altar before her makes this a conflation of the two allegorical figures on the Ara Pacis, Roma and Terra Mater. To the cornucopia of Terra Mater are added the caduceus of Mercury, the usual symbol of prosperity, and the globe as a symbol of world power. The other two reliefs are closely parallel to two sides of the Belvedere altar, representing the legendary ancestry of the imperial house and a contemporary rite associated with its Genius. As an allusion to the legend of Aeneas the artist here chose the familiar figure of the hero rescuing Anchises and Julus from Troy; but from the Ara Pacis and Belvedere altar comes the gnarled tree whiclh is the only trace of landscape setting. The sacrifice on the opposite face is a crude provincial composition, in which a victim group appears to have been added as an afterthought to an altar scene of simple design. The sacerdos perpe/uus himself is placed somewhat to the right of center, at a low tripod altar behind which appears a togate flute player. At the left two camilli hold an open incense box and a pitcher. There is little apparent effort to gather the
28

27

M. Merlin, Bull. arch. du comitl
(I922) 142-44;

(1919)
293-99;

clxxvi-cxc, pls. 34-37: Rostovtzeff, Univ. Wis. Stu-

dies

i5

RM 38-39 (I923-24)

L. Poinssot, L'autel de la gens Augusta a Carthage.

Notes et Documents IO (I929) 5-38, pls. i-i6; Sieveking, Gnomon 7 (193I) 20-2I; 0. Immisch, Aus Roms Zeitwende, Das Erbe der A/ten (n. s. no. 20) 34; Gastinell, RA 23 (I926) 40-46; Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor i69; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, 134; Maj, RendPont I2 (1936) 157-68;

Rodenwaldt, Die Antike
28

i3

(I937)
2, 120;

I7I-72.

Cf. Reinach

I,

286;

Mattingly 4,

pI.

29,

Seltman, CAH, Plates 4,
14

5; Kekule, Antike

Jerrakotten I, pI. 37;

I76

b.

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90

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 42 a pl. XXVIII

group about the altar. The second camillus stands unnecessarily far from the tripod, apparently to fill the space, while the victim group, which should be placed on this side to balance the figure of the priest, is crowded in beside him at the right. The iconographic details of the scene point to the second century rather than the first. The deep swing of the toga, the tunic falling to the knee and girt well below the waist, the sleeve ending slightly below the elbow, the camilli with flowing curls falling forward over each shoulder, can be matched most closely in Trajanic relief. The same is true of the pose of the first camillus, turned slightly toward the altar and holding an open acerra with both hands, and true also of the rather awkward stance of the second camillus. The limus worn by the popa is longer than the Augustan fashion, but is similar to numerous examples on the Column of Trajan. The circular mallet with handle protruding at the top is unlike the early imperial type, but is of a form which appears on the Column. The placing of the bull at almost a right angle to the plane of the relief, though possibly necessitated by the crowded space, is an awkward version of the favorite victim group of the second century. As the other reliefs were all adapted from well known models, it is natural that the representation of a contemporary occasion should supply the clearest evidence of date. This dating is supported, however, by a few details elsewhere in the decoration of the altar, such as the rather academic treatment of the drapery and of the mouldings around the base, the free use of the drill, and the deep undercutting of such details as Apollo's lyre. The drapery of Apollo and Roma, arranged in a deep loop across the lap, is unusual, but is closely paralleled in the figure of Roma on the Column base of Antoninus. 30 These various characteristics of style and iconography, as well as the revival of Augustan symbolism, can all be accounted for by a date in the reign of Hadrian. If this dating is correct, the dedication to the Gens Augusta rather than to the divi is no less an Augustan revival than are the themes of the reliefs. A sacrifice to the Genius of the emperor is represented also in a Julio-Claud29

3 ian relief at Ravenna, 3'which

T

appears to have been part of a frieze, either from

The dating here suggested is based on a study of the photographs but not of the original. The details mentioned below are amply illustrated on the Column of Trajan and the Arch of Benevento. 30 Strong, ScUItRom 246, fig. ii; cf. ibid. I39, fig. 86. The spiral roll moulding occurs in
29

the Augustan Age, but here its treatment appears more perfunctory; cf. BullComm 68
figs. 24,
31

(1940)

32-34,

26.

2 (1) 254-60; Conze, Familie des Augustus 5-i6; Studniczka, RM 54, n. 2; Petersen, Ara Pacis I83; Poulsen, Portratstudien 6i-65, figs. 146-52; Strong, Scult Rom 95, fig. 65; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, i6o a; V. Poulsen, AcaArch (1946-47) 32-39, figs. 25

Bernoulli, Rom. Ikonog.

(1910)

with review of more recent bibliography and interpretations;Curtius, Mdl i (1948) 59-63, Older bibliography and earlier interpretations are reviewed by Bernoulli. The relief is of Parian marble, about a meter high. The sharp outward curve of the background above the figures would indicate that it was to be seen somewhat above eye level, but the depth of the relief lessens the probability that it was a temple frieze. These characteristicsas well as the size of the relief would suit the frieze of an altar enclosure like the Ara Pacis but smaller in scale.
24-25,

81-84.

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THE RULER CULT IN ART

9I

a temple or from a high altar enclosure like that of the Ara Pacis. The smaller of the two surviving fragments shows part of a sacrificial procession-a bull conducted by three laureate victimarii, beyond whom are seen three other attendants or spectators. One of these, like a lictor on the Ara Pacis and the trumpeters of the Cancelleria relief, is shown in back view, and his face is obscured behind the popa's axe. The group is clearly related to the victim groups of the Cancelleria relief, but the two victimarii with heads turned toward each other are posed like those in the Suovetaurilia of the Louvre. The victim also is very similar to the bull in the latter relief, with a bulge of muscle rising from the edge of the dorsuale and distinct from the upward curve of the heavy neck. The composition, however, is here elaborated by the addition of another line of attendants and by more complicated spatial relations. The group is unusually
closely massed as compared with other reliefs of the period, but, with well handled planes of relief, the whole gives an impression of naturalness and plausible spatial depth. In scale the frieze is slightly larger than the Cancelleria relief, and the general similarity between the two suggests that the Ravenna procession may also have included a victim to the Divus Augustus. The larger fragment is so different in treatment and content that it must be supposed that the two pieces adorned different faces of the monument, as did the processional reliefs and the allegorical scenes of the Ara Pacis. Here a row of deified or heroized figures are cut in more rounded forms with very little overlapping or interweaving of lines, and in a single plane of relief, almost like a row of statues. There is no effort to unify them into a procession or a scene, though the five figures fall clearly into two groups. At the right appears the deified Augustus, semi-nude and crowned with oak, with his right foot on a globe. He holds a parazonium, the short scabbarded sword that was a customary symbol of power, while his upraised right hand once held a lance or, more probably, the scepter of Jupiter. Beside him stands Livia represented as Venus Genetrix. Augustus is given the chief place in the relief by his slightly greater stature, and the turn of both figures toward the right makes it certain that he originally occupied a position in the center and not at the edge of the relief. In the group of three figures at the left a youth, semi-nude and further designated as a divus by a star over his brow, 3 turns slightly to the left, to extend his hand toward a standing cuirassed figure and a seated woman whose hand is lifted to the veil over her head. The feet of the armed figure are bare, as in the Prima Porta statue of Augustus, and the right hand must
32

Fig.
P1.

42

b

xxviii

3' Bernoulli maintains that Augustus is represented as Jupiter with the scepter, but Petersen argues that the incarnation is that of an unbeardedMars with lance and sword, like the figure in the pediment of a temple represented in one of the Villa Medici reliefs beside Venus Genetrix;

cf. Curtius, op. cit. 84; Hommel, Stud. rom. Figurengiebeln
33

27; and fig. 36 d.

The star on the forehead was an established designation of a divus; Suetonius, Julius 88; Servius, ad Aen. 8, 68I. The deified Julius appears thus on coins and in an Augustan relief from Carthage; see Mattingly i, cvii and pl. 26; Gsell, RA 34 (I899) 37-43; Seltman, CAH, Plates, 4, 136 b. The existence of the star on the brow of the Ravenna figure has been questioned by Bernoulli and by V. Poulsen, but the detailed photograph shows it clearly.

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92

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig.

Pi.

have held a lance. The woman is seated on a mass of rock, which brings her head almost to the same level as the others, and the yotuth appears to be looking directly at her. No entirely satisfactory explanation of this group has yet been found. The proposed identification of the youth as Marcellus handing the parazonium to his successor Agrippa, or as a very much idealized Tiberius entrusting a command to his son Drusus, is based on the general consistency of the warrior's features with the portraiture of Agrippa or of Drusus, both of whom had the heavy jaw that is a prominent characteristic of this head. But a deified Marcellus seems far afield from the Julio-Claudian period and from the probable intent of the monument, while the decidedly un-Tiberian appearance of the deified youth With several vitiates the argument based on the resemblance to Drusus. unconvincing identifications on hand it will add only a little to the existing confusion to hazard one more. Though the youth is very different from the relatively consistent portraiture of Tiberius, he is yet strongly Julio-Claudian both in the idealization of the features and in the treatment of the hair. Among 42c XXVIII the Julio-Claudian princes of the imperial house the best candidate for the status of divus is Germanicus, who is probably represented on the Paris gem as the young deified figure ascending on a winged horse toward Augustus. 3 He may here have held a statuette of Victory, as in a relief on a sword hilt in the British Museum. 3; The two figures to whom Germanicus is paying homage are most likely to be his parents, the elder Drusus and Augustus' niece Antonia, who was later deified by her son Claudius. The motive for representing such a group, which is clearly dynastic in intent, is provided by the accession of Caligula, who might be glad to emphasize his lineage from Augustus through the popular Germanicus. The identification of Livia with Venus Genetrix was a particularly happy one for the Claudian members of the imperial house, who were not Julii but were descendants from Livia's side of that intricate network of family relationships. This hypothesis places the date of the monument after the accession of Caligula, and suggests the possibility that the reigning emperor may have been represented in the missing right half of this part of the frieze, toward which Augustus and Livia turn their heads. In the surviving five figures are found the key personages in Caligula's lineage, his father Germanicus, his The notable paternal grandparents, and his two imperial great-grandparents. are his maternal grandmother, the -but easily understandable-omissions dishonored Julia, and his hated predecessor Tiberius. Whatever the monument adorned by the Ravenna frieze, it must have been erected, like the shrine and

34 Strong, ScultRom 86, fig. 58; Seltman, CAH!, P/ates 4, I56 b. Curtius, RM 49 (I934) 120, interprets the youth on the winged horse as Germanicus. Curtius, Mfdl I (I948) 59-63, 8I-84, identifies the divus of the Ravenna relief as Germanicus, but believes the armed figure to be Gaius Caesar. For the honors conferred upon Germanicus after his death, see Tacitus, Ann., 2, 83 and the recently discovered tabula Hebana, NS 1947, 48 ff. 35 Seltman, CAH, P/a/es 4, I40 a; Gage, RA 3I (1930) Curtius, op. cit. 83, notes that a 7-I0; similar figure on the cuirass of a statue from Cherchel is thus represented.

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THR RULER CULT IN ART

93

Fig. 43 Pi. XXIX

altar at Carthage, in honor of the imperial house and dedicated to the Genius Augusti. A sacrifice to the Genius Augusti may possibly be represented in a provincial relief at Vercelli. 36 The figures are dated in the second century principally by the form of the tunic, low girt well below the waist and with sleeves extending below the elbow. The awkward length of the toga seems to be due to crudity of technique, for the deep umbo and low swing of folds at about knee height are a crude approximation of the mid-second century fashion. The relief is unique in a number of features. Most curious of all, the priest appears to be wearing, outside the fold of the toga drawn over his head, the spiked cap of the flamen. A flamen appears in several sacrificial scenes of the second century and later, but never in the role and garb of officiating priest. In composition the relief stems not from the contemporary style of the capital, with its tendency to deeper relief and more complicated grouping of figures, but from the older processional style of the late republic, the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus. The altar group is in the center, with the priest at the left of the lighted altar, taking incense from an acerra held by one of two camilli, while a togate flute player stands in almost frontal pose at the right. Separated by a small interval from the flute player, a diminutive bull is conducted by a victimarius who holds the rope tied about its horns, and by a popa with mallet over his shoulder. The victim appears to be adorned with a narrow dorsuale, and possibly a fillet as well. In the left half of the relief stand two togati in almost frontal pose, one holding the roll which often designates an official. The two can only be the municipal duumvzri, and the tunicate figures with the comme/aculum, one at each end of the relief, must be the two lictors who were the regular perquisite of the chief municipal magistrates. Their informal garb perhaps illustrates Juvenal's contrast between the pretensions of the capital and the simple life of the municipia, where even officials need not be burdened by the heavy toga. 3 The nature of the sacrifice is not determined by the content of the scene. From literary and epigraphical sources it is known that Vercellae was a municipal town of some importance in the first century. Martial mentions the worship of Apollo at Vercellae, and that it possessed a flourishing imperial cult is indicated by inscriptions of seviri Auguslales and cul/ores domus divinzae. 38 The victim is apparently a bull, though the distinction between bull and steer was less carefully observed in reliefs of the second century. A rite to Apollo is eliminated by the presence of a flamen, for the Greek Apollo had no flamen in Roman, and probably not in Italic, cult. 39 Thus, if the animal is intentionally
36 G. C. Faccio, Ca/alogo Museo lapidario Bruzza (Vercelli I924) 9, no. II. The relief is 2 m. long and .73 m. high. 37 Juvenal 3, I7I-79. 38 Martial I0, I2; Dessau 6739-4I a; CZL 5, 6657, 6663-65. 39 Wissowa 504. The proper victim for Apollo was a bull; Servius, ad Aen. 2, 202; Macrobius, Sat. 3, IO, 3-4; W. Rist, Opfer des romischen Heeres i8.

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94

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 44

distinguished as a bull, this may be a special sacrifice to the Genius of the emperor. That the magistrates would appropriately be present at such a sacrifice is attested by their presence in the Cancelleria procession (fig. 37). The Genius Augusti was an important factor in the development of the ruler cult, particularly in Rome and Italy where the divinity of the ruler was a concept not easy to establish. It created an aura of divinity about the living emperor without arousing the antagonism which might have greeted a more open assumption of godhead. Its effectiveness in this function was implemented by the cult of the dixvus, formally established in a temple and under the charge of a regularly appointed priest and other officials. The primary purpose of deifying the previous emperors was, naturally, to enhance the status of the living ruler; and it is therefore not astonishing to find that the worship of the divus is less prominent in art, and that more often than not it appears as an adjunct to the cult of the Genius. The Divus Julius is represented with Mars and Venus as divine ancestor. of the Julii, his flamen appears in the procession of the Ara Pacis, and his assumption to heaven lends an aura of expected divinity to the Augustan scenes on the Belvedere altar. 40 But the first representation of an actual sacrifice to a deified emperor is in the relief from the Palazzo Cancelleria (fig. 37), where it is a subsidiary part of a rite concerned chiefly with the living emperor and his Providentia. One of the few appearances of a rite to the divus alone is a coin type of 38 A.D., which represents the dedication of the new temple to the deified

P1. XXIX

Augustus.

4I

Since a compositionso elaborateis unlikely to have been designed

originally for a coin, it may have been adapted from a monumental relief. If so, it acquires a particular significance as an accurately dated source of evidence on developments in Roman relief which are not illustrated by extant major works of art. The scene is more successfully handled than any of those on the Augustan altars. The garlanded altar, placed at a very slight angle to the plane of the relief, is reduced in size and moved somewhat to the left of center, so that the veiled priest becomes the focus of the whole scene instead of the dominant figure of the right half, as in the earlier reliefs. The victim appears over the altar, facing left, so that its body, which is invisible behind the priest, is at a diagonal with the plane of the relief and successfully conveys the illusion of a tridimensional group. In order to achieve clarity in so small a space, the attendants are reduced to two, both considerably smaller than the priest and thus subordinated to the single center of interest. One victimarius with a knife at his hip holds the head of the steer, while a still smaller camillus carrying a pitcher (?) and simpulum closes the scene at the right. There is a further new departure in the treatment of the background. An architectural background used to indicate locale appears earlier on the Sorrento base, and a small shrine in the distance is a familiar feature of Augustan reliefs
See infra n. 42, and fig. 28. Mattingly I, 153, pI. 29, I4; Dio, 56, 46, 3; Richmond, Stud. Ridgeway Rome 47 (I930) I45-52; Lugli, BullComm 70 (1942) 37 ff.
40

4'

203-07;

Gage, MUl

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THIE RULER CULT IN ART

g;

with landscape setting. But here, in a foreshadowing of the later narrative use of architecture in sculptured relief, a whole temple fa?ade has been brought down in scale to serve the double purpose of indicating the setting and of providing a frame for the sacrifice. The Ionic temple is festooned with a garland, as proper for the occasion of its dedication, and the pedimental and acroterial
figures are represented clearly enough to identify the temple. Richniond's

Fig. 45 a P1. XXX

Fig. 45 b-d Pi. XXIX

hypothesis that it is the Palatine Temple of Apollo is untenable in the face of evidence marshalled by Gage in support of the intrinsically more natural identification as the newly built temple to the Divus Augustus. The hree pedimental figures may be, as Gage suggests, the Divus Julius with Mars UJltor and Venus Genetrix at either side, though represented differently from the group on the Augustan altar of Carthage. 42 In any case, the acroterial figures compose an ensemble so exactly appropriate to the Temple of Augustus as to make the identification convincing. The whole gallery of Augustan sculpture could hardly supply figures more fitting than the quadriga of apotheosis on the fas/zgium, Victories holding c/lpei (or coronae ?) on the raking cornice, and at the angles the two Julian heroes most celebrated in popular legend, in literature and art, and in the Elogia of the Augustan Forum-Aeneas fleeing from Troy and Romulus bearing the spolia opima. Gage's interpretation of the rite as the dedication of the new temple in the first year of Caligula's reign is entirely consistent with the content of the relief. A sacrificial rite represented on a cippus of early imperial date found near Merida 43 is probably to be associated with the worship of the emperor in the province of Spain. The cippus is dated in the early Empire by the treatment of heads and drapery, and by the irregular projections that serve as the ground line for the reliefs, as on a number of Augustan altars. On the front the recipient of the sacrifice appears as praesens deus, a semi-nude male figure seated on a high throne, extending his hand to a smaller female figure at the left. At the right a winged Victory, poised with one foot on a globe, places a wreath on his head. Though the head, as well as any attribute held in either hand, is completely destroyed, the gesture of Victory makes it probable that the seminude deity was the emperor, possibly in the incarnation of Jupiter. The sacrificial scene is divided into three parts in order to occupy the other three faces of the cippus. In the central part a veiled priest pours a libation (?) from the left of a diagonally placed altar which is apparently bare. He is encircled by a small flute player and a taller attendant facing him, and a togate attendant standing behind him at the left, in such a way that the priest rather than the altar is the center of the scene. On the two shorter sides appear other attendants of the sacrifice: on the left two camilli, one with man/ele over his shoulder, carrying a pitcher and a long-handled patera, the other with a broad lanx resting on his up-raised hand; on the right the victim group, which is a curious
Gage, op. cit. 150-53; cf. Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, I36 b. Garcia y Bellido, Esculturas Romanas 407-o8, no. 408, plate 290. .83 m X.65 m X .38 m.
42 43

The cippus measures

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96

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 45e

P1. XXIX

conflation of two familiar types. The small bull is conducted toward the altar by a victimarius who turns away from the spectator to grasp the animal's lhorn(?), while in the background appears the popa with axe lifted high for a b)low that has no prospect of striking the victim. 4 A much restored relief in the Vatican may represent a rite to a deified emperor. 45 Beneath a heavy garland festooned from paterae and bucrania a priest and priestess stand at either side of a small lighted altar, pouring a libation and offering incense, while from the left a bearded popa conducts a steer decked with fillet and narrow dorsuale. An empress who survived her husband was regularly made priestess (flaminica) of his cult, and might appropriately be represented as participating with the flamen in rites to a divus. This priestess does not resemble any of the empresses, but her coiffure is that of the early Empire, with softly waved hair and a short curl falling over either shoulder. The priest has been restored with an Antonine head, but the close-clipped beard of the popa is not unlike that of some attendants in the Claudian relief of the Ara Pietatis. Thus the relief, if genuine, probably represents a sacrifice to the deified Claudius, offered by the flamen with the assistance of Agrippina, who was made Flaminica Claudialis at the time when Claudius' deification was decreed by the senate. 46 Since women other than the Vestals rarely appear as sacrificants in rites of the state religion, a priestess represented on an altar in Copenhagen may In the second possibly be an empress preparing to offer a steer to a divus. century the empress begins to appear beside her husband in scenes representing religious rites or state events; 48 but the only other instance of her appearance as a priestess officiating at a sacrifice is on the triumphal arch at Lepcis, where Julia Domna offers incense to Septimius and Caracalla.49 Apart from instances such as the relief of Lepcis, in which the emperor usurps the place of Jupiter in rites of the state religion, the ritual of the ruler cult appears in art very rarely after the first century. It is, however, represented in a mosaic found in a temple to the deified emperors at Ostia. 50
Cf. fig. 103. Amelung. Cat VatMus 2, no. 415, pl. 6i. Restorations: a strip in the middle including the steer's head and the left foot and right hand of the priestess, the priest's head and breast, and most of the field above the figures, 46 Tacitus, Ann. 13, 2. 47 C. Jacobsen, Ny CarlsbergGlyp/otek 27-28, no. 53' p1. 4. 48 Cf. a fragmentary relief in the Louvre, MonPiot i8 (I910) 2I2-I6, fig. i0, which is completed as a sacrificial scene by a replica of a closely related relief published by Winckelmann, Opera Completa, pl. i6i, no. 356; Mon. Inedit. 2, 233-34. The style of the relief suggests a Flavian date, but the curious fold in the toga on the emperor's left shoulder and the very low-girt tunic of Roma are exactly paralleled in a relief in the Villa Albani which represents Antoninus accompanied by Faustina and Roma, Strong. ScultRom fig. I47. Cf. also a Severan coin type which shows Julia Domna offering vota pub/ica; Mattingly, 5, 473, pl. 74, I4. 49 See fig. 89.
44 45
50

Carcopino, MelRome 27
pl. 36, 3.

(I907)

227-4I,

pls.

5-6; Calza, Ostia I04; Blake, MAAR

I3 (1936)

I66-67,

The mosaic is probably Hadrianic; see Blake, loc. cit.

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THE RULER CULT IN ART

97

Fig. 46 Pi. XXXI

Here a priest and flute player, both laureate and wearing the low-girt tunic of later Roman fashion, stand at an altar opposite a victimarius who wields a long stick. From the left an attendant, dressed in a loose voluminous tunic and a kind of turban, raises a stick to strike the hindquarters of a struggling steer tied by a rope to a ring in the pavement. In the background at each side a tunicate popa lifts his axe above a steer which lies already stunned on the ground. The whole scene is far removed from the tradition of Roman monumental art, and several details associate it rather with Greek sacrificial scenes. The bare laureate head of the priest is appropriate to Graecus ri/us but not to Roman ritual. Two of the victim groups are clearly indebted to the familiar Greek motif of Victory slaying a bull. The third victim is represented as struggling and driven with a stick, contrary to the Roman ritual prescription that the animal must come unresisting to the sacrifice. The tying of a victim also was contrary to Roman custom, but appears in a number of Greco-Roman reliefs in the East. 51 It is noteworthy that both aspects of the ruler cult, the worship of the Genius of the living emperor and of the divus, are particularly popular themes on early imperial monuments. In the second century the only ritual scenes that can be associated with either aspect occur on provincial monuments 'Which follow earlier artistic and religious traditions. It is possible that this group of themes was given less emphasis after the principate was firrmlyestablished because it was no longer needed to win popular support for the imperial regime. But there is another factor which appears to be more cogent. For the emperor's aura of divinity does not disappear from monumental art. It merely takes another form. Hamberg 53 has recently I)ointed out and traced two traditions in Roman historical relief of the Empire, one of which presents an historical event or a religious rite in an actual scene, while the other, more Greek in spirit, often substitutes a single allegorical figure for an actual group. Allegory appears in the Augustan Age, but in the monumental art of that period it was kept distinct from the descriptive scenes of events or rites. 54 By the end of the first century allegorical figures and personifications were more and more freely invading historical scenes even in monumental art. The triumphal chariot of Titus is accompanied by Roma, the Genius of the Roman people, and the
52

5' E.g. Bey, BCH 32 (1908) 5I9-28, pl. 6; RA 7 (I906) 225-30, fig. I; OA4 27 (I932), Beiblatt 55-58, fig. 38; BMCa/Coins, Mysia pl. 31, 5. For the ritual prescription that the victim must come willingly to the altar, see Livy 2I, 63, 13; Lucan, Pharsalia 7, i65-67; Festus 286 L; Servius, ad Aen. 9, 624. 52 It is interesting to note, for example, that in the lists of deities to whom the Fratres Arvales offered sacrifice on special occasions, the Genius and divus are quite regularly included during the early Empire, but tend to disappear after the Julio-Claudian period. Only the collective divi appear in the Arval records of the later second century. See Henzen, passim; B-urlier, Le cu/fe impe'rial 95-96; A. A. Boyce, TAPA 63 (1932) 262. 53 P. Hamberg, Studies 43-45 and chap. 3. 54 See infra Chap. XIV.

15

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98

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Senatus. Domitian is led to war by Mars and Minerva, preceded by Victory and followed by Roma. Such free association with the gods adequately filled the role occupied earlier by the cult of the emperor's Genius, that of providing the emperor with the imnpressivenessof divinity without claiming godhead. At the same time the divus is now kept visually before the public eye not by representations of the ritual of his cult but by allegorical scenes of his assumption to lheaven. The actual ritual of the imperial cult reappears in monumental art only when the reigning emperor receives offerings in his own person as a praesens deus, and when the worship of the living ruler finally displaces the old rites of the triumph and the payment of vota to the greater gods of the state. Contemporaneous with the popularity in monumental art of sacrificial rites to the Genius and the divus, a different but related theme appears on private sepulchral monuments. The vicomagistri of Rome and of several cities of Italy were paralleled in other Italian towns by the seviri Augusta/es, who were drawn similarly from humble social classes. 55 As the vicomagistri often had their duties and perquisites represented on the altars of which they were in charge, so the seviri recorded their official services and distinctions on their tombs. Since one of the chief activities of the seviri was the giving of games in honor of the deified emperor, they must always have been selected from men of means, who were numerous among the freedmen. I t is therefore not astonishing to find that their tombs were sometimes elaborate monuments adorned with reliefs commemorating their achievements. The tombs of two seviri, fragments of which are in the Museo Nazionale in Rome, might well illustrate the pretensions of the incomparable Trimalchio. Other monuments of this group are single plaques in which the figured reliefs are combined with the sepulchral inscription. No one example represents all the phases of the sevir's official functions, but on one or another of the surviving reliefs appear most of the details known from literary and epigraphical sources: the distribution of the sportula, the "triumphal" procession of the pompa, the gladiatorial combats, the spectators, the tribunal with the sevir seated among the public magistrates, the two lictors to which the seviri were entitled, the musicians who led the pompa and accompanied the performance of the ludi, and, finally, the sacrifice offered to the deified emperor. The most elaborate group of reliefs is, from Chieti, a tympanum and part of a frieze from the tomb of the sevir C. Lusius Storax, whose portrait dates the monument in the Julio-Claudian or early Flavian period. 56 While the frieze

55

Marquardt

I,

197 if; J. Schmidt,

De Seviris Augustalibus;

Beurlier, Le culte imp erial,

chap. 3; Taylor, TAPA 45 (1914) 23I-53, Divinity of the Roman Emperor 2I9-23. Mommsen, Staatsr. 3, 45I-57, points out that the sevirate was regarded as a magistracy and an ordo rather than a priesthood. But the exercise of some priestly functions as well is attested by the monument of a sevir from Brescia, fig. 49. 56 Helbig-Amelung, FErher no. 1526; Ghislanzoni, MonAnt I9 (I9o8) 54I-607, pls. 1-3; Stuart Jones, Companionto Roman History 364, pI. 58; R. Paribeni, MusNazRom 58, no. 29; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, I90 d; Rodenwaldt, JDA! t55 (I94) 38-39 and fig. I6. The tympanum is 2.78 m.

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THE RULER CULT IN ART
Fig. 47 P1. XXXI

99

Fig. 48 a-b PIS.

XXXI-II

represents pairs of gladiators in combat, the pediment shows the tribunal of the presiding sevir, a section of the bleachers occupied by spectators, and, in the angles of the tympanum, trumpeters and horn blowers kneeling or crouching to fit into the low space. In the tradition of popular art, the important figure of Storax himself is represented in larger scale than his companions, sitting in frontal pose on a high seat with a footstool. On lower bisellia at each side are seated the four local magistrates, the duumviri iuredicundo, and the aediles. The nine togate figures standing behind the seated group are probably the seviri of the current year and other members of the Augustales. The figure at the right end, who takes some contribution (?) from the hands of a citizen (?), has in his left hand the roll that often designates an official. The two togati at the right of the tribunal appear to be carrying fasces, and this accords with evidence from other monuments that the seviri, like the.municipal magistrates, were entitled to two lictors. 57 The low Doric colonnade seen in the background probably indicates that the games are given in the Forum, as was often the case. In spite of the crudity of the relief and the frontality of the tribunal group, there is a good deal of liveliness and variety of detail. The frontality is far from that of the rigid, exactly repeated figures of late imperial relief; the heads are all at a slightly different height, the gestures vary, several individuals are engaged in conversation. The lictor in the first row is seated with his bundle of fasces resting on the ground, while the second lictor just behind is represented from the back. The groups of cheering spectators and the musicians kneeling at left and right are even more interesting and lively. The second monument, from Amiternum, appears to have been of a different type, as the part preserved is from the entablature of an exedra. 58 Four blocks of the frieze, only two of which were originally contiguous, represent part of the pompa of the ludi, which aped the triumphal procession. 59 It is distinguished from the triumphal pompa by the presence of gladiators instead of soldiers and captives, but it includes trumpet players, fercula, carriers of /abulae ansafae, togate figures of magistrates (?), and a "triumphal" chariot. In the main part
long., .26 to. 6i m. high; the frieze is .6i m. high, I.5s m. long. For an interpretation of various details, see Ghislanzoni, op. cit. 570-75. A marble relief of the sarne period from Faliscan territory, artistically related to the monuments of the seviri, apparently represents games given by a municipal magistrate at the celebrated festival of the Faliscan Juno. The relief of the lower tier is a familiar type representing chariot races in the Circus Maximus; but the upper tier shows a scaenaefrons and before it a procession, in which the participants have been identified as the magistrate himself with his attendant lictors, actors (?), a dancer with musicians playing syrinx, double flute and scabellum, and a chorus of maidens who are to offer a prayer to Juno as described by Ovid, Amores 3, I3 and Donatus, Praef. ad Terent. Andriam I, 9; see Ciotti, BdA, 35 (1950) i-8, figs. I, 5, 6; Anti, Festschr. R. Egger I89-205, esp. I98-20I. 57 See supra n. 55. 581NS 1917, 332-38, figs. I-4; R. Paribeni, MusNazRom 58-59, no. 30. The monument is of limestone, the frieze about .63 m. high. 59 See Juvenal I0, 36-46.

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I00

RITES OF THE STXTE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 49a-b

PIS.

of the procession the sevir as giver of the games rides in a biga carrying a long scepter like that of Jupiter, preceded by Victoria in another biga with a palm over her shoulder. Behind the sevir's chariot two groups of bearers carry fercula on which appear standing images, the first of Jupiter, the second of Juno (?), and presumably, in the missing part, also an image of the third member of the Capitoline triad. Togate men and boys walk between the bigae and between the two fercula. Another block, on which appear a tabula carrier and a trumpeter with his long tuba slanting downward, must have been close to the head of the procession, which was traditionally led by trumpeters. A group of five gladiators led by a tabula carrier closed the procession, or at least one section of it; for the frieze is ended at this point by a Corinthian pilaster on which a bundle of fasces is carved in relief. On neither of the monuments is there any trace of a sacrifice offered to the divus and, while it is not certain that none was represented, the principal emphasis was clearly on the games and the honorific pompa preceding their performance. The most interesting of the group and the most difficult to decipher, a large sepulchral relief and inscription from Brescia, 6o iS the only one that actually represents a sacrifice. Here, in the single band of figured relief below the inscription, the allusion to the ludi is reduced to one pair of contestants at the extreme left. The tribunal group in the center is essentially similar to that of the monument from Chieti. The sevir is seated on a high seat witlh a footstool between the local magistrates, in this case one at each side seated on a high-backed clhair, with six togati, who are undoubtedly the seviri of the year, standing behind him. All six are represented in the standing row, probably to identify them as the seviri, in spite of the fact that one of their number is duplicated in the presiding official. The two figures standing at the right may both be lictors, as in the tympanum from Chieti, though the fasces can be seen over the shoulder of only the one in the foreground. The occasion, however, appears to be not the presidency of the ludi but a congiarzum or distribution of grain, an imperial scene familiar on coins and in reliefs. 6I For in front of the high tribunal appear eight citizens, some coming to take the grain distributed from the sack at the sevir's knee and some going away after receiving their share. From the right end of the relief moves a procession of six seviri walking in pairs, preceded by two lictors, two togati who are possibly the duumviri, and a single togate figure who awaits them near the tribunal. As the personnel here. is evidently the same as that on the tribunal, this procession may possibly be a preliminary to the central scene. On the other side of the
Diitschke, Ant. Bildw. in Oberitalien, 4, 130, no. 38I; Schmidt, op. cit. (supra n. 55) 8I-84 and pl. I4; CIL 5, 4482; Beurlier, Le culfe imperial 2I3 f.; Rodenwaldt, BonnJbb I33 (1928) 233,
6o

pIs.

20-21. i.

6i E.g. Strong, ScuiRom 253, fig. 159; Mattingly I, pl. 42, by seviri are attested by inscriptions; e.g. CIL 1o, I14; EphEp imperial 209.

2,

Distributions of bread and wine 237-38; see Beurlier, Le cu/fe

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THE RULER CULT IN ART

IOI

Fig. 50a-c PIS.H

tribunal is the sacrificial scene, in which the sevir in priestly garb stands at the left of a low tripod altar, offering incense from an acerra held by a small camillus. Facing the sevir from across the altar appear a flute player and a lictor. To the left of the priest is a group which is harder to decipher: a tunicate figure carrying a jar on his shoulder and a large pitcher in his hand, another facing him with arm lifted, and four others turned toward the altar, one of whom, in the foreground, is kneeling. The figure nearest the altar may possibly be a second lictor. The two central figures are curiously similar in pose to the victirnarii in the popular ox-slaying group, in which one regularly kneels at the animal's head while the other turns to lift the axe over his shoulder. No sign of a victim can be detected here, but the composition appears to be borrowed from some scene like that on the altar of Manlius. I t has been suggested that this may be a distribution of wine and incense for a city-wide sacrifice by the people, and that the carrier of the jars and the kneeling figure may be recipients of the materials for distribution. While some details must remain uncertain because of the dimness of the relief, the Brescia plaque is remarkably interesting for the number of details it adds to the total surviving records of the sevirate. i A relief from the Necropolis Marittima of Pompeii 62 iS so similar in form to those from Brescia and Pompeii discussed above, and so closely related in content to the monuments from Chieti and Amiternum, that it is probably classed with this group in spite of its lack of any inscription. Bordered at each side by floral scrolls rising from acanthus, the field is divided into three tiers of figured relief. Above a series of combats between gladiators and beast fights, the upper tier shows the pompa which preceded the games, led by two lictors and three trumpeters, the third of whom carries his tuba slanting downward as in the frieze from Amiternum. Four attendants bear a ferczlum without poles, on which appear two squatting figures engaged in a game or some kind of combat. Separated from theferculum by a small space is the principal group, a togate figure, probably the sevir as giver of the games, preceded by a fabula carrier and an attendant holding a palm. Behind him march other tunicate attendants, or possibly the gladiators themselves, carrying helmets and shields.
6 MVonAnt i9 (I908) 569, pl. 4. A. Abaecherli, BullS/Med 6 (1935-36) 2, p1. 2, I, suggests that the procession is connected with a guild, because the ferculum appears to be carrying a pair of workmen engaged in sone operation. A sepulchral relief of similar form found at Pompeii is dedicated to an Augustalis, C. Munatius Faustus, by Naevoleia Tyche, Jordan, Ad! 44 (i872) 22-23 f; Dessau 6373; CIL io, I030. Here, however, the relief band below the inscription represents not the performance of the Augustalis' official functions but the dedication of the tomb itself to Munatius. A tomb of a sevir Sextus Titius Primus, probably of Flavian date, represents no scenes of sacrifice or games but is adorned with various symbols alluding to the duties and perquisites of the office: two lictors beside a prize table on which rests a victor's wreath, pairs of combatants, pitcher and amphora which may be either prizes or utensils of sacrifice, and Victories equipped with sacrificial knife and axe; see Henzen, Ad! 44 (i872) 6I-65, pl. R; Schmidt, op. cit. (supra n. 55) 84-85. The accompaniment of ludi by sacrifice is recorded also in a relief on a sacophagus lid in Berlin, Kekule, AntSkulptMusBerlin no. 876; Gerhard, Ant. Bildw. pl. I 19. 4; BullComm. 7I (I943-45) 23, fig. 20.

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102

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig.

5I

P1. XXXIII

This group of figures is followed by a camillus (?) carrying a plate or tray balanced on his hand, a flutist playing a single curved flute, and two attendants or contestants each leading a horse. This group of monuments, which record the service of the ruler cult performed by one of its lowliest priesthoods, is interesting not only for their importance as historical documents, but also for the many elements of popular art to be observed in the reliefs-the frontality of the tribunal scenes, the use of larger size to emphasize important figures, the superposition used to indicate distance in place of the more subtle spatial illusionism of contemporary major art. These characteristics are accounted for by the "popular" character of the monuments themselves; for they are an expression of another tradition in art, fully as old as that of the monumental relief of the early Empire. Both of the principal themes, the games and the pompa, were popular in Etruscan art, appearing in tomb paintings and in reliefs on bronze cistae, sarcophagi and cinerary urns. 63 It has often been noted that this tradition was passed on to Roman art through the custom of carrying painted zabulaein the procession of the triumph. 64 As these were on perishable materials, they are known to us only through literary sources and through their descendant, the triumphal frieze, which will be discussed in a later chapter. The monuments of the seviri form another line of descent from the same origin, closely parallel to the triumphal frieze in purpose as well as in content. For it is very evident that, while both games and sacrifice were rites in honor of the deified emperor, the primary purpose of their appearance on tombs of the seviri was the glorification of the individual donor. The surviving monuments of the seviri are contemporaneous with the appearance of rites of the ruler cult on public monuments, and both seem to disappear from art after the first century. They are replaced in the second century by certain rites of the older state religion which became so closely associated with the deeds of the emperor as to be virtually imperial themes--the Suovetaurilia, the triumph, and the payment of vows, chiefly the vofa to Jupiter undertaken for the safety of the emperor. The effect of this shift of emphasis is evident in the one monument of a sevir that can be dated in the second century. This is part of an altar dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus by two seviri juniores, dated in the period of Trajan by the drapery of the toga and the treatment of the heads. 65 In a panel relief beneath the inscription one of the seviri stands in frontal pose, with toga drawn over his

See figs. 3-5, II, and supra Chap. II, n. 57. See Ehlers, RE, "Triumphus," 502 f.; Strong, Art in Ancient Rome I, 57-59; Swindler, Ancient Painting 36I-62. Two reliefs of the late Republic, the gladiatorial relief in Munich (Strong, op. cit. I, fig. 95) and the triumphal procession shown in fig. I9 are surviving links in this tradition. 65 Milano, Castello Visconteo-Sforzesco, Marmi scritti del Museo Archeologico, Catalogo (Milano I90I)I8, no. i6. The relief is of marble, i.o6 m. high, 73 cm. wide, 25 cm. thick. The two seviri juniores who dedicated the altar were freeborn, as is shown by their names, P. Qurtius P. f. Victor and P. Qurtius P. f. Primus; see Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor 220.
63 64

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THE RULER CULT IN ART

103

head, at the right of a low tripod altar, his left hand holding the roll, the insignia of officialdom, and his right extended to pour a libation into the altar fire. The two attendants standing behind the tripod, a flute player and a camillus holding an open incense box, are both togate and are as tall as the officiating priest. At the left of the altar a small victimarius holds a diminutive steer by a hand placed beneath its throat. A togate figure seen behind this victim group, with his right hand raised to his head in an unintelligible gesture, may be the other of the two dedicants. The victim is offered to Jupiter, but since the dedicants are priests of the imperial cult it is reasonably probable that it is a sacrifice for the safety of the emperor. 66 If so, the altar reflects in both style and content the influence of the great imperial monuments of the early second century, particularly of the Column of Trajan.
66 See infra chap. IX. see Wissowa 263.

Private dedications pro salute et reditu impere4r2s

are not uncommon;

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CHAPTER

VIII

THE SUOVETAURILIA

The Suovetaurilia Wvasone of the earliest themes to appear in Roman historical relief. Already an honorific type used to commemorate the achievements of an individual, it was admirably adapted to further development as an imperial theme, associated more and more exclusively with the person of the emperor. By the time of Trajan the lustration of the camp was a theme regularly used to signalize the opening of a military campaign, just as the triumphal scene commemorated its successful conclusion, and like the triumph it was celebrated only by the emperor. The earliest examples from the period of the Empire are, however, provincial works of little artistic worth, which continue in both spirit and style the traditions established in the late Republic. The first appears in the frieze of the Augustan arch at Susa. As was customary in Roman frieze sculpture, it approximates the simpler narrative style of popular art which makes little effort to portray a scene. Though dependent upon monumental relief, it shows clear evidence of provincial origin, in its naivete of conception and crudeness of workmanship. For these very reasons it is of special interest, lying as it does outside the main current of artistic development. The Arch of Susa was erected in 9 or- 8 B.C. to commemorate a treaty with fourteen peoples of southern Gaul.2 These peoples had been pacified and left as an independent federation under King Donntus, but Donnus' son Marcus Julius Cottius relinquished his position as king and became a Roman prefect. The negotiation of the treaty is represented on the west end of the arch, and the few surviving traces of the east frieze indicate that it repeated the same scene. The long friezes of the north and south sides represent the lustration of an army, presumably the troops of Cottius, which by Roman custom must be purified at the inauguration of their new command 3 under Roman auspices. The two are essentially the same in content, but minor differences distinguish
E. Ferrero, L'arc d'Auguste a Suse; Studniczka, JDAI i8 (1903) I-24; Esperandieu I, 13-20, no. i6; Reinach I, 4i8-20; von Domaszewski, ArchRW 12 (I909) 82; Lowy, Jahrb. kunsthisi. Sammi. The frieze is .52 m. high, I0.75 m. long on north and south faces. Wien (I928) 9-I0. 2 Augustus was in Gaul in 10 B.C. and again in 8 B.C., and may have conducted the negotiations in person, as represented in the relief; see Dio 54, 36, 4; 55, 6, I. 3 Cf. Appian, Bell. Iber. 6, I9; Livy I, 28, I; 4I, I8.

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THE SUOVETAURILIA
Fig. 52a-d P1. XXXIV

105

the south face as the Roman side. In both reliefs the sacrifice is performed by Cottius himself, on the north face accompanied by his two sons, 4 on the south face in the presence of Augustus and his attendant lictors. Two nude horsemen, one at each end of the south frieze, must be identified as Castor and Pollux, patrons of the Roman equestrian order to which Cottius has been admitted by his status as prefect. 5 The few other differences have no apparent significance for the interpretation and are evidently introduced for artistic interest. In both friezes an oversize garlanded altar occupies the center and the procession approaches from either end. In both the priest stands at the left of the altar reaching up to place incense upon it, with two camilli behind him and a third facing him across the altar.. One camillus has a patera and pitcher (?), the other a dish of fruit or cakes, represented as if tipped forward so that the contents may be seen. To the left of this altar group a bull, large enough to occupy the full height of the relief, is led by a victimarius equipped with an axe (north face) or a mallet (south face). The first victim at the right (north face) is a pig, pushed along by a diminutive attendant whose head is barely visible above its back. 6 The second is a sheep, preceded by four togate figures-two horn blowers and a pair of lic/ores curia/zi, each carrying two rods 7-and followed by Gallic cavalry and foot soldiers. On the north side the cavalry coming from the left is preceded by two trumpeters and three togate figures who are probably lictors. The middle one of the three, who turns about to face the procession, clearly has a bundle of fasces with axes. The other two have been interpreted as wood carriers, but their dress and the roll in the hand of the first in line are more appropriate to lictors. 8 Animals and human figures alike are sketchily represented, in a crude narrative style which is concerned primarily with the recording of the event. Some effort toward artistic composition may be detected in the variations of detail which can have no purpose except to enliven the design. But the chief interest of the relief, apart from its value as an historical document, lies in the fact that it is the most detailed representation of the Suovetaurilia before the Column of Trajan. Drapery is executed in deep ridge-like folds arranged in simple parallels with little variety. The human figures vary in size according to the space available, so that the heads, whether of foot soldiers, cavalry, attendants, or dignitaries, form a level line at the top of the relief band. The backs of the bulls are as high as the heads of their attendants and the pig is enormous, with only the head of the victimarius visible behind it. The order of the victims follows the tradition of the base of Ahenobarbus, but
See Studniczka, op. ci. (supra n. I) 7. Mommsen, S/aatsr. 23, pt. I, 247. 6 In the corresponding position on the south face appears a second bull, while the pig follows the bull in the left half of the frieze. 7 On the south face horn blowers and lictors appear in the left half, preceding the cavalry. 8 Esp!erandieu i9. The large post (?)-held upright by this figure might be a crudely drawn bundle of fasces, and the two poles (?) over the shoulders of the third could be a bundle of fasces and a pair of rods.
4 5

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io6

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 53

Pi. xxxv

Fig. 54a Pl. XXXV

Fig. 54b

P1. xxxv

the centralizing effect of placing the largest victim nearest the altar is lost because of the horror vacui which required each figure to fill the full height of the frieze. The same order of victims is retained in a small frieze found at Cosa which probably represented a Suovetaurilia. 9 Of the two unconnected fragments that have survived, one preserves the lower part of a bull conducted by two victimarii, the other shows the upper half of a sheep, its head adorned with laurel as in the Suovetaurilia of the Louvre. A stone mallet in the field above the sheep's head fixes the order of the animals, with the bull preceding, for that implement is regularly carried only by attendants of larger victims. The direction of the procession from right to left follows the earlier tradition of the Suovetaurilia, and the stooping victimarius guiding the sheep is clearly a descendant of corresponding attendants on the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus. The simplicity of the mouldings, the length of the limus, the use of the stone mallet, and the clear indication that the bovine victim is a bull by the careful modelling of the genitalia all combine to indicate an Augustan or early imperial date. The next stage in the development of the lustra/io as an art type is illustrated by the well known Suovetaurilia of the Louvre, "? which has been variously placed in the period of Tiberius, of Claudius, or of Domitian. The exact provenance is unknown, but it was in Rome in the sixteenth century. The figures are about half life-size (.86-.87 m. high), and the relief must have adorned a monument of some importance. I t represents the three victims and their attendants moving toward the right end, where a tall figure with toga drawn over his head sprinkles incense on a fruit-laden garlanded altar. A second altar, placed at a slight angle to the first, implies a second sacrificial procession approaching from the right, and a fragment in the Louvre of the same measurements, material, and style is almost certainly a part of that procession." The hind leg of a ram, the body of a bull with ornamental dorsuale, and two victimarii seen over its back correspond closely to, without duplicating, the victim-group of the left half of the relief. Two laurel trees in the background filled the central space, and it was clearly the intention of the artist to throw emphasis on these and on the altars at the expense of any altar group in the usual sense. In the surviving left half of
9 Photograph by courtesy of the excavator, Professor Frank E. Brown. The surviving part of the relief is .32 m. long, .175 m. wide, .125 m. thick. Michon, MonPiot 17 (P910) I92-203; Clarac, Mus. sculpt. 2, 745-47, pI. 219, no. 312; Strong, ScultRom I26-28, pI. 24 and fig. 8i; Seltman, CAH, Plates 4, 138 a. The face and right arm of the priest are restored. A date in Tiberius' reign is argued by Sieveking, Fes/Arndt 23; Fuhrmann,Mdl 2 (I949) 52. The relief is believed to be Claudian.by Lehmann-Hartleben, Traianssdule 25; Goethert, RM 54 (I939) I96; Flavian, perhaps Domitianic, by Strong, ScultRom I26; Toynbee, JRS 36 (1946) i8o-8i. Clarac, Mus. sculpt 2, 739-40, p1. 224, no. 308; Michon MonPiot 17 (1910) 204 f.; Strong, ScUItRom I26-28, fig. 8i. The popa, uniquely dressed in tunic and toga (?) or cloak (?), carries a commetaculumas well as an axe.
r' I2

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THE SIJOVETAURILIA

I07

the relief a single attendant stands behind the altar holding an open incense box, while the second camillus, with pitcher in hand, stands behind the priest's back. The priest was probably offering incense and his counterpart at the right of the second altar was pouring the libation, since the libation could be more satisfactorily represented in this position, with the priest's right hand in the background and the patera tipped toward instead of away from the spectator. As the incense bearer appears behind the altar at the left, the flute player probably stood in corresponding position at the right. The problem of composition presented by the three victims of the Suovetaurilia has now been successfully solved, and they are placed in the correct ritual order with the pig nearest the altar. In place of the earlier naive attempt to carry the eye toward the center by arranging the victims in order of increasing size, the effect is achieved-and far more successfully-by the beautiful curving line along the bull's back, which rises with the heavy folds of the neck, slopes down along the huge body and snout of the pig, is carried upward toward the altar with the swing of the toga's lower edge, and is finally repeated in the curve of the garland. '3 The fillets about the heads of the bull and pig and the patterned dorsuale over the bull's back are decorative as well as faithful to the details of Roman religious ritual. The ram and pig are both much larger than on the base of Ahenobarbus, but the pig is condiicted by a stooping victimarius, as in that relief. In the space behind him appear two togate figures, each carrying the two separate rods that distinguish the lic/ores curia/ii in attendance at religious rites. '4 They are the only participants in the sacrifice who are not laureate. Two heads which appear without laurel wreaths farther in the background are probably spectators, like similar heads in the processions of the Ara Pacis and the Ara Pietatis. The dress of all the attendants is unusual. The two camilli wear the toga, as in the late republican reliefs, instead of the informal tunic customary from the Augustan Age. Instead of the usual limus the victimarii wear the tunic, with a cloak draped over one or both shoulders. The reason for this peculiarity of dress is apparently artistic, as the rather elaborate treatment of drapery is a conspicuous feature of the style. In all the discussions of this relief the interpretation of the sacrifice has received little attention. Of the wide variety of occasions which called for lustration by a Suovetaurilia, the only one consistent with the presence of two sacrificing priests of equal status is the closing of the lus/rum by the two censors. Under the Republic the appearance of both censors as sacrificants would have been irregular, as lots were cast to determine which of *the two should close the lus/rum. But in the time of the Empire Suetonius speaks of the performance of
13 A design that might have furnished a suggestion for this composition occurs in a Greek votive relief representing a sheep and pig brought to sacrifice; see supra Chap. I, n. 29. '4 See supra Chap. IV, n. 38. Under the Republic the censors did not have the imperium and were therefore not entitled to lictors, Zonaras 7, i9; see also supra Chap. III, n. 68.

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io8

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART
I5

the rite as if the cenmors were equal participants. The laurel trees have been assumed to be those that grew before the doors of Augustus' house. But there wvere two laurels also in front of the shrine of Mars in the Regia, and they are therefore appropriate in a sacrifice offered to Mars.'6 It is recorded that Augustus and Tiberius closed the lusirum in I4 A.D., not officially as censors but invested with censorial powers. Claudius assumed or the censorship in 47 48 A.D. with Vitellius as colleague. This was the first time the office had been held since the censorship of Plancus and Paulus in 2 2 B.C., I8 and its revival might have justified commemoration in a relief. The next censors were Vespasian and Titus, who closed the lus/rum in 72 or 73 A.D. Thus the possible occasions for such a double Suovetaurilia are consistent with any of the proposed dates-Tiberian, Claudian, or Flavian-and the style of the relief affords the only clue. It has been noted that the height of the priest's figure coincides with the record that both Tiberius and Caligula were tall men. '9 But the priest is taller than the other participants in most sacrificial scenes, and this detail is probably dictated by the artistic need for emphasis at this point of the composition rather than by historical accuracy. Identification is not aided by portraiture, for the face from just below the hairline is modern. Several details of style, however, find their closest parallels in works of Claudian date. The drapery with its wealth of folds and fine texture is similar to that of the Augustus of the Via Labicana,20 and that of the Ara Pietatis dedicated in 43 A.D. The treatment of the hair is Julio-Claudian, and several of the faces have the short jawbone which particularly characterizes the portraits of Claudius. The rather unusual build of the bull, with low dewlap, small head, and heavy folds of the neck forming a bulge behind it, is paralleled only on the Ara Pietatis. None of these details is conclusive in itself, but in combination they accord with the theory that the double Suovetarilia commemorates Claudius' revival of the office of censor and his closing of the lus/rum in 47 or 48 A.D. The surviving sacrificant is presumably Vitellius, as the emperor is likely to have been represented at the right of the altar in the preferred position for the sacrificing priest. Artistically the composition is a direct descendant of the relief of Ahenobarbus. As in that relief, the focus of the sacrifice is in the center and the
15 Varro, De Ling. Lat. 6, 87, speaks of the censor and uses the singular verb; cf. Cicero, De Oral. 2, 268; Suetonius, Augustus 97; Tiberius 2I; Dessau 6123. i6 See Michon, MonPiot 17 (1910) but cf. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals 35-36. 203; 7 Res Gestae 8; Suetonius, Tiberius 21. z8 Suetonius, Claudius i6; CIL 6, 9g9; Berve and Kubitschek, RE, "Lustrum," 205I;

"Censores," 1903. 19 Suetonius, Tiberius 68; Caligula
20

50.

See Curtius, RM 47 (1932) 247-48; cf., however, Goethert, RM 54 (I939) i86 and Rodenwaldt, Kunst um Augustus 20 ff. E.g. the 6th, 8th, and ioth heads from the left; cf. coin portraits of Claudius, Mattingly
I, Pls. 34-36.

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THE SUOVETAURILIA

o09

Figs. 55-57

Pis.xvlvl

victims are brought up behind the priest, who stands at the altar engaged inthe preliminary rites. A successful arrangement of the victims in correct ritual order had now been achieved, and was never again varied. The Suovetaurilia of the Louvre marks the solution of the peculiar artistic problems presented by this rite, so far as they could be solved within the limits of the illusionistic style. But an illusionistic scene mnustselect a single moment to represent, while the lustration was essentially a progression, emphasizing the process of encirclement rather than the actual moment of sacrifice. Consequently the narrative style of the Column of Trajan gave this theme The narrative convention of representing a full its fullest expression in art. architectural setting in smaller scale than the human figures enabled the artist to show the procession actually encircling the walls, and at the same time to represent the altar scene inside the camp. The walls of the camp could be made to serve not only as an indication of the setting but as a frame to set off the imperial group. Thus the lustration, of all the Roman rites, profited most by the "conventions" of the column and, in turn, offered the artist the greatest scope in interest and variety of design. Moreover the subject was peculiarly appropriate to the whole character of the monument, for the lustration of the army before an important military undertaking is well attested by ancient literature, and indeed was regarded as essential to its success. Of Traian's four Dacian campaigns recorded on the Column three are preceded by a lustration of the camp, each followed by an adlocu/io, the commander's customary address to his soldiers before a battle. These pairs of scenes provided an opportunity to focus attention upon the emperor in his two important roles, as religious and military head of the state. Since a relatively small number of events from the two Dacian wars could be selected for representation, it is astonishing that the lustration appears three times. The reason is to be found partly in Trajan's determination, after Domitian's aspirations to godhead, to emphasize his position as priest of the gods rather than as divine ruler. But it is to be found also in the artistic attractions of the theme itself. In content the three scenes are essentially the same. All three represent a procession of musicians, attendants, victims, and soldiers moving toward the right outside the camp, while inside its walls the emperor with other attendants stands at an altar pouring a libation. Presumably the ritual of the lustration regularly included all the details represented in any of the three, but those selected for each scene are slightly different. The pig and the bull are in every case adorned with the dorsuale, but only one victim, the pig in Scene LIII, wears a fillet. In addition to the flute player a camillus serves at each altar, but the pitcher in his hand in Scene viii is replaced by an acerrain Scene CiII, while
22 22 Cichorius, Die Reliefs der Traianssdule; Benndorf, AEM I9 (I896) 193-204; Petersen, Traians dakische Kriege; Stuart Jones, PBSR 5 (I9I0) 435-59; Lehmann-Hartleben, Traianssiiule; Strong, Scul/Rom I59-88; Platner-Ashby, TopogDic/ 242-45.

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110

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 55

P1. xXxvI

in Scene LIII he is shown in back view so that his hands are not visible. In Scene viii a pair of tunic-clad attendants carry the pail for cooking the exta and a flat dish of mola sa/sa(?). All the participants in the procession wear laurel wreaths, and in Scene ciii several carry a laurel twig in the right hand and a small bowl in the left. The latter detail, which does not appear elsewhere, may be the bowl of water in which the laurel was dipped to sprinkle the participants in the rite. 23 The procession is led in each case by one or several trumpeters, and in Scenes viii and ciii also by three horn blowers. It ends with a column of soldiers, who wear tunics and in some cases military cloaks. Except for the addition of the musicians marching ahead of the victims, these elaborate scenes introduce very few details of ritual which were not regularly included in earlier representations. The differences are primarily in design. A remarkable inventiveness has made these three repetitions of the same event, in which all the essential details were kept invariable by religious tradition, into three new and individually interesting scenes.24 The different designs seem to have been selected for appropriateness to their position on the column. The first, Scene VIII, because it is the most intricate in composition and because the different groups are less sharply marked off from one another, needs the closer view afforded by its position in the lowest spiral. The third, Scene CIII, placed not far from the top, is the simplest in total design and lays its emphasis on more boldly drawn figures. Since the procession around walls was led by trumpeters,25 its beginning is clearly marked and could be placed at any point in the circuit. In Scene viii they have already turned the corner and are marching along the right wall, with their backs toward the spectator. Two trumpets cut bold parallel lines obliquely across the background, while a third is hidden behind the standards planted inside the camp. Three horn blowers follow, less conspicuously placed, the last in almost frontal pose as he makes the turn at an acute angle. His pose is repeated immediately below in the figure of the stooping victimarius conducting the pig, shown with its head already obscured by the angle of the wall. This device of representing the victims in the act of turning the corner provides an interesting reversal of lines; for the second stooping victimarius who conducts the sheep exactly balances the pose of the first. His unusual costume of tunic and cloak instead of the limus appears to be introduced purely for variety. The third victimarius holds the bull's farther horn with his right
Ovid, Fasti 4, 728; 5, 677-79; Juvenal 2, I58. Many individual motifs are derived from earlier reliefs, Greek or Roman; e.g. the bull led by its horn; the bull led out from the background so that only its forequarters may be seen; a small victim guided by hands about its neck or shoulders; the stooping victimarius; the victimarius seen from the back; the trumpeters shown in back view, with their trumpets cutting bold parallels obliquely across the background. But the context, combination, and use of all these motifs shows remarkable inventiveness and originality. See Lehmann-Hartleben, T'raianssaule
23

24

26-27,

and figs.
25

II,

I5-I6,

2I,

36-37, 44-45, 53-54.

Festus, 17I L, mentions the use of tubae at the armilustrium,which Varro's description shows to have been a lustratory procession; see De Iing. Lat. 6, 22.

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THE SUOVETAURILIA

III

Fig. 56

P1. XxxvII

Fig. 57

Pi

hand and is therefore seen in back view, with the axe over his left shoulder continuing the line of his right arm. Just to the left of the bull is a gap in the wall, through which the altar group is seen in full length. But the attention is carried across the break by the addition of another victimarius who, from the position of his left hand, must once have carried an axe or mallet. A column of figures marching forward along the left wall must be soldiers participating in the lustration, though they are without the military cloak customary for camp wear. Several have a hand raised as if carrying a laurel twig, but no trace of such an object remains. In Scene LIII the camp is shown from an angle, and a gate appears in each of the adjoining sides. Here the trumpeters are already entering the righthand gate, thus giving the impression that they are just arriving at the place of sacrifice inside the camp. This device partly bridges over the gap in time between the march around the walls and the sacrifice that follows it. The musicians are again seen from the back and turned to the left, so as to reverse the direction of the main body of the procession. The three victims, which in Scene viii were at the right corner, are here placed almost in the center, immediately below the altar group framed in the angle of the wall. Here too one of the victimarii is dressed in tunic and cloak, this time the first in line, who follows the animal less closely than usual and stoops to pull back on the leash held in his left hand. Two victimarii accompany the bull, the first of whom pulls one horn back so that the bull's head is turned away from the spectator. Though this turn of bull's head is accounted for by the position of his attendant, who has fallen a little behind in the march, it can hardly be accidental that the head is pulled into a position exactly facing the altar group, directing the eye of the spectator inevitably toward it. A second pair of victimarii follow, both represented with faces turned toward. the left, away from the procession. The axe carried by the first of the pair is made to interlock at a slight angle with that of the victimarius just ahead, as if it were negligently held, while its bearer turns to watch the action of the preceding scene. Here the line of soldiers seems to encircle the camp. The end of the column is moving along the far wall at the right, and the last soldier, who has not yet turned the corner, is shown back to back with the trumpeter just turning in toward the gate. The last two soldiers appear to be engaged in conversation, though the two lifted hands might instead have held a laurel branch and bowl of water, as in Scene ciii. In Scene ciii the musicians occupy the center of the scene outside the wall one trumpeter and three horn blowers, whose strong features and puffed cheeks, together with the circling lines of the horns, make this one of the most unforgettable groups on the Column. The upper curves of the horns provide the only break in the continuous line of the camp wall, and this at a point just below the figure of the emperor. The victims too are an arresting group. They are brought around the left corner of the camp, with the pig and sheep already past the turn and the bull coming forward out of the background. This position

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112

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

permits the use of the victim group most popular in reliefs of the second century, with a victimarius in frontal pose holding the bull's head forward by a hand on the halter. Here the victimarius turns his head sharply to the right, as if to watch the altar group inside the wall. The other victimarii are both stooping forward, each with right leg extended backward in an awkward but vigorous pose. In this scene no entrance to the camp is visible, and the only link between the altar scene and the procession outside is made by the glances of the victimarius and of the soldiers along the right wall. The soldiers on this side turn toward the altar, duplicating the pose of the others inside the camp. The scene is arresting, not only because it has fewer and more boldly drawn figures; there is also more movement in the procession. The strong forward slant of the first two victimarii is repeated with somewhat less violence at the right corner, in the pose of the last two in the column of soldiers. The three altar groups are no less varied. The first is shown full length with rocky ground below and the gabled front through an opening in the wall, of the prae/orium above to provide a frame. The device of placing priest and attendants in a semicircle around the altar, familiar in illusionistic reliefs of the early Empire, seems here to be deliberately avoided. The figure of the emperor, at the right of the altar holding patera and scroll, stands out sharply from a row of isocephalic figures which form a solid block behind the altar. 27 Two are lictors, with military cloaks knotted on the breast in a manner familiar in Trajanic reliefs. The flute player, usually a smaller figure than the priest, is brought to the same height as the others to complete the block, while the small camillus with flowing hair stands alone, at the left and partly in front of the altar. The tents set at various angles and two groups of military standards set up in the right corner of the camp make an interesting background for the scene. A banner that appears above the standards may be planted just behind them, or it may be carried by a flag bearer obscured from view by the wall. In Scene LIII the position of the emperor is shifted-apparently for the the left of the altar, where he stands between two lictors sake of variety-to whose faces are turned toward him. His right hand tips the patera away from the spectator and his left hand seen in the background appears to hold a scroll. The small altar is lifted high enough from the ground level to be fully visible above the crenellated wall, which cuts the group at slightly more than kneelheight and frames it from beneath. Unlike the altar of simple masonry in Scene viii, it is heavily moulded and adorned with reliefs of a crown and a palm. These symbols, like the winged Victory writing on a shield in Scene LXXVIII, are appropriate to this closing campaign of the first Dacian war, vith its hopes of a victorious settlement that would leave Dacia a pacified buffer state under her own ruler Decebalus. The flute player facing Trajan
26

26 There are no gate posts, as there are in Scene LIiI, and the opening is apparently not a gate but simply a removal of the barrier to allow the spectator to see inside the wall. 27 See Hamberg, Sludies ii5.

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THE SUOVETAURILIA

113

from behind the altar and a small camillus turned partly away from the spectator complete a semicircle around the focal point of sacrifice and bring this scene closer to the illusionistic canon. A row of five lion-helmeted standard bearers adds a solid block at the right of the altar. This gives to the altar group a massiveness that helps to balance the procession and to centralize the whole design. In Scene ciii the emperor is again at the right of the altar, flanked at left and right by the flute player and by another togate figure, who here holds the scroll instead of Trajan. At the left two lictors serve as a background for a little camillus only a head taller than the altar itself, who holds a small incense box. In the foreground but turned away from the spectator to face the altar stand two soldiers, and a similar group of three soldiers watches the sacrifice from the far right. In the right foreground appear three tents, this time below the altar group. The watching soldiers represented from the back, both inside and outside the camp wall, effectively focus the attention on the emperor, who stands out strongly marked by the fall of the toga from head to waist and by the free space between him and the flanking figures. These many variations in details obviously imply no corresponding variations in the performance of the ritual, which was fixed by religious tradition. They are introduced purely for artistic reasons.28 At the same time they demonstrate how wide was the latitude allowed to the artist in selection and treatment of details, and they warn against expecting complete factual accuracy from the Roman historical reliefs. The Column of Trajan marks the climax in the development of the Suovetaurilia as a type in Roman art. After this date it suffered a sharp decline both in popularity and in quality of presentation. The three animals of the Suovetaurilia on- the marble anaglyphs in the Roman Forum constitute merely an allusion to a lustration that is not represented as a scene. Since the animals are obviously sacrificial victims, adorned withl fillets and dorsualia and arranged in correct ritual order, there is probably a reference to an actual lustration associated in some way with the monument to which the reliefs originally belonged. It is possible that a piaculum, one form of which was thie
29

lustra/io,

30

preceded the reconstruction of the monumentor area concerned.

Current dating of the reliefs in the reign of Hadrian rather than of Trajan is more satisfactory artistically as well as historically. Such an abstract allusion to the rite is easier to place in a period of reaction following upon the remarkable interest which it inspired in the artists of the Column of Trajan. Two lustrations represented on the Column of Marcus Aurelius, each at the beginning of a campaign as on the earlier Column, are perfunctory and dull.3I
Lehmann-Hartleben,op. ci. 24-25, gives a summary of the irregularities which distinguish the three scenes of lustration on the column. Strong, ScuitRom 138; Platner-Ashby, TopogDic 453-54; Seston, MelRome44 (I927) I54-83. Hammond, MAAR 2I (1953) 127-83, presents evidence for a Hadrianic date. 30 See supra Chap. III, n. 66. 31 Petersen, von Domaszewski, Calderini, Die Markussdule (cited as Petersen); von Domaszewski, Neue Heidelb. Jahrb. 5 (I895) I2I ff; Petersen, AA ii (I896) 2-I8; Strong, ScultRom
28
29

'7

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RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

The first, Scene vi, is so badly damaged that its outlines can be made out only with the aid of the Trajanic parallels, on which it is closely dependent. The second, Scene xxx, has no relation to the Trajanic types or to any Fig. 58 P1. XXXIX earlier Suovetaurilia. The altar scene and the victims are represented in an upper tier. A line of armed soldiers, moving toward the right in the lower tier, is apparently part of the encircling procession, though the lack of any clear connection between the two tiers has created doubts about its interpretation. The leader of the soldiers holds a staff like a comme/aculum, and the second soldier, who wears a lion-skin helmet, carries a horn. Both these figures are more appropriate as participants in the lustration than as attendants at the adlocutio toward which they are moving. Accordingly, in spite of the absence of any sign of their making a turn, the soldiers are probably imagined as marching in procession behind the victims and their attendants, who move leftward across the top of the relief. The only transitional figure between the two parts of the scene is a single armed soldier at the right end of the upper tier. Of the customary three victims only the bull and the sheep are represented, unless the spectator is to infer the presence of the third victim just at the turn and hidden from view by the figures in the procession. The order of the victims is reversed, as on the base of Ahenobarbus, but the failure to make any use of this reversal to provide an ascending line toward the altar group and to centralize the composition suggests that this aberration, like the omission of the pig, is due to the artist's lack of interest in, or ignorance of, the correct ritual. The popa, who usually conducts the bull, is here represented with the sheep, paying no attention to the victim but extending his hand in a meaningless gesture. Between the victims and the altar appears a soldier blowing a trumpet, which he holds slanting downward in the position of the double flute ordinarily played at the sacrifice. The emperor stands at the left of a small tripod with patera and scroll in hand. The single camillus is placed farther to the left, while the position behind the altar, usually occupied by the flute player, is given to the togate companion of the emperor. The composition of the whole scene is confusing, and the only arresting figure is the emperor himself, who stands out in deeper relief and is appreciably taller than the others about him. The long wars against the barbarians of the Danube country were commemorated not only by the Column but by the well known series of panels now in the Conservatori Museum and on the attic of the Arch of Constantine. The eight panels on the Arch, three in the Museum, and probably
32

263-79; Wegner, AA 53 (1938) 155-95; W. Zwikker, Studien zur Mariussdule. Both lustrations occur early in the series. Scene vi follows an adlocutio and is followed immediately by military action (Petersen, p. 54; Zwikkerp. 26I). The second, Scene xxx, appears at the beginning of the campaign against the Sarmatiansand precedes an adlocutio, as on the Column of Trajan. Though it follows a victory, as pointed out by Stuart Jones, op. cit. 257, it precedes a new phase of the war in which the Romans and Germans together march against the Sarmatians. 32 Helbig Amelung, Fuihrer nos. 89I-93; Stuart Jones, PBSR 3 (I906) 254-68; Strong, ScultRom 253-57; Wegner, AA 53 (938) 155-9I; Hamberg, Studies 78-98. Cf. Morris, Wfarburg

Journal

I5

(1952)

33-47.

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THE SUOVETAURILIA

I I5

one more to make an even number, would have been appropriate adornments of a triumphal arch erected on the occasion of Marcus Aurelius' triumph in I76 A.D. 3 Abandoning the continuous style of the spiral column, the panels represent in isolated scenes certain typical official acts of the emperor rather than events of the war. It has been suggested that the Suovetaurilia in this instance represents the lustration of the army at the end of the campaign, as in the relief of Ahenobarbus, 3 but it is equally probable that the lustration and the adlocu/io in the camp are companion pieces, as on the Column of
Trajan.
Fig. 59 P1. XL

Fig. 6o a-c P1. XL

The panel scene of the Suovetaurilia is an original, if not entirely successful, treatment of the theme. The confinement of a procession and a triple sacrifice to a high narrow panel demanded a radically new approach. The Column of Trajan had established the circling procession as part of the tradition; but the panel style dictated a single ground line, with greater depth of relief used to achieve a tridimensional effect. The dilemma is solved by representing the victims coming out from the background at the left and around the altar group, while the two trumpeters turn into the background at the right. The emperor's figure at the left of a lighted tripod is fully visible between the first two victims, but the stooping victimarius with the pig partially obscures the small camillus, who holds an open acerra. The flute player, laureate like all the attendants of the sacrifice, appears crowded in behind the altar in the usual frontal pose. The folds of the emperor's toga show that it originally covered the head, though the head of Constantine which has been substituted for that of Marcus Aurelius is uncovered and laureate. While the relief is crowded and not well adapted to a space so narrow and so high, the effect of a circling procession is actually achieved, and the laurel wreaths in the field above the flags save the composition from a complete horizontal split. A small frieze from the vicinity of Lyons, 35 probably of the Antonine period, has been classed as a Suovetaurilia, though the term applies only in the most general sense. The frieze represents a sacrificial procession moving from the left toward an altar which occupies approximately the center of the relief. At the right of the altar stands the priest, with an attendant who
33 The magnificent triumph of 176 A.D. is the only occasion in the latter years of the reign for the erection of such a monument. The later war against Marcomanni and Quadi was unfinished when Marcus died; see CAH II, 349-62. Slight evidences of later style in the panels of the attic are possibly to be accounted for by the assumption that a similar monument was erected after Marcus' death; see Wegner, AA 53 (1938) I84-9I; Sieveking, Fes/Arnd/ 34; Rodenwaldt, AbhBerl I935, no. 3, I8-I9. 34 See A. Monaci, BullComm 28 (I900) 88-go. The double laurel wreath in the upper field suggests military succ6ss, but such symbols of victory do not necessarily appear only at the end of a campaign; cf. the crown and palm on the altar in Scene LIII of the Column of Trajan. The need for some ornamental motif to fill the upper background makes the wreaths less cogent as evidence that the scene represents the lustration of the army at the close of the campaign. 35 Esperandieu 3, 42-43, no. i8oi. The piece is .38 m. high, I.69 m. long, .17-.29 m. thick. The depth of relief, with the resulting high contrasts of light and shadow, fix the date in the latter half of the second century.

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iI6

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

carries the two unbound rods of the lictor curiatius. Next a togate figure turns to face a seated veiled goddess who appears to be the recipient of the sacrifice, and beyond her begins another part of the procession, still moving to the right. The altar group is a traditional type, with the flute player behind the altar facing the priest, and a camillus with pitcher and long-handled patera. Leading the procession from the left, a victimarius with an axe over his shoulder holds a bull by the halter. The bull's head, adorned by a frame between the horns (iunc/us auro), is pulled into the foreground, while its hindquarters appear in profile behind the attendant. A single togatus separates this group from the two victimarii conducting the sheep. A third figure, apparently also wearing the limus, holds a rectangular object resembling the acerra ordinarily carried by a camillus. Other victimarii attend a sow and a somewhat smaller bovine victim, probably a heifer. Two trees in the background at the left corner and another tree (?) near the right end indicate that the sacrifice takes place in a sacred grove. In the other part of the procession, to the right of the goddess, a victimarius carries a pig upside down over his shoulder, a second follows, carrying a sprig of laurel (?) and a pail for the sacrificial meat, while a third may be seen in the background. This group is preceded by togati who must be priests or officials, and by tunic-clad attendants, the first of whom carries a commetaculum pointed toward the ground in the usual fashion. This sacrificial scene corresponds remarkably closely to the rites of the Roman Fratres Arvales. The veiled diademed goddess is an appropriate, if unique, representation of the Dea Dia, in whose sacred grove the Arval Brethren offered an a'nnual sacrifice of a sow, a heifer, and a lamb. 36 The early Roman Ambarvalia was a lustration of the fields with an offering of a Suovetaurilia to Mars, but when Mars had lost his agricultural associations the Arval rite was gradually transferred to a goddess of fertility closely related to Ceres. The pig, heifer, and lamb offered in her sacred grove were not regarded as a triple sacrifice, but in actual fact they were probably an inheritance from the old Ambarvalia. 38 The Arval rites of the Empire'included also numerous other sacrifices, piacula for prodigies or for repairs in temple or grove, vola for the safety of the emperor, sacrifices in honor of imperial occasions and events. If the relief at Lyons does in fact represent either the Roman Arval rites or a local version of them, a second pig (porca piacularis) 'and a bull presented to Jupiter would be entirely appropriate in association with victims to the Dea Dia.
Henzen 46-48, clxx, clxxxi; cf. clxiv, clxxi, clxxxvii. See Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals 74; cf. Vergil, Georg. I, 345; Henzen 46-48. 38 The old hymn to Mars and the Lares continued to be chanted by the Fratres Arvales centuries after both had disappearedfrom the actual ritual, Henzen cciv. The Adca Arvalia record the offering of the pig as a piaculum (porca piacularis), the heifer as an honorary sacrifice (vacca honoraria). The lamb (agna opima) was offered separately and later in the day; see Henzen, cited in n. 36.
36
37

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THE SUOVETAURILIA

II

7

The togate figures who lead the procession are easy to ihterpret as officials of the Fratres Arvales, of whom a flamen, a magis/er and a promagister are often mentioned in the records of the priesthood.39 Artistically the relief has some merit in spite of its small size and sketchy execution. I t is designed in the processional pattern peculiarly adapted to friezes and by this time well established in artistic tradition. But in order to keep the focus of action near the center the artist divided the scene into two sections, one culminating in the altar group and the figure of the goddess, the other represented as a ceremonial procession led by officials of the cult and their attendants. The high contrasts of light and shadow, and a certain vigor of movement in the victim groups-the bull standing at the altar with his head turned outward toward the spectator, the heifer with foot lifted and checked by a hand on her horn, the two victimarii represented in back view leading the heifer and the sow -give the scene a liveliness not to be found in the more static frieze of Susa. In content, if the interpretation here proposed is correct, the relief is unique in Roman art as a representation of the Arval rites so well known from the Acta Arvalia preserved in inscriptions. The next representation of the Suovetaurilia-and the last in Roman art appears on a column base in the Roman Forum, the only surviving fragment from a monument which celebrated Diocletian's triumph and vola vicennalia in
303 A.D.
40

Parts of the lushratio appear on three sides of the base, while

Fig. 6i a Pl. XLI

the fourth side is adorned with triumphal trophies, captives, and two Victories holding an inscribed shield. The altar scene, on the face opposite the inscription, is flanked on the left face by the three victims and their attendants, on the right by the procession of civilians and soldiers. The procession of victims is clearly dependent on the Claudian Suovetaurilia of the Louvre. The basic design of the victim group is the same, even to the pair of victimarii with heads turned toward each other above the bull. Here one is the popa with an axe over his shoulder, while the other wears the tunic of the camillus and holds a basket of fruit on upturned hand. Behind the pig can be seen a second popa, standing upright in frontal pose with head turned toward the bull, which he leads by a halter strap. A bulla about his neck, adorned with a bust, is an unusual detail that has no evident connecA bearded togatus, who reaches out a hand toward tion with the sacrifice. the victims and appears to be directing the sacrifice, is designated as a high official by the knobbed staff in his left hand. To the adornment of the victims found in the early imperial model the artist of the fourth century
4I 42

Henzen, Index rerum. RM 8 (1893) 280 f. CIL 6, 1203-05; 3126I-62; A. Riegl, Spd/r6mische Kuns/indus/rie i, 8i-84; Strong, ScultRom 317-I8, pls. 65-66; L'Orange, RM 53 (1938) 1-34, pls. 1-4. 41 A bulla, or phalera, is worn by the Lar (?) who leads the triumphal chariot in the relief of Lepcis Magna; see infra Chap. X, n. 58. Bullae or plaques adorned with busts are worn bv a priest of Cybele in a relief of the 2nd century; see Rostovtzeff, His/AncWorld 2, pl. 92. 42 Cf. sujpra Chap. II, n. 44 and. infra n. 44.
39
40

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i8

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig.

6i b

P1. XLI

has added a frame between the bull's horns and a narrow dorsuaze on the pig, placed rather too far forward in order that it may be seen. The procession on the right side is led by a togate figure seen in back view as he turns with hand raised, apparently to give directions. The first two in the double line of the procession wear toga and laurel crown, and carry the scroll that often distinguishes a person of high rank or a state official. 43 Three men in the foreground similarly wear togas and carry scrolls -in one case also a laurel twig-and they are distinguished as a civilian group by a small boy who accompanies one of them. Four others in the background, who appear between the heads of the togati, are soldiers carrying standards. The sacrificial scene itself is a combination of ritual and allegory. The emperor stands at the right of a lighted circular altar pouring the libation, while a crown is placed on his head by a togate figure, probably the Genius Senatus, 44 and by a winged Victory who appears in the space above the altar. The circle about the altar is completed by a small flute player and by a still ,smaller camillus holding an incense box in readiness, while his pitcher, its service now finished, has been set down at his feet. Behind camillus and flute player appears the rare figure of a flamen in spiked cap and laena, his hand raised to his lips as if enjoining silence by the traditional "favete linguis." 45 At the left beyond the altar group stands Mars, his right hand raised as if it originally held a trophy, 46 and his left supporting the heavy shafts of two spears (?). A laurel-crowned togate figure at the far left is probably a human participant in the rite, though the style of his toga lies part way between the Antonine type worn by the Genius Senatus and the contemporary toga as represented in the lateral reliefs. 47 At the right corner a seated Roma appears as the Genius loci, clad in the usual Amazon dress but with a mantle suggestive of Terra Mater across her lap and over her head. Above her shoulder a radiate bust of Sol is sheltered within the circle of her lifted mantle, as a symbol of the all-inclusiveness of Rome. From the representation of the Forum in a small relief on the Arch of Constantine, L'Orange has reconstructed the monument to which the column originally belonged. 48 It was the northernmost of the five columns seen behind the Rostra, surmounted by statues of Jupiter (in the center) and of the
43 Cf. the official who gives the order to burn the records in the relief of the marble anaglyphs, the togatus who accompaniesTrajan or Marcus Aurelius in scenes of sacrifice on the Arch of Benevento and on the Columns. 44 See L'Orange, op. cit. (supra n. 40) who compares coin types of the Genius Se9-I2, natus crowning the emperor; Gnecchi pl. III, 4 and IO; Mattingly 1, pl. 59, 3; Alfoldi, RM 50 (I935) i6, pls I-3. The laurel crown and the short knobbed scepter are usual attributes. 45 A flamen is rarely included in the altar group; but cf. the Aurelian panel of a triumphal sacrifice, fig. 86. For the gesture of the hand raised to lips, cf. figs. I3, 98; and supra Chap. III, n. I4. 46 Cf. the figure of Mars carrying a trophy, represented in the relief from Falerii, fig. I6. 47 See L'Orange, op. cit. 10-12. The classic style of toga worn by the emperor had continued as the priestly garb after it was outmoded for regular wear.

48

L'Orange,op.

Cit. 1-5,

24-34.

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THE SUOVETAURILIA

II9

tetrarchs. The statues next to Jupiter were naturally those of the emperors, Diocletian and Maximianus, while those at the ends were of the two Caesars. The inscription on the one remaining column records the vofa decennalia of the Caesars. Other bases, discovered and subsequently lost, referred to the vicennalia of the Augusti and, presumably, to the vola vicennalia and fricennalia to be paid by Caesars and emperors at the end of the next decade. The vicennalia of Diocletian are known to have been celebrated in 303 A.D., probably between September I7 and November 20, along with a splendid triumph shared by Maximianus. 4 The Suovetaurilia is not, however, to be interpreted as a lustration of the army before the triumph, but as a closing of the lush-urn.50 This is the only possible explanation of the civilian dress worn in the procession. The standard bearers are appropriate to such an occasion, and the toga-clad men and a boy can only represent the citizen body. Ancient evidence on the late imperial decennalia and fricennalia is scanty and indefinite, but it is certain that the closing of the lusurnm was accompanied by the fulfilment of previously made vofa and by the undertaking of new vota for the next quinquennium. 5' The lustral rite was but one of several, and not the chief, of the ceremonies that marked the occasion of Diocletian's triumph and vicennalia. The relief representing it was accordingly assigned to a position of secondary importance. The bases of other columns were presumably adorned with scenes of the triumphal procession and the payment of vows to Jupiter and other deities. It is interesting to note that the Suovetaurilia at its final appearance converges with the triumph and with the periodic payment of vows in the allencompassing theme of the emperor's glory. It would seem that the rites of the state religion current in Roman art underwent a kind of syncretism analogous to that which gathered many of the old pagan cults and myths into the new religion of the mysteries. While the Suovetaurilia was never, like the others, actually absorbed into the ruler cult, it became an integral part of the imperial pattern of themes.
49

L'Orange, op. cit. (supra n. 40)

3o; Lactantius,

De Mortibus Persecutorum

I7;

Dessau

644. Alfoldi, RM 49 (I934) 97-100, shows that in the later Empire the celebration of the periodic vo/a was regularly made to coincide with the celebration of a triumph; and see infra Chap. X, n. 63. 50 This was suggested by von Schoenebeck and accepted by L'Orange, op. cit. I6-17. 5 Suetonius, Augustus 97; and see infra Chap. IX.

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CHAPTER

IX

VOTA PUBLICA

Latin literature is full of allusions to sacrifices offered on special occasions: in time of war, pestilence or other crises, in celebration of victory in battle or of deliverance of the state from danger. Prayers and sacrifices were likely to be made at the outset of an important undertaking or critical period, and again in gratitude for its successful conclusion. The former were often, but not invariably, accompanied by vows (vofa suscepta or nuncupata) of offerings to be made in return for divine aid; the latter were often made in payment of such vows (vo/a so/u/a). ' Under the Empire the occasions of state significance which called for special sacrifices and vofa were inevitably closely associated with the emperor. In vows made at the beginning of a military expedition the emphasis was placed upon the preservation, victory, and safe return of the emperor, in whose safety lay that of the state as well. In addition to such official public events, occasions of more personal concern to the emperor called for vo/a or special sacrifices: his departure on a journey, his recovery from illness, or escape from assassination. All these special sacrifices, like the lustration and the triumph, took on the nature of imperial themes. The variety of the events so observed and of the deities to whom victims were offered is illustrated by the records of the Arvales who, as members of one of the major priesthoods, participated in all public rites of general significance. Annual vows for the safety of the emperor were made and paid on January 3rd to the Capitoline Triad, to Salus, and sometimes to other deities. Special events called On the discovery of the Pisonian conspiracy for varying additions to the list. in 66 A.D. the payment of vows included victims to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva, Mars, Providentia, the Genius of the Emperor, Honos, and Aeternitas. For Domitian's safe return from the Dacian war in 89 A.D. victims were vowed to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva, Mars, Salus, Fortuna, Victoria Redux, and the Genius of the Roman people. Frequently sacrifices of the same sort are not designated as vo/a but are recorded simply as special offerings ob adven/um,
2 I

See Marquardt3, 254 ff; Wissowa 382-83; Toutain, DarSag, "Vota," 975-77; Alfoldi, RM 49

(i934) 86-88. The making of vows did not specifically involve a sacrifice, but only the promise of sacrifices to be paid (so/u/a) later. This distinction is ordinarily observed in the Ac/a Arvalia, but there are exceptions, e.g. Henzen 105, vo/a undertaken in 69 and in 8I A.D.
2

See Henzen lxxxi, cxxii, cxl-iii,

124-25.

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I2I

ob /aei/iam pub/icam, ob vic/oriam. The type of occasion is indistinguishable from those marked by formal vota, and the scenes are indistinguishable in sacrificial reliefs. The list of deities to whom offerings are made, whether or not the offerings are formally specified as vota, almost invariably begins with Jupiter Optimus Maximus of the Capitoline triad. These special rites are represented in art as sacrifices of oxen, sometimes multiple sacrifices but more often abbreviated to include only a single victim. The first appearance of such a rite in Roman art is the victory offering to Hercules represented on the Borghese altar. The earliest representation of a scene clearly recognizable as the payment of vofa appears on a coin type of i6 or I3 B.C.,4 of which the legend, PRO VALETVDINE follows the regular formula of the rite. CAESARIS, As Roman relief developed, the special sacrifices and vola most frequently selected for representation were those performed on occasions of the emperor's departure or arrival. This pair of imperial themes can be identified for the first time in a major work of art on the Column of Trajan, where they account for five out of the total of eight sacrificial scenes. All five occur, curiously enough, in close succession, in the first campaign of the second Dacian war. The concentrated emphasis on religious rites at this point is to be explained, in part at least, by the character of the war. I The first Dacian war had been a typical Roman war against barbarians beyond the frontier, ending with submission and a settlement which left Dacia as a partially independent buffer state, allied to Rome but ruled by a native prince Decebalus. But the ability of Decebalus and the independent spirit of his people made this settlement merely an opportunity for the Dacians to gather forces for a more serious revolt, which broke out early in I05 A.D. and had gained alarming headway before Trajan's arrival. The first summer's campaign therefore had to be devoted to the rescue of Roman garrisons and to the recovery of outposts south of the Danube, and the advance across the river for the final offensive was postponed until the next spring. It was thus appropriate to the historical facts, as well as a means of achieving artistic variety, to make the emperor's arrivals and departures a dominant theme in the representation of this campaign. The arrival is treated as a scene of welcome, in which the focal point is a sacrifice of thanksgiving (or payment of vows) for his safe journey and bringing of aid. The departure for a new stage in his progress is also preceded by sacrifice, accompanied doubtless by voia suscepia for his safe journey. Three of the five scenes 6 represent a single victim, in all probability a steer for Jupiter Optimus Maximus. Two arrivals in cities, one a seaport on the
E.g. Henzen 77 ff. See fig. zo6 a. 5 See CAH II, 229 f. 6 Scenes LXXXVI, xcviII-ix, cii. For previous interpretations see the commentary of Cichorius, text, 2-3; Petersen, Traians dak. Kriege pt. 2; von Domaszewski, Philol 65 (1906) 321-44; Stuart Jones, PBSR 5 (1910) 435-59; Davies, JRS 7 (I9I7) 74-97; Lehmann-Hartleben, Traians3 4

saule

29-39.

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Fig. 62

P1. XLI

Adriatic and the other inland, are celebrated by more elaborate sacrifices of four bovine victims, 7 offered undoubtedly to Jupiter and to other appropriate deities. The list to whom the Arvales made vows at the time of Trajan's departure for the first Dacian war in IOI A.D. Jupiter Optimus Maximus, with Juno and Minerva of the Capitoline triad, Jupiter Victor, Salus, Mars Pater, Mars Victor, Victoria, Fortuna Redux, Vesta, Neptune, and Hercules the range of possibilities. The scenes themselves give no Victor 8suggests more specific identification, except that the heavy build of the animals themselves shows that they are steers or bulls and therefore appropriate only to male deities. Of the list from the Arval records Jupiter, Mars, and Hercules were particularly popular deities of the Roman camps. 9 Every provincial city of any importance had an established imperial cult, and there is some evidence that by this time the emperor was worshipped by the soldiers in the frontier camps. "I A sacrifice to his numen would therefore be appropriate in this context. The five sacrificial scenes are closely parallel in content but, like the three lustrations, they are represented with extraordinary variety. The series begins with an arrival from the sea voyage across the Adriatic, shown against a background of harbor and buildings. At the wharf as the ships come in there is a welcoming group of men, women, and children, and a preliminary motif of the sacrifice to come. A garlanded altar, on which a fire is already lighted, stands on a strip of rocky ground a short distance from the water's edge, and an ox lies beside it as if awaiting sacrifice. At no great distance from the seaport a more formal assembly of men and boys, laurel-crowned as for a sacred ceremony, moves to the right through an arch which is apparently a token representation of a city gate. To the right of the gate, in the sacred precinct where the sacrifice takes place, " the wharf in the foreground disappears and the lower space is occupied by groups of men and women who seem to be bystanders. They are drawn in very small scale in order not to obscure the emperor's retinue, in the midst of which Trajan hurries forward, still in military dress and with head uncovered, to take part in the sacrifice. At this point the direction of the scene reverses. Citizens, attendants of the sacred rite, and soldiers of the Roman garrison, laurel-crowned like the group at the left end, all look toward the emperor and raise their
xci-ii. According to Cichorius and others the seaports are Iader and 7 Scenes LXXXIII-IV, Salonae, towns on the Adriatic coast; cf., however, von Domaszewski, Philol. 65 (I906) 338; also Degrassi, RendPon/ 22 (1946-47) i8o-8f. The effort to identify in detail the locations and the military operations representedon the Column is not justified by the character of the relief itself. It was demonstrated by Lehmann-Hartleben that the artists of the column were not attempting to depict a factual account of events, and that in the details of the relief they were guided primarily by artistic considerations rather than by factual accuracy; see Die Traianssdu/e 29-3I, and passim; and Hamberg, Studies 105 ff. 8 Henzen cxl-iii. 9 Von Domaszewski, Relig. d. rdm. Heeres 4, 46-48. Alfoldi, RM 49 (I934) 67-68; cf. Mattingly 3, pl. 30, 5. Scene LXXXI. See Petersen, fraians dak. Kriege pt. 2, 30-32; cf. Stuart Jones, PBSR 5 (1910)

448.

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Fig. 63 P1. XLI

In the background at the right hands in a gesture of welcome and veneration. right appear military standards and the wall and gate of a Roman sta-tionary camp. The composition of an altar scene for a quadruple sacrifice presented new problems, and for their solution familiar motifs were combined with new types. Two victim groups in the upper half of the relief repeat in duplicate a type first popularized by the numerous sacrifices of the Column, and easily the favorite in the reliefs of the second century. In this type the victim's head is held by a halter and pulled into the foreground, while the hindquarters are obscured behind the attendant's figure. The pose of the left hand shows that each victimarius carried an axe over his shoulder, though there is no trace of its having been represented plastically. The second pair of victims appears in the lower half, in a pose that is almost the reverse of those above. The attendants are represented in back view, and the animals' heads instead of their hindquarters disappear into the background. The victims and attendants in each of the pairs are very similar, but they are distinguished by minor differences in build, pose, and drapery. In the lower tier, for example, the lefthand victim raises a forefoot and lifts its head so that it is partially visible above the attendant's shoulder; the dorsuazle is similar to that worn by the other victim but is of greater width. Both the attendants are represented from the back, in a pose reminiscent of one of the Villa Medici reliefs, but the position of the feet and the draping of the limus are different; and the one at the left has an axe, possibly intended to appear as if carried over his right shoulder. Immediately in front of the upper victims are two garlanded altars, and presumably the animals in the lower tier stand waiting beside two others obscured from view. The altars are lighted and ready, but there is no altar group in the usual sense. Two togate figures, one at the left of the upper pair of victims and one at a lower level to the right, may be local officials or priests; but they are evidently not to perform the sacrifice, as their heads are uncovered and are laurel-crowned like the rest. Presumably -the emperor is to officiate as priest. The moment chosen for representation thus throws the emphasis on the arrival and welcome rather than on the sacrifice itself. In the second Adventus (xc-xci) the scene of welcome is separated from the sacrifice itself. To the left of an archway a group of Dacian men and children extend or raise their hands in salutation as Trajan approaches on horseback. The sacrificial scene proper is enclosed between the arch and a clump of trees that designates the location as a forest region or a sacred grove. If the latter,
I2

Fig. 64 PI. XLII

as suggested by Lehmann-Hartleben, the masonry attached to the arch may be intended as a shrine in a grove, of the type commonly known as a nymphaeum.
13

See Lehmann-Hartleben, Traianssdule 33-34. The diagonally placed altar, so useful to illusionistic relief, had now become an artistic tradition and appears almost invariably, even where there is no effort to achieve an illusion of depth. 13 Traianssaule 36. It has been suggested that the shrine is an aedicula for the dead killed von Domaszewski, Philol 65 (I906) 34I); but in battle (Dio 68, 8; Cichorius, text, pt. 3, 99-I00; the enthusiastic welcome given to Trajan hardly befits a rite for the dead,
12

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RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Artistically it is used as a -frame for the altar group, placed at the left end of the sacrificial scene but in the center of the Adventus as a whole. Since two different moments are represented separately, Trajan himself can appear not only riding toward the place of sacrifice but also, a few minutes later, still in travel dress, pouring the libation. The altar is placed close to the side of the archway and both the attendants, a flute player and a camillus holding an acerra, are shown behind it and facing the emperor. A space-filling figure is inserted at a higher level to give mass and height to the group, and the frame of the arch makes this point easily the focus of attention. In this second multiple sacrifice, all four victims and their attendants are represented in the upper half of the relief band, and the foreground in front of the altars is occupied by a large group of worshippers, first Roman men and boys, then Dacians with their wives and children. Some raise or extend their right hands in salutation, particularly the Dacian women, who were not represented in the first welcome. These women are an interesting group, portrayed with strong features, in attitudes full of dignity and yet of hu;man interest. One little girl imitates the salutation of the grown-ups, one woman has a squirming baby in tne crook of her arm, a grandmother places a restraining hand on the shoulder of a little boy turning around to whisper. One figure represented in back view provides an interesting variation in the pattern of drapery, showing the wide swing of the cloak as it is stretched across the back, instead of the knot at the waist in front. The four times repeated pose of the victims and attendants in the upper tier is kept from being a monotonous row by variations in minor details. There are no exact repetitions. Three of the victimarii duly face to the left toward the sacrifice, but one at the end of the row turns to steal a glance at a Dacian woman. All four originally carried axes or mallets over the left shoulder, though only the first two are represented plastically. The first and third are held so that the blade or mallethead is obscured behind the victimarius' head. Three of the laurel-festooned altars are made of masonry blocks, the others are smooth in surface, as if of marble. The altar at which the emperor stands and another one seen just above his shoulder make a total of six, indicating that the rite must have included six different deities. The relief itself gives no indication whether two victims are omitted by the necessary abbreviation of details, or whether bloodless offerings were made at the first two altars. Preliminary bloodless offerings are familiar enough in Roman ritual, 14 but the rites most closely parallel to those of the Column, namely, the vota and other special sacrifices recorded by the Arval priesthood, regularly include victims for all the deities listed. The four victims represented are undoubtedly a steer for Jupiter, probably bulls for Mars and Hercules Victor, and perhaps a bull for the numen imperaforis. The
14 Cato, De Re Rust. I34, 141, and Macrobius, Sal. I, 9, 9, record preliminary prayers and bloodless offerings to Janus and to Jupiter.

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Fig. 65 P1. XLIII

Fig. 66 P1. XLIII

possible recipients of victims to be offered at the two remaining altars are so numerous that any suggestions would be purely speculatory. "I The third Adventus (cii) represents Trajan's arrival at a Roman fortified outpost north of the Danube, perhaps Dobretae at the bridgehead, where he spent the winter of I05-06 A.D. i6 The scene is much simpler than the other arrivals in cities, for here only soldiers are included in the welcoming group. A laurel-festooned altar and a bovine victim beside it stand ready for the sacrifice, as Trajan rides up on horseback and exchanges salutations with a group of Roman soldiers and officers in battle dress. A small camillus with flowing hair holds an acerra, waiting for the emperor to dismount and make the offering of incense. The victim, probably a steer for Jupiter Optimus Maximus, adorned with a scroll-patterned dorsuale and with a fillet across the horns, turns its head toward the soldiers and away from the spectator as in one of the A single attendant, originally with an axe or mallet lustration scenes (LIII). over his shoulder, stands on the far side of the victim, and in front of the animal's head appears an officer in military cloak raising his hand to salute the emperor. Two horn blowers, a standard bearer, and a number of military signa can be seen in the background, beyond them a temple and an arcaded building inside the fortification, and to the right the gate and encircling wall of the camp itself. This final Adventus is greatly abbreviated, partly for the sake of contrast with the earlier arrival scenes, but at least partly because it immediately precedes the lustration of the camp which formally opens the last campaign. It is thus treated as a preliminary to the Suovetaurilia, in which the emperor appears as priest, once again in the normal priestly garb with the -toga drawn over the head. There is the strongest possible contrast between his appearance in the solemn ritual of the lustration and his arrival in the preceding scene, where his pose and mien are suggestive of the heroized equestrian figures of Greek votive reliefs.I7 The two remaining sacrifices occur in alternation with the arrival scenes. The first (LXXXvi) represents the emperor's departure from a seaport town, not necessarily the scene of his first arrival. City buildings-theater, temple, and porticoes-appear in the background, and the edge of the wharf forms the lower limit of the scene. Soldiers carrying their packs to a ship in the left foreground indicate that departure for another stage in the journey is imminent, and the sacrifice is in all likelihood offered with vofa pro salute imperaloris to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Soldiers with their standards form a solid block behind Trajan, who is shown in almost fill profile to the right as he pours the libation. Behind the altar and facing the emperor stands an unusually tall camillus, with hair arranged in the feminine style of the Flavian period, and behind him a laureate flute player in similar pose. The additional
I5 The sacrifices of heifers to Salus, Felicitas, Fortuna, and Victoria are equally likely on the evidence of the Arval records. See also supra n. 8. i6 See Stuart Jones, PBSR 5 (1910) 456-57. '7 This is pointed out by Lehmann-Hartleben,op. cit. (supra n. 6) 29, 38.

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Fig. 67 Pl. XLIV

togate figure represented at a slightly higher level, by now a familiar part of the sacrificial scenes of the Column, serves to build up the altar group in a pyramidal line. The left side of this pyramidal composition is filled in by one of the two lictors at either side of the emperor, recognizable by their cloaks knotted on the breast although their fasces are nowhere in evidence. The unusual feature of this altar scene is the position of the victim, lying beside the altar with head stretched out and forelegs bent backward, as if dying or already dead. '8 The pose of the victimarius, with right knee bent as he leans forward to hold down the animal's head, is new in Roman art but is clearly a development from the pose of the kneeling victimarius in the ox-slaying type of the early Empire. The strong diagonal -line of his leg, back, and head forms the right side of the pyramidal altar group and provides a balance for the upright figure of the emperor, which cuts the pyramid with a vertical line at the left. The facade of the theater frames the altar scene and makes this point the focus of interest. As in the sacrifice of the six altars, the worshippers are massed at the right, with women, girls, and boys in the foreground. Here there are no laurel crowns except on the heads of two figures behind the altar attendants, who are perhaps officials. The more solemn attitude of this group and the absence of the welcoming gestures contrast strongly with the joyous enthusiasm of the arrival scenes, as befits prayers and vows for the safe-keeping of the emperor on his journey. The sacrifice represented in Scenes xcviii-ix takes place just before the crossing of the Danube bridge, and the bridge itself forms the background. As this scene is preceded by episodes of road building, of Dacian attacks and their repulse by the arrival of Trajan, the sacrifice may be a thank offering to Jupiter and vola so/lua for safety and success in the conflict just past, as maintained by Petersen and others. It may, however, be the customary offering to Jupiter before a new stage in the advance-in this case the advance across the bridge into another field of action. '9 The relief represents Trajan, accompanied by lictors20 and officers, standing at the right of a low garlanded altar, behind which appear a flute player and the usual small camillus with open incense box. The victim and a single attendant stand waiting at the left of the altar in the pose most characteristic of the Column, with the head and forequarters of the steer appearing beside the frontally placed victimarius. The slight turn of the attendant's body away from the altar as he grasps the halter is balanced by his glance directed, like all the rest, toward the emperor. The rather conventional composition of the scene in the foreground is capably handled,
This pose was experimented with in an earlier scene on the Column (LXXX), but there the victim is clearly alive and is merely waiting. In a relief in the Louvre, perhaps Trajanic in date, a victim lies dead at the feet of Victoria; see fig. 85. I9 Cf. Livy 29, 26-27. See Petersen, Traians dak. Kriege pt. 2, 59-60; von Domaszewski, Philol 65 (I906) 342; $.,uart Jones, PBSR 5 (I9Io) 448; Lehmann-Hartleben, iraianssdule 37-38. No fasces are represented plastically, but the two in frontal pose wear their cloaks knotted across the breast in the fashion characteristic of lictors in this period; see fig. 86; LehmannHartleben, op. cit. 34, 38.
i8

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but it is not allowed to detract from the interest in the famous bridge itself, which had been constructed by Apollodorus in the interval between the two wars. In variety of details and inventiveness of design this series of sacrificial scenes equals, if it does not actually surpass, the production of any other period in Roman relief. The ox-slaying, so popular in the early Empire, does not appear at all. Other earlier motifs are placed in new settings and combinations to produce original compositions, and new types are experimented with. The ox lying relaxed beside an altar, first used as a preliminary motif for an Adventus (LXXX), is fully exploited in a sacrifice preceding a departure (LXXXVI), the lines of the animal's body altered to convey the impression of complete collapse, the eyes turned upward, the ears dropped, and the tongue shown protruding from the gasping mouth. The resources of the multiple sacrifice are employed to give the effect of a grand pageant of welcome. The first (LXXXIV-VI) experiments boldly with an impression of depth inplied by a double row of victims, the nearer pair represented with their heads hidden from sight by the figures of attendants shown in back view. The second (xci-iii) emphasizes the grand scale of the action by placing four closely parallel victim groups across the upper background behind a varied multitude of worshippers, shifting the focus toward the left so that the action is centered about the emperor. The two scenes of departure exploit the interest of an impressive architectural background, in one case elaborate city buildings, in the other the magnificent span of the bridge across the Danube. Two scenes of arrival represent the emperor as an equestrian figure, heroic in proportions and pose, which in one case (cii) takes the center of the stage and dwarfs the sacrificial scene itself. Two of the Arrivals are expanded beyond a single scene and are presented in two stages, a preliminary welcome and a full-scale sacrificial scene. These are in effect separate compositions, and they make altogether a total of seven rather than five scenes devoted to the subject of Arrival and Departure. That so many presentations of a single theme could be crowded into one section of the continuous band of relief without a flagging of interest on the part of either artists or spectator is an amazing achievement of narrative art. The Column of Marcus Aurelius presents the strongest possible contrast to the richness and vitality of the Trajanic treatment of the subject. A total of four or five sacrifices carry on in a purely perfunctory fashion the types established by the earlier column. Apart from the two lustration scenes discussed in an earlier chapter, there are two, or possibly three, which must be classed as special sacrifices (perhaps vo/a suscep/a) before a new phase of the military operations. Not one is a full scale sacrificial scene; they are no more indeed than a slight pause in the action for an imperial gesture of pouring a libation.
The first (XIII)
2!

occurs just before the crossing of a river and must be

a sacrifice, doubtless to Jupiter, for the safety of the emperor and his army.
2I

I,

299,

Petersen, von Domaszewski, Calderini, Die Markussdule (cited as Petersen) 57-58; Reinach no. I9. Zwikker, Studien zur Markussdule 247-50, 263; Strong, ScuItRom 269.

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Fig. 68 PI. XLIV

Fig. 69 a-b P1. XLV

Though the relief is badly damaged, it is possible to distinguish the togate figure of the emperor standing at the left of a small tripod altar, and behind it the bare foot and knee of a camillus. To the right the next scene begins immediately with a cavalcade in full gallop, and in the background a boat already launched, carrying armed soldiers across the river, leaves no doubt that this is a sacrifice performed on the eve of departure. 22 represents the emperor in military dress, apparently with Scene XXIX a patera in hand as if pouring a libation. Since the scene is followed immediately by an advance over a narrow bridge of boats and then by a combat, the sacrifice-if a sacrifice was in fact represented-may be associated either with the safe arrival or with the new advance about to be made. The sacrifice It of Scene LXXV iS equally summary in details and equivocal in meaning. follows a representation of barbarian captives conducted by Roman soldiers, and it might therefore be a thank offering for previous success. But it occurs in the midst of a muster of cavalry preceding an advance into combat, and it is probably better interpreted as a sacrifice and vows for preservation and victory in the battle to come. The emperor in military dress stands at the left of a small unadorned altar, with a roll in his left hand and in his right a patera tipped away from the spectator to pour wine into the flames. There are no altar attendants, but he is flanked on either side, as usual, by a companion of slightly smaller stature. Three other figures in military cloaks, turned slightly away from the spectator, stand in a row opposite him. The emperor and his attendants are encircled by soldiers standing at their horses' heads, ready for the advance. A standard bearer carrying a vexillum completes the outer ring of figures in a composition that is capably handled but rather dull. The designer of the Column was obviously little interested in religious rites, but felt obliged to include at least a few allusions to a theme so much stressed on the earlier column. A large relief from Trajan's Forum, the well known Extispicium in the Louvre, represents a rite to Jupiter of the Capitolium. The triple doors of the temple in the background and the reading of omens from the entrails of the slain victim establish this as a nuncupatio vo/orum on the Capitoline before the departure for a military campaign, an occasion when a steer was sacrificed to Jupiter and used for divination. When the auspices had been pronouncecl
23 24

Petersen 64. Zwikker, op. cit. 265, questions Petersen's interpretation of the scene as a sacrifice; Strong, Scul/Rom 272. Petersen 77; Reinach I, 317, 93; Zwikker, op. cit. (supra n. 2!) 271; Strong, ScultRom 274. For the history of the relief, see Wace, PBSR 4 (I907) 230-44, pIS. 20-29; Clarac, Mus. RM 6 (I891) 20-22; Michon, sculpt. 2 732-33, no. 300; 743, no. 311, pls. 151, 195. Michaelis, MonPiot i8 (1910) 2I6-23; Strong, ScultRom 149, pl. 32. Sieveking dates the relief in the reign of Hadrian and assigns to it the figure of a flying Victory at Cannes; see FestArndt 29 and RM 40 (1925) i6i-66, fig. i. A flying Victory might have appeared in the space above the figures and to the left of the temple facade, where there is a triangular piece missing from the relief. Such a figure would be appropriate to a nuncupatiovotorum as a symbol of the victory hoped for, and in the interest of which the vows were made.
22 23 24

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favorable, the commander then changed from toga to military cloak and the axes were fitted to the fasces carried by his lictors.25 The moment here chosen for representation is unique in Roman art, but the choice is characteristic of the Trajanic tendency to experiment with new types. Divination from the entrails of sacrificed animals is rarely represented in art, but a parallel, from which this composition might have been developed, appears in the frieze of the Heroon at Gjolbaschi-Trysa in Lycia. 26 In the Trajanic relief the emphasis on the fact that the steer is dead, with knees collapsed and head twisted to one side, betrays the contemporary interest in representing a sacrifice at a moment after the slaughter. The relief was studied in detail by Wace, who associated it with a group designed to commemorate Trajan's Dacian wars. Some parts that have been lost -the pediment representing the Capitoline triad, and the bearded head and shoulders of the central togate figure in profile to the right-can be supplied from drawings made at the time the relief was first discovered. The general purport of the scene is self-evident, though certain details are puzzling. The actual sacrifice has already taken place and the popa, with his axe now at rest over his shoulder, holds the situla for cooking the ex/a after their examination for omens. The extispicium is performed by a victimarius under the direction of a togate haruspex, who has in his hand a roll or part of a staff. The figures directly concerned with the divination are placed at the left side and are clearly subordinate to the imperial group, linked with it only by the glances of the popa and victimarius who turn their heads away from the victim to look at the emperor,28 and by a lictor who turns from the imperial group to observe the progress of the divination. The other lictor stands facing right in almost the same pose as that of the togatus whom he attends. Another togate figure in the background, possibly a lictor, is turned away from the spectator so that the lines of drapery are reversed in direction, in a pose used occasionally in Roman relief as a compositional device. The three remaining background figures, employed chiefly as space-fillers, complete an unrelieved isocephalic line that is reminiscent of the Ara Pacis and other early imperial reliefs. One of these wears the spiked cap of a flamen, in this case the Flamen Dialis. Though the flamen of the particular cult must regularly have been present at a sacrifice, these priests appear rather rarely in art. They are repre27

25 See Livy 2I, 63, 7-9; 45, 39, ii; Caesar, Bell. Civ. I, 6; Julius Obsequens 76; Lactantius, De Morte Persecutorum IO. See G. Blecher, De Ex/ispicio I81-92, 238; Marquardt 3, 264 ff, 413-14; Rist, Opfer d. rom. Heeres 26. 26 0. Benndorf and G. Niemann, Das Heroonvon (Vienna I889) pl. i6. Two Gjolbaschi-Trysa

animals, a ram and a bull, are shown lying on their backs, about to be dismemberedand cooked
for the feast following the sacrifice; cf. Eichler, Reliefs des Heroon von Gjl6rbaschi-Trysa 67 f.,

pls.

24-25.

See also Bouche-Leclercq, DarSag, "Divinatio," 297-98; Blecher, op. ci.
223.

(237-4I);

Adl 35 (i863) 236-37; E. Gerhard, EtrSpiegel, pI. 27 Wissowa, 543-49; Marquardt 3, 4I3-14.
28

Both heads are modern restorations, but the original positions are shown by the muscles of the neck; see Wace, op. cit. (supra, n. 24) 238 f.
I9

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sented in the processions of the Ara Pacis and the Ara Pietatis, and in second century reliefs they are occasionally included in the altar group.29 The principal figures are four togati framed by the temple facade. The pair at the right who turn their heads toward the center are probably magistrates, perhaps the consuls of the year. The figure in frontal pose before the central door can only be Trajan himself, for heads are turned toward this point from right and left, according to the usual method of singling out the emperor. His right forearm was lifted in what appears to be an exchange of salutations with the togatus facing him on the left. Drawings of the relief indicate that the latter figure was bearded, and Wace's suggestion that it may have been Hadrian is inherently plausible. The unusual feature of the scene is that the lictors, their fasces already fitted with axes, are placed as if attendant upon Hadrian rather than Trajan. This fact, as well as the gesture of the emperor, indicates that it is Hadrian who is being entrusted with command of the campaign and for whom the auspices are being taken. History records only one such command during Trajan's lifetime, a campaign against the lazyges preliminary to a final satisfactory settlement of Dacia. 30 The conduct of this war was incidental to Hadrian's governorship of Pannonia and it can hardly have deserved commemoration by a major work of art. If, however, some of the monuments of Trajan's Forum were actually completed under Hadrian, 3 some exaggeration of its importance is understandable. Artistically the Extispicium is not entirely successful. The traditional types of sacrificial scene had a single natural focus, in which the emperor as chief priest of the state occupied the key position. The substitution of the divination for the rite at the altar unavoidably divided the scene into two approximately equal halves. Moreover, as the divination was not performed by the emperor, the group of primary importance was left without any specific focus of activity; hence the somewhat monotonous row of togate figures in which the only action is the exchange of a salutation. The facade and triple doors of the temple framing the imperial group compensated in part for this monotony, but it could not fully succeed in binding together the two parts of the composition.
Fig. 70
PI. XLVI

A fragmentary relief from the Mattei collection in the Louvre represents the sacrifice of an ox before a temple facade and lofty doorway festooned with laurel. 32 In both style and scale the relief matches the panel in the
See Strong, Scul/Rom 72-74, fig. 48; Helbig-Amelung, Fuhrer no. 1418. The fragment is probably Hadrianic. Cf. also figs. 43, 6x, xs a. 30 See CAH iI, 233; SHA, Hadrian 3, 9. 3' The temple to Trajan and Plotina was included in the Forum by Hadrian, and this addition suggests that the Forum as a whole may not have been entirely completed. This is suggested by Wace, op. cit. (supra n. 24) 248, but for another reason. See also Sieveking, cited in n. 24, above. 32 Wace PBSR 4 (1907) 246 f. Michon,MonPiot i8 (I9I0) 223-31; Strong, ScuItRom 21I, fig. 123. Wace regards the relief as Trajanic; Michon and Strong attribute both this and the Conservatoripanel to a triumphalmonument of early Hadrianicdate, possibly associated with Hadrian's
29

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I3'

Conservatori that represents Roma welcoming the arrival of Hadrian (restored as Marcus Aurelius). The Trajanic style of the unrestored heads in both reliefs attests their close relationship and makes it probable that they may both have belonged to a monument of early Hadrianic date. It has been assumed further that the Mattei relief was a panel of the same dimensions and actually a companion piece of the Conservatori panel, representing the triumphal sacrifice offered on Hadrian's first arrival in Rome as emperor in i i8 A. D. A close examination of the relief does not, however, support this assumption. There is no evidence that the left edge is original, for the fragment has obviously been cut to fit into a rectangular frame. It represents only the right half of an altar group, and the pose of the flute player, with flute already at his lips, is nmore appropriate to a scene in which the libation is actually being offered by a priest standing at the left of an altar. At the same time, the laureate heads of the participants and the laurel festooning the great portal in the background are entirely consistent with an imperial Adventus or Reditus such as that represented in the Conservatori panel, and even if they are not companion pieces, the two reliefs may have a common origin. The sacrifice is not the customary payment of voca on the Capitoline. Though wide variation was allowed in the representation of temples in Roman reliefs, the Capitoline temple could hardly be shown in this period without any indication of triple doors. 33 As an imperial Adventus or Reditus involved the payment of vows to various deities, it must be assumed that for special reasons some other sacrifice than that to Jupiter Capitolinus was chosen for commemoration. In the second century there was an increasing emphasis on the periodic vo/a which marked the decades of the reigns. 34 These begin to appear under the specific legend of Decennalia in the coinage of the Antonine period. Sacrifices designated as Vota Publica, whether periodic or special, are represented in a rich series of coin types, particularly abundant under Hadrian and the Anto-

victories over the Sarmatians and Roxolani in ii8 A.D. A togate figure in profile at a slightly higher level behind the altar group is a detail familiar in the altar scenes of Trajan's Column. The victim is most closely related in build to those of the Column of Trajan and the Arch of Benevento. In this period bovine victims are representedwith very heavy necks and short blocky
heads; cf. figs. 64, 67, 82-83.
33 Both the Exstispicium and the Triumph of Marcus Aurelius show the triple doors, though they differ as to the number of columns. On the small space of the Boscoreale cup the temple appears with a single door, but its identity is made clear by an eagle in the tympanum. The priestly symbols here represented in the tympanum are appropriate for any temple. The shield with crossed spears in the center was an imperial symbol, in some cases used with dynastic significance. See Dio 55, I2; Rostovtzeff, Klio, Erganzungsband (1905) 67 f.; C. Pietrangeli, NS 1938, 5-9; Mattingly I, I05, cf. 88. The design would be appropriate for a temple to a divus, and it is possible that the temple is that of Trajan and Plotina. Bernhart's identification of the Templum Divi Traiani with an octostyle temple represented in a coin type (Miinzkunde I29-30) has

been refuted by Strack i, 149-54, pl. 6, nos. 393-94. See Platner-Ashby, TopogDict 244; G. Lugli, Roma Antica 295, fig. 87. 34 L. Schwabe, Die kaiserlichen Decennalien (Tiubingen I896); M. Hammond, MAAR I5 (1938) 45; 17 (1940) 7 and n. 62. See also infra n. 38.

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RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN RONIAN ART

Fig.

7I

P1. XLVI

nines, some of which are elaborate scenes almost certainly adapted from monumental reliefs. These will be discussed with other evidence from coinage in a later chapter. A somewhat uninspired Hadrianic relief in the Uffizi Gallery has some elements in common writh the Vota Publica as thay appear on coins, and it may be a representation of the same theme. 3 The ox-slaying motif, used in a simplified version on the coins, appears here in its most elaborate form, with an attendant on either side of the victim holding down its head. As part of an altar is preserved at the left edge, the priest and altar attendants were evidently represented further to the left. At the right of the victim group appears another motif familiar in the tradition of the Vota Publica. Two figures, one togate and one semi-nude, stand behind a laurel-encircled shield which is held at either side by put/i. A shield, often inscribed with VOTA DEC or VOTA XX, is a familiar symbol of the imperial periodic vola. A close parallel to its use in the Uffizi relief occurs in a coin type of Marcus Aurelius, in which a shield inscribed with the single word VOTA is held in the same fashion by the Senatus and Genius populi Romani, while a victim standing beside the group alludes to a sacrifice to be offered. 36 In the relief, as on the coin, the semi-nude figure, the upper part of which is modern, was probably the Genius populi Romani. But the togatus, wrongly restored as a flute player, has a beardless portrait head which is markedly contrasted with the typically Hadrianic heads of the victimarii and the Hellenistic pu//i. There is no evidence that this head has been restored, and it must be assumed that for some reason an individualized figure was introduced into a more or less conventional motif. 37 The incorporation into the design of a motif which was associated particularly with the Vota Publica places the relief with some plausibility in I37 A.D., the year
of Hadrian's celebration of his second decennalia. This was the most distinguished occasion of the payment of vows in Hadrian's reign, and it was commemorated also by a variety of coin types, some of which appear to be related to the Uffizi relief. 38 The architectural background is not identifiable on evi35 H. Diitschke, Ant. Bildw. in Oberitalien 3, no. 29; Amelung, Fahrer Florenz 94-95, no. 147; Stuart Jones, PBSR 3 (i9o6) 24I-42, fig. 4 and n. I; Strong, Roman Sculpture I44, pl. 44; Richmond, JRS 4, (1914) 2I8; Sieveking, JOAI io (1907) I90. 36 See Alfoldi, RM 49 (I934) The shield is often held by Victories, e.g. on the monu97-I00. ment of Diocletian in the Forum, but on a coin of Constans Cupids hold a laurel-encircledshield which bears the legend VOTIS X MVLTIS xx, Toynbee, NumS/ud 5, pl. I 2, I I. Cf. fig. Io6 g and RM 49 (I934) pl. 3, 4; Mattingly 4, cxlvii. 37 Occasionally individualized figures are introduced, apparently for variety, among the stock attendants in anraltar group; e.g. the interesting portrait figure of one victimarius on the Altar of Vespasian, fig. 38; cf. also the flute player in the Mattei relief, fig. 70. 38 Cf. Mattingly 3, cxxxvi-vii, cxlix; Strack 2, I84-88. This is the first recorded celebration of the imperialdecennalia, mentioned in a papyrus fromTebtunis; Hammond, MAAR I5 (1938) 45. It was an occasion for special commemorationbecause Hadrian was the first emperor since Tiberius to complete a second decade. It was signalized by a number of coin types, one of which represents the Senatus and Genius populi Romani offering wine and incense at an altar; in another the legend VOTA SVSCEPTA is encircled by a wreath; a third is a sacrificial scene that employs the

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133

Fig. 72a

P1. XLVII

Fig. 72 b

dence now available. The octostyle Corinthian temple adjoins two small pedimental structures such as those which adorned the hemicycles of the imperial fora, and it is possible that it might be the Temple of Mars Ultor, shown with part of the adjacent construction of the west apse. 39 Vota Publica are probably the subject of one scene from the great ensemble of Antonine reliefs found at Ephesus. 40 Two meters in height and preserved in various fragments to a total length of about eighteen meters, the reliefs might have adorned a sacred enclosure, or the attic or passageway of an arch. Battles against an eastern enemy are interspersed with other scenes, one of which is a sacrifice represented on two separate slabs. On one slab two figures in priestly garb stand in frontal pose as if ready to officiate at an altar. They are accompanied by a third who is togate but with head uncovered, and in the background at the right can be seen the head of a goddess who is perhaps the personification of Ephesus. The victim and attendants of the sacrifice are represented in a separate composition. Two victimarii clad in the Greek exomis bring straight forward toward the spectator a humped ox of a type that occurs on eastern imperial coins, while in the background between the attendants appeais a flute player in profile to the right and, facing him at a slightly higher level, a trumpeter. The two priestly figures have been interpreted as Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus celebrating the victory over the Parthians in their joint triumph of i66 A.D. 42 But the heads, which are now in place, identify them with reasonable certainty as Antoninus and Hadrian, and the youthful beardless figure at the left is unquestionably Marcus Aurelius. The small boy between Antoninus and Hadrian, upon whose shoulder the former places a protective hand, is therefore not the five-year-old Commodus but the young son of Aelius Caesar, who was eight years old at the time of Hadrian's death. The only possible occasion for such a grouping is the designation of Antoninus as Hadrian's successor early in 138 A.D., when Antoninus adopted and thus secured the succession to young Annius Verus and the small son of Aelius Caesar, giving them the better known adoptive names of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. Hadrian's right hand, extended palm outward over the child's shoulder, is intelligible as a gesture of presentation of his successor. Antoninus' left hand already holds the imperial scepter; his right hand may have held a patera for the sacrifice, or it may have been extended simply in a gesture of greeting. The
ox-slaying motif, which had been abandoned by Trajanic artists and reappears for the first time here and in the Uffizi relief; see Mattingly 3, pl. 62, 3-7. See infra Chap. XII, n. 23, and fig. Io6c, d, e. 39 See Lugli, RomAnt 258 ff. and pl. 5; cf., however, Richmond, JRS 4 (1914) 2I8. 4' R. Heberdey, JOAI 7 (I904) Beiblatt 37-55, figs. 10-12; Reinach I, 142-45; Strong, ApoIheosis go f., pl. II; ScUItRom 258 f. and pl. 5o; Brendel, RM 45 (1930) 206, 214, pl. 77. 41 E.g BMCa/Coins, Mysia pl. 31, 4-5. Heberdey, op. cit. (supra, n. 40) 54-55; Keil, JOAI 27 (193I) Beiblatt 5I-54; see CAH ii, 345-49; von Lorentz, RM 48 (I933) 309; Goethert, RM 54 (I939) 217; Ward Perkins, JRS 38 (1948) 78 f.
42

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134

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

better known Apotheosis from the same ensemble, which represents a cuirassed emperor in a chariot conducted by Roma, rising over the figure of Terra Mater, must refer to the deification of Hadrian. The monument thus commemorates the accession of Antoninus, presented by his recently dead predecessor, in the presence of the personified figure of Ephesus. The honorific decree which Antoninus' accession called forth at Ephesus, where he had been stationed as governor of Syria, makes it not improbable that the event was honored by a public monument. 43 In such a context the battle scenes must be symbolic in meaning as well as in manner of expression, alluding to Rome's subjection of the barbarians beyond the borders of the Empire. The sacrifice can only record a nuncupa/io volorum for the new reign-vows which would be paid ten years later by the decennalia; for Hadrian's presence in the altar group precludes the possibility that the offering is to be made to the new divus. The symbolic character of the battle scenes and the elaborate allegory of the Apotheosis may perhaps betray the influence of local taste and artistic traditions. But the figures of Roma, Victoria, and the recumbent Terra Mater are entirely in keeping with the contemporary treatment of imperial apotheosis in the monumental relief of the Capital. The sacrificial scene itself, except for the eastern type of ox used as a victim, is thorouighly Roman. 4 Its presentation in two separate parts not integrated into a single composition is the result of a gradual development in Roman relief. The division here is more advanced than in any earlier instance, and may be compared with that of sacrificial scenes on Severan monuments discussed below. By the time of Septimius Severus the borderline between the Olympian gods and the divine ruler was becoming blurred, to the point where it is difficult to distinguish sacrifices to the greater gods from the rites of the imperial cult. The fusion-or confusion between the older state cults and the worship of the emperor is well illustrated by the Arch of Severus at Lepcis Magna. 45 In a group of greater gods, Jupiter and Juno of the Capitoline triad are actually portraits of Septimius and Julia Domna. In another group the togate figure of the emperor stands between Aesculapius and Victoria, a deity in his own person without the support of an incarnation and the attributes of a particular god. The attic relief representing the triumphal sacrifice, which appears to be offered to the emperor himself, will be discussed in the following chapter. Another sacrificial scene, represented in two tiers inside one of the pylons, 46
See CAH ii, 332 and n. 4. The victimarius wears the Greek exomis in place of the limus, but this is not unparalleled in Roman reliefs; e.g. figs. 59, 77 b, 95; cf. Svoronos pl. 38. 45 For the details here referred to, see Townsend, AJA4 42 (1938) 5I5, 520, pI. i8 B; Bartoccini, Africa I/aliana 4 (I93I) fig. 48; p. 84 and fig. 52. L'Orange, Apotheosis 77-8I, maintains that Septimius is represented as Serapis rather than Jupiter. See CAH1 2, 355-6i. 46 Bartoccini, Afrhal, 4 (I93I) figs. 47 and 44; P. Pray Bober, Sculptures of the Arch qf Septimius Severus at Ieptis (diss. N. Y. Univ. 943, unpublished) 8-24; Technau, AA 47 (1932) 529, fig. 3I. The scene was interpreted by Bartoccini as the presentation of Caracalla to the Tyche of Lepcis; cf., however, Pray Bober, loc. cit.
43 44

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135

Fig. 73a
P1. XLVIII

is also probably to be associated with the imperial cult. In the lower tier two bovine victims appear on either side of an altar, with an accompanying group of togate and military figures. Immediately above was a relief that represents the imperial family standing on the steps of a temple, surrounded by deities. On low pedestals at either end appear Roma and a bearded deity who seems to be an amalgamation of Silvanus and the Genius Augusti. The wreath on his head and the pine branch in his hand are unmistakable attributes of Silvanus, but he is dressed in a fashion appropriate only to the Genius of In the background can be seen three deities: at the right a living person. Hercules; in the center the Tyche of Lepcis, identified by the ship's prow at her feet; and at the left a draped figure with flowing locks who in this context can be no other than Liber, the third of the triad represented on the triumphal chariot. The fact that this deity is clothed, while Liber is regularly nude, raises the question whether like Silvanus he was here conflated with the Genius Augusti, in this case the Genius of Caracalla. Such amalgamation would not be astonishing, in the case of Silvanus because of his many cult associations with Genius, and in the case of Liber because, on the Severan Arch of the Silversmiths, the Genius populi Romani replaces Liber as the companion of Hercules. 48 The center foreground of the relief is occupied by Septimius and a fragmentary female figure who was unquestionably Julia Domna. Caracalla appears at the right of the emperor, and a togatus at the left of the empress must be Geta. Septimius' left hand grasps the right hand of Caracalla, and all four were undoubtedly represented with linked hands in a gesture like the dex/racrumiunctio of the attic. relief, suggesting harmony within the imperial family. The three men wear the garb of the sacrificing priest-the old toga now worn as a ceremonial garment, draped with sinus and umbo49-and are evidently to officiate at the sacrifice represented in the tier below. The nature of the sacrifice as well as its context suggests an offering of two bulls to the Genii of the two Augusti, who could themselves appropriately perform the function of priests at such a rite. It has been noted' that Silvanus was the special deity of the Third Legion stationed at Lambaesis, which had accompanied Septimius to Syria, 50 and the apotropaic gesture toward the imperial family-hand outstretched with two fingers extended-may be intended to suggest his special protection of the divina domus. As the victim appropriate to Silvanus was a pig, he is probably not to be understood as a
5I

47 Cf. Reinach 2, 31, 2; Strong. ScultRomp1.39. The Genius of a living person was commonly representedas a togate figure with cornucopiaand patera; see fig. 33 c. For the associations between Silvanus and Genius, see Wissowa, 2I4-I5; CIL 6, 693, 3712. The gesture, with the first two fingers and thumb extended, appears to be apotropaic; see Baumeister, "Amulett," fig. 75 a-b. 48 See infra n. 54; also Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor I85. 49 See L'Orange, RM 44 (1929) i88. 50 Chatelain, MelRome 30 (1910) 78-80; see Pray Bober, op. cit. (supra n. 46) 23-24; Bartoccini, AfrItal 4 (I93I) II4. 5' Wissowa 2 I3-I4; Reinach 2, 3I, 2. The pine cone, which might suggest association of the sacrifice with Silvanus, is a familiar object among fruits and cakes on an altar, e.g. figs. 66-67, 74-76.

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I36

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 74 P1. XLVIII

recipient of the sacrifice, except insofar as he is identified with the Genius Augusti. In both parts of this scene there is less rigid frontality and more attention to tridimensional effect than in the larger attic reliefs. The oblique position of the altar and the turn of the victims' heads toward the spectator create an illusion of depth which is unusual in the reliefs of the arch. The row of togate figures behind the altar -probably local magistrates and decurionesis less stiffly frontal than in the triumphal relief. One figure at the left end is shown in back view, and the next pair face each other as if engaged in conversation. Moreover, the line of figures was broken by two who stood at a lower level behind the right corner of the altar. Though this was the proper position for the sacrificing priest, there is no sign of a patera held over the altar, and the folds of the toga at the shoulder of the figure nearest the altar show that it did not ,veil the head. One of the togati in the background places a hand on his shoulder, but the break in the relief at this point has destroyed any evidence as to the meaning of the gesture. Not far from the Arch of Lepcis in date and style is a sacrificial scene from The relief, which adorned the theater at the neighboring town of Sabratha. the central niche in the scaenae frons, apparently represents an oath of loyalty. As at Lepcis the sacrificial scene is divided into two parts, here placed at either end of a row of human and divine figures. In the altar group at the left end the emperor, togate but with uncovered head, stands beside a tripod altar, holding a patera into which a camillus is pouring wine for the libation. The latter has an acerra in his left hand, and a similar rectangular box-or possibly an arula for burning incense-rests on the tripod. Between the emperor and the camillus stands a youthful togate figure, probably Caracalla. In the other part of the scene at the right end of the relief, an ox conducted by two attendants stands at a rectangular stone altar heaped with cakes and a pine cone. The animal is held by a halter rope and it originally had the customary ornamental frame between the horns. The victimarius wears a limus much shorter than usual in late Roman reliefs, but the band-like folds about the waist are characteristic of the Severan period. His triangular knife is secured in an unusual manner by a strap across the shoulder, and he holds an axe negligently over his upper arm. A military official behind the victim adds a third figure to balance the libation group at the opposite end. In the space between is a row of nine figures, all in frontal pose and all equal in height. The central one is badly damaged, but her Amazonian dress, helmeted head, and locks of hair falling over the shoulders identify her unmistakably as Roma. She extends her hand to the long-robed Tyche of Sabratha, easily recognizable by her high crown and cornucopia. At either side are men wearing helmets and military cloaks, each with a dagger held upright in his left hand and his right hand raised as
52

376, fig. 4; G. Guidi, AfrI/al3 (I930) 52 AA z4 (4929) of. Haynes and Hirst, PBSR, Supplementary Papers (I939)

I-52,

esp. 34-38, figs.

29-3I

and pi. J;

26.

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VOTA PUBLICA

I37

if taking an oath. The scene is unique in content, but it can hardly be doubted that the figures in military dress are representatives of the army at Sabratha taking their oath of allegiance to the ruling City. The oath was originally taken by Jupiter Optimus Maximus, but under the Empire Jupiter's name had been overshadowed by the addition of those of the divi and Genius of the emperor.52a It is highly probable, therefore, that the victim represented in the relief at Sabratha is a bull to be offered to the Genius Augusti rather than the steer appropriate to Jupiter. Simpler in composition than those of the attic on the arch at Lepcis, the relief shows much of the same frontality and rigid symmetry in arrangement. The treatment of individual figures and of the drapery is similar; and the victim group is closely related to the corresponding group in the pylon relief at Lepcis, in composition, in stance and pose of the' figures, and in numerotis details. In the sacrifices represented on the Arch of the.Silversmiths in Rome,53 erected only a year later than the Arch at Lepcis, it is difficult to determine whether the members of the imperial family are worshippers or are themselves worshipped. On the front of the arch, in attic panels at each end of the inscription, appear single figures of deities, Hercules and the 'Genius populi Romani. 54 A relief on each pylon, duplicated in composition but reversed in direction, represents a bull conducted by two victimarii. Within the passageway
Fig. 75 a-b Pi. XI-X

are the well known sacrificial scenes, each divided, like the pylon relief at Lepcis, into an upper and a lower tier. The lower tier, however, which represents the altar attendants and the slaying of the victim, is here reduced to little more than a predella below the principal scene and is separated from it by a smaller band adorned with implements of sacrifice. The reliefs of the two opposing sides are meticulously balanced in content and are reversed in direction so that in each case the victim and the sacrificant face the front of the arch. The victim group repeats in somewhat perfunctory fashion the familiar ox-slaying motif, and the fact that in one case the popa must swing his axe left-handed is not allowed to interfere with the strict symmetry of the composition. Although the altar is in the panel above, the attendants here are arranged as if in an altar scene. Two long-haired camilli are equipped, as usual, with incense box, fringed man/ele, pitcher, and handled patera, and a togate flute player is seen above the victim's lowered head. In each of the main panels there were originally three figures: Septimius, Julia Domna, and Geta in one panel, opposite Caracalla, his young wife Plautilla, and her father, the powerful minister Plautianus; but the damna(io

52a

53

See Taylor, Divinity of the Roman Emperor Reinach i, 27I-72; J. Madaule, Ald/Rome 41

I91-92. (1924) III-50;

Haynes

and Hirst, op. cit.

1-43,

pls. I-7;

Pallottino, L'arco degli argentari.

54 The deity at the right was formerly identified as Liber, but the iconography corresponds exactly to that of the popular Genius populi -Romani; see Haynes and Hirst, op. cit. (supra n. 52) 33-35 and fig. i9. Liber as represented in the attic of the Arch of Lepcis is nude, with hair looped back in feminine fashion; see JRS 38 (I948) pls. I0-iI; cf. also Mattingly 5, pI. 33, i8.

20

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I38

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

memoriae which followed the murdersof Geta, Plautianus, and his daughter involved

the erasure of these three from both the reliefs and the dedicatory inscription. The two Augusti, Septimius and Caracalla, each hold a patera over a fruitladen tripod altar, but only Septimius has the toga drawn over his head. This may possibly signify no more than his seniority as the elder Augustus and Pontifex Maximus, but the ritual garb of the sacrificant was so firmly established in Roman artistic tradition that its absence calls for explanation. The empress' gesture too is unusual. Her right hand is raised in a gesture of salutation that must be directed, as is her glance, out toward the spectator. Her left hand once held the large caduceus, 55 but the recutting of her arm and mantle after the erasure of the smaller figure of Geta at her side has left it isolated in the background. Though the arch was dedicated in the same year as the performance of the Ludi Saeculares, there is no indication that this sacrifice has any connection with the Ludi. 56 It is not impossible that the offering is made to the two deities represented in the attic panels, Hercules and Genius, to both of whom bulls were the proper victims. But this is hardly consistent with the inscription, which makes no mention of these gods, but dedicates the arch to the members of the imperial family and describes the donors as worshippers of their divinity, devoti numini eorum. It is more probable that the divina domus itself is the object of worship, and that the two bulls are sacrificed to the numina of the two Augusti, Septimius and Caracalla. The paterae in their hands are not inconsistent with this interpretation, for the Greek custom of representing the deity as participating in the sacrifice was never totally absent from Roman art. 57 The caduceus and the high diadem of Julia Domna are appropriate as attributes of deity, and her gesture hardly suits the sacrificant. Only Septimius retains the traditional garb of the officiating priest, as it were fulfilling in his person the double role of divine emperor, recipient of sacrifice, and of Pontifex Maximus, chief priest of the state religion. It is consistent with this view that the chief act of sacrifice is relegated to the smaller subsidiary band of relief, and that the center of interest in the large panels is actually not in the sacrifice but in the figures themselves. Much larger in scale than the human figures performing the animal sacrifice, they stand in frontal pose looking out at the spectator, and their relation is with him rather than with the ritual. 58 If
55 On coins of Julia Domna as Mater Castrorum, the empress has the caduceus, symbol of prosperity,Mattingly 5, pl. 47, 14. Madaule, Md/Rome 41 (I924) 129-30, suggests that the caduceus in this relief was the symbol of Plautilla as Felicitas, but almost certainly Plautilla appeared in the opposite panel with Caracalla. For the gesture, see also CAH 12, 356-57 and RM 50 (I935)

107-o8.

Gage, Md/Rome 5I (I934) 6o-6i, suggests this interpretation. See figs. 111-12, 102-04. 58 This is pointed out by Haynes and Hirst, op. cit. 25-26; but I should go further than the authors' inference that the emperor "is beginning to be transformed in Roman art into the semidivine and unapproachable despot of oriental pattern." Cf. also L'Orange, Apotheosis in Ancien:
56

57

Portraiture 78-8I.

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VOTA PUBLICA

'39

this interpretation is correct, the Arch of the Silversmiths is unique among the monuments in Rome itself, since it represents the living emperor and his household as deities receiving sacrifice. Such unveiled acknowledgment of the emperor's deity is less astonishing on an arch dedicated by the business men of the Forum Boarium than it would be on a public monument erected by the senate and the Roman people, but in any case it marks a radical departure from the traditions of earlier monumental relief. If the distinction between greater gods and divine ruler becomes blurred in Severan representations of sacrifices, it is even less discernible a century later. The Arch of Galerius at Saloniki was erected to commemorate a decisive victory over the Persians which, confirmed by the wise settlement of Diocletian, stabilized the eastern frontier for the next half century. The figured relief which adorned thie arch was comparable in content to the Column of Trajan, representing various episodes of the war in quadruple tiers on each face of the four pylons -a total of sixty-four scenes, related in theme but apparently
unconnected in composition. 59 The reliefs include not only scenes of battle,

Fig. 76 P1. XLIX

victory, and submission of enemies, but episodes from the outset of the war, such as the Caesar's arrival in an oriental city and the adlocutio customary at the opening of a campaign. A sacrifice represented in one of the scenes is therefore not inevitably a triumphal offering, in spite of the fact that it is flanked at either side by a trophy. For many triumphal symbols were by this time permanent imperial perquisites, ' and military trophies would be equally appropriate to a nuncupa/io vo/orum pro redi/u et vzc/orza. In 296 A.D., when Galerius came from his own region of the Danube at the summons of his senior colleague to conduct the campaign against the Persian monarch Narses, he met Diocletian in Antioch; and the sacrificial scene, which is set against a background of an eastern Roman arcuated colonnade, may record Galerius' vofa suscepla at Antioch before his departure.6i The preferred position of the sacrificing priest is occupied by Galerius, garbed in the cuirass and cloak appropriate to a general in command of an army. In the background appear allegorical figures of Oikoumene, Homonoia (?), Irene, and perhaps Eudaimonja 62- a group which suggests that the purpose of the war is to restore the pax Romana. On the opposite side of the altar stands Diocletian dressed in a voluminous fringed paludamen/um, in almost frontal pose, with his left arm bent at the elbow, showing that his hand was raised in some gesture. The semi-nude figure of Jupiter appears in rather cramped space next to the emperor, as if attendant upon. him rather than a recipient
59 60 6i

The total absence of laurel crowns is probably not significant at this period, for the tradition is not universal in later reliefs. Even in the triumphal procession of the Arch of Lepcis only the three figures in the chariot are laureate. 62 See Kinch, op. ci. (sup-a n 9 37

K. Kinch, L'arc de briomph de Sazlonique; Reinach i, 387-94; Alfoldi, RM 49 (I93) 98-99. Alf6ldi, loc. cit. See Kinch, op. cit. (supra n. 59) 34-37, pl. 5; Lactantius, De Mor/ibus Persecutorum 17.

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140

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

of sacrifice. Two camilli carrying sacred utensils complete the scene at the left, added as traditional accessories to an altar scene but hardly included in the action. The altar is set at an angle, and its two visible faces are adorned with figures of the deities from whom the two pairs of rulers took their epithets of Jovius and Herculius. Only Jupiter can here be associated with the rite performed, since Galerius shared the title of Jovius with his senior colleague. It would be easy to identify the sacrifice as the customary nuncupa/io voforum to Jupiter, were it not for the pose of Diocletian, facing the spectator and flanked at the left by his special patron Jupiter, at the right by the personification of his domain, the Inhabited World. A double sacrifice offered by the two Augusti is a familiar type in the coinage of this period, but the sacrificant at the left of the altar is invariably turned in profile to the right, so that the offering can be made with the right hand.63 The gesture here-made with the left hand, it is true-together with the pose, suggests the status of divinity rather than that of priest. The gesture of the raised hand, familiar as a mode of veneration in Greek and Etruscan art, 64 is not common in Roman reliefs until the second century, when it appears on the Column of Trajan as a regular salutation between the emperor and his people.65 In the more allegorical Hadrianic types of the imperial Adventus, 66 the meaning of the gesture becomes equivocal. The personified Provincia pours a libation at a tripod altar, and the emperor's gesture is thus no longer an exchanged greeting but an acceptance of the honor of sacrifice. In the Trajanic scenes of welcome the emperor himself is the sacrificant, and the interpretation of the offering as a payment of vows for his safe arrival is beyond question. But with the change of sacrificant the emperor's status inevitably, and almost imperceptibly, shifts from that of emperorpriest to recipient of sacrifice. The two roles seem to be combined in the person of Septimius Severus on the Arch of the Silversmiths. On the Arch of Galerius the concept of divine ruler has advanced a step further, and now the divine emperor, attended by Jupiter and the Inhabited World, receives sacrifice at the hand of his own Caesar who is setting out as his representative to conduct the campaign against the Persians. Thus the nuncupalio votorum traditionally made to Jupiter is metamorphosed into an offering to Diocletian, the new ruler of gods and men.
See figs. 113, I115. See fig. 2, and supra Chap. II, n. 26; see also Svoronos pls. 33, 36-38, 59-60, and passim. Cf. the gesture of Pietas on a Hadrianic coin, Mattingly 3, p1. 90, I4. 65 See figs. 63-65. 66 See fig. IIO; cf. infra Chap. XII, n. 43; also C. Hopkins, Excavations at Dura-Europos 5
63 64

(I93I-32)

I72-76,

pl.

14.

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CHAPTER X

THE

TRIUMPH

Fig. 77 a-d PI. L

Of all Roman rites the triumph is the most often described by ancient authors and the most fully illustrated in art. Aside from the opportunity it afforded for display and for personal glorification, it was essentially a religious rite, the payment to Jupiter Capitolinus of the vows made before departure on a military command. Whether or not the honor of a triumph was granted to the commander on his return, his vows were paid and, if the campaign had been crowned with a victory, the laurel from his fasces was dedicated in the Capitoline temple. The triumph was ther'efore merely a special form of the payment of vows. In the minds of the celebrant and the spectators the procession along the Sacra Via, the display of captives and booty, the crowns and other emblems of victory may have been more prominent than the offering to Jupiter; but in actual practice the sacrifice and the dedication of the laurel were an indispensable part -indeed, the crowning event -of the celebration. In the first extant representation of the triumph, discussed in an earlier chapter, the sacrifice is clearly the focus of the scene; for the friumphalor appears not in the four-horse chariot but standing before it pouring a libation. The next certain appearance of the theme in Roman art, on a well known silver cup'from Boscoreale, similarly stresses the importance of the sacrifice. This is one of a pair of late Augustan reliefs which have survived only on two silver cUps, one representing Augustus receiving the obeisance of conquered barbarians, the other the triumph of Tiberius.2 Both compositions, clearly monumental in character and adapted with some difficulty to the curving surface of the cups, must have been designed for some commemorative monument. If the triumph represented is that c$f I2 A.D., celebrating Tiberius' victories in Pannonia, won two years earlier but temporarily postponed because of the
Fig. I3. The late republican fragment of a triumphal relief (fig. I9 a) is too incomplete to warrant any estimate of its total content. , Reinach i, 95-97; Villefosse, MonPiot 5 (I899) 141-48, pls. 34-36; Strong, SclltRom 82-84, IOI, n. 22, figs. 55-56; Brendel, RMff 45 (1930) 209-IO, pl. 69. 3 See Suetonius, Tiberius I7 and 20. As the reliefs of the other cup represent Augustus, with no signs of the status of divus accorded him after death, receiving homage not only from Mars, Roma, and Virtus but also from actual barbarians, the reliefs must have been designed during Augustus' lifetime. A date in I 2 A.D. allows for the manifest advance in style over the reliefs of the Ara Pacis, and this date is stylistically more probable than the earlier dates (13-12,

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142

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 77a

Pi. I

Fig. 77b P1. L

mourning for Varus' defeat and death, the original reliefs may have adorned the Arch of Tiberius near the Sacra Via. That arch was constructed in i6 A.D. 4 to commemorate the final obliteration of Varus' defeat by the recovery of the lost standards, and the Pannonian triumph of Tiberius would have been a particularly appropriate theme for its adornment. The triumphal scene includes two episodes, probably adapted from two companion reliefs such as, for example, the panels of the Arch of Titus. The first episode represents Tiberius in a quadriga, with eagle-crowned sceptre and triumphal laurel branch in his hands, crowned by an attendant standing beside him in the chariot, to remind him, according to the satirist, that even on this pinnacle of glory he was only a human being. 5 As was customary in the triumph, all the participants are laureate and laurel branches are carried by the tunic-clad soldiers following the chariot, one of whom wears the torques, an award for distinguished service in the army. 6 Six attendants fill part of the space above the horses' backs, and bundles of fasces slanting across the background show that at least two are lictors. As appropriate in a triumph, which permitted the victor to enter the City without relinquishing his imperium, the fasces appear to have had fixed axes. 7 Of all the various figures and trophies that must actually have preceded the victor's chariot, only the sacrificial victim is here selected for representation, and this choice gives particular emphasis to the religious character of the occasion. The victim group, clearly related to those of the Ara Pacis, is handled with sufficient liveliness to hold the interest as an important part of the scene; but at the same time it is subordinated and attached to the principal group by a rather striking figure of a victimarius, whose vigorous stride forward is interrupted by the turn of his head as he looks back at the chariot. Only the popa with axe over his shoulder appears in the space above the victim's back, but his arm lifted to manage the halter rope obviates the need of more spacefillers. The steer is decked with dorsuale and fillets, and wears between his horns a large triangular frame which lends added height at this point. The attendant leading the steer leans forward with left knee sharply flexed, repeating the forward movement of the other victimarius and of the steer's lifted

or 8-7 B.C.) proposed by Villefosse and Strong, loc. cit. The same triumph is commemorated by the Vienna gem, which represents Tiberius stepping from his chariot to pay his respects to the emperor, as recorded by Suetonius; Strong, Scul/Rom 85, fig. 57. Cf. Brendel, AJA 43 307, who associates both scenes with the later triumph. See also Shipley, MAAR 9 (I935) (I939)
41-42.

Platner-Ashby, TopogDict 45. Juvenal IO, 39-43; cf. Pliny, NVH 15, I37; 33, ii; Dionysius 3, 62; 5, 47; Appian, Pun. 66. 6 Pliny NH I5, I37; Festus I04 L. Livy, 45, 38, 12, also mentions the wearing of military awards. 7 By tradition the commander held the imperium until after the triumph and was therefore entitled to retain its symbol, the axes in the fasces. In the famous triumphal relief of the Arch of Titus the fasces are without axes, but in that triumph, shared by Vespasian and Titus, the axes would have been the prerogative of Vespasian. Cf. also fig. 87.
4 5

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THE TRIUMPH

'43

Fig. 77c P1. L

Fig. 77d P1. L

foreleg. The turn of his head and torso toward the victim closes this scene and separates it from the sacrifice on the opposite face. The whole of the second side is devoted to the sacrifice, an allotment of space which recognizes the payment of the vows as the key event of the triumph. The figure of the friumpha/or at the left of a tripod altar, represented in deep relief with head in the round, has been almost obliterated, but enough remains to show that here he wears the cuirass instead of the toga picta. The single altar attendant is a flute player, unusually dressed in tunic instead of the customary toga. Behind the tripod appear two lictors, who form part of the semicircle of attendants about Tiberius. All of these except the lictor at the extreme left, whose head is turned back to suggest a connection with the victim group in the procession, are turned toward Tiberius, according to the accepted technique of singling out the principal figure by directing toward him the glances of the bystanders. Two bundles of fasces and a spear cutting diagonally across the background in almost parallel lines lend interest to the design and emphasis to the altar group. The victim group is the first example of the ox-slaying motif popular in the early Empire, and it is easily one of the most successful of the several variants. The victim, in this case clearly distinguished as the steer prescribed by Roman ritual as the victim appropriate to Jupiter, is placed at a diagonal to the plane of the relief, with the whole line of the back visible as it slants down to the outward curve of the neck. Intersecting this at almost a right angle is the line of the hind leg, repeated dramatically in the figure of the popa with axe lifted over his head ready to strike the blow. Kneeling victimarii at each side, one pulling its head down and outwards into the foreground, the other waiting with the triangular sacrificial knife in hand, increase the tridimensional effect and focus the attention upon the imminent blow of the axe. The group is completed by a third victimarius who also turns his head to watch the blow. At the right appears the Temple of Jupiter festooned with a garland of laurel. The triple doors are here omitted, probably for lack of space in so small a relief, but the temple is identified unmistakably as the Capitolium not only by the eagle of Jove in the tympanuim but by the double platform of temple podium and substructure of the Area Capitolina. 8 This scene easily matches the triumphal procession in interest, and artistically it is better. It is better balanced and more unified, with the two acts of sacrifice, libation and killing of the victim, skilfully joined at the altar by interplay of lines and some actual interweaving. Furthermore, the gently varying height of the heads against the liberal amount of free space above is more effective than the sharply angular cephalic line necessitated by the placing of the chariot and triumphator in full profile For neither laurel branches and fasces in the background nor the upwardglances of the attendants can satisfactorily harmonize the awkward difference in height between the occupants of
8 See Platner-Ashby, TopogDict 47-48.

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144

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN RO1MAN ART

FigI 78a

M. 11

Fig. 781)

P1. 1,1

the chariot and the a'ccompanying pedestrians-an awkwardness which was eliminated, at the expense of correct perspective, in the triumphal relief of Titus. For any detailed representation the triumphal procession required a long band of relief, and it is easy to understand why it became a popular subject for friezes. It is the subject of a small interior frieze from the Temple of Apollo, several fragments of which were found in the excavations of I937-38. 9 On two pieces the direction of movement is toward the left, but the reversed direction of one fragment indicates that here, as on the Ara Pacis, the procession moved from each side toward a central point. It is thus possible that the triumphal sacrifice was represented at the point of convergence. The relief is less deeply cut than that of the inner frieze of the Ara Pacis, and the figures are executed in a somewhat cruder style. The three victim groups, for example, are exact repetitions except in one or two minute details, and some of the faces are sketchily represented. In the small part of the procession which chance has preserved, the first item is a ferculum on which are seated two captives, with their backs against a tree trunk trophy. The ferculum rests on the ground, but an attendant at each end is grasping one of the poles, as if the procession were just beginning to move or had just stopped. The attendants, who are laurel-crownedlike all the other participants, form a lively group. Three are represented wholly or partially in back view, two bend forward to grasp the poles--though one is lifting the wrong pole-and one has his hand raised as if giving orders. A single trumpeter, so close to the last ferculum bearer that the trumpet is partly obscured behind his head, precedes the procession of three oxen. ? Each animal is conducted by a victimarius, who stands in frontal pose with left arm lifted to grasp its horn, and bv a popa carrying a mallet oyer his shoulder. Each victim is adorned with dorsuale and fillet, and with a triangular frame between the horns. Though the human figures are apparently standing
still, the animals are represented with hoofs in walking position and with tlie

fillets fluttering back from their horns as if in forward motion. Just as some pains were taken to connect this part of the pompa with the ferculurmcarriers alhead, so the transition to the next group is carefully contrived. Behind the last victims stands an extra attendant, in frontal pose but turning his head to the right, as if addressed by the togatus whose right hand touches h1im on the shoulder. The togate figtureis badly damaged by the break at the end of the fragment, but he appears to have been a lictor carrying a bundle of
9 Platner Ashby, RopogDict 15-I6; Colini, BullComm 68 (1940) 9-40; Lugli, RomAnt 536-42; Fuhrmann, AA 55 (1940) 458. The frieze is about .66 m. high and the total length of the three fragments is 3.40 m. Cf. Henzen I21-25. As all three animals appear to be bulls, it is possible that these are to be sacrificed to Apollo and other deities to whom a bull was the appropriatevictim (e.g. Mars, Hercules Victor), and that the steer to be offered to Jupiter of the Capitoline may have appeared elsewhere. But it is more likely that such minor distinctions among victims were not observed in this perfunctorily executed relief, which was to be seen only from some distance.

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THE TRIUMPH
Fig. 78 d P1. L I

I45

Fig. 78c P1. LI

fasces. Two other lictors represented on one of the smaller fragments may have belonged to this part of the procession, for ancient descriptions of the triumph mention lictors "I walking ahead of the triumphal chariot, preceded by captives and sacrificial victims. The other side of the frieze, in which the movement is toward the right, also included equipment for the sacrifice. The single surviving fragment represents a ferculum carried by four attendants and part of what seems to have been a second similar group. Here the attendants are dressed as victimarii and are therefore presumably concerned with animal sacrifice. The ferculum is unique in both form and contents. Constructed like an open fensa with a flat roof edged in fringe, it contains the dismembered parts of a pig, along with several of the lozenge-shaped cakes (liba) often seen on altars. Although this detail is not paralleled in other reliefs nor specifically attested by ancient sources, it is known that a piaculum was performed in expiation of the bloodshed by which the victory had been achieved. A piaculum was often a preliminary offering, commonly a pig, associated with another sacrifice, and this detail in the frieze may be an allusion to a piacular sacrifice already performed. The marble Temple of Apollo to which the frieze belonged has been assumed to be a rebuilding of the old temple in Campo by C. Sosius, a partisan of Antony who was rewarded for military successes in Syria by a triumph in 34 B.C. and by the consulship in 32 B.C. The rebuilding by Sosius has recently been called into question on the ground that Pliny attaches the name Sosianus only to the statue of cedar brought from Seleucia. But the dedication of a single statue, among many other works of art that Pliny places in the same shrine, is hardly sufficient to account for his identification of the temple in such a manner. It has been pointed out that /riumphatores of this period frequently undertook the construction of some public building ex manuliis, and there seems no reason for serious doubt that the temple was built from the proceeds of Sosius' triumph celebrated in September of 34 B.C. Construction may have been started late in 34 or in 33 B.C., when a rebuilding of the time-honored sanctuary in Campo might well have served the purposes of a partisan of Antony, as a counterpoise to Octavian's projected temple to Apollo on the Palatine. The work could hardly have progressed far toward completion by the beginning of 32 B.C. when the
12

It At a triumph the lictors ordinarily were dressed in the tunic; cf. the relief on the Boscoreale cup; Appian. Pun. 66. But a later relief of a triumphalprocession cited by Petersen, RM 7 (I892) 259-60, represents lictors clad in the toga, as in this example. 12 Festus 204L; Wissowa 411-12; Cato, de Agri Cult. 139, I41; Macrobius, Sat. i, i6, I0. For a similar detail in a religious procession, see fig. 37 a. According to some ancient authorities the laurel wreaths worn in the triumphal procession fulfilled the same purpose of purification

from bloodshed, e.g. Festus 104 L: laureati uzt quasi purgati a caede humana in/rarent urbem. 13 See J. Toynbee, ProcBritAcad 1953, 75, n. 7; Pliny N.H. 13, 53; 36, 28; Wissowa 295.

Wissowa's tentative suggestion that the dedication date (Augustus' birthday, September 23) was not the same as that of the old temple is based ouly on the fact that the Ludi Apollinares took place in July. On the career of Sosius, see Broughton, Magistrates of the Roman Republic 2, under
C. Sosius; also Shipley, MAAR
21

9 (I93I)

9-60, esp.

25-28.

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146

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 79 a-b PI. LII

two consuls departed from Rome to join Antony. However, since Sosius is listed among the Quindecimviri who took part in the Ludi Saeculares in I7 B.C., the marble fragments disclosed by the excavations of I937-38 need not be assigned to a date so early in the Augustan Age. '3 In any case the triumphal procession represented in the frieze must be that of 34 B.C. A triumphal pompa next appears, with particular appropriateness to its context, on the Arch of Titus, where it provides the theme for the famous panels of the passageway and also for the frieze above the architrave.I4 In the panels only two scenes from the pompa could be represented, and the triumphal chariot itself was an inevitable choice. The selection of the booty rather than the sacrifice as the subject of the companion relief was probably due to the fame of the golden treasures from the temple at Jerusalem. The chief center of interest is the seven-branched candlestick, preceded by a ferculum bearing the trumpets and the table of the shewbread, all doubtless described on the placards carried by the long-haired camilli. The weigit of the golden treasures is emphasized by the number of bearers (eight to each ferculum), by the pillows placed on their shoulders to ease the burden, and by the staxes on which they lean. "I They are just on the point of passing through the Porta Triumphalis, which was at the beginning of the triumphal route. The quadriga and its attendants, which regularly formed the final and crowning part of the procession, must be thought of as following the carriers of the booty. In the chariot Titus stands holding the scepter and laurel branch, while the wreath is placed upon his head by Victoria. He appears to be wearing the bulla mentioned in ancient descriptions as an apotropaic charm worn by tlle triumphing general. I6 The quadriga is conducted by Roma (or Virtus) carrying a tall vexillurnand accompanied by lictors whose twelve bundles of fasces enhance the design and help to create the spatial illusion. Thle semi-nude figure walkinfi
13a See M. Hoffman, AJP 73 (1952) 289-94, esp. n. 9, on the Quindecimviriof I7 B.C. The frieze shows the toga still draped without sinus in the late republican fashion, and the motif of the two captives seated back to back occurs elsewhere as early as the time of Caesar; see Fuhrmann, MdI 2 (I949) 23-45, pls. 8, io. But the style of the relief suggests a date closer to that of the

Ara Pacis. H. Kahler, Die rom. Kapitelle des Rheingebietes, Romisch-germanische Forschungen 13 (1939) II-I3, dates the architectural ornament ca. 20 B.C., by comparison with that of the Arch of Augustus; see also Th. Kraus, Die Ranken der Ara Pacis 43-45 and n. I0o; and Lugli, A/ti Accad. San Luca n.s. I (I953) 46, who notes that architecturaldetails of the temple

are more advanced in style than those of the Regia (36
(3329
14

B.C.)

and of the Temple of Divus Julius
71-72,
I, pI. 2I;

B.C.).

Reinach
62

i,

275-76;
89-122,

Strong, Scul/Rom io6-i6,
esp.
I05

figs.

Lehmann-Hartleben,

BullComm

(1934)

f.,

121-22.

Reinach

275

shows the figures reversed in

direction. A fragmentary relief in the Vatican appears to be part of another triumphal procession of the Flavian period (Helbig-Amelung, Fiihrer no. I63; Wace PBSR 3 [I906] 283, fig. i; Strong, Scul/Rom 126-27, pI. 25), in which Roma (or Virtus) carrying a vexillum leads a biga accompanied by lictors and preceded by two men on horseback. A two-horse chariot is unprecedented as a triumphal equipage, but the vexillum, the lictors, and laureate throng can hardly be interpreted except as part of a triumphal procession.
15

Abaecherli, BullSIM

6 (1935-36)

2.

Is See supra Chap. III, n. 9.

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THE TRIUMPH

147

beside the car was the Genius of the Roman people (or Honos),i6a with a cornucopia originally held in his left arm, and the togatus beside him was probably the personified Senatus. Other togate figures in this and the south panel are perhaps to be interpreted as magistrates.
The survriving part of the frieze represents a section near the head of the

Fig. 8oa P1. II1I

procession which does not in any way duplicate the content of the panels. Too little has survived, however, to make it clear whether the frieze included the complete pompa, thus repeating the content of the panels in expanded form. Here, as in the frieze of Benevento discussed below, the procession apparently encircled the entire monument in a continuous movement toward the right, with no point of convergence at which a sacrificial scene could appropriately be placed. In this instance, therefore, the sacrifice in payment of the vola to Jupiter is merely alluded to by the victims, altar attendants, and sacrificial implements represented in the procession itself. In contrast with the illusionistic panel reliefs, the style of the frieze is close to popular art, " with rather short dumpy figures executed in deep relief but with no relation to the background. The effect is that of a series of figures standing or walking along a blank wall. The section that has been preserved represents chiefly the sacrificial part of the procession, including five oxen adorned with unusually long dorsualia fringed at the ends, each led by a popa with an axe and followed by a victimarius who carries on his shoulder the situla for the cooking of the exia. The victim groups are preceded by camilli carrying placards with knobbed ends, which are undoubtedly the tabulae representing scenes from the war, or li/u/i recording names of conquered peoples or other details of the victory. I8 Togate figures represented at different points in the procession
are probably senators and magistrates.
I9

On a large ferculum

appears a reclin-

ing figure so similar to the traditional type of river god that he has been iden-

t6a On the interpretationof these figures as Virtus and Honos, see Bieber, AJA 49 (I945) The same article publishes a group of reliefs on late cameos, which are clearly 25-34, figs. I-I5. dependent upon the Arch of Titus. '7 Rodenwaldt, JDAI 55 (1940) 4I; cf. Strong, ScultRom I14-I6.
18

Cf. Tacitus, Ann. I) 8; Suetonius, Nero 25; Josephus, Bell. Jud. 7, 5.

One of the tabulae

in the south panel of the passageway appears to have represented some scene; another shows traces of a figure which once surmounted it. On the Arch of Beneventum tabulae invariably precede the fercula of booty or groups of prisoners, where labels indicating names of countries or amounts of booty taken are appropriate. In the present instance, if there is a significance in their position, they may be used to identify the deities to whom victims are to be offered. For the shape of the /abulae, cf. fig. 95, and Sandys, La/in Inscriptions, fig. 22. '9 Dio, 51, 21, 9, says that in Octavian's triumph of 29 B.C. the magistrates followed the chariot, along with other senators who had shared the victories, instead of preceding the chariot as had been the custom. In extant representations of the triumph togate figures often appear in the procession, but in no discernible order. On the Arch of Titus there are three togati accompanying the carriers of booty in the south panel, probably magistrates or senators. One wears some kind of military decoration across his breast, and presumably had taken part in the campaign. Others walk beside the chariot in the north panel; another badly damaged figure precedes Roma at the horses' heads.

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148

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

tified without question as the River Jordan, a unique illustration of a detail often mentioned in the literary sources.20 The most puzzling figures in the frieze are a number of camilli, seven in
Fig. 8ob PI. LIII

all, who walk ahead of or among the victim groups, carrying small embossed shields on the left arm and some sacrificial implement in the right hand. Similar figures appear in a corresponding position on the Arch of Benevento, not only in the triumphal procession of the frieze but also in small bands of relief on the pylons, where they are placed heraldically, along with another pair of camilli, at each side of a tall lighted Ihymia/erion. There they carry in the right hand either a pitcher or a torch (or staff), and they are clearly distinguished as camilli by their girlishly dressed hair. Shields carried in the triumphal procession might be regarded merely as part of the booty of war, and ancient descripBut the tions of the triumph specifically mention shields of gold or silver.21 appearance of such shield bearers in the sacrificial part of the procession, their garb as attendants upon a sacred rite, and the implement carried in the right Petersen suggested that hand all seem to give them some ritual significance. these are the armed dancers mentioned in ancient descriptions of the Roman pompa. According to Dionysius and Appian, the dancers and musicians were followed in the procession by attendants carrying incense burners (hymia/eria), and it is worth noting that the shield bearers are associated with ilzymia/eria on the Arch of Benevento and in a familiar coin type of the Ludi Saeculares.23 Rostovtzeff's proposal to identify them with the Roman iuvenes who marched in the procession and took part in exercises such as the lusus Troiae is consistent with their conspicuously small size, as compared with adult figures, in the drawings of two reliefs and in a coin type of the Antonine Ludi Decennales.24 Official emphasis upon the organization of the iuvenes, which is reflected in the dynastic title of princeps iuventufis borne by youths of the imperial family, makes this an attractive interpretation, and one which excludes neither the obviously religious character of their appearance in the pompa nor a possible connection with early traditions of armed dancers.
22

Fig.

82 a,c P1. LIV

Fig. 8oc P1. LIll

*uStrong, Scul/Rom io6-o8; Vergil, Aen. 8, 726; Ovid, Fpist. ex Ponlo 3, 4, 107. E.g. Plutarch, Aemilius Paul/us 32-33; Lucul/us 37; Livy 34, 52. Shields of gold or silver a-re specifically mentioned apart from other arms. For a full discussion of these figures, see Petersen, RM 7 (I892) 259-64; Rostovtzeff, Klio, Ergiinzungsband i (1906) 60-7I; Alf6ldi RM 49 III-12; cf. Giglioli, RendPont 27 (195I-52) 33-45. (I934) Dionysius 7, 72; Appian, Punica 66. Since the Roman triumphal procession included many details which can be traced back to Etruscan origins, it is possible that the shield bearers are a survival of the armed dancers (or participants in the ludi) which frequently appear, invariably equipped with shields, on archaicEtruscan bronzes and pottery; cf. fig. 3 and supra Chap. II, nn. 9-Io. Fig. 82 c; Mattingly 2, 395, pl. 78, io; Alfoldi, RM 49 (i934) pl. 3, 2; Giglioli, RendPont 27 (1951-52) 33-45, figs. 2 and 4. Alf6ldi's association of both shield bearers and thymiateria with the imperial cult fails to take account of the variety of contexts in which the shield bearers occur. Giglioli, op. sit. figs. 2, 4, and 8. They occupy the full height of the relief in the frieze of Benevento and in a fragment from Anagni (ibid. fig. i), but in the frieze of the Arch of Titus they are somewhat smaller than the victimarii.
22 23 24

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THE TRIUMPH

I 49

Fig. 8i a P1. LIII

Fig. 8i b P1. LIII

Fig.

8i

c

P1. LIII

A number of sculptured fragments of the early Empire attest the popularity of the triumphal pompa as a frieze subject. A piece of corner entablature from a temple, found in the vicinity of the theater of Pompey and now in the Museo dei Conservatori, represents several figures moving toward the left in what appears to be a triumphal procession. On the short side is a single figure turned partly away from the spectator, closely wrapped in a short mantle and wearing a scabbard or a quiver on his back. Around the corner appears a lictor dressed in tunic and military cloak, carrying a commelaculurmpointed toward the ground in the usual fashion. He is followed by two togati walking close together, each with right hand raised as if in salutation, and a hand preserved at the right edge of the fragment shows that the figure immediately following was represented in the same pose. So small a segment of a procession has little to identify its character, but the association of civilian and military figures is particularly appropriate to the triumphal pompa. As the frieze is from the exterior entablature of a temple, it is not only larger in scale than either of the two discussed above, but it is also stylistically somewhat closer to monumental relief. The figures appear against an empty background as is customary in frieze sculpture; in depth of relief they stand midway between the small interior frieze of the Temple of Apollo and that of the Arch of Titus, but the drapery is executed in greater detail than in either, with the ease and individualization of Flavian monumental style. A fragment in the Vatican 26 likewise is suitable in size, in content, and in style to a triumphaJ frieze of a temple. It represents a popa walking toward the left and leading an enormous ox, whose hiead towers above that of its attendant. While the workmanship is crude in detail, the laureate head of the popa, the ease of his stance, the turn of his body away from the spectator so as to show the modelling of his bare back, and the dipping folds of the limus gathered into a roll about his waist are all suggestive of Flavian style. The figure of a second victimarius partly preserved at the left edge of the fragment indicates that there were two, or possibly more, victim groups in succession, as in the other reliefs of the pompa. A fragment of a triumphal procession in the museum of Naples 27 is dated the Antonine period by the treatment of the toga and of the bearded heads, in but the bearers of the ferculum are strongly reminiscent of the frieze from the Temple of Apollo Sosianus. While the laurel crown and covered vase on the ferculum are familiar objects in the triumphal pompa, a pair of tunicate
25 25 D. Mlustilli, MusMussolini I62-63, pl. I02, nos. 384-85. The pair of figures represented as if in conversations has a specific parallel in the frieze from the Temple of Apollo, fig. 78 a. z6 Another piece from a triumphal procession of the Flavian period is more comparable in style and scale to the panel reliefs of the Arch of Titus; Helbig-Amelung, Fuhrer no. 88; Strong, ScultRom pl. 25. 27 Reinach 3, 87, i; Abaecherli, BuZISMIM 6 (1935-36) pI. 2, 2. The piece is .95 m. high and 1.03 m. wide. The treatment of the toga is close to that in an Antonine fragment in the Museo Nazionale in Rome, which represents a triumphal procession passing through the Porta Triumphalis; Cultrera, BdA 3 (I909) 6-I2; Strong, Scul/Rom 295, fig. I80.

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150

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 8i e PL. LIV

Fig. 8i d P1. LIV

Fig 82a-e

Pls. LIV-V

attendants carrying thymiateriia are a unique illustration of the incense bearers mentioned in literary descriptions of the triumph. A pompa represented on the balustrades which adorned the exits of the amphitheater at Capua, associated by context with games rather than with a triumph, is unique among surviving examples of the pompa in the fact that it includes a sacrifice. 28 The various fragments which can be identified as parts of the procession show several details familiar from other reliefs. One preserves part of a group of ferculum bearers moving to the left, equippedwith forktopped staves on which to rest the ferculum. On another a tunicate figure and two togate lictors, moving to the right, lead into the amphitheater a line of togate and cloaked figures whose hands are raised as if in salutation. The arched entrance in the background and the stair which one of the group is ascending suggest that the pompa is shown entering the amphitheater itself. The sacrifice, at the left end of a balustrade, is represented as taking place outside the amphitheater, an exterior view of which appears in the background. The scene itself is unique in combining the multiple bovine sacrifice developed by the Column of Trajan with the ox-slaying still popular in the mid-second century. At the left stand two popae with axe held against the right shoulder, one frontally placed with left hand on the victim's halter, in the pose familiar on the Column, the other seen from the back. The animals, adorned with a triangular frame between the horns, stand at a higher level than their attendants, as if on rocky ground. To the right and in front of the second victim group there was a kneeling victimarius, holding down the head of a third victim while a popa lifts his axe for the slaughter. The combination of motifs is well managed, and arranged so as to convey an impression of depth, with the second victim group placed farther away and slightly behind the ox-slaying. Of the surviving illustrations of a Roman triumph the richest in detail is the frieze of the Arch of Benevento, which was dedicated to the emperor Trajan in I I4 A.D. by the senate and Roman people. 29 The procession encircles the monument in a continuous movement toward the right, beginning at the northwest corner, where the first camilli and trumpeters are arriving at the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline, and ending at the starting point of the pompa, where the triumphal chariot with its military escort is on the point of passing through the Porta Triumphalis. The relief illustrates numerous items recorded by literary descriptions of the triumph and also adds a few details not mentioned in ancient literature. In actual fact, the details of the procession must have varied widely from time to time according to the nature of the war. The conquest of the barSee G. Pesce, L'anfiea/ro campano pls. i i b, I2, 14 b, i6 f. A drawing of a relief published by Casali, and recently discussed by Giglioli, RendPont 27 (I951-52) 33-45, fig. 4, also shows a sacrificial scene incorporated in a procession. 29 Petersen, RM 7 (I892) 239-64 (earlier bibliography on p. 239); von Domaszewski, JOAI 2 (I899) 173-92; Strong, ScuitRom 191-201, pls. 39-41; C. Pietrangeli, L'arc de Trajan a Benevento; Hamberg, Studies 63-77. Cf. also Abaecherli, op. cit. (supra n. 27) pls. 3-4.
z8

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THE TRIUMPH

I51

Fig. 82a

P1. L>IV

barian Dacians could have supplied no such display of booty as characterized the triumphs of Aemilius Paullus, Pompey, Julius Caesar, and Octavian. But certain items are mentioned in all the descriptions and may be regarded as the basic essentials. The pompa was invariably led by trumpeters and invariably closed by thle riumpha/or in his chariot, accompanied by his lictors with laureate fasces and by officers and soldiers who had participated in the victory. Other items are listed in varying order by different sources and were apparently not fixed by either religious ritual or tradition, These fall into two general categories, religious and military. In the first category are the sacrificial victims, white oxen with gilded horns decked with fillets and garlands (as many as one hundred twenty in the Macedonian triumph of Aemilius Paullus), and victimarii and camilli carrying utensils or sacred vessels for use in the sacrifice. In the second category the traditional display included gold crowns presented to the general by provincial cities in honor of his victory; /abulae bearing pictures or inscriptions, or at least names of conquered peoples and territories; effigies of cities, rivers, or conquered chiefs; captives and booty. All these with the exception of the effigies appear in the frieze of Benevento, in an order which appears to be determined chiefly by the desire for variety and artistic effectivenesss. A temple placed at the northwest corner of the frieze apparently marks the division between the end of the procession on the west face and its beginning on the north end. The front of the temple is obscured by the last of the equestrian attendants of the triumphal chariot, but the colonnade along the side and the solid wall across the back answer to ancient descriptions of the Capitolium. Accordingly it must be assumed that the procession, which has just arrived at the west rear corner, is making a circuit of the Area Capitolina prior to the sacrifice. 30 The procession is headed by a pair of tunic-clad figures, each carrying over his left shoulder an object that resembles,a bundle of fasces. A second pair, similarly dressed, carry between them a large crater which probably contains water or wine for use in the sacrifice.3' Two trumpeters and a horn blower appear in the first group, but they are not actually leading the procession as the literary accounts imply. Between the musicians and the line of victims walk two carnilli carrying shields, the significance of which has been discussed above. Four victim groups complete the first section of the procession, giving primary emphasis to the religious aspect of the triumph. The first two groups are closely similar. The victim is conducted by four attendants, one in frontal pose holding the halter; a second seen over the animal's back in profile to the
30 Platner-Ashby, TopogDic/ 48. There is no direct evidence, except in this relief, that the pompa triumphalis made the circuit of the temple before the sacrifice. There are, however, traces in Roman tradition of a circuit of the Capitolium made by racing chariots as part of the Latin N. H. 8, i6i; 27, 45; festival, and obsolete practices or customs were often preserved as ritual (Plirny, Solinus 45, I5; cf. Jordan, Topog. i, I, 2, 39, n. 38). 31 Dionysius 7, 72, I5; Cato, De Agric. 132; Ovid, Fasti 4, 778; cf. Wissowa 417; Latte, RE, This part of the frieze is closely paralleled by the fragment of the Casali "Immolatio," 1127. relief discussed by Giglioli, RendPont 27 (I95I-52) 33 if., fig. 2.

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152

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 82b
Pi. LIV

Fig.

82 c

P1. LIV

Fig. 82 d PI. LV

right, with an axe over the shoulder or a stick in hand; a third following the victim with a l)ail for the exta resting on his left shoulder; and a fourth who retains no trace of any utensil except the usual triangular knife in a holster at his belt. The third victim is conducted by a single popa. In the fourth group, around the corner on the east face, the situla carrier and the popa, with knife at his belt and axe in hand, walk ahead of the victimn, which is conducted by a single attendant wielding a stick. Two tunic-clad figures who follow were probably camilli but, as they have lost both h-eads and hands, there remains no evidence of any specific function. In the next section of the procession, over the central archway, the principal emphasis is on the military display. Here several groups of captives are conducted by soldiers, each group preceded by a camillus carrying a /abm'a, in this case probably inscribed with the names of the regions from which they come or with the names of captive chiefs. The prisoners are represented with great variety. Several pairs ride in vehicles, one in each pair with his hand stretched out in supplication. 32 One or two appear to be wearing the Dacian cap familiar on the Column of Trajan. 3 The pairs of captives are repeated with little variation except in type of conveyance: they ride in a two-horse chariot, an open ox-cart, a covered ox-cart, an open horse-drawn cart. These more conspicuous captive groups are used as accent points in the procession, placed in three cases over the columns which outline the pylons. In the intervals between appear single prisoners walking with hands bound in front or behind their backs, and family groups consisting of a nman,two women, and a child, and in one case a baby in arms. The line of captives, soldiers, and /abuza carriers is interrupted, evidently for variety, by two different groups. Over the left spandrel appears a fifth victim, attended by a popa and situla carrier and preceded by a pair of victimarii, one with a mallet in his left hand, bearing between them an unusually large situla. This pair is represented striding forward as if to push past a family group of captives and the guard accompanying them. The second item, ntroduced apparently to avoid monotony, is a ferculum, in this case a rectangular platform adorned with bucranium and garland, on which rests one of the traditional gold crowns, fashioned as if of flowers. This and other fercula are preceded, like the captive groups, by long haired camilli carrying /abulae, 1here presumably inscribed with the names of the donors. On the south end of the arch appear several captives walking under guard with hands bound, and two more fercula which apparently display booty. A covered bowl and a rhyton can be seen on the first, and the second supports a low rectangular object which is perhaps a pile of tablets. On the principal face of the arch-the west side facing toward Beneventum frieze presents an epitome of the whole pompa. The sacriand Rome-the
32 33

Cf. Plutarch, Aemilius Paul/us 33, 3.
Petersen, op. cit. (supra
n. 29) 243, n.
I,

nos.

47, 39 (?).

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THE TRIUMPH

'53

Fig. 82 e P1. IV

ficial procession is repeated, but reduced to a single victim group. The central portion over the archway includes in abbreviated form all the military elements: three ferculca laden with booty or, in one case, a crown like that on the opposite face; a pair of captives in a mule-drawn cart, and bound prisoners walking singly or in a group. Each ferculum or group of captives is led by soldiers and a camillus bearing a tabula, in one instance also by a cavalryman with arm raised as if he were shouting orders. Last of all comes the quadriga of the emperor, led by Roma and accompanied by a female figure-possibly Virtus--behind whose shoulder appears the shaft of a vexi/lum or spear. A winged Victory places a crown on the head of the emperor, who stands in the chariot holding the traditional eagle-crowned scepter and laurel branch. A pair of lictors walk close behind the chariot, 34 and two similar figures ahead of the horses may also be lictors. The procession is completed by a token number of the officers and soldiers of the army, on foot and on horseback. Two foot soldiers carry mural crowns attached to staves, which were military awards for distinguished service. This final and principal section of the pompa is shown just on the point of passing through the archway of the Porta Triumphalis, which can be seen in the background. At intervals throughout the procession there are tunic-clad figures who have no obvious function but are identified as participants of some importance by the ritual sprig of laurel in the right hand and in the left the roll that usually distinguishes an official. Only three togate figures appear in the frieze, one on the east face between the religious and military sections of the procession, two on the west walking ahead of the fercula which precede the triumphal chariot. The first is possibly a priest, but the latter two are probably senators or magistrates. The whole panorama is interesting and varied, corresponding in its general arrangement to the traditions of the triumph but freely adapted and changed in detail for the sake of effective design. The victim groups, for example, are massed at the beginning to stress the religious tone and to suggest the impressive number of sacrifices to be offered in payment of the vows, but they are also used at other points to vary the design. The captives in their crude native vehicles, with hand outstretched in a plea for mercy, are groups to catch the eye, and they are accordingly spaced to serve as accent points. The barbarian family groups crowded close together and guarded by soldiers are as appealing as the barbarian figures on the Column. While the interest is successfully maintained throughout the whole length of the frieze, the climax is saved for the side toward Rome by the device of making this an epitome of the whole procession. Only a few years later than the Column of Trajan, this extended panorama was closer in spirit and in style to contemporary developments in major art than is the triumphal frieze of the Arch of Titus. The
34 A bundle of fasces can be seen over the left shoulder of one of the pair, and the similar dress and pose associate the two in function. 35 See Birt, Die Buchrolle 67-69.

22

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154

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 83
P1. LV

Fig. 84

P1. LVI

figures are executed in deeper relief than on the Column, and they are limited by the narrow band of the frieze to an unchanging ground line, which excluded any architectural setting beyond the barest indication of starting point and goal. But there is no wide hiatus in stylistic treatment between some of the groups in the frieze and their counterparts on the Column. The sacrifice represented in one of the large reliefs of the passageway has been interpreted as an offering made by Trajan, probably at Beneventum, on his departure for the Parthian war in II4 A.D. 36 A comparison with other Departure sacrifices, however, at once calls this interpretation into question. The laurel crowns worn by all the participants are not customary in scenes of departure, but they are appropriate to an arrival or a victorious return and triumph. The location of the scene is fixed in Rome itself by the presence of the bearded idealized figure of the Senatus. Moreover the whole context of the reliefs on the arch suggests that this is the sacrifice offered to Jupiter on the occasion of the Dacian triumph. The pylon reliefs represent various aspects of Trajan's good government in Italy and in the provinces: on the side toward Rome his beneficent rule at home, on the side toward Brundisium his policies abroad. On both sides the allusions are military' as well as civil. In the upper reliefs of the west face Trajan is shown receiving new recruits for the army, as well as the business men of the Forum Boarium; the lower pair represents a victorious return from war. Here Trajan with his entourage is shown approaching or moving past an archway, awaited-in the companion relief on the opposite pylon-by the Genius populi Romani, the Senatus, and a third togate figure who wears a mural crown and carries on a long staff a ribbontied laurel crown like those borne on fercula in the triumphal procession. This figure has been named the Ordo Equester by reason of the company he keeps, 38 but the unusual inconography must make any identification highly tentative. The mural crown and the laurel wreath were both military awards for distinguished service, and this third personification may possibly represent veterans of the army. 3 In any case the military symbols suggest that the occasion is a return from a military victory, and the presence of the Senatus populusque Romanus leaves no doubt as to the locale of the scene.

Strong, Scul/Rom I 98. Petersen, RM 7 (I892) 239-64; Strong, ScultRom I97-99. 38 Petersen, op. ci/. 256; see also von Domaszewski, Abhandlungen 33-34. Both this figure and the Senatus wear the toga draped with umbo and sinus, which from this time on was worn by the emperor as Pontifex Maximus but appears to have been outmoded for ordinary wear. The contemporary fashion, with the folds drawn straight across the body to the left shoulder, is illustrated by most of the other togati represented on the arch. It is natural enough that the allegorical figures should wear the older ritual toga; see L'Orange, RM 53 (I938) IO. 39 Cf. the recruits for the army who appear in civilian dress in the pylon relief just above this scene, and the togate veterans represented in the relief of Ahenobarbus, fig. 17; also a coin of 13 B.C. which representsAgrippa wearing a mural crown; Mattingly I, 23; C. Barini, Triumphalia (Torino 1952) 19, n. 2 and 23.
36
37

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THE TRIUMPH

I 55

It is probable that the attic reliefs of this side represent not Jupiter's "abdication" at the return of the victorious Trajan but T'rajan's departure for Parthia, entrusted with the thunderbolt of Jupiter as a weapon against the enemies of Rome. 40 The mural crowned goddess who raises her hand in salutation has been called Roma "in peace-time dress" and the buildings in the background have been identified with those on the Capitoline in Rome. But this allegorical figure, whose attributes accord perfectly with those of the I talian city goddesses of the passageway but not at all with the well established iconography of Roma, is more probably Beneventum, the immediate point of departure for the Parthian expedition. The two togati in the foreground are then easily explained as the duumviri of the town. If, then, the attic reliefs are devoted to the departure for the Parthian expedition, the scenes of achieved victory and triumph must allude to the Dacian conquest. This group comprises the Reditus represented in the lower pylon reliefs, the triumphal procession in the frieze, a relief in the archivolt which represents the emperor crowned by victory, and, finally, the sacrificial scene in the passageway. Just as the other relief of the passageway provides a kind of climax to the several scenes alluding to Trajan's beneficent rule in Italy, so this relief is probably the culminating scene of the Dacian victory, representing the payment of vows to Jupiter Capitolinus at the conclusion of the triumph. The sacrificial scene carries on the tridimensional style of the Flavian period but with greater depth of relief and more crowding of figures. The composition likewise continues the early imperial tradition of the ox-slaying sacrifice, but in the wider rectangle of the passageway the victim is moved to the left, farther from the altar group, to allow space for additional figures. The emperor, veiled and laureate, stands with patera in hand at the right of the tripod, flanked at either side by togate companions, one of whom may be Hadrian. This figure forms part of the immediate altar circle, which is completed by two small camilli carrying incense box, patera, and pitcher, and a taller togate flute player. Beyond the altar circle are two figures distinguished, like Trajan himself, by the toga with sinus and umbo, one of whom, of Jovian
4I

40 This interpretation recently proposed by Hamberg, Studies 65-66, is, as he points out, more consistent on the whole with the ideology of Trajan's reign, or at least with that aspect of it which appears in monumental art. Coin types, with their greater freedom in the use of allegory, might represent the victorious emperor in possession of the thunderbolt of Jupiter or standing on a tribunal flanked by eagles (Mattingly 3, pl. 30, 4-5), but both the historical record and monumental art emphasize rather the emperor's piety toward the gods of the state and his care to secure their blessings upon his undertakings. 4' Petersen, o. cit. (supra n. 37) 252. lore recently she has been interpreted as Italia, who was often represented on coin types with a mural crown; see Toynbee, The Hadrianic Schlool i8f;Hamberg,Studies69. Petersen'ssuggestionthatthe goddess is placing herhand on Hadrian's shoulder in order to designate him as heir to the principate ignores the simple explanation of this as the familiar gesture of salutation common on the Column of Trajan and in the Adventus type on coins, e.g. Mattingly 3, pl. 91, 9-10, I5-i6.

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156

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 84 PI. LVI

Fig. 85 P1. LVI

aspect and with roll in hand, is unquestionably the Senatus.42 The victim is turned toward the left away from the altar group, and to the traditional motif of the ox-slaying is added the characteristically Trajanic victimarius with a situla on his shoulder. The background of the entire panel is filled by heads of lictors with their bundles of fasces rising in parallel and crossing lines, and an additional togate figure fills the last remaining cranny of space beside the popa at the left end. The scene illustrates the heaviness which inevitably characterizes the deeper and more crowded Trajanic reliefs, but the figures themselves are vigorously portrayed and clearly integrated, so that the composition, even thus crowded, shows no trace of confusion. The triumphal sacrifice, represented as an actual scene in the passageway, is repeated allegorically in narrow decorative bands across the center of all four faces of the pylons. Here traditional Greek figures of Victory slaying a bull are placed heraldically on either side of a lighted /hymiazerionadorned with fillets. This repeated design stresses still more the military aspect of Trajan's achievement, which is in fact the dominant theme, in the total decoration of the arch. A fragmentary relief in the Louvre, 43 which appears to have represented a triumphal sacrifice, shows a characteristically Trajanic tendency to experiment with new motifs. The relief represents Abundantia (?), Roma, and Victoria turned slightly to the right toward' what must have been a scene of sacrifice. An unbearded togate figure behind Victoria shows that the scene combined human and divine figures in a manner that may be compared with the attic reliefs of the Arch of Benevento. At the right edge of the fragment, lying on the ground at the feet of Victoria, appears the head of an ox, either waiting for the sacrifice or, more probably, already slain. Both motifs, a waiting victim lying beside the altar and a slain victim, appear on the Column of Trajan, but they were peripheral types briefly experimented with by the boldly progressive designers of the Column and never established in Roman artistic tradition. The triumph over the Germans and Sarmatians in I76 A.D. is the subject of two panels of Marcus Aurelius in the Conservatori Museum. 44 The first re42 The youthful togatus standing just behind the Senatus also wears the toga draped in' the older fashion, which now appears as a ritual form of dress; see L'Orange, RM 44 (1929) 18$. Such a youthful companion appears with the Senatus also in a Hadrianic relief in the Museo dei Conservatori, Strong, ScultRom 214, fig. 127, where the presence also of the semi-nude Genius populi Romani precludes the possibility that he is the personified populus Romanus. This is possibly the Ordo Equester; cf. supra n. 38; Petersen, RM! 7 (I892) 257. 43 Clarac, Mus. sculpt. 2, 740, pl. 28, no. 309. The relief is .95 m. high, I.2 m. wide. Only the right ear of the victim is ancient, but this fixes the position of the head. The lower part of the togatus' right arm is restored. An ox lying beside an altar appears occasionally on coins as an allusion to an animal offering omiitted from the scene for the sal:e of simplicity (e.g. Gnecchi pl. III, 4 and io). On the Arch of Septimius Severus a.t Lepcis a victim is shown with its head lowered actually to the ground (fig. 89), but this is evidently the result of.an awkward management of the traditional ox-slaying motif, and not an intentional representation of a slain victim. 44 Stuart Jones, PBSR 3 (io6) 25I ff. with earlier bibliography; Strong, ScultRom 253 ff.; SHA, Commodus 2, 7; Hamberg, Studies 78-98, esp. 94-96.

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THE TRIUMPH

I57

Fig. 86 P1. LVI

presents the chariot, occupied by the emperor and, originally, also by the young Commodus, whose later erasure from the relief has left an awkward empty space, only partially compensated for by the recutting of the temple steps in the background. 45 Since the two occupants of the chariot left no space for the traditional figure of Victoria crowning the triumpha/or, she appears poised above the emperor's head, holding a fillet or a ribbon-tied garland across her outstretched hands. 46 The narrow space of the panel was insufficient for the usual divine escort, and a single lictor and a trumpeter make up the retinue. The bundle of fasces traces a vertical line against a pilaster in the background, and only the trumpet cuts a long diagonal across the archway. The trumpeter is turned away from the chariot, apparently about to lead the way through the Porta Triumphalis represented in the background. The chariot is thus shown at the starting point of the triumphal route, and the temple beside the arch is perhaps the Temple of Bellona, which was close by the Porta Triumphalis. The other panel represents the logical counterpart of this scene, the sacrifice performed on the Capitoline at the end of the procession. Here the solid group of figures creates an almost unrelieved horizontal division between the upper and lower half. The Capitoline temple with its triple doors frames the emperor and his retinue, while above the victim and altar attendants in the right half appears a colonnaded wall surmounted by statues of men and beasts in combat. This is possibly part of the portico surrounding the Area Capitolina, 48 but its primary purpose in the relief is evidently to give variety to the architectural background. Partly because of the narrow limits of the panel, the victim is brought actually into the altar circle, his head held by a halter just above the heads of the camillus and flute player. The latter wears an outer garment draped like a toga, but the straight end in front falls only to the knees, and thus gives the impression of being something between toga and cloak. The girlish camillus holds an open incense box, while the emperor pours the libation into the flames on the slender tripod altar. As in the Trajanic Extispicium, the Flamen Dialis in spiked cap stands beside the emperor but takes no actual part in the sacrifice. An idealized bearded togatus who stands behind Marcus is probably the Senatus.49 At the right the scene is completed by a
45 The recutting is betrayed by the carelessly executed bases of the side pilaster and corner column, and by the erroneous continuation of the steps beyond the corner; see M. Wegner, AA 53 (1938) I55 ff, figs. I-2. 46 A similar flying Victory on another of the panels has a garland across her outstretched hands, Hamberg, Studies pl. Jo; cf. RH 45 (1930) 223, fig. 3. For earlier examples of the motif, see JDAI 27 (I912) 279, fig. 8. The motif reappears in the Lindisfarne Gospels, in the angel above the head of St. Matthew, Brit. Mus. Cotton ms. Nero D IV, The Lindisfarne Gospels (ed. E. G. Millar, British Museurn 1923) pI. 20, f. 25 b. 47 Platner-Ashby, TopogDict 82-83, 418. 48 Ibid. 48. 49 The convention of showing such allegorical figures garbed in the toga with the oldfashioned sinus and umbo, noted by L'Orange, RM 44 (1929) i88, was not consistently observed.

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1 58

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 87 P1. LVI

pair of victimarii, one with an axe resting along hlis left forearm, the other with a large situla on his shoulder. The victim is without the customary fillets, and the laurel wreaths that adorn all the participants in earlier triumphal scenes are now worn only by figures in the foreground. A puzzling relief in the Louvre, which represents a sacrifice of two victims, has been interpreted as a triumphal scene and dated, according to different scholars, in the Antonine or in the Severan period. 5? Both the dating and the interpretation of the relief have been confused by the fact that it is composed of pieces from two originals, joined into one scene by the aid of recutting and patching. The upper central, part, including the unintelligible archway between Doric columns and the two heads of togati turned sharply to the left, originally belonged to a triumphal relief of slightly earlier date, several fragments of which are preserved in drawings. 5I That relief, which represented a triumphal chariot as well as a sacrifice, appears to have been consistent in style with the date of the Parthian victory celebrated in i66 A.D. As most of the heads in the Louvre relief are modern, its dating must be based on the figures of the victimarius, lictor, and camillus at the extreme right, and the lower two-thirds of the other figures. Even these parts, though more advanced in style than the central fragment, are placed in the later Antonine rather than the Severan age not only by the absence of the frontality which distinguishes Severan relief, but also by the close relation in a number of details with the panels of Marcus Aurelius. The heavy laurel wreaths which seemn almnostlike a cap across the forehead, the small size and short toga(?) of the flute player, the draping of the limus with a twisted roll of cloth above three tightly folded bands at the waist, and the bearded heads of the lictor and victimarius show a close kinship with corresponding details in the triumphal sacrifice of Marcus Aurelius. With the central fragment and the modern additions removed from consid eration, the interpretation is much simplified. The scene represents a sacri52

T'he Senatus appears with the ordinary toga of the period in a Hadrianic relief, Strong, Scul/Rom 2I4, fig. I27. On Antonine coins, however, the Senatus wears the toga with sinus and umIbo; Mlattingly 4, p1. 28, I0; pl. 32, 3. See supra n. 42. 50 Clarac, Mus. sculpt. 2, 74I, p1. 2i8, no. 3I0; Wace PBSR 4 (I907) 249-54, pls. 2I, 23,
27, 30-32;

Michon, MIIonPiot 17

(19I0)

239-50;

Sieveking, RJ

42

(I927)

223-29;

Brendel,RM 45

2o6, 213-I4. Wace and Brendel place the relief in the Antonine period, Michon and Sieveking regard it as Severan. 51 This was pointed out by Sieveking, op. cit. The drawings show that the second relief represented a triumphal chariot accompanied by lictors, and a sacrificial scene shown against an elaborate architectural background. Sieveking identified one of the drawings with the central part of the Louvre relief, the original background of which had been recut to harmonize, though imperfectly, with the column bases visible behind the figures. 52 The architectural details preserved in the drawings appear to be parts of a portico, and Wace's observation, that the Porticus Philippi et Minuciae near the Temple of Bellona was frequently associated by ancient authors with public distribution of gifts on the occasion of a triumph, offers a possible, though hardly demonstrable, identification; see PBSR 4 (I907) pls. 2I-23 and
(1930) pp. 256-57.

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rHE TRIUMPH

I59

fice taking place before a hexastyle building that was probably a temple, the facade of which occupied the background at the left, behind the victim groups. The rightward direction of most of the figures marks out the position of the emperor at the right of the altar, in the favorite position for the sacrificing priest. 53 As a temple facade appeared behind thei subsidiary figures of victims and attendants at the left, some other kind of architectural background, perhaps an arch, probably served as a frame for the imperial group at the right. In composition the relief presents several unusual features, which seem, however, to be vagaries in detail rather than serious experiments with design. Though the scene is crowded, the two altar attendants both stand at the left side of the altar, leaving a large open space above it. Their usual positions are reversed. The unusually tall camillus stands in almost frontal pose holding open a rectangular incense box, while the flute player, wrongly restored as a torchbearer, is here the smaller figure in the foreground, dressed in a toga which falls below the hem of his tunic only in the front. A small figure in the foreground between the two oxen wears a similar short garment, which is gathered up in the hand as if for carrying something in its folds. The victim groups employ two different traditional motifs. Nearest the altar appears the ox-slaying group without, however, the usual kneeling victimarius. The victim himself lowers his head directly into the foreground, to receive the blow of the axe poised over the popa's shoulder ready for the swing. The second victim is shown stepping into the foreground from behind an attendant whose left hand holds the animal's horn, while his right hand, wrongly restored as if drawing his knife from its sheath, probably carried an axe. This too is a familiar motif, a favorite from the time of Trajan, which required space only for the victiIm's forequarters, and was well adapted to the closely crowded scenes of second century relief. The animal here is sufficiently different from the other in build, with smaller 1headand lighter forequarters, to be identified as a cow and thus appropriate as an offering to one of the goddesses. All the essentials of the scene, the city buildings in the background, the laurel wreaths, the axe in the bundle of fasces, and the two victims, suggest the payment of vows on the emperor's return from a victory in this case paid probably to Jupiter and Juno of the Capitolium. While the payment of vows was not necessarily accompanied by a triumph, the triumph celebrated by Commodus in I8I A.D. after his father's death in Germany is appropriate to both content and style, 54 and may have been the occasion commemorated by the relief.
53 The altar was probably the small tripod usual in this period, instead of the large garlanded altar of the restored version. 54 Wace's hypothesis that the sacrificial scene and the fragments of the Itriumphal procession adorned the two sides of the passageway of an arch of Marcus Aurelius, to the attic of which he attributed the panels now on the Arch of Constantine and in the Conservatori Museum, not only ignores several disparities in style but also involves the assumption that the triumphal chariot was represented twice, in the attic and in the passageway. Sieveking's division of the panels on stylistic grounds into an earlier and a later group suggests that in any case at least two monuments are concerned; see FestArnd/ 34, and stpra Chap. VIII, n. 33. It is not impossible that

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i6o

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGIONIN ROMANART

Fig. 88

P1. LVtll

A triumph is represented on the Arch of Septimius Severus at Lepcis, which probably commemorated victories over African nomadic tribes in 203 A.D. 55 The procession appears, apparently in a twice-repeated scene, on the two principal faces of the attic, while the lateral friezes represent a Concordia Augustorum and a sacrifice. In the processional reliefs the emperor appears standing in the chariot 'between his two sons, all three in frontal pose and crowned with beribboned laurel wreaths. By the panoramic convention often employed in Roman art, 56 both side and front of the chariot are represented, the side adorned with a Victory carrying palm and crown, the front with a group of the favorite gods of Lepcis, Hercules and Liber presenting a wreath and a thyrsis to the Tyche of the city. The quadriga, followed as usual by cavalry and doubtless by foot soldiers as well, is led by a tunic-clad figure with flowing hair who wears upon his breast a circular plaque adorned with a bust, apparently that of the emperor. The list of suggestions for the identification of this figure includes Honos, Genius, the Lar Familiaris, a iuvenis of Lepcis, and the perThe plaque about his neck is more like a. soldier's sonified Gens Septimia. pha/era than a bulla, but either would be appropriate to a triumph.S8 Possessed of none of the usual attributes of either Genius or Honos, the figure is possibly a Lar Militaris, who might be expected to bear a general resemblance to the more familiar household Lar. Other traditional details of the triumphal procession are the prisoners guarded by soldiers, and a large ferculum displaying seated captives, women, and children. One officer in the foreground has a staff of authority, 9 which is here perhaps the centurion's vi/is, and a line of spectators in military dress
the Sacrifice of Two Victims is contemporary with the later group, and that they may have commemorated the conclusion of the German campaigns waged by Marcus Aurelius and Commodus together in 177-80 A.D. 5S Bartoccini, Africa Italiana 4 (I93I) 32-152; AA 47 (1932) 524-26 (with bibliography); P. Townsend, ,IJ4 42 (1938) 5I2-24 (additional bibliography on p. 512); Ward Perkins, JRS 38 (1948) 7 2-80, pls. io-i i; P. Pray Bober, Sculptures of the Arch of Septimius Severus at Leptis (thesis, N. Y. Univ. 1943, unpublished). Townsend, op. cit. 5I4, 522-23, presents cogent evidence that the event commetnorated was not the Parthian victory of 197-98 A.D. represented on the Arch of Septimius in the Roman Forum, but a triumph celebrated at Lepcis over African tribes, which in 203 A.D. had attacked Roman cities in Tripolitania and were repulsed in a campaign conducted by the emperor. 56 The convention of showing both side and front of a temple is common in the earlv imperial period, but the device as used here imparts to the group a complete frontality which is new to Roman reliefs; cf. Rodenwaldt, BonnJbb 133 (1928) 230, 233. 57 Bartoccini, Rivist7ripol I (1924-25) 298; Technau, AA 47- (1932) 531 (Honos); Afrltal 4 99-101, (I93I) II4, figs, 73, 76 (Genius); Townsend, AJA 42 (1938) 515 (Gens Septimia); Pray Bober, op. cif (supra n. 55) 34-35 (Iuvenis of Lepcis). Honos and Genius are normally represented as semi-nude or togate with cornucopia; see Saglio, DarSag, "Honos," 248; Samter, RE, "Honos,"
2294; Mattingly 4, Index of Types. A iuvenis of Lepcis is not likely to have been represented with

flowing hair, but the curling lock on each shoulder is an indispensable characteristic of a Lar. 58 Cf. Macrobius, Sat I, 6, 9. The plaque is large like a phalera, which was often adorned with a bust. While the phalera represented in reliefs usually seems to be attached as a plaque, some examples have rings for suspension; see Saglio, DarSag, "Phalerae," 427. 59 See supra Chap. II, n. 44; supra Chap. VIII, n. 41.

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THE TRIUMPH

i6i

Fig. 89 a-b

Pl. LVII

fills the upper background with a solid row of heads well above the level of those in the foreground. In the Concordia Augustorum the central group represents Septimius and Caracalla clasping hands, with the smaller figure of Geta between them. Just as the triumphal scene is placed in Lepcis by the deities on the chariot and by a lighthouse in the background, so in the Concordia the same locale is denoted by the appearance of the three gods as statues behind the emperor and his sons. To the left, outside this well defined central group, stands Julia Domna surrounded by deities who suggest her role of Mater Castrorum-Honos and Virtus in the foreground, and Minerva with shield and spear in the background above her hiead.6o The scene is completed by togate figures of the duumviri and other civil dignitaries of Lepcis at the left, and at the right by military officers, two wearing cuirass and cloak and a third in camp dress carrying a centurion's staff. Looked at in the whole context of the attic reliefs, the sacrificial scene on the north face is almost certainly to be regarded as a part of thle triumphal ceremonies. But the traditional payment by the emperor of vows to Jupiter is amalgamated witlh a rite of the imperial cult. Septimius, crowned with the triumphal laurel, stands at the right with Roma, who hoLds the globe of the world in her outstretched hand. Slightly taller than the togate duumviri(?) beside him, he has the staff of authority in his left hand and his right, hiolding a roll, is extended in a familiar imperial gesture. To the left Julia Domna, with a flute player in attendance, sprinkles incense on a low garlanded altar. While her right hand and all but the edge of the altar have been destroyed by the break in the relief, the jar containing pellets of incense in her left hand indicates the form of sacrifice. The fact that the empress appears in the role of priestess, while the emperor and Roma stand apart from the altar group, leaves little doubt that the latter are the recipients of the sacrifice. This is further borne out by the markedly different appearance of the two victims. The animal being led in from the left is obviously a bull, but that at the right seems to be a heifer, an appropriate offering to Roma. 6I In the central part of the relief the background was occupied by seated figures in smaller scale. These were doubtless the favorite deities of Lepcis, included here, as elsewhere on the arch, not as recipients of the sacrifice but to give the location of the scene. The altar group evidently extended across the width of the lacuna (about go cm.), since part of a camillus' figure is preserved at the edge of the left half. Here, at the left of the altar scene, appears a
60 While the theme of Concordia is made amply clear by the motif of the clasped hands, which was familiar as a Concordia Augustorum type on coins of this period, Townsend's assumption, AJA 42 (1938) 523-24, that Domna in the relief is Concordia, both in her own person and incarnate in the goddess with cornucopia and patera, strains tne evidence. Pray Bober, op. cit. identifies the goddess as the Tyche of Lepcis and suggests that the subject (supra n. 55) 41-43, may be the conferring on Caracalla of honorary command of the African legion. 6i See also Bartoccini, RivistTrz5ol i (1924-25) 301 f.; Townsend, AJA 4.2 (1938) 521-22.

23

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i62

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

variant of the military group represented at the right in the Concordia Augustorum: two military officers, one in cuirass and cloak, the other in camp dress with staff and roll in hand, and in the upper background an armored Mars holding shield and spear. The victim groups employ the same two motifs as the Antonine relief discussed above, but the contrast in treatment epitomizes the contrast between Antonine and Severan style. In the group at the right the popa, in profile instead of three-quarters view, holds a mallet poised over his head, and a kneeling victimarius looks up expectantly-as in the original compositionalthough he has already plunged the knife into the animal's throat. The victim is shown in full profile with head held down almost flat against the ground, in such a way as to Qbscure not only the oblique line of the neck but the outward turn into the foreground, so essential to the tridimensional effect aimed at in earlier versions. The victim group at the left is closer to that of the Antonine relief, but both attendants are in the foreground in almost the same plane, and the whole length of the victim's body is parallel to the plane of the relief, instead of receding into the background. The remaining available space of the great panel is filled by military and civil dignitaries, who form an almost solid upper row across the background and fill the space above the victim's back. The two rows of faces look out at the spectator, apparently little concerned with the action of the scene itself, and this is true to a certain extent of the actual participants as well as the space-fillers. Tridimensional treatment has been almost completely abandoned, and all the figures are placed in relationship with the spectator rather than with one another. The Arch of Lepcis marks the end of the triumphal sacrifice in the older sense of the word, the point at which the public concern with the deeds and welfare of the emperor has been metamorphosed into the worship of the emperor himself. Meantime the triumph was becoming more and more closely associated with the periodic vota in actual practice and in art. 63 Both are represented symbolically by two Victories holding a shield, and a century later both together were commemorated by the triumphal monument of Diocletian and by the Arch of Constantine. The monument of Diocletian also combined in the same ensemble the closing of the lustrum, with the old rite of the Suovetaurilia, thus completing the fusion of the three old Roman rites which had been current in the artistic tradition of the Empire.
62

Brendel, RM 45 (1930) 215, classes this among the rare instances in which a dead victim is represented; but the lifted axe of the popa makes it unlikely that such is the intent. Cf.
62

Gnecchi
63

pl.

iII,

10.

Alfoldi, RAM 49 (I934) 98-I00; JRS 22 (I932) I3, n. 5; L'Orange, RM 53 (1938) 30. In the coinage certain tvpes are used indiscriminately as allusions to military victory and to the periodic vot'a; e.g. Victory writing on a shield, two Victories holding a shield; Mattingly 4, pl. 95, 7; 5, p1. 73, 4-5; Bernhart pIs. 20, 1i; 71, II; 72, 15; 84, I2; 85, io; Toynbee, NumS/ud (1944) pls. I 2, II; 47, 7.

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CHAPTER

XI

STATE CULT REFLECTED IN PRIVATE MONUMENTS

As the triumph.became more exclusively an imperial type in monumental art, several parallel forms of the rite were developed as popular themes in private works of art., These rites were naturally not associated with public cult, but their close relations with the state triumph gives them a peculiar interest and importance. The processus consularis and the pompa of the circus' and the spectacles were quasi-triumphal processions which remained accessible to citizens, the former only to the consuls of each year,' the latter also to municipal officials like the seviri, whose office involved the giving of public games. Individuals who distinguished themselves as commanders of the Roman armies were frequently awarded the ornamenfa friumphalia in lieu of the triumph to which they, as lega i of the emperor not invested with the imperium, were ineligible. The rites of the seviri-proce3sions, games, and sacrifices-which were comnmemorated on sepulchral monuments have been discussed in Chapter VII in connection with the ruler cult. A number of other scenes that retain some features of the triumph appear on sarcophagi, probably to commemorate military victories which had won the ornamenla triumpihalia, or at any rate justified some claim to that distinction. The best known of these private memorials is a group of sarcophagi of the latter part of the second century, all of which represent certain elements of the triumph combined with the dextrarum iunctio of the marriage ceremony. Though they vary considerably in date and in details, they are clearly offslloots of the same type. Invariably the central scene of the long relief is a sacrifice
2

Figs. 90-92 P1. LVIII

Alfoldi, RM 49 (I934) 94-96. See Rodenwaldt, BonnJbb Ant. Skuipt. Berlin 393, no. 967; cf. Mommsen, S/a/sr. I3,

I33 414

(1928)

230-31, fig. i; Kekule, f.; On the ornamenta trium-

pjAalia, see Barini,. Triumphalia 24 ff. 2 Brunn, Ad! i6 (I844) i86 ff., and Kieine Schriften I, 4-14; Rossbach, Rom. Hochzeits und Ehedenkmdlerii8-65; Reinach 3, 43, 54; Rizzo, RM 21 (1906) 294-95, 305, pI. I4; Barrera, Studi romani 2 (I914) 93-I20, pis. 5-8; A. Levi, Scul. di Mantova 86-87, pls. 95-99; Dedalo 7 (1926) 222 ff.; Amelung, Fiihrer Florenz I8-20; Rodenwaldt, AbhBerl 1935, no. 3. Brendel, RM 45 (I930) lists the group and gives earlier bibliography. The sarcophagus from the Villa Bonaparte 205-o6, in Rome is now in the County Museum of Los Angeles, California; see E. Feinblatt, BdA 37 (1952) 193-203. Part of another sarcophagus from the same series, recently called to my attention by E. Loeffler, was found in the Via Crotone in 1942; Pietrangeli, Capitolium i8 (I943) I5-I7, fig. 8; BullComm 72 (I946-48) 227, fig. 24.

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i64

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

of a steer before the Temple of Jupiter; 3 the marriage appears at the right, while to the left a military commander, usually dressed in cuirass and cloak, receives the obeisance of captives after\vanquishing the enemy in battle. Though in only one instance is the principal male figure recognizably the same in all three scenes, the series is evidently intended to typify memorable events in the life of the deceased. The central scene has been interpreted as a nuptial sacrifice or a preliminary offering to Jupiter to secure good auspices for the wedding, as a tritumphal sacrifice or a thank offering on return from war, and as a volum susceplum on the assumption of a, military command. Rodenwaldt offered the hypothesis that the scenes are generalized allusions to the virtues of the deceased: virtus represented by his vanquishing of enemies, cdementia by his merciful reception of captives, pie/as by the sacrifice, and concordia by the dextrarum iunctio. The recurrence of the same motifs again and again leaves no doubt that the sarcophagi represent genre scenes symbolic of a man's life, rather than specific events. The chief disagreement on interpretation concerns the nature of the sacrifice and its connection, if any, with the other scenes. The victims mentioned by ancient sources on the marriage rite are the pig-a familiar preliminary offering (piaculum) before an important rite-and the sheep, whose skin was spread as a seat for the bride and groom. I It is not impossible that a steer might be offered to Jupiter in the taking of auspices6 for a wedding, but here the fact that the sacrificant invariably appears in military dress definitely removes the sacrifice from the sphere of the marriage scene. The other proposals-that the sacrifice is a triumphal offering or a zvo1um susceptum on assumption of a military command-are eliminated in any literal sense by the fact that the imperium, and the triumph contingent upon it, were at this date exclusively imperial prerogatives. With or withou-t the imperium, however, a commander returning after a military victory would be likely to have vola to pay to Jupiter pro saliuteel z'ictoria.I These would be private voa/ performed at his own expense and not, as in the old, triumph, with funds from the public treasury. It is natural that these private representations of victory and payment of vota should, as far as possible, ape the monumental reliefs that celebrated imperial triumphs, and it is probably no accident that the reliefs of this group are closer in style to 'monumental art than is usual inthe scenes on the sarcophagi. On a sarcophagus at Mantua, Roma (or Virtus) and Victoria accompany the conquering commander as in the imperial triumph.

3 The temple, which appears in all examples of the type except that in Frascati (CAH, Plates 5, I76 a), is recognizable by the oak wxeath in the tympanum. 4 See Brunn, AdI i6 (I844) 191-92; Kleine Schriften I, 9; De Marchi, Culto privato I59; Levi, Dedalo 7 (I926) 222 ff.; Rossbach, op. cit. (supra n. 2) I23, 149; Lippold, Gnomon IO (I934) 370; Rodenwaldt, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 8. 5 Varro, De Re Rust. 2, 4, 9 ff.; Servius, ad Aen. 4, 374; De Marchi, Culto privato, 156 f. 6 Vergil, Aen. 4, 56-6I; Apuleius, Met. 4, 26; cf. Rossbach, op. cit. (sUpra n. 2) 4, 107. 7 See Juvenal I2, I-I6; Horace, Odes 2, 17, 30-32.

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STATE CULT REFLECTED IN PRIVATE MONUMENIS

I65

Figs.

90-91

P1. LVIII

Fig. 92 PI. LVIII

Fig. 96 a-b
P1. LX

Fig. 93
P1. LIX

The sacrificial scene is the type most popular in monumental art of the In the best and earliest examples, those in early Empire, the ox-slaying. Mantua and Florence, the sacrificant is represented in profile to the right, pouring a libation upon a lighted tripod altar. A small flute player appears in frontal pose behind it, and on the Mantuan sarcophagus a camillus almost as tall as the general stands just behind him. In all the reliefs the ox-slaying group is reduced to three figures, the steer, the popa swinging his axe from the far side of the victim, and a kneeling victimarius holding down the steer's head and looking up at the popa in expectation of the blow. On one example, now in the County Museum of Los Angeles, the sacrificant stands at the right of the altar and the ox-slaying is reversed in direction, with moderate success. 8 This variant adds a tiny camillus carrying an incense box and, in the background, a Victory with palm and wreath. The ox-slaying group is not well adapted to relief in which so little effort is made to achieve an illusion of depth. The temple is allowed to appear too close to the foreground and the victim group is crowded to the front of the stage. In the best examples, however, the sacrificial scene is fully as successful as in the contemporary monumental reliefs. The end reliefs carry out the same themes, rtpresenting the general being prepared for battle or receiving captives, scenes from home life, or sacrificial groups. In some instances a group of three altar attendants appears at one end, and on the other a steer is conducted by a popa with an axe over his shoulder. These are usually executed in flat relief and in much cruder style, as if they were stock types which demanded only cursory attention. In time these endmotifs were dissociated from the nuptial and triumphal scenes to which they were appropriate supplements, and came to be used with other reliefs to which they bore no relation. 9 A number of sarcophagus reliefs, although deyoted more exclusively to the marriage rite, still include some slight allusion to military triumph. Two closely related sarcophagi, one in the Belvedere of the Vatican Museum and the other in the Hermitage, represent as the central scene a sacrifice performed by the bride and groom. In the left half, the bride's side, appear attendants and
StudRom
193-203.

8

2,

pl. 8; Reinach 3, 54; MemPont Ser. 3, 4 (1938)

IOI f., Pl.

I5;

Feinblatt, BdA

37

(I952)

9 One or both of these types appear on the ends of the sarcophagi at Mantua and Frascati, and on that of Balbinus, cited in note io. They appear on a third century columnar sarcophagus in the Cainpo santo at Pisa, RM 38 (1923) 15, fig. 6, and on a columnar sarcophagus from North Africa which represents in abbreviated form, in the two central intercolumniations, the dextrarum iunctio and the nuptial sacrifice by the bride and groom, Reinach 2, 6. A similar fragment from Tarragona was found without context, F. Poulsen, Sculpt. d. prov. espagnos 55-56, figs. 86-87. Amelung, CatVatMus 2, 290-92, no. I02 n; pI. 27; Brunn, Kleine Schriften I, 6-9, fig. 3; Rossbach, op. cit. (supra n. 2) Io5-o8, nos. I and 2. The sarcophagus of Balbinus adapts this type to the occasion of an imperial marriage. The dextrarum iunctio at the right and the goddess. with cornucopia (Abundantia ?) at the left end closely resemble the corresponding details of the other examples. But the remainder of the relief is occupied by deities attendant upon the cuirassed figure of the emperor, who is pouring a libation at a small altar. Victoria in the background at the
IO

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i66

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 94

P1. LIX

allegorical figures associated with the marriage, but on the groom's side the content of the relief alludes to his military achievements. A winged Victory places a crown on his V2ad and a lictor stands in attendance, while a victimarius holds a steer ready for sacrifice. On the right end of the Belvedere sarcophagus is a man on horseback, apparently adapted from the scene of victory on the group discussed above. Another relief designed for the long side of a sarcophagus represents the marriage procession, moving against the background of a festooned curtain toward the dexirarum junclio at the right end." This type too includes allusions to military success. A crown is placed on the head of the groom by a helmeted figure of Roma (or Virtus), and a lictor walks in the procession carrying the fasces. The last group, just emerging through an archway,is asteerconducted by two victimarii, preceded by a camillus carrying incense box and pitcher for the sacrifice. The archway, through which the procession is just emerging, inevitably suggests the Porta Triumphalis of the triumphal friezes.' It is curious that in all these types representing the marriage rite the oxapparently a steer to be offered to Jupiter-has displaced the sheep and pig which were actually sacrificed at a wedding. The ox-sacrifice was not, of course, entirely inappropriate. For offerings to the grbater gods frequently preceded an important undertaking, and might be performed by private individuals of wealth and high rank as well as by personages of state. But the almost complete substitution of this sacrifice for the offerings specifically prescribed at the marriage rite was probably a result of the influence of monumental art. Except for the triple offering of the Suovetaurilia, reliefs of state sacrifices represent almost exclusively bovine victims. Thus the tendency to adapt monumental motifs for use in private works of art encouraged the preference of the ox-sacrifice, and the persistent though slight allusions to military triumph suggist that the triumphal" type illustrated by the Mantuan sarcophagus may have been a factor in this development. The traditional offerings of the marriage rite, the sheep and pig, appear in only one of its many representations on, sarcophagi, the best example of which is in San Lorenzo fuori le mura in Rome. I3 This relief is somewhat later than the types discussed above, and in composition it is a hybrid of elements from both the triumphal scene and the nuptial sacri2

left places a crown on his head, and he is flanked at the right by a nude but helmeted Mars holding spear and parazonium, at the left by Venus Genetrix with a Cupid on her shoulder, her right hand supporting a long scepter which rests on the ground. Beyond Venus to the left appears the headless figure of Roma (or Virtus) carrying a vexillum. See M. Giitschow, MemPont Ser. 3, 4
3, 79-82, no. 522, pl. 30 Rossbach, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 94-105. An adaptation of the type appears in a small relief of cc ored glass in the Metropolitan Museum, H. McClees, Daily Life of the Greeks and Romans (Metropolitan Museum, New York I933) I2, fig. I5; cf. W. Fr6hner, Coll. J. Greau, Verrerie antique (Paris 1903) no. 572, pl. 59, 7. See fig. 82e; Strong, ScultRom I07, fig. 72. 13 Matz-von Duhn, Ant. Bildw. no. 3090; Rossbach, op. cit. (supra n. 2) 40-77; Reinach 3, 320. A second example of the type is published in Esperandieu, ii, (Suppl. 1938) no. 7723. (1938)
77-I02,

pls. 10-I5. IIAmelung, SculptVatMus

Cf. also the Pompeian painting of a wedding procession, fig. 99.

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STATE CULT REFLECTED IN PRIVATE MONUMENTS
Fig. 95 P1. LIX

I67

ants (?) associated with the marriage; as in the former, the dex/rarum iunctio

fice. As in the latter, the left half is occupied by allegorical figures and attend-

Fig. 97 a-c PI. LX

Fig. 97 a

is represented at the right and the sacrifice in the center. Though this is clearly a nuptial offering, the bride does not appear with the groom at the low altar, which resembles a tall wicker basket of fruit. In front of the altar a sheep is held by a crouching victimarius, while behind it stand a tiny togate flute player and a camillus holding a plate of fruits. The temple facade in the background of the "triumphal" sacrifice is here replaced by four composite columns supporting a tabula ansata, which originally must have borne the sepulchral inscription. 14 The relief of the left end represents other attendants, among them a victimarius conducting a pig. A number of other reliefs show the tendency to usurp-or to reclaimfor private citizens the symbols of the triumph. The most interesting and the most puzzling of these is the altar of Scipio Orfitus in the Capitoline Museum, which was found near San Sebastiano on the Via Appia. "I The inscription, enclosed in an oak wreath, states that Scipio Orfitus, an augur and vir clarisszmus, dedicated the altar to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Sol Sarapis in payment of a vo/um. A clue to the date and the interpretation is provided by a second altar of the sarr.e provenance. This records that in the year 295 A.D. the augur Scipio Orfitus performed a faurobolium by which he was rena/us in aeternutm,according to the promise of the rite. In the cult of Isis and Serapis, as we know from Apuleius' famous description of it, the promised eternal life was represented as an apotheosis attained through the initiation. This was the apotheosis open to all, and a visual representation of it quite naturally adapted the traditional motifs of imperial deification. The cuirassed figure represented on the face opposite the inscription, borne upward on the back of a bull over the reclining figure of Terra Mater, can be no other than Orfitus himself, carried to. heaven by the bull which was the incarnation of Serapis. The cornucopia in his left arm declares his divinity, I6 and the spray of poppies in his upraised right hand is probably also a symbol of new birth. At the same time, all the details of the context suggest military victory. *The oak wreath was familiar from the Augustan age as an imperial symbol, but it was also a military award which any soldier might win. Like the emperor in the apotheosis of Ephesus, Orfitus is cuirassed and hlis laurel wreath, as well as the laurel festoon on the enclosure wall seen in the background, I8 is not inappropriate to the celebration of a victory.
'

14 The fabula ansata is a familiar form, used not only for placards carried in the triumphal procession but also for sepulchral inscriptions; see supra Chap. X, n. i8, and Diehl, InscrLat pl. 23. 15 Strong, ScultRom 315-I6, figs. I92-93, pl. 64; Helbig-Amelung, Fihrtvr no. 87I; Altmann no. i a, pl. 83; Dessau 4396. no. 249, fig. 149; Stuart Jones, Ca/MusCap 310-12, i6 The Genius of each irdividual was distinguished from his human counterpart by the cornucopia; see fig. 33 c. Helbig believed that the figure borne aloft on the bull is the emperor Caracalla, the new Serapis, possibly the emperor under whom Orfitus' victory was won. 17 Strong, ScultRom pl. 50. i8 The crenellated wall of the enclosure is suggestive of a military camp (cf. Column of Trajan, passim) but the trees seen inside the enclosure are more appropriate to a sacred precinct; see Stuart Jones, loc. cit. (supra n. I5).

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i68
Fig. 97 b

RITES OF TIIE STATE RELIGION IN ROMIANART

Fig. 97 c

Fig. 98 a-b

P1. LXI

One of the lateral faces represents Roma seated on a pile of arms, while Victoria with a palm or laurel twig in her hand points to a trophy in the background. On the opposite side a figure in priestly garb, presumably Orfitus, pours wine from a patera upon the head of a steer, '9 which is marked as a sacrificial victim by the dorsuazle about its body. It is distinguished by its lighter build from the bull of Serapis in the principal relief, and must be intended as the offering to Jupiter Optimus Maximus in payment of the vow. No altar is represented in this abbreviated sacrificial scene; only a single victimarius, dressed in tunic like a camillus, holds the head of the steer. We can only guess whether the allisions to victory commemorate actual military achievements of Orfitus, or symbolize his triumph over mortality througlh the salvation of Serapis.20 The symbols both of apotheosis and of military triumph are drawn from, and are intentionally suggestive of, the imperial circle of commemorative themes. In style, too, the reliefs of the altar reflect the contemporary Classic revival in monumental art. Just as the base of Diocletian in the Forum adapts the Julio-Claudian Suovetaurilia of the Louvre, so the altar of Orfitus approximates Augustan relief in the execution of the oak wreath and the laurel festoon, in the style of the drapery and hair, and in the treatment of tunic and toga. On a sarcophagus adorned with one of the stock battle scenes, the end reliefs represent symbols of victory and a "triumphal" sacrifice to Nemesis.21 On one end a Victory writes on a laurel-wreathed shield, watched by a bearded captive, who places a finger on his lips in a gesture suggesting the favete linguis of religious ritual. On the other end a helmeted and cuirassed warrior with shield and two spears in his left hand offers incense (?) at a tiymiaterion resting on an ornate tripod table. The veiled fe-nale figure opposite him is identified as Nemesis by her gesture of spitting into the sinus of her robe. The laurel branch in her left hand is appropriate to a victory sacrifice, as is the laurel garland festooned from bucrania in the upper background of both the end reliefs.
22

The hand is restored (see Helbig-Amelung, Filhrer no. 87I) and the gesture not entirely For this detail of ritual, cf. supra Chap. III, n. 44. 20 The titles of vir clarissimnus and augur designate him as a member of senatorial class, who might have won distinction as a military commander. At the same time it.may be noted that the "triumph" of Dionysus was manifestly a triumph over death. Thus the application of symbols of the triumph to such spiritual victory was not foreign to the religious thought of the period; see Strong, Apotheosis i8i ff. - Campelli, BullComm 63 (I935) 8I-90, pls. 1-2; Mustilli, Museo Mussolini ioo-oI, pl. 6o; Curtius, in Pisciculi, Studien zur Religion und Kul/us des Altertums, Fes/schrif/ F. J. DJlger (Aschendorf I939) 76 ff., pls. 3-4. The sarcophagus was found in the Via Portuensis. It was dated to the reign of Commodus by Mustilli and by Campelli, about 260 A.D. by Curtius. The latter notes that the warrior's costume is Greek rather than Roman, with Attic helmet and circular shield. A relief from Algeria in the Louvre, possibly from a sarcophagus, shows part of an ox-slaying group turned to the right, and at the left end, a little apart from the sacrificial scene proper, a togate figure holding a palm and a s-ttuette of victory; Reinach, Rip. slat. I, 56, pl. i6i c, no. 26 b. 22 Cf. RM 45 (I930) 37-38, pI. 25; Mattingly i, i65, pl. 31, 5. The appropriateness of a victory sacrifice to Nemesis derives from the close relation between Fortuna and Nemesis; cf. fig. I8, and Horace, Odes i, 35.
r9

certain.

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STATE CULT REFLECTED IN PRIVATE MONUMENTS

I69

Fig. 99 P1. LXI

Apart from the several types discussed above, which appropriate to private use the symbols of military victory, only occasional reliefs dedicated by private individuals approach the content or the manner of state monuments. Ordinarily sacrifices of Roman private cult represented in reliefs are simple compositions which can hardly be regarded as scenes at all. A common type consists of a single figure in priestly garb, or a married pair, standing beside a small tripod or thymiaierion with patera or incense jar in hand.23 Sacrifices represented in the painted Lararia at Pompeii are apt to be simple in composition and "popular" in style. The Genius frequently appears with patera in hand, like the deities in Greek sacrificial scenes, and occasionally occupies at the same time the position of the priest in a composition that is essentially Roman. 24 A painting from the wall of an oecus in Region VII represents what is probably a wedding procession, lifted to the realm of allegory or cult significance by the portrayal of the bride and groom as Hercules and Juventas. 25 The dextrarum iunc/io takes place on the steps of the Temple of Venus, while the procession is shown at either side of the temple. The details of the painting are irrelevant to this discussion, except to note that the procession has much in common with the triumphal friezes discussed in the preceding chapter. The figures are placed in no context, but are related by groupings as in the frieze of the Arch of Benevento. Several fercula carried by two or by four tunicate attendants are laden with ritual objects or wedding gifts. The procession includes two sacrificial victims, a cow decked with dorsuale and conducted by a popa who has a mallet over his left shoulder, and a sheep carried across the shoulders of another attendant. The sheep was a traditional marriage sacrifice, and the cow is here undoubtedly an offering to Venus. The well known sacrificial scene from the Temple of Isis is much closer to monumental art in manner and in composition, though distinguished from representations of Roman state ritual by foreign details in content.26 Here the altar group is divided by the high flight of steps, but the long robed priest at the right of the altar, the attendants at the morning service ranged on the steps at either side, and at the top the solemn figure of the hierophant holding high the sacred vessel, form a well centralized altar scene in spite of the distance
23 E.g. Altmann 235-36, fig. I89; no. I58, fig. ii8; AA 48 (I933) 450, fig. 29; Cumont,Symbolismefuneraire pl. 15, i; Amelung, SculptVa/Mus 2, 702 f., no. 435 a, p1. 79; p1. 82, no. I9; Reinach 3, 285-86. See G. K. Boyce, MAAR 14 (I937) pls. 14-20. 25 Brizio, Giornale d. scavi di Pompeii I (I869) I87-91; Helbig, Wandgemdlde 358, no. I479; Rossbach, JDAI 8 (I893) 57-59; Della Corte, luventus 90 ff., pl. i; Hermann-Herbig, Denkmaler der Malerei Ser. 2 (I950) p1. 234. Della Corte's interpretation of the procession as a ritual deductio performed in celebration of the Iuvenalia has great plausibility, in view of the highly ceremonial character-of the procession. The remains of an altar before the entrance of the oecus accords as well with such an interpretation as with that more recently offered by Herbig, that the scene represents an exauguratio of the cult of Hercules in favor of that of Isis.
24

26

Mau-Kelsey, Pompeii 171, fig. 76.

24

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170

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. IOO P1. LXII

separating its parts. The temple background serves the same artistic function as the temple facades in monumental reliefs and coin types, except that in the painting it provides setting Ias well as background for the sacred rite. A small relief that adorns the Lararium in the house of Caecilius Jucundus hias recently been interpreted by Maiuri as a public sacrifice to Terra Mater performed after the earthquake of 62 A.D.27 The tottering buildings in the left half of the relief have long been recognized as the Capitolium and arch at the end of the Forum; and Maiuri maintains that the sacrificial altar must be assumed to be nearby, perhaps in the neighboring Temple of the Lares Publici. It seems more likely, however, that this represents not a public procurafio prodigii, but an offering made by an individual citizen after the earthquake, possibly a thank offering for his own escape from the disaster. There is no altar scene, nor anv of the priest-ly personnel customarily present at public rites. The victim and attendant are placed in no real spatial relation to the altar. Like the sacred implements represented in the field at either side-pitcher, patera, sieve, knife, and situla -they seem to be shown without context, as allusions to a sacrifice which is not actually represented. Another victim, still more vaguely drawn but probably bovine, is represented on the front of the altar. The absence of any "scene", in the usual sense of the word, makes the location of the altar beside the Temple of Jupiter irrelevant to the actual place of the sacrifice. The tottering temple must be intended rather to record the occasion of the offering, and easily identified buildings such as the Capitolium and Forum entrance were naturally selected for this narrative purpose. On the altar, beneath a canopy that suggests a household shrine rather than a public temple, appears a bust with drapery over the head. This is apparently a representation of the goddess to whom sacrifice is made. But the victim, led in from the right by a popa with axe held in the crook of his left arm, appears to be a bull rather than the heifer which Roman religion prescribed for female deities. Such incongruity with Roman cult practice suggests that the goddess is a foreign deity such as Cybele or Isis, both of whom were at Pompeii. 28 A bull is recorded as the proper victim undoubtedly vworshipped for Cybele, and the bust resting on the altar is paralleled in other reliefs associated with the Phrygian cult. 29 Moreover a second relief from the Lararium
A. Maiuri, L'u//ima fase edilizia di Pompeii II-2I, pIs. 1-2 a and fig. I; cf. Mau, RM I5 Overbeck-Mau,Pompeii 70. A temple dedicated to Tellus in 268 B.C. had been vowed on the occasion of an earthquake. Aulus Gellius 2, 28, 2, describes the offering after an earthquake of a sacrifice to god or goddess, si deo si deae. 28 See Mau-Kelsey, Pompeii Chap. 26. There was a temple to Cybele at Herculaneum, and her worship is well attested in the neighborhood,CIL0, I406, 3698-700, 380g-io, and cf. Schwenn, RE, " Kybele," 2293. See Schwenn op. cit. 2263; a cippus in the Bordeaux Museum represents a bust of Attis on a somewhat simpler stepped altar, a bull reclining beside it, and other familiar cult symbols in the field above: the sacred tree hung with ritual objects, a Phrygian cap, and pipes (?); see Graillot, Le cu/fe de Cybeie pI. 2; Esperandieu2, 1267; cf. also a relief from Ostia which represents a Phrygian cap resting on an altar, NS 1939, 66, fig. 9.
27

(I900)

ii5;

29

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STATECULT REFLECTEDIN PRIVATEMONUMENTS

I71

Fig. ioi a

shows, along' with other Pompeiian buildings and a runaway team and wagon, several familiar symbols of the same cult, the sacred tree of Attis, the tambourine, and castanets. Only rarely do private monuments represent a full-scale sacrificial scene, and these almost inevitably make use of the motifs and designs established and familiar in monumental art. A cippus in the Museo Civico at Bologna, dedicated by a freedman to the goddess Valetudo, uses a simple sacrificial scene remi30

P1. LXI

niscent of thpse which appear on Augustan altars. The camillus who stands

Fig. ioi b P1. LXI

Fig.

102

a-b

P1. 'LXII

behind the altar holding an incense box shows an advance over the simplest of the Augustan designs; but the sacrificant, here placed at the left, holds the umbilicate patera naively turned full circle toward the spectator, as on the crude frieze of the Arch of Susa. The same basic design appears in reversed direction on an altar to Silvanus, dedicated in 2 B.C. by a freedman of There is no camillus, but at the right behind the tall L. Scribonius Libo. flute player a tiny popa with axe over his shoulder leads in a pig, the appropriate victim for Silvanus. Relatively elaborate altar scenes are represented on a series of altars dedicated to local Celtic goddesses.32 The dedicant usually occupies the position of priest at the right of the altar, in one instance flanked at either side by a companion, in a motif suggestive of the "imperial group" familiar in monumental relief from the Ara Pacis to the Aurelian column. 3 The altar group ordinarily includqs both a flute player and a camillus carrying the incense box. The altar is placed at an angle to the plane of the relief, and the figures are arranged to convey the impression of a tridimensional scene. In one instance a pig is brought in from the left by a stooping victimarius, 'who is placed against the figures of other attendants in the background. 3 Occasionally the dedicant offers sacrifice in the presence of the goddess herself. On one altar, dedicated
3I

30 31

Cf. figs.

20,

29,

32.

The altar to Valetudo (CIL IIx, 6i12)
I923)

is from Fossombrone; see

Ducati, Museo civico di Bologna (Bologna
144-46,

I6.

The altar is in the Museo Archeologico in Florence. See Minto, Studi Romani 2 (1914) figs. I-2. A curious circular base in the Capitoline Museum, which if it is genuine must be dated no later than the Augustan age, is dependent upon such late republican monuments as the Falerii base and the Borghese altar, and also upon the familiar neo-Attic bases representing deities or Dionysiac figures. The objects of worship in this case are two nude male figures standing at the right of the altar, the nearer one of whom holds a patera in the fashion of deities in Greek votive reliefs. The worshipper approaching from the left is togate and veiled and, as restored, extends his right hand to sprinkle incense, or possibly in a Greek gesture of worship. Following him two men,, bearded and veiled, carry open incense boxes, while between the two groups stands a woman (or goddess) identified by neither attribute nor offering but turned slightly toward the pair of deities. Here there is clearly a mixture of Greek and Roman elements, and the relief must represent a private sacrifice rather than any rite of the state religion. See Stuart Jones, CatMusCap 278-79, pl. 65, no. 5 a; Sieveking, Gnomon 8 (I932) Cf. figs. I5-16 and 423. Reinach 3, 77, 3-5; 152, 1-3. 32 H. Lehner,BonnJbb I35 (1930) I-48, pl5. I0-II, I5-i6, i9; Esperandieuii, Suppl. (I938) 77 ff.; 8, nos. 6430, 6439, 6506, 7774. 33 Esperandieu 8, no. 6439; CIL 13, I2057. This altar is probably to be dated in the second century. 34 Esperandieu 8, no. 6430.

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I72

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

to the Matrona Aufania by Q. Caldinius Celsus, the goddess stands with extended hand at the right of the altar, and Caldinius makes the offering of incense from the other side. He turns away from the spectator far enough to show the fall of the toga down from the left shoulder, in a pose adapted from that ot the lictor facing Augustus on the Ara Pacis or from the three trumpeters of the Cancelleria relief. 35 In one example the veiled goddess and her bonneted companions are seated on a knee-high tribunal, flanked at either side by a row of matrons carrying sacred objects. 36 Between each pair appear other figures in the background, in the manner of the great processional reliefs of the early
Empire.37
Fig.
103

P1. LXII

A marble altar dedicated to Neptune by a L. Gessius Optatus 38 shows a curious adaptation of familiar motifs. The inclusion of a praesens deus, in this case a large figure of Neptune standing at the left with trident in hand, is suggestive of the influence of Greek art or of Roman numismatic types. In the narrow remaining space of the altar front, elements of both altar group and ox-slaying are telescoped, by the device of representing a single sacrificant pouring a libation upon a slender tripod altar in the space behind the bull.
The victim group too is a hybrid of two motifs from monumental art. The

Fig.

I04

P1. LXII

bull is standing with forefoot lifted, his head held by an attendant as if awaiting the time of sacrifice. But beside his flank a popa holds an axe (or mallet) poised for the blow, as in the familiar ox-slaying. The lack of skill in the use of these borrowed motifs is matched by the tnediocrity of the style and workmanship. An altar in the Museum of Naples bears the names of three donors, L. Arruntius Philippus, Q. Codius Jason, and his son Mercurius. Though a private monument, it is dedicated for the safety and memoria(?) of the emperor,
PR[O S]AL[U]TE ET M[eM]ORIA IMP. CAES. AVRELI ANTONINI AVG.

The relief

on its front, bordered at right and left by Ionic columns which suggest the setting of a temple, represents the two adult donors facing each other across a lighted tripod altar, each togate but with uncovered head, each with a scroll in hand, placing incense upon the altar fire. A little camillus at the right, who holds the box of incense, is evidently Codius' son Mercurius. A bull lying dead (?) behind the tripod completes a composition obviously adapted from the numismatic type of imperial Adventus popularized by Hadrian. 40 On a
BonnJbb I35 (1930) pl. i6, 2. Ibid. pl. I9, 2. 37 See also reliefs published by Esperandieu I, nos. 535, 572, 779-80. A group of cippi found in Tunisia, dedicated to Saturnus Balcaranensis, represent a bull and ram standing at either side of an altar and, in a few instances, a sacrificant pouring a libation; see Toutain, Md/Rome I2
35 36

(1892)
38

86 ff., pl. i. p. Barocelli,

Afuseo di an/ichilda di

ITorino

22-23,

47.

The altar appears to be Trajanic a sacrifice to the

in date.
39 CIL 6, ioi8. For a similar composition, cf. a cippus representing Dioscuri; Albert, DarSag, "Dioscuri," fig. 2438. 40 Cf. fig. ii i1o; also Mattingly 3, pl. 9I, and I5; pl. 92, 8.

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STATE CULT REFLECTED IN PRIVATE MONUMENTS

173

high pedestal behind the altar stands a nude Herculean figure with cloak fastened at his throat, a scepter (?) in his left hand, and his right hand raised high in salutation or blessing. The head is destroyed, but the break leaves clear evidence of a beardless head encircled by the rays and halo of the sun god. Thus the dedication was probably to Sol Invictus, properly worshipped in nonRoman fashion by a sacrificant with uncovered head. 41 Except for the use of the imperial type of the Adventus, the relief is essentially a product of popular art. The figures are all apparently in the same plane and, in accordance with the "popular" use of size to stress importance, the haloed figure of the god is slightly larger in scale than the human worshippers, towering above them in complete disregard for the proportions of the design. These same characteristics appear, in less marked degree, on the column of Marcus Aurelius, and it is clear that by this period the border line between monumental and popular art was becoming gradually more shadowy.
4T Though there was a Roman cult to Sol and Luna from the third century B.C., the later imperial worship of Sol was eastern in origin and in character; see Wissowa 365. The worship of Sol was brought into particular prominence by Elagabalus, whose official name was Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. But this relief must be associated, by reason of its style, with the first emperor of that name.

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CHAPTER XI I

SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

Religious rites frequently appear on coins issued to commemorate special occasions, but the strong allegorical tendency of numismatic art often affected the character of a scene designed.as a coin type. By the use of allegorical figures or personifications in place of groups, it was possible to represent a symbolic scene simple in composition and well suited to the small space of a coin, such as, for example, the Hadrianic Adventus. Other types, on the contrary, are closely related to monumental reliefs and have a peculiar value as a supplement to the evidence supplied by extant works of art. Two series of special interest are those issued to commemorate,the Ludi Saeculares and the Vota Publica for the health and safety of the emperor.
THE LUDI SAECULARES

Fig.

I05

a-b

P1. LXIII

While Augustus' celebration of the Secular Games left very slight impress upon the coinage, the Ludi of Domitian were commemorated by an interesting series of types. These are closer to the tradition of major historical relief than to numismatic art,I and it is tempting to suppose that they may have been designed for one of the numerous monuments erected by that emperor. The coin types represent only the religious ceremonies, with no reference to the spectacles provided for popular entertainment. Two are preliminary scenes, apparently designed as companion pieces.2 In each the emperor is seated on a tribunal with large sacks at his feet, facing toward the right in the first, toward the left in the second. He extends his hand, in one case to receive the contribution of grain for the making of the sacrificial cakes, in the other to give the suffimen/a to a citizen and his small son. A temple appears in the background, in three-quarters view, like the small shrines in Augustan landscapes but brought down into the scene to serve as setting for the figures.
See Mattingly I, CiV-Vi; pI. 2, 19-20, pI. 3; 2, pl. 64, 1-4; Nilsson, RE, "Saeculares";Dressel, 8, 3IO ff., pl. i; Bernhart, Miinzkunde 76-79, p1. 56; Mattingly 2, pls. 77-79. CIL 6, 32323, line 30, purgamenta dari et fruges acci.pi; Dressel, op. Cit. 310 f. The distribution of the sujimenta was represented similarly on an Augustan coin, Mattingly I, i6, pl. 3, 8. In some variants of the second type the citizens pour the grain into the sacks instead of offering it in small baskets. E

EphEp

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SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

I75

Fig.

105

c-d

Fiv. IO e

All the scenes correspond in the main with the Augustan epigraphical records of the Ludi. The few inconsistencies between the reliefs and the inscription undoubtedly result, not from any changes in the celebration of 88 A.D., but from the freedom allowed the artist in adapting the actual ceremonies to the requirements of his design. The chief discrepancy occurs in the first two sacrifices, the offering of sheep and goats to the Moirae, which took place by the Tiber on the first night of the games, and the first daytime sacrifice of a white steer to Jupiter on the Capitoline. 3 In these two scenes the emperor-priest wears a single long garment instead of the toga. This is probably the tunica fimbriafa which, according to the inscription, was worn only during the offering of the victims to the Moirae and to Terra Mater on the first and third nights. The other marked departure from the prescribed ritual is the introduction in the rite to the Moirae of a temple background, a Corinthian hexastyle temple with an eagle in the pediment, which can be no other than that of Jupiter Capitolinus. Both these details are introduced apparently to make a closely matching pair of scenes representing the rites of the first night and day. The same artistic purpose may account for another curious feature of the first scene. The victims, a goat and one (or two) sheep, are turned away from the altar, while the stooping victimarius, turned toward the left to hold the animals' heads, looks back over his shoulder at the officiating priest. This unusual position of the victims makes the composition exactly parallel to that of the ox-slaying scene of the Capitoline sacrifice. The two altar attendants are in both cases a flutist and a lyre player represented in profile to the right, while the customary Roman camillus is omitted. In the rite to Jupiter, where the temple is identified easily by the context, the pediment is adorned with the rather indeterminate symbol of a wreath with ribbons fluttering out at each side. In this scene the altar is the small circular type, and it is used probably to save space, since the ox-slaying motif required more room than the pair of smaller victims. Such care taken to design a pair of companion reliefs is easy to understand if the reliefs were originally planned for conspicuously parallel positions on a monument. In the type which represents the second nocturnal sacrifice, a bloodless offering in the Campus Martius to the Ilithyiae, the victim group is replaced by a figure of the Tiber. The bearded river god, with a clump of reeds behind him and a cornucopia held in his right arm, is turned slightly away from the spectator in a pose similar to that of the personified Campus Martlus in the Hadrianic Apotheosis of Sabina. 5 The basic composition remains the same as in the
Dressel, EphEp 8, 3II-I2, pl. I, 4-5; Mattingly 2, pl. 77, 7; pl. 79, 4. CIL 6, 32323, lines 90-94, and RhM 8i (1932) 388 ff., lines 47-5I. The victims to the Moirae and to Tellus are distinguished from the others as hos/iae prodigivae; see Wissowa 420, n. i. A priest in similar dress is represented on a marble thymiaterion(Stuart Jones, CatMusCap pl. 8, 22 a; cf. Clarac, Mus. sculpt. 2, pls. 2I6, 249) associated with attributes of Apollo which identify him as a quindecimvir, one of the keepers of the Sibylline Books. At the Ludi Saeculares this Greco-Romangarb is particularly appropriate for the nocturnal sacrifices, in which the Greek element was more prominent. s Dressel,EphEp 8, 312-13, pl. i, 8; Strong, ScultRornfig. 126; cf alsoStrackI, pl. 5, no. 363.
3
4

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176

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 105f

Fig. io5 g

Fig. 105 h

Fig. io5i

first pair, with the libation offered from the right of the altar and attended by flutist and lyre player. In this and the remaining scenes the priest wears the toga but, as the ludi were prescribed by the Greek Sibylline Books, he is represented with uncovered head (capi/e aperlo) in accordance with Greek rite. 6 The building in the background, with a pediment at each end and an arcuated structure between, appears to have a balcony or second story and is probably intended to represent one of the numerous porticoes that formed a network of covered walks in the Campus Martius. For the ceremony of the second day, which consisted in a sacrifice of a cow to Juno, with a prayer offered by the one hiundred and ten matrons, the artist chose not an altar scene but a group of women kneeling before a temple with their hands raised in supplication. The emperor-priest stands in the foreground near the front corner of the temple steps, with a roll in his left hand and his right outstretched as he dictates the phrases of the prayer. The Capito line temple, here represented as a tetrastyle structure with a wreath adorning the pediment, is shown at such an angle that the women appear to be facing the temple as they make their prayer. Another new, and in some ways unusual, composition represents the third and last nocturnal rite, the offering of a pregnant sow to Tellus. In this scene the priest stands at the left of the altar, turned away from the spectator sufficiently to show the drapery of the toga across the back. The flutist and lyre player face each other behind the altar, while from the right a stooping victimarius holds the sow in readiness for the sacrifice. Contrary to usage in monumental art at this period, the recipient of the offering, Tellus herself, appears in recumbent pose in the left foreground. 8 Two types are devoted to the rites of the third day, an offering of cakes to Apollo and Diana and a performance of the Carmen Saeculare. One of these uses the same basic composition as the first pair, with a temple facade framing the altar scene. Apparently to compensate for the absence of a victim group, the lyre player is shown in three-quarters view in a familiar pose of Apollo playing the lyre. 9 The other, which has no companion piece in the existing series, represents the procession of boys and girls singing the Carmen Saecu/are. Two togate priests, the first with roll in hand, are either walking behind them
6 Macrobius, Sat. i, 8, 2. A fragment from the Acta of the Severan Ludi establishes this detail for the sacrifice to the Roman Juno; CIL 6, 32329, line 6: [I]unoni reginae vaccam a/b. Graeco Achivo ri/[?4]; cf. 32326, line go. The substitution of the lyre player in place of the typically Roman camillus may also be intended, to give a Greek flavor to the rites. The lyre appears not infrequently in Roman sacrifices (e.g. figs. 15, 17 a, 37 c), but it was regarded as par excellence the musical instrument of Greece. 7 Dressel, EphEp 8, 3I3, pl. i, 8; Mattingly 2, pl. 78, 5. 8 Dressel, EphEp 8, pl. i, 9; Bernhart pl. 56, 3. An allegorical figure representing the locale would here naturally be Tiber or Campus Martius, both of whom must necessarily be masculine; cf. Strong, Scul/Rom fig. I26. Terra Mater is ordinarily represented as a draped figure, but the branch in hand is an attribute of the Tellus Stabilis of Hadrianic coins, Mattingly 3, pl. 89, 9. 9 Bernhart pl. 56, 6; cf. Reinach 2, 46I, 5; Cli 6, 32323, lines I47-49; Mommsen, EphEp 8, 257; cf. Dressel op. cit. 314.

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SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

177

Fig. I05 j

Fig. 105 k

or s.tanding a little to one side directing their movements. As no temple faqade is visible, the scene may represent the singing of the carmen in procession between the Palatine and Capitol. The coins form an interesting group which reflects, even in miniature, something of the mastery and the originality of Flavian relief. Certain of the innovations, the garb of the priest in the first pair and the uncovered head in all the sacrifices, possibly also the actual presence of Tellus at the rite dedicated to her, are the result of deliberate inclusion of Greek elements. Artistically one of the important innovations is the representation of a temple facade at an angle rather than in front view, which contributes to the illusion of depth so much sought after in Flavian relief. ? Subsequent performances of the Secular Games are also recorded in the coinage, but with little new invention of types. The Ludi Saeculares of 204 A.D. appear in two sacrificial scenes, one of which is an adaptation of the Flavian sacrifice to Tellus. I" Septimius appears in the usual garb of the Roman priest with toga drawn over his head, and the only altar attendant is the familiar flute player represented full face behind the altar. The lyre player of Domitian's coin type has given place to the two favorite -Severan deities, Liber and Hercules, easily identified by the thyrsis and the lion skin. The two deities are smaller in scale than the emperor and are companions, or attendants, of Severus rather than recipients of the sacrifice. The second Severan type uses as its basic design the "Concordia" motif from the attic relief of the Arch of Lepcis, with Septimius in frontal pose between his two sons. All three are in priestly garb, with a patera in the right hand and a roll in the left. In the background appear two columns, with entablature above which a curtain is festooned. The structure has been described as a temple, but the curtain is similar to that of a scaenae frons represented in a relief at Castel S. Elia. This suggests that the theater in campo ad Tiberim where the ludi scaenici were held has been used to indicate the location of one of the sacrifices in the Campus
12

Martius.

12a

lo The small shrine in the background of Augustan landscape reliefs is regularly shown from an angle, and a temple represented in this manner becomes an important part of the background in one relief of the Ara Pietatis, fig. 36 a. But in most scenes in which a temple serves as background the emphasis is on the facade as a frame for the action.
II

I0; pp. 325, 330. Ibid. pl. 49, 3 includes only the basic group of the three imperial figures. All types bear the legend SAECVLARIA SACRA or LVD SAEC FEC. This composition is adapted to a general sacrificial type by reducing the central figure to a flute player, Bernhart pI. 57, 8; Mattingly 5, pIS. 57, 6; 59 I-2; 62, I; 66, 5. The Acta in most cases mention only the two Augusti as sacrificants, but line 47 of the more recently discovered fragments includes Geta as well, RhM 8i
(1932) 391.

xi

Mattingly 5, 345, pl. 51, 3. Bernhart pl. 56, 13 and p. 78; Mattingly 5, pls. 48, IO; 49,

See CIL 6, 32323, lines I00, Io8, 153, I56; also Huelsen, RhM 8i (J932) 373 f. The relief at Castel S. Elia is published by Ciotti, BdA 35 (1950) i-8, figs. I and 5; see also Anti, Fes/schr. R. kEger 201-05.
}2a
25

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178

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN RO1MAN ART

VOTA PUBLICA

Fig. io6a P1. LXIII

The rites of making or paying vows -voia suscepta or vota souta -are abundantly illustrated on coins. The payment of a votum first appears in a coin type of i6 B.C., which represents a veiled priest standing at the right of a garlanded circular altar and a single attendant at the left holding an ox by its halter. 3 The type itself is not new. It adapts a sacrificial scene from an earlier coin, but the rite is here distinguished as the offering of a vow by the familiar formula PRO VALETVDINE CAESARIS SPQR. The Res Gestae mentions vota pro vale/udine and ludi votivi decreed by the senate in honor of Augustus and performed every fifth year by consuls and priests. '4 In the year i6 B.C. there is recorded a performance of quinquennial vota and games which had been established to commemorate the victory of Actium, and both coin type and the passage in the Res Ges/ae probably allude to this occasion. Vows pro vale/udine el redi/u were offered to Jupiter Optimus Maximus in the same year, at the time of Augustus' departure for Gaul. I6 But the association of the coin with the battle of Actium is supported by the obverse type, which represents a bust of Victory, and by another reverse type of the same moneyer, in which Apollo of Actium appears on a platform adorned with prows of ships, pouring a libation at a garlanded altar. " The payment of vows becomes a popular theme for coin types only in the second century, when its reappearance on coins follows shortly upon its introduction into monumental reliefs. Types representing sacrifices are increasingly elaborate and constantly more popular throughout the Antonine period. These range all the way from a single sacrificant standing at an altar to full-scale sacrificial scenes shown against the background of a temple facade. Often the vows commnemorated by coins are associated with special imperial events or with the outbreak or conclusion of wars, ' but the increasing prominence given, in the course of the second century, to the periodic vows which marked the dec
I5

ades of a reign is also reflected in the coinage.
13

I9

14

Grueber 2, 54; Mattingly i, i9. Cf. supra Chap. III, n. 77. Res Gestae 9; Mommsen, Res Ges/ae pp. 40-43.

I5
i6

Dio 53,
Dio 54,

I,

4-5; 54,
i9;

I9,

8; Mommsen, loc. ci/.
I,

19, 17 Mattingly i,

7; Mattingly

Grueber2, 54-55.

74-76, pl.

Io, 10-14.

i8 The legend VOTA PVBLICA appears, for example, on a coin which commemorates the marriage of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina, with a reverse type representing the dex/rarum iunctio, Mattingly 4, 289, pl. 43, 4. See also Strack, I, 215-i8. Ordinarily only vota soluta are represented by sacrifices that include the offering of a victim; see Mattingly 3, lxxvi, 133, 149; 4, xlix, lxvi, xci, cxxiv-v, cxlii-iii, cxlix. There are, however, some exceptions; cf. Mattingly 4, xlvii; 5, 328, pl. 49, 6; 225. The types issued at the outbreak of war on the Danube in I77-78 A.D. (Mattingly 4, cxlii-iii), which include an animal sacrifice,unquestionablyallude to vota suscepla;cf. also Cohen 3, 356, no. 99I. 19 Vo/a quinquennalia and decennaliawere familiar under the Republic as special vows offered for the safety of the state in times of great danger; e.g. Livy 2I, 62, IO; 30, 2, 8 and 27, II; 42, 28, 8. Vota quinquennalia were paid and new vows undertaken at the closing of the lustrum (Suetonius, Aug. 97, i); but the Empire records chiefly those offered at ten year intervals.

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SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

179

The single appearance of the legend VOTA SVSCEPTA on coins of Trajan does not coincide with the tenth year of his reign and therefore must have been associated with vows undertaken on some special occasion, possibly his departure
Fig. io6 b

for the Parthian campaign in a garlanded circular altar.
20

II4

A.D.

The type represents the togate figure of

the Senatus and a semi-nude Genius populi Romani offering wine and incense at
This type was continued in the reign of Hadrian

Fig. io6 c

Fig. 107 a P1, LXIV

Fig. ic6 d-e PI. LXIII

Fig. io6 f

for both making and paying of vows, along with a still simpler composition in which a single togate figure, undoubtedly the emperor, pours the libation. Parallel with these, however, there appears a more elaborate scene of sacrifice,22 in which the emperor stands with covered head and patera in hand at the right of a tripod, while a full-scale altar group is crowded in at the left. A togate flute player and a little camillus with pitcher and long-handled patera are both placed at the left of the tripod as if to balance, and to isolate, the figure of the emperor. Behind them is seen a victim group of the familiar oxslaying type; but as the space was too limited to include the motif in its complete form, with a kneeling victimarius holding down the animal's head, the steer obligingly lowers its own head in readiness for the blow, while the second attendant is shown standing behind its head, facing the emperor. These types appear with the legend VOTA PVBLICA on coins of I37 A.D., alluding undoubtedly to the celebration of Hadrian's second decennalia. Coins of the same year with the legend VOTA SVSCEPTA, which represent a simple offering of a libation without any animal sacrifice, must refer to the undertaking of vows for the decade to come, the vota Iricennalia.24 On coins of Antoninus Pius for the first time vota are specifically designated as decennalia.25 One type with the legend VOTA SVSCEPTA DEC(ennabia) iii represents the single figure of the emperor pouring a libation at a tripod altar. Modified by the addition of a steer lying behind the tripod, the same type is used with the legend VOTA SOL(u/a) DEC(ennalia) ii. A full-scale sacrificial
23

20 Mattingly 3, pl. 19, I8; p1. 20, 9. The designation SPQR is appropriate to a special issue. The coin is undated, but the title COS VI sets the terminus post quem in I12 A.D. 2- Mattingly 3, pl. 62, 3, 5; pl. 52, I4; Gnecchi pl. 145, 8-9; Strack 2, pl. 6, 286; pl. 4, 288. This type continues to appear in the third century, Mattingly 5, pl. 37, 2, I0; p1. 39, 5, i3; p1. 55, I. 2z Mattingly 3, pl. 62, I; p1. 89, I0. 23 Strack 2, i85, pl. 6, 286-87; pl. 4, 288; Mattingly 3, pl. 62, 3-6. The first contemporary reference to imperial decennalia is from the twentieth year of Hadrian's reign, I37-38 A.D., Hammond, MAAR I5 (1938) 45; I7 (I940) 7, n. 62. Dio assumes that they had been regular from the beginning of the principate, btut connects them, perhaps wrongly, with the periodic renewal of the imperiuim (Dio 53, i6, 2-3; 57, 24, I; 58, 24, I; cf. Henzen Io6-o8). Strack assumes that the decennalia of -Trajan were celebrated in io8 A.D., but this is not a necessary inference from the mnmismatic evidence which he cites (op. ci. I, I85-92). All that can be stated with certaintv on the basis of present evidence is that the vota decennalia appear with some regularity from the time of Hadrian to the fifth century. See also Wissowa, RE, " Decennalia," 2265-67; Bernhart 75-79; Strack 2, I21-22, I84-86; 3, I37-38; I56-59; Toynbee, NumStud 5-, 77-83; Cohen 8, index of legends. 24 Strack 2, pl. 6, 289; Gnecchi pl. 145, 8-9; MIattingly 3, pl. 62, 7. 25 Type I: Strack 3, pl. 4, 343, 35I; pl. i6, 469; cf. pI. 2, I87; Bernhart pl. 57, 7; Mattingly 4, 141-42, pI. 20, II-I2, I8-I9; cf. pl. 13, 13-I7. Type II: Mattingly 4, pI. 20, 9-I0; Strack 3, pl. 4, 340; pl. I5, ii8o. Type III: Gnecchi pi. 50, 3; Bernhart pl. 57, I; cf. also Mattingly 5, 328, pI. 49, 6.

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i8o
Fig. 107 b P1. LXIV.

RITES OF THE STAtE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

scene also appears with the legend voT(a) svsc(epta) DEC III to disprove the rule that only the payment of vo/a involves the offering of victims. This scene repeats the Hadrianic type, but with an additional figure behind the tripod to bridge the gap between altar attendants and sacrificant. The decennazlia of Marcus Aurelius (I71 A.D.) were commemorated only by the simpler types-the single figure of the emperor pouring a libation or offering incense, with or without an ox lying beside the tripod altar. 26 But there is added a new composition, perhaps related to the Hadrianic relief in the Fig. ic6 g P1. LXIII. Uffizi, in which the Genius populi Romani and the Senatus hold between them a circular shield inscribed with the word VOTA. 27 Here, instead of the customary tripod altar, an ox appears behind the Genius to serve as an allusion to the animal sacrifice. The full-scale sacrificial scene, now well established as a Vota Publica type, reaches its highest development in the later Antonine period. The scene Fig. i08 a-c is gradually elaborated, first by the addition of the Capitoline Temple as a background for the sacrifice. 28 Then the transitional figure between altar attendP1. LXIV. ants and emperor disappears and, instead, the emperor is encircled by a group of togate attendants, probably lictors. At the same time the second victimarius facing the emperor has become a lictor, whose bundle of fasces cuts a diagonal across the space at the left of the temple. In the background to the right of the facade appears a row of trophies or military standards.29 The first of these 'types appears on coins of I67-68 A.D. at the time of io8 a Fig. an invasion by northern barbarians which seriously threatened Italy itself. In the spring of i68 both Marcus Aurelius and his colleague in the principate conducted the campaign in person, and the type was used to commemorate not only the offering of public vows on the eve of their departure from Rome but the payment of the vows on their return late in the year. 30 The second occurs Fig. io8 b in 178 A.D. on coins of both Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, probably to commemorate the sacrifice on the Capitoline and the offering of vows (vo/a suscep/a) before the departure of Marcus and Commodus for a campaign on the Danube. This departure, the first from Rome itself for Marcus and his idolized son who
3I

Mattingly 4, pl. 82, 5-6; Cohen 3, 101-04, nos. 1020, 1030-37. Gnecchi pl. 66, 4. See fig. 71. A shield inscribed by Victory with the letters vo(ta) DE[c] appears on a coin issued to commemorate the decennalia of Commodus, Mattingly 4, 719, pl. 95, 7. The shield held by two Victories later became a regular symbol of the periodic vola; see Alfoldi, RM 49 (I934) 97-99. 28 Cohen 3, 103, 1029; Gnecchi pls. 6I, 3; 63, 2; A-4 53 (1938) I6I-62, fig. 2 d. 29 Gnecchi pls. 63, 9; 89, 2, 5 (I78 A.D.) In the type shown in Cohen 3, Marcus Aurelius, no 1029, the legend TR P XXII IMP IIII (December 167-December i68) must refer to the beginning of the campaign, for the return after a temporary success in northern Italy is commemorated by Vota Publica and Fortuna Redux types with the legend TR P XXII IMP V as well as TR P XXIII IMP V; see Mattingly 4, 449, 453, pl. 6i, I7; pl. 62, 8; Gnecchi pl. 61, 3 (wrongly read as TR POT XXXIII, Gnecchi 2, p. 30). Ibid. pl. 63, 2 shows the same type with the legend TR POT XXI IMP III, issued nearer to the time of the first outbreak. See CAH ii, 349-5I; SHA, Marcus I2-I4. See Zwikker, Stud. zu
26
27 30

Markussdule 56-57, 63. 31 AA 53 (938) I6I-62,

I67,

fig.

2

=Gnecchi pls. 63, 9; 89,

2;

Dio 72, 33,

2-3.

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SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

i8i

Fig. io8c

Fig. io8 d

was co-ruler, was attended by much formality of ritual. Dio records a pretense of requesting the Senate to appropriate funds, and a performance of the old Roman ritual of declaring war. It is in keeping with these formalities that public vows for their preservation and victorious return should have been commemorated in art. On the coins of I78 A.]). the scene is presented in greatest detail, and in a style most strongly suggestive of monumental relief. The emperor at the right of the tripod is now surrounded by four togate attendants, possibly lictors; a lictor appears above the back of the victim; the Corinthian hexastyle temple is represented with full details of pedimental and acroterial figures; and the field to right and left of the temple facade is cut by the slanting line of the lictor's rods, by the lifted axe, and by military standards planted behind the imperial group. The same composition, slightly less elaborate, was used again in I85 A. D. to commemorate the decennazlia of Commodus, along with a simpler type bearing
the legend
VOTA

SVSCEP(fa) DECEN(na/la).

Five years later, close to the time

Fig.
P1.

109

a

LXIV

when the third quinquennium of the reign was celebrated, Vota Publica reappear in the coinage. The customary types representing the emperor offering a libation or incense are associated with the performance of the periodic vows by the legends VOTA SVSCEPTA FELICIA and VOTIS XX. 33 Others, however, are more appropriate to rites performed on special occasions. One is a new sacrificial scene that recalls the Neronian coin type of the harbor at Ostia. Almost filling the circle of the coin is a harbor dotted with ships, at the right side of which appears a lighthouse. Before it two figures stand at a tripod altar, one with hand extended to offer incense. This figure has been described as the emperor, but if he is semi-nude, as it appears to this observer, the two may be the traditional Senatus and Genius populi Romani. There is no altar group, but a steer lying on the shore nearby, apparently dead, indicates that the principal part of the sacrifice has already taken place. While the legend VOTIS FELICIBVS is suitable enough to the performance of the periodic vota, the maritime setting of the sacrifice is more easily associated with the founding in I90 A.D. of an African corn fleet to insure an unfailing grain supply, at a time when unrest in Africa had caused serious grain shortages in Rome. 3 The same scene is used again on coins of Diocletian, and the legend VOTA PVBLICA continues to appear on types which represent ships, the
32 Gnecchi pl. 89, 5; Bernhartpl. II, 3. The ioins are dated in I84 and I85 A.D. Cohen 3, 356, no. 99I, records an elaborate sacrificial scene also under the legend VOTA SVSCEPTA DECENNALIA. The decennalia of Commodus seem to have been calculated from 175 A.D. when he assumed the tribunician power and became co-ruler (not, as previously, from the accession as sole emperor), and periodic vota were celebrated every fifth year; cf. Cohen 3, 358, no. iooo, a coin of i86 A.D. with the legend VOT SOL DEC. On quinquennial vota, see Bernhart 75-79. 33 Cohen 3, 356-58, nos. 992, 998-99; Bernhart pl. II, 3; Mattingly 4, pl. 95, 9. 34 Cohen 3, 356-57, no. 993; Gnecchi pl. 89, 6-8; See CAH ii, 389; Strack 3, i57-58; Heer, Der historische Wert der Vita Comtcdi, Phi/of. Suppl. 9 (1904) io6-o8. Cf. Cohen 6, 475, nos. 528-29; no. 667; 7, 314, nos. 719-26; J. Vogt, Alexandrin, Miinzen 154-55, pI. 4, 6. 56i,

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182

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig.

107 C

Fig. io9b

Fig. I09 c

Egyptian deities Isis and Serapis, or the Nile, all of which are appropriate to special occasions of public concern for the grain supply from Egypt. Another coin type of Commodus, which probably commemorated a special event rather than the periodic vota of I90-9I A.D., bears the legend VOTA soLv(ta) PRO SAL(uIe) P(opuZi) R(omani). 3 This might possibly be simply a variation of the more familiar legends VOTA DECENNALIA or VOTA PVBLICA, for the idea implicit in Salus populi Romani was closely bound up with that of the personal safety of the emperor. But the divergence from the now traditional formula as well as the specific mention of Salus suggest rather some special occasion or circumstance, which in the case of Commodus might well be the preservation of the emperor from one of the many real or fancied plots against his life. The fall of the imperial favorite Cleander, probably, like his predecessor Perennis, under suspicion of conspiracy, occurred in I90 A.D. and would unquestionably have occasioned such special vola. 36 The type is a revival of a sacrificial scene used on Hadrianic coins, with no temple facade in the background and no attendants accompanying the emperor. Two variants of the same type, sometimes with a temple facade, commemorate the vofa decennalia of Septimius Severus and Caracalla. 3 Severus also uses the more elaborate Antonine type, complete with temple faqade, lictors, attendants, and ox-slaying group, and still further complicated by the inclusion of all three imperial sacrificants, Septimius and Caracalla facing each other across the altar and Geta in the background. 38 For two or three centuries after this date the imperial decennalia are reflected in the coinage with even greater regularity, but they are represented by purely formal and symbolic types, a legend inscribed within a laurel wreath, a Victory writing on a shield, an inscribed shield held by two Victories. A final appearance in coinage of a sacrifice offered in payment of vota belongs to another tradition in both composition and religious content. An Ephesian coin type of Macrinus 40 transforms the rite into a sacrifice to the emperor himself. Here the offering of the victim takes place before a temple in which may be seen an image of the emperor holding a patera; and the human figures at either side of the altar, instead of taking part in the sacrifice, raise their hands in veneration of the cult statue.
Mattingly 4, pl. IIO, I and 4. The same type appears with the usual legend VOTA see RM 50 (1935) pl. 5, I. 36 See Dio 72 (73), I2-I3; SHA, Commodus 7; CAH II, 382-83. The Acta Arvalia record special vota offered for the discovery of the Pisonian conspiracy against Nero in 66 A.D., Henzen I2 I. 37 Cohen 4, 8i, nos. 787-88; 214, nos. 682-85; cf. Mattingly 5, pl. 37, 3-4. 38 Mattingly 5, 328, pl. 49, 6. A still fainter echo of the ox-slaying scene appears on a coin of Gallienus, with no indication as to the occasion of the issue. The emperor stands alone at the right of the altar, and a single victimarius lifts his axe to strike a victim which voluntarily holds down its head to receive the blow; see Cohen 5, 420, no. 8io = Gnecchi pI. 3, I. 39 See Mattingly 4, pl. 95, 7; Cohen 5, 293, no. 64; 469, nos. I332 ff.; 6, 332, no. 793; 4$8, nos. 388 ff.; Gnecchi pl. 8, 4, 19-2 I; 109, 7; pl. i6I, 7-8. Very rarely a simple libation scene appears, e.g. Cohen 6, 475, no. 532; 562, nos. 668-72; 7, I26, no. 235. 40 Head, BMCatCoins, lonia 89, no. 292, pI. I4, 4. A similar coin not illustrated in the catalogue (no. 293) includes the word VOTA in the legend.
35 PVBLICA;

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SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

I83

VARIOUS

SACRIFICAL SCENES ON COINS

Fig. io a-b P1. ILXV

Fig. iii a Pl. LXV

Sacrificial scenes which suggest a monumental origin appear on coins from time to time throughout the Empire, but they are much less numerous than the typical numismatic "abbreviations" which represent a deity beside an altar with patera in hand, or the emperor in similar pose, or an allegorical figure as the sacrificant in place of human worshippers. Most of the types that can be called scenes fall somewhere between the elaborate compositions of monumental reliefs and the simplified allegorical types characteristic of numismatic art. Well within the boundaries of the numismatic style lies the series of Adventus types which commemorated Hadrian's numerous visits to the provinces. 42 The design appears only on coins, and its simplicity suggests that it may been designed specifically for this purpose. Essentially a simplification of the Arrival sacrifices of the Column of Trajan, it represents the emperor arriving-ordinarily from the left, as on the Column-his right hand raised in salutation and in his left the familiar roll carried by persons of authority. He is received by an allegorical figure of the province, who pours a libation at a lighted circular altar. Frequently but not invariably a bovine victim is represented in very small scale behind the altar, sometimes standing, sometimes reclining as in Scene LXXX of the Column. The legend ADVENTVS AVGVSTI as well as the gesture of the emperor establishes the rite as a sacrifice, offered probably to Jupiter Optimus Maximus in thanksgiving fpr his safe journey.43 Among the numerous Antonine types representing early Roman legends there is one scene of Aeneas' sacrifice of the white sow. The composition is clearly derived from the Ara Pacis, 44 but it is easy to detect the influence
4

41 E.g. fig. io6 bc. Such abbreviated allusions to sacrifices are omitted from consideration here, because in detail they add nothing to the significant evidence. 42 Strack 2, pI. I3, 740-66. 43 It is possible that the offering is made to the emperor himself, who was, of course, worshipped in the province. In a related type on Alexandrine coins, Hadrian himself appears at the right of the altar offering incense before Serapis, who raises his hand in salutation; Head, BMCat/Coins, Alexandria I02, pI. 29, no 876. Cf. Alfoldi, RM 49 (I934) 88-go. See supra Chap. IX, last paragraph. 44 Gnecchi pl. 66, 6; Bernhart pl. 28, i. The coin was issued by the young Marcus Aurelius, and is dated later than I45 A.D. by his title COS II. The series representing early legends, which includes several scenes from the legend of Aeneas, has been associated with the approach of the gooth anniversary of the founding of the City; see Aurel. Victor, Caes. 15, 4; Toynbee, CR 39 (1925) I70-73; Mattingly 4, 203, 210; cf., however, Strack 3, 69-7 i. The sacrifice of the sow was represented also on a sarcophagus, adapted to the long rectangular field by the addition of other figures-companions of Aeneas, Ascanius, and personifications of Roma and Alba Longa; Rizzo, RM 2I (I906) 289-306, 398-402; Sieveking, RM 32 (19I7) I68-7I; Giglioli, BullComm 67 (1939) I09-I6, figs I-2; Moretti, Ara Pacis fig. I64. This curious composition, in which the sacrificant stands at the left of the altar and a stooping victimarius appears to prevent the sow from walking away from the altar toward the right, is better known from a much restored, if not forged, relief in the Uffizi; Reinach 3, 4I; Strong, Scul/Rom 292-93, fig. 178.

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184

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. iiib

of the long series of sacrificial scenes in monumental relief which had intervened between the Augustan Age and the Antonine period. The original romantic landscape of the setting is adjusted to the canon of state sacrifices by the substitution of a rectangular altar and a temple background for the Augustan rustic altar and gnarled tree. The camillus carrying the dish of fruits is moved to the other side of the altar to make a more conventional altar group. Aeneas wears cuirass and cloak, but the tradition of the covered head of the priest, founded, according to the legend, by Aeneas himself, has been observed by bringing the loose drapery of the cloak over his head. The adult companion of Aeneas is replaced by the little lulus, who regularly appears with his father in the Antonine versions of the legend. The tetrastyle temple is probably the shrine of the Penates represented in the upper background of Augustan relief, but here it is brought down into the scene in the fashion of the Domitianic coin types. A sacrifice to Hercules has something of the same romantic flavor and may possibly be connected with the series of types representing early Roman legends, in this case the legend of Hercules' founding of the Ara Maxima.45 The victim group at the left of the small circular altar is fully in accord with representations of Roman state ritual, with the bull conducted by two attendants as was customary in this period, its head adorned with a triangular frame and pulled outward toward the spectator by the victimarius' hand or the halter. A small attendant, probably a flute player, behind the altar completes the left side of a composition familiar in monumental reliefs, and a tetrastyle facade in the background places the scene in a temple area. But at the right Hercules himself appears in the position and pose of the sacrificing priest, pouring a libation at his own altar in the manner of Greek deities on votive reliefs. 46 A fine series of types, particularly numerous in the reign of Commodus, represents the emperor offering sacrifice in the presence of a deity. Scenes in which the gods receive offerings in person are customary in Greek votive reliefs, but here there is the significant difference that the imperial worshipper, who is not only the high priest of the state but himself semi-divine, is apt to
no. 213; Gnecchi pI. 45, 3; cf. Vergil, Aen. 8, 27I; Livy I, 7, 1 I-12. Another Antonine coin type, which represents the offering of a goat before an image of Bacchus in a circular shrine, may allude to Antoninus' restoration of a shrine on the slope of the Palatine; but artistically the type is more reminiscent of the rustic "religious" landscapes in Pompeian painting than of monumental reliefs of public rites. The scene belongs to the realm of private cult, in which the sacrificants are individuals and the ritual is less formal. See Cohen 2, 396, no. II87; Lugli, RomAnt 219-20; cf. Rostovtzeff, RM 26 (I9II) figs. I5-27. The same is true of the medallions of the Arch of Constantine, which are more suggestive of coin types than of monumental relief. The four sacrificesoffered in hunting costume before statues of the woodland deities Diatia and Silvanus, Apollo of the far-darting bow, and Hercules Bringer of Booty, are essentially private rites, in which an individual invokes divine aid before embarking on, a venture or an expedition. The representation of sacrifice before a statue is essentially a Greek mode, and in the sacrifice to Silvanus one of the emperor's companions makes the Greek gesture of worship with raised hand. There is no altar scene in the usual sense of the word, and the subsidiary figures are not altar attendants but hunting companions.
4S Cohen 2, 293,
46

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SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

I85

be as large in scale as the deity. Like the Adventus series, to which they are closely related, these types are simple in design and well adapted to a coin. With only two figures facing each other across an altar, it was possible to represent a state sacrifice to a specific deity, who could be made identifiable by
Fig. 112a
P1. LXV

easily recognizableattributes. Commodusappears in priestly garb pouring a
libation before a well known type of Neptune with a trident in his right hand, his left foot resting on a prow; 47 before a seated or a standing figure of Fortuna Redux, identified by the legend as well as by her usual attributes of cornucopia and rudder; 48 before Hercules leaning on his club, and as Hercules himself standing beside an altar with patera in hand. 49 In one curious version of a sacrifice before a praesens deus, Roma and Abundantia are seated facing each other in the foreground, while Commodus in priestly dress, accompanied by flute player and a tiny camillus, is placed in the background space between them. 50 An even more curious variation of the theme represents Gordianus accompanied by Victoria, pouring a libation to Pax Aeterna, who appears in a quadriga placed frontally in the center of the field. 5' More frequently the basic design was elaborated simply by the addition of one or two figures. In one type, which represents Commodus sacrificing to Felicitas, the goddess is shifted to the center of the field to make room at the left for a victim group, in this case a heifer conducted by a single attendant. A libation to Hercules is similarly treated, and both versions reappear later on coins of Postumus. 5 In other types Commodus is accompanied by a togate companion as he pours a libation before Mars and Victoria; 54 or he is crowned by Victoria as he extends his hand across an altar to Isis and Serapis. 5 The latter composition occurs again, reversed in direction, to represent Alexander Severus offering sacrifice before Jupiter, who is identified by the legend iovi CONSERVATORI, or by the thunderbolt and scepter in his hands and an eagle at h.is feet. 56 A soldier instead of Victoria places the crown upon the emperor's head, and the scene is located in a Roman camp by a military standard planted in the background. The same motif appears again under the legend
52

Fig. I12b

Fig.

112 C

Fig. I12d

Fig.

I I2 e

Fig.

II2f

Fig. Fig Fig.

II2g 112 112

h i

Fig.

112j

Fig.

112k

Cohen 3, 282, no. 412; Strack 3, 158-59; Toynbee, NumS/ud 5, 77. Cohen 3, 248-49, nos. -I67, 170; Gnecchi pI. 79, 3; and cf. fig. II2 g. 49 Cohen 3, 3og, no. 589; cf. Gnecchi pl. 85, 8-9. 50 Cohen 3, 339, no. 858; Gnecchi pl. 82, 8-9. 5' Gnecchi pl. 104, 7-8; Cohen 5, 38, no. 172, interprets the figure in the chariot 'as the sun, and the two reclining figures in the foreground as the Tigris and the Euphrates.
47 48 52 53

Cohen 6, 27, no II3; Gnecchi pl. I i6, 7-8; Bernhart pl. 46, 5. In the last example Hercules is shown in slightly smaller scale than the emperor;cf. Cohen 6, 44, no. 279. 54 Toynbee, NumS/ud 5, pI. 24, 3. 55 Mattingly 4, pl. IIO, I2; Cohen 3, 3IO, no. 592. This is related to the familiar Adventus types of Hadrian, one of which represents the emperor received by Isis and Serapis; see Toynbee, The Hadrianic School 42-43; Strack 2, pI. 13, 743. Cf. eastern coins of Caracalla which represent the emperor in military dress offering sacrifice before Aesculapius, Head, BACa/Coins, A1ysia pl. 31, 3-4. 56 Gnecchi pl. IO, 3-4; cf. pl. I58, 8 (Diocletian).
26

Cohen 3, 307-o8, no. 572; Gnecchi pl. 85, 7; Bernhart pl. 57, 9.

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i86

RITES OF THE ST.ATERELIGIONIN ROMANART

Fig.

113

a

P1. LXVI Fig. II3b

Fig.

113c

Fig.

1 13d

VIRTVS AVGVSTORVM, with the emperor crowned by Virtus (or Mars ?) as he pours the libation. 5 A flute player and a bovine victim fill the space at the left of the altar usually occupied by the deity. The basic design of emperor and deity facing each other across a small altar was easily adapted to a double sacrifice offered by the co-rulers of the later Empire, with the praesens deus or a statue in the background between them. An eastern coin of Marcus Aurelius represents the two Augusti sacrificing at an altar behind which appears a statue of Diana of Ephesus. 58 On a coin issued by Septimius Severus a veiled figure of Pietas appears in frontal pose behind the tripod altar at which the two rulers pour a libation. Diocletian used the same type with Pietas and with Felicitas in the central space above the tripod. 59 A joint issue by Maximinus and Maximus represents the emperors, attended respectively by Hercules and Apollo, offering sacrifice at an altar behind which can be seen the standards of a military camp and Roma in frontal pose holding a globe. 6o On a coin of Diocletian, under the legend IOVIO ET HERCVLIO,

Fig. I 13 e

Diocletianus lovius and Maximianus Herculius stand

Fig.

I4a

PI. LXVI

Fig. I14 b-c

at an altar in the foreground pouring a libation before images of their divine counterparts, who appear as statues in the upper background, like Hercules in one of the medallions of the Arch of Constantine. 6I In all periods the most elaborate of the cult scenes on coins are the sacrifices represented against the background of a temple faqade. Such scenes were first used as coin types in the early Empire, to commemorate Caligula's dedication of the Temple of Augustus and Domitian's celebration of the Ludi Saeculares. 62 The only other example of early imperial date is a Domitianic type closely related to the series of the Ludi, which represents the emperor ofering sacrifice before the temple of his favorite deity Minerva. 63 As in several types of that series, the temple is shown at a wide angle to the plane of the relief, but the cult statue, which would not be visible from this view, is brought out to the front of the portico in order to be easily identifiable by the goddess' familiar attributes of helmet and spear. The representation of a temple in perspective rather than as a simple backdrop in the plane of the relief is consistent with the Flavian preoccupation with tridimensional illusion. This treatment of the temple background never became firmly established in Roman artistic tradition, but it occurs again in the coinage of Caracalla. Here the emperor in military dress, accompanied by a togate attendant, pours a libation to Aesculapius, who appears at the- left before the entrance of his temple. 64

Cohen 5, 279, no. 138; cf. also 7, 2I5, no. i6. Head, BMCatCoins, Zonia 8i, pl. 13, 12. 59 Mattingly 5, pl. 57, 6; Toynbee, NumS/ud 5, pl. 6, 8. 6 Gnecchi pI. I02, 7.
57

58

6I 6z

Cohen 6, 480, no. 7; Toynbee, NumStud 5 See figs. 44, Io5.

(I944)

pl. 3, I5-i6.

63 64

Mattingly 2, pl. 71, I. Cohen 4, 177, no. 317; Mattingly 5, pl.

7I,

8; cf. also Mattingly 3, pl. 8i, io.

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SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

I87

Fig.

d 114

Fig.

I 14e

Fig.

I5a

P1. LXVI

The use of a full temple faqade as background for a sacrificial scene became increasingly popular on coins of the second century. Of these scenes, the most suggestive of monumental relief are the elaborate ox-slaying sacrifices of the Vota Publica series discussed earlier in this chapter. Another type of great interest, used on coins of the empresses Lucilla, Crispina, and Julia Domna, represents a sacrifice before the Temple of Vesta. The circular temple is shown in some detail, with domed roof, grill work between the columns, and a statue of Vesta visible inside the cella.65 The Vestal nearest the altar at the right sprinkles incense taken from an open acerra held in her left hand. The three at the left are in profile or partly in back view, and the first Vestal of this group holds a plate of cakes (?) upon her upturned left hand and a simpulum in her right. The sacrificial cakes of mola salsa were the particular charge of the Vestals, ' and the simpulum was the specific symbol of the Pontifex Maximus, whose close association with the Vestals is well attested. 67 The scene apparently records no special event, but simply alludes to the divina domus as the household shrine of the state and to the empress as its priestess. The type was associated with the empresses in the same way as the Vota Publica were associated with the person and the reign of the emperor. The influence of this type may be seen in a coin of Gordianus, which represents a sacrifice before a cirdular domed Temple of Victory. Here the sacrificial scene itself is pushed to either side in order to show the temple in unobstructed view, with the togate emperor and two companions at the right, the ox-slaying group at the left. 68 On coins of the third century and later, the temple facade usually serves as a frame for a rigidly symmetrical scene divided into two evenly balanced, and often actually separated, groups. The garlanded altar is fairly wide and is placed parallel to the plane of the relief, so that the considerable space between the two groups throws emphasis, whether intentionally or otherwise, on the cult statue visible in the distance over the altar. Alexander Severus used this scheme for sacrifices to Roma and also to Concordia. 69 In the first the emperor, attended by two lictors -or possibly soldiers carrying palms -stands at the right of the altar opposite two flamines, who are clearly identified by their spiked caps. As in other rare instances where flamines are present, they appear to be taking no part in the sacrifice, but the first raises his right hand as if in veneration of the emperor, possibly to suggest that the emperor is associated with Roma as the object of worship. On most examples an attendant appears
65 Gnecchi pIs. 22, 4; 76, 9-10; 91, 5; i6o, 9; cf. a]so pl. IIo, 8; Toynbee, NumStud 5, pI. 44, I; BernhartpIS. 28, 5; 92, 5, 9; cf. Rizzo, BullComm 6o (1932) 30-3I and pl. A; Mattingly 5, pI. 74, 12. A similar type representsCaracalla in military dress, among priests and attendants, offering sacrifice before the Temple of Vesta, Mattingly 5, pl. 70, 5-6. 66 See Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals I49 f. 67 See supra Chap V, nn. 12-13. 68 Cohen 5, 62, nos. 370-73; Gnecchi pl. io6, 3-4. 69 Cohen 4, 436, no. 361; 454, no. 529; 484, no. 2o; Toynbee, NumStud 5, pl. 44,4; Gnecchi pI. I00, 1-2; cf. a simplified variant shown in pl. 153, 8.

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i88

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig.

115b

Fig.

115 d

Fig. 115 e

at the extreme left leading in a victim, which is presumably a heifer to be offered to Roma. In the type representing a sacrifice to Concordia the two emperors with their attendants appear at either side of a tripod altar, both in priestly dress and pouring a libation. 70 The temple is clearly that of Concord, the narrow portico of which serves, like the smaller temple that appears in the other variants, as a frame for the central group. It is obvious that this composition was particularly adaptable to the representation of a double libation offered by the co-rulers, and variations of it continue to appear throughout the third and into the fourth century. It was used by Philip to commemorate In this version the accessory his celebration of the millennium of Rome. figures at either side are a pair of lictors behind each emperor, and *the structure in the background is an octostyle Corinthian temple surmounted by a group of three figures on thefas/zigum and flying.Victories at the corners. It appears, slightly elaborated, on coins of Trebonianus and Volusianus to represent a sacrifice to Fortuna Redux. 72 Here the two Augusti stand at either side of a small circular altar before a temple, each accompanied by two attendants. In the space between them, but below the cult image, appears a small flute player, and on some issues a victim's lowered head is crowded in beside the emperor at the left of the altar. The attendants are soldiers carrying spears or, on some examples, soldiers on one side and togate figures on the other, sometimes placing crowns on the heads of the emperors. Under Diocletian the type represents a sacrifice to Jupiter. 73 The temple is now hexastyle, but with a central intercolumniation so wide that the cult statue can be made almost equal in scale to the participants in the sacrifice. Three close-set columns at each side serve as background for the emperor and his two attendants at the left of the small circular altar and for an ox-slaying group at the right. An eagle in the pediment certifies the identification of the seated image, represented with a tall scepter in the left hand. Several variations appear under Constantine with the legend TEMPORVM FELICITAS. 74 Some of these are very similar to earlier versions, representing each emperor attended by two smaller figures and a small
7

Fig. II5

c

Cohen 4, 479, no. 3; Gnecchi pl. 102, 3. 5, I39, no. 14; I70, no. 32. Gnecchi pls. io8, 9; I09, 6. The scene appears also, with an unusual background which probably represents AVGG., under the legend CONCORDIA a portico (Cohen 5, 136-7, no. 7; Gnecchi pl. 109, 2). The structure consists of a colonnade crownedbyarowof niches containing statues, the whole surmounted by a series of narrow tympana. Cf. drawings of fragments related to the Sacrificeof Two Victims in the Louvre, which show Wace a structure of this type in the background, Wace, PB,SR 4 (1907) 236, 256-57, pls. 21-23. suggests that the structure shown in the drawings may be the Porticus Minuciae in the Campus Martius. The gate and towers of a Roman camp provide the background for a similarly symmetrical scene of sacrifice offered by two pairs of soldiers on a coin of Constantius Chlorus, Cohen 7, 88,
70 71 Cohen

nos. 308 ff. 72 Cohen 5,

242,

no. 44; 263, no. 4; Gnecchi pl.

III,

9-I0;

67 (i939) cf. Degrassi, BuZlComm

6i-8o, fig. 6. 73 Gnecchi pl. 124, 4. 74 Toynbee, NumStud 5, pl. 8, 7-8; pl. 9,

i;

Bernhart pl. 57,

II.

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SACRIFICES AS COIN TYPES

I 89

flute player behind the altar. On some issues a victim, presumably a heifer
Fig. II5f-g

for Felicitas, lies at the foot of the tripod altar. The pediment of the Corinthian tetrastyle temple is adorned with a wreath, but no cult image is visible inside the cella. One variant is typically Constantinian in its completely symmetrical composition. The two Augusti flanked by the Caesars stand at either side of a low tripod, all four with the right hand extended at exactly the same angle. The two at the right have a roll in the left hand, and so presumably have the pair at the left, whose hands are not visible. Each pair is placed exactly between the first and second columns at either side, while the wide center intercolumniation is left completely vacant. Even this rapid survey of the principal numismatic types of sacrificial scenes illustrates the importance of coins as supplementary evidence on the development of Roman relief. 75 Their value lies partly in their high chance of survival. Even where the types give every indication of being adapted from monumental reliefs, they rarely duplicate any known work of art. The interesting series of the Domitianic Ludi Saeculares gives a tantalizing glimpse of a development in tridimensional illusion, almost no trace of which has survived in major reliefs. At the same time, it is not to be assumed that all of the more elaborate scenes are direct adaptations from monumental art. The vicissitudes of several types discussed above, which continued to appear at intervals through more than a century, indicate that a design well suited to a coin might become established in numismatic tradition and be re-used or varied in successive periods, becoming meantime farther removed from its monumental origin in character as well as in time. The survey illustrates also the limitations of coin types as a medium for scenes such as sacrifices, which must be relatively elaborate in order to be significant and meaningful. The tendency to omit all but the bare essentials makes the sacrificial scenes on coins less varied and interesting, more rigidly standardized in design, and limited in use of stylistic resources. The fine Domitianic series of the Ludi Saeculares and the best of the Vota Publica types approach both the spirit and the style of major works of art. But more frequently the coins reflect rather dimly, and often through several intervening adaptations, their monumental origin.
75

See Hamberg, Studies i6-i8;

Regling, Antike Miinzen a/s Kunstwerke (Berlin

I924)

117

f.

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CHAPTER

XIII

MOTIFS AND DESIGNS

The emergence and development of Roman monumental relief can be traced with particular clarity in representations of religious rites. Not only does a circumscribed subject matter aid the accurate observation of the steps in stylistic development, but, in actual fact, the commemorative art of imperial Rome found its most characteristic expression through state religious ceremonies performed in celebration of imperial achievements or events. The content of the reliefs which fall into this category is even more circumscribed than the general subject would suggest; for out of a great variety of rites prescribed by state cult, a relatively small number appear in art. Apart from the several sacrifices and ceremonies which were components of the ruler cult or intimately connected with it, public rites represented in art are chiefly offerings of steers to Capitoline Jupiter or -of the Suovetaurilia to Mars. The first of these was doubtless selected for its importance in the older state religion. For the cult of the Capitolium could be used, in visual expression as in literature, as an epitome of the whole pantheon of the old Roman gods.' The Suovetaurilia, on the contrary, had many rivals for second place in religious importance, and claimed a place in the artistic tradition by virtue of its intrinsic interest of design; Once established in the repertory of religious themes, these rites tended to be repeated in preference to other potentially good subjects, not only because designs were already worked out and easily available, but also because familiarity of subject matter was an aid to popular understanding of the content and the intent of the relief. Because of the formality of state ritual it is an easy generalization to say that sacrificial scenes tended to repeat a few set formulae. A closer study of the reliefs themselves, however, reveals an amazing variety within the framework of each established motif. It becomes apparent that art types, like literary genres, were parts of a Classical tradition, within which each artist sought to express his ideas in a new way-sought, in other words, to "wrest the club from Hercules." Reliefs representing rites of the state religion were usually designed for an architectural setting. Accordingly the two principal types of composition that were developed, the sacrificial procession and the altar scene, were conditioned
2 I

2

E.g. Horace, Odes 3, 30, 8-9. E.g. Rodenwaldt, AbMBerl 1935, no. 3, 9.

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MOTIFS AND DESIGNS

i9i

Figs. I5, I7

Fig.

23

Fig. 35

Fig. 37

ultimately by the nature of the space available for figured relief. The long band of a frieze was best adapted to the processional composition, in which the artistic aim was to achieve continuity, with enough variety in design to hold the spectator's interest at certain points of emphasis without halting the overall flow of line. For the rectangular space of a panel, artists of the Roman Empire developed the altar scene, centralized about a single focus both in composition and in spatial illusion. These two parallel lines of development were first differentiated in Augustan art. The principal works of the previous decades, the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus, were designed as friezes, but at the same time an attempt was made to achieve a central focus in an altar scene. The result in each case was a processional composition, divided into two halves which met in a dead spot at the center. The designer took great pains to maintain a continuity of line which would carry the eye of the spectator toward the focus of sacrifice, only to lose his interest in the blank space of the large bare altar. In the same period even a panel-shaped space, like that of the cippus of Isernia, was divided into frieze-like bands of relief. The Ara Pacis initiated the properly processional composition, with a moving focus carried by continuous flow of line. By reason of its content, the procession necessarily comprised two varieties of composition, each governed by somewhat different conditioning factors. These might be termed the ceremonial procession of priests, officials, and worshippers, and the*sacrificial procession of the victims conducted toward the point of sacrifice. The basic resources of design were in one case the elaborate drapery of the Roman toga, in the other the more varied masses and lines afforded by both human and animal figures and by sacrificial equipment. The imperial procession of the Ara Pacis illustrates the variety and interest of design that could be achieved by the use of drapery, different planes of relief, figures of different heights, compositional and emotional groupings of figures, and minor accents within the over-all continuity of line. The fragments of the Ara Pietatis indicate that the same resources were exploited by the Claudian example of the type. Here variety of line is secured by representing the Lar carrier as a half-grown boy standing in front of adults who, though apparently spectators, are treated with the full interest of foreground figures individually portrayed. In the Cancelleria relief, of smaller scale, a certain amount of variety is introduced into the ceremonial procession by the barefoot Lar carriers represented almost in the round, dressed in tunics of different lengths and wearing ricinia over their heads. Monotony is avoided also by the contrast between the portraits of these obviously highborn youths and the sturdy but homely faces of the freedmen vicomagis/ri. The procession of priests and worshippers was, however, conservative in freedom of movement and spacing as compared with the procession of victims, which was always less formal and regular. The latter type in particular was being experimented with in reliefs of the late Republic. In the rather stiff and
painstaking compositions of the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus,

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192

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig.

I5

Fig. 17

Fig. 22

Fig. 37

Fig. 42

the victim groups are the most interesting and varied of the details. In the Borghese relief an illusion of depth within the groups is achieved by representing attendants behind the victims leaning out into the foreground, and by the use of very shallow relief for the lictors seen in the background space above them. The base of Ahenobarbus continued these same principles with somewhat more skill, at the same time carrying the eye forward toward the altar group more effectively by the rising line traced by the backs of the three animals, and by repeated oblique lines which parallel this direction of movement. The sacrificial procession of the Ara Pacis is far more advanced in the freedom of its treatment of masses, lines, and spaces. There is a push of movement toward the head of the procession, where the massed group of priest and attendants provides a center of gravity both literally and figuratively. The spacing between figures is looser toward the end of the procession, where the heifer is being almost hurried forward by the victimarius striding along at its head. This successive increase in movement among the victims, along with the massing of the priestly group, is not only a more subtle, but a more effective, means of carrying the eye forward toward the point of sacrifice than is the painstaking continuity of lines in the relief of Ahenobarbus. The informality and irregular spacing of this little frieze as compared with the processional reliefs of the outer enclosure are undoubtedly the result in part of its smaller scale; 3 but these characteristics became part of the artistic tradition of the type and had an important effect on its subsequent development. The sacrificial procession of the Cancelleria relief reflects the advance in illusionism achieved in the Augustan Age. The upward slanting lines traced by the victims' backs are here much more -effective because they lead into the parallel lines of the three trumpets cutting dramatically across the upper background. A background figure placed at a higher level behind each victim's head strengthens the forward and upward thrust which culminates in the trumpets. This in turn is balanced by the contrasting vertical fall of the toga over the left shoulder of each trumpeter, and by the reversed curves of the garments represented in back view. The movement of the victim groups is more vigorous at the head of the line, where the bull is represented with tail switched up over his hindquarters and right forefoot lifted, while an attendant facing him brings him to a stop with apparent effort. The attendant's leg, as he leans toward the animal, repeats the line of the lifted forefoot and contrasts with that of the trumpets above. As compared with the small frieze of the Ara Pacis, the whole design is more compact and more elaborate, with no empty spaces between the figures but with generous space above the heads. To the three attendants conducting each victim are added others cut in shallow relief against the background. which greatly increase the impression of spatial depth in the group. The smaller of the two Ravenna fragments, only slightly later in date than the Cancelleria frieze, apparently belonged to the same type of sacrificial pro3

See Rodenwaldt, JDAI 55

(1940)

41.

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MOTIFS AND DESIGNS

193

Fig. 77

cession; but the group of attendants seen over the bull's back is more elaborately composed and slightly more advanced in illusionistic treatment. The single victim groups of the Boscoreale and Villa Medici reliefs represent an abbreviated form of the sacrificial procession. On the Boscoreale cup a forward thrust is achieved by the exaggerated mass of the steer's head, further emphasized by the heavy triangular frame between the horns. Moreover the victimarius leans forward sharply, as if to pull the animal along, and the line of his left leg as he strains forward parallels that of the steer's lifted foreleg. This pose is repeated in the figure of another attendant following the victim. The
same scheme is followed, though in a less startling manner, in the Villa Medici

Fig. 36

Figs. 78, 82

Fig.

23

Fig. 37

fragment; but here there is a new departure in the placing of the popa in front of the victim and turned away from the spectator. The latter device, which adds to the illusion of depth, is foreshadowed by a victimarius represented in baqk view in the relief of Ahenobarbus. Variations of it are employed to good effect in later relief (figs. 55, 63). The motif of the bovine victim conducted to the sacrifice may be repeated over and over in the long narrow band of a frieze, either repeated perfunctorily with almost no variation, as in the frieze from the Sosian Temple of Apollo, or more imaginatively, as on the Arch of Benevento. In any case, like the procession of priestly and military figures among which they are set, these repeated victim groups of the triumphal friezes are vastly simplified as compared with those of the major reliefs discussed above. It might be said that within each general type there are two parallel manifestations, the full-scale versions designed for conspicuous adornment of public monuments and the abbreviated or shorthand versions in smaller scale, the latter presented in a manner approximating popular art, with a skeleton cast of figures and largely two dimensional treatment, without background or concern with spatial relations among the figures. Such abbreviated versions of both procession and altar scene are naturally of most common occurrence on the less pretentious private monuments. But the popular manner creeps into monumental relief almost invariably when the scale is reduced, as on the inner altar of the Ara Pacis. It is most pervasive of all in the triumphal friezes, where it was perhaps fostered by the influence of the triumphal paintings and the fabulae carried in the triumph. 4 Among the most important factors in achieving the illusion of a real procession are the allowance of free space above the heads and the departure from an unrelieved isocephalic line. In the procession of the Ara Pacis not all the figures are of the same height, but the tallest regularly occupy the full height of the field, reminding the spectator that this is a frieze rather than a procession moving freely in space. In the small relief of the inner altar the upper frame is less confining, just as the space-filling of the background is less regular. In the Cancelleria procession the free space in the upper field is at least a head high, except at the very beginning of the line, where the lictors appear
4

See Ehlers, RE, "Triumphus," 502-03; Vessberg, ActaIns/Suec 8

(I94I)

25-30, 96.

27

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194

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. 35

Fig. 54

Fig. 79

head and shoulders above the magistrates. There is also considerable variation of the cephalic line. A number of background heads are at a higher level than those in the foreground, particularly in the procession of victims, where figures arc arranged less formally. The larger Ara Pietatis, closer in scale and style to the outer reliefs of the Ara Pacis, is more conservative in its allowance of space above the heads than is the Cancelleria frieze, which has some of the informality of the small sacrificial procession to Pax. The same is true of the Suovetaurilia of the Louvre, but the latter shows a marked advance over the Ara Pacis both in the amount of space above the heads and in the freedom with which the background is treated. The field above the bull's neck is allowed to remain empty, and that above his back is sparsely occupied. The use of free space above the heads to create the illusion of spatial reality reached its fullest development in the Triumphal Procession of Titus, where the upper field not only serves as a background of interesting design but conveys the impression of actual space in which the figures move. The origin of this aspect of the illusionistic technique is perhaps to be found in the altar scene, the development of which, contemporary and in many respects parallel to that of the processional types, is discussed below. Where the field available for figured relief was the face of a cippus considerably higher than its width, as were most altars, any scene that was at all elaborate must necessarily represent human figures in a scale smaller than the full height of the panel. The upper part of the field could be, and often was, used for the inscription or adorned with a garland or priestly symbols. But inevitably the eye became accustomed to space above the figured scene, and sensed the need of it also in reliefs representing a procession. The panel composition of the altar scene, as distinguished from the processional types, was ideally centralized about a single focus, the place of sacrifice, and thus presented quite different problems of design. Reduced to its lowest terms, an altar scene might consist of a single figure offering a libation or incense; and such types are familiar on minor private monuments. But in monumental relief its nucleus usually included priest, flute player, and at least one camillus. In this basic group the difference in height and costume between the halfgrown tunicate camillus and the two adult togate figures was one of the resources of design. The favored position for the priest was at the right of the altar, where the right hand extended over the altar to pour the libation did not interfere with the almost frontal pose natural to the principal figure. The flute player was normally placed behind the altar, at first in profile facing the priest, but soon more frequently in frontal pose, with the double flute slanting downward into the foreground. The figure served to relieve the blank space above the altar, which was so disastrous to the late republican attempts. 5 The resources of the altar group might be extended by adding other attendants,
5 See figs. 29, 30, 32. In the absence of a flute player something else was used to fill in this empty space; e.g. the gnarled tree behind the altar in Aeneas' Sacrifice of the Sow; the statuette of a Lar on the Belvedere altar.

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MOTIFS AND DESIGNS

I95

Figs. 15, 17

Figs. 21, 30, 32

Fig. 38

Fig. i6 a P1. LXVII

a camillus to carry the pitcher of wine for the libation, a victimarius with a plate of mola salsa, and one or more lictors. The fully developed altar scene included also a victim group, and with the introduction of this second center of interest arose the problem of balance between the two and of centralization about a single point, the act of sacrifice. In the earliest sacrificial scenes the victim group is essentially a processional motif, simply placed in juxtaposition with an altar,group. 6 In the reliefs of the Borghese altar and the base of Ahenobarbus the space at the left of the altar opposite the priest was occupied by divine recipients of the sacrifice, and accordingly the victim group or groups had to be added behind the sacrificants at the right. When the Greek tradition of sacrifice in the presence of anthropomorphic deities had given place to the Roman concept of ritual as a human act, the victim group was used to balance the figure of the priest, as in Aeneas' sacrifice of the sow and on the Chigi altar at Soriano. On the altar from the Vicus Aesculeti the introduction of four sacrificants was managed by placing the victim group, still processional in design, out in front of the altar. This device, for which Greek votive reliefs furnished abundant models, never took root in Roman artistic tradition. 7 But its use was highly effective in creating the illusion of depth for which the artist in this instance was clearly striving, as is shown by the placing of the altar at a slight angle and by the complicated levels of relief. The most highly developed amalgamation of an essentially processional victim group with a full-scale altar scene is found in the Sacrifice to Vespasian's Genius at Pompeii. Here the two groups are almost equal in intrinsic interest, but they are interwoven by the inclusion of one victimarius, a strongly individualized and arresting portrait, within the circle of figures about the altar. The prominence of the priest is maintained, in spite of the greater mass of the victim with its two burly attendants, by an encircling niche of supporting figures, the fasces slanting upward behind his head, and the frame provided by the lift of the curtain above. A lictor's head partly seen behind and above that of the priest concentrates mass at this point of emphasis, a device used occasionally in the early Empire but fully exploited in the "super-position" of later Roman relief. 8 A scene clearly derived from this composition occurs on a fragment of Spanish provenance. 9 The shoulder of a victimarius at the
6 Such processional victim groups are common in Greek paintings and votive reliefs; see supra Chap. I, nn. 5-7, I5, 28. The motif may, however, have been carried over from the late republican processional altar scenes. 7 For Greek examples, see fig. 2; BCH 23 (I899) 594, pl. 5, 2. The device is used in a few minor Roman reliefs; e.g. figs. 95, 103. 8 Super-position used for this purpose appears first on the Belvedere altar (fig. 28 b) in the group about Augustus and in the group of attendants receiving the statuette of the Lares. It is used also in the Cancelleria relief of the vicomagistri, where heads are placed just above the victims' horns to emphasize the repeated upswing of line (fig. 37). 9 A. Garcia y Bellido, Esculturas Romanas pI. 284, no. 403; AJA 52 (1948) 263, pI. 28 B. The piece is of marble, .8i m x .73 m.

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x96

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Fig. i6 b PJ. LXVII

Fig.

II6 c

Fig.

ii6d

Fig.

ii6e

right edge' shows that the victim was brought in from the right, as on the Altar of Vespasian, but the priest is moved to the favored frontal position, standing partly behind the tripod altar. The heads of the victimarius and of one attendant provide a frame for his head, slightly less elaborate than in the Pompeian relief. The flute player remains in the background in profile to the right, but the two altar attendants at the left are moved closer to the tripod, where the camillus, increased to adult height, pours wine from his pitcher into the priest's patera. The processional type of victim group continues to appear occasionally in monumental relief of the second and third centuries. It is used in single instances on the Column of Trajan and the Arch of Lepcis, and also in a number of reliefs whose context is not known. A fragment in the Lateran Museum, probably of Flavian date, was part of a large relief representing a sacrifice before a temple facade. The filleted bovine victim, with small head and arched neck, is closely related to those of the Julio-Claudian Ara Pietatis and Suovetaurilia of the Louvre, but the curled coiffure of the camillus precludes a date earlier than the Flavian period. In another sacrificial relief in the Villa Albani, probably of the second century, the pose of the sacrificant is similar to that of the Altar of Vespasian, but the victim is led in from the left and stands just behind the priest. A better preserved relief in the Museum of Reggio Calabria elaborates the simple composition of republican coin types and Augustan altars by filling the space with a row of frontally posed figures in the Severan manner. Io The same frontality characterizes a large relief in the Museo delle Terme, the sacrificant of which has been identified as Claudius Gothicus (?). Here no victim group imparts variety of line and the altar attendants are increased to adult height, with the result that the usually centered altar group is merely a stiff row of figures, all frontally posed except the veiled priest, who appears in profile to the right as he pours the libation. The Augustan Age initiated a new type of victim group, the ox-slaying, which was peculiarly adapted to illusionistic treatment. Intrinsically the most interesting of the victim motifs, it was also the most difficult to incorporate into an altar scene. While the lowered head and diagonal position of the victim both cccur in Greek art, the origin of this composition as a sacrificial motif is unknown.I3 The earliest example of it, on the Boscoreale cup
II 22

The relief is dated in the reign of Claudius by Sestieri, BullComm 68 (1940) 67-72, fig. I; in the fourth century by Fuhrmann, RM 53 (I938) 4I, n. 4; and by the present author, on the evidence of photographs only, in the late third or early fourth century. The iconography of the toga and the short tunic and limus are proper to the early Empire, but the style is that of a late revival rather than of the first century. See also figs. 74, 96 b-c; and Garcia y Bellido, op. cit. pl. 285, no. 404. I L'Orange, Sludien 97-99, fig. 24I. I, The development and decline of the motif have been traced by Brendel, RM 45 (I930) x96-226. 13 Brendel (op. cit. 2i6 ff., pl. 82) attributes the origin of the composition to a painting of a sacrifice by Pausias, in which the bull was represented adversum rather than trarsversum, Pliny, N.H. 35, I26. But cf. Rodeiwaldt, AbhBerl 1935, no. 3, 9-I0.

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MOTIFS AND DESIGNS
Fig. 77

197

representing the triumph of Tiberius, can obviously not be the original of a composition so manifestly designed as a monumental relief. The type selects for representation a moment, not in every case exactly the same moment, when the victim has been stripped of fillets and dorsuale and is actually being sacrificed. The incorporation of this motif into an altar scene not only presented problems of composition that were never wholly solved, but also involved a telescoping of time which was slightly in conflict with the actual procedure. The high point of the ritual performed by the priest himself was the pouring of the libation, and this act accordingly continued to serv'e as the focus of the altar group, even though it actually preceded the slaughter of the victim represented in the other part of the scene. The three early imperial examples of the ox-slaying illustrate- three different solutions of the problem of integration. The Boscoreale cup is perhaps the most successful of the three in the rendering of the victim group itself. The long diagonal of the steer's back slants downward to the forward curve of the head in a superb line that ties together background and foreground. The line of the hind leg, at almost a right angle with this, is repeated in the dramatic diagonal of the popa's body, while victimarii kneeling at each side of the animal's head increase the tridimensional effect and concentrate attention upon the blow by their intent glance upward at the slayer. But the joining of this leftward oriented motif '4 with the altar group throws the sacrificant into the less natural position at the left of the altar. Moreover the two groups are merely juxtaposed without being integrated into a single scene, with the result that the relief falls into two halves, effectively separated by the kneeling cuifrarius who turns his back to the altar. The sacrificial scene of the Ara Pietatis solves the problem at some expense to -the ox-slaying itself. The victim group, complete with two kneeling attendants and a popa standing behind the animal's head, is transferred to the other side of the altar scene and inserted into one section of the altar group in such a way that the flute player obscures the victim's hindquarters, while the lictors are seen above its back. The musician s pose, with flute now held folded in his hands and with head turned to watch the completion of the sacrifice, serves as a link between the victim group and the altar scene at the other side of the temple facade. This solution to the problem of design left the priest (not preserved in the fragment) in the favored position and gave unity to the scene, but at the cost of the effective oblique line of the victim's back receding into the background. On the altar of Manlius the ox-slaying is similarly placed at the left, but reversed in direction so that the victim is turned, properly, toward the altar. Two victimarii still hold its head, though the small figure at the front is forced into a position not entirely satisfactory. The chief adjustment necessitated by
'

4 Brendel, op.cif. (supra n. 12) 2II-12, points out that the group was designed in leftward direction, and that reversal of the direction invariably caused inconsistencies within the motif. '5 The handling of the pose was somewhat easier because the sacrificant was in military dress, and this possibly accounts for the unprecedented change of garb in the middle of the rite.

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i98

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

the reversal of direction is in the figure of the popa. In order to swing the mallet from his right shoulder, he must stand in front of the bull, his body intercepting the long diagonal which was so successful in the Boscoreale version. Some such adjustment was necessary in any case to adapt the composition to the narrower rectangle of the cippus altar. Any loss is balanced by the resulting achievement of a more unified design, for the flute player and a victimarius with plate of mo/a salsa appear in the background over the bull's back, tying the victim group successfully into the scene. The ox-slaying motif was tried out in almost every possible permutation before it finally disappeared in the early third century. Its conception and its highest degree of perfection, however, belong peculiarly to the illusionistic relief of the early Empire. After the first century its use in monumental art became more and more perfunctory, although in numismatic art and on sarcophagi the motif maintained its popularity and much of its vigor throughout the second century. I6 Its long life span can be accounted for only by the intrinsic interest of the design; for, apart from its attendant problems of composition, the motif was space-consuming and could be used in a panel relief with entire success only if the longer axis were horizontal. A full-scale altar scene, even with a processional victim group, was crampecd by the spatial limitations of a vertically oriented rectangle such as the face of a cippus altar. This may have been one of the conditioning factors in the development of a third victim motif which, while it appears first in the JulioClaudian period, was not fully developed or exploited until the second century. In th-is new type only the forequarters of the bovine victim are visible, as it stands at an angle to the plane of the relief, its halter rope held by a victimarius in such a way that its head is pulled out into the foreground and its hindquarters obscured behind other human figures. Greek votive reliefs may have provided the original model for the type, which first appears in Roman
i6 The motif appears in monumental relief in the Triumphal Sacrifice of the Arch of Benevento, the Vota Publica in the Uffizi, the Sacrifice of Two Victims in the Louvre, the Triumphal Sacrifice of Lepcis, anid twice repeated on the Arch of the Silversmiths; figs. 83, 71, 87, 88, 75. None of these matches in quality the best examples of the motif on sarcophagi; figs. 90-91. It was successfully adapted to coin types by some reduction in the number of figures and by the addition of a temple facade, which helped to unify the scene; figs. Io6-o8. A crude adaptation of it appears on a provincial relief at Narbonne (Esperandieu i, nos. 755, 757), and there is a Hellenized version on a cippus dedicated to Zeus Olbios found near Panderma (BCH 32 [r9o8] 52 1-28, pls. 5-6; Cook, Zeus 3, 628-30, fig. 426). In this the worshippers bring offerings or raise a hand in veneration of the deity. The victim is tied to a ring beside the lighted altar, and the popa who lifts his axe for the slaughter is the only victimarius. A drawing of a relief published by Casali in I644, and recently discussed by Giglioli, RendPont 27 (195I-52) 33-45 and fig. 4, shows a sacrificial scene in the midst of a pompa, possibly connected with the celebration of the nine hundredth anniversary of Rome by Antoninus Pius. The victim group is clearly of the ox-slaying type, with the animal's head held down by a kneeling victimarius; but the popa, with torso bent forward and right arm lifted as if for the swing of an axe, is erroneously represented with a curious basket on his shoulder. Here, if the basic design has been copied correctly, a leftward turn of both victim group and priest has been achieved -by the device of placing the latter partly behind the slender tripod altar.

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MOTIFS AND DESIGNS

I99

Fig. ii6 f Pi. LXVII

Figs. 70, 86

Fig.

72

art on a coin type of Caligula representing a sacrifice to the deified Augustus. In this example, as in the Greek reliefs, the forequarters of the victim appear from behind the sacrificant, in the space over the altar, and an attendant at the left is turned toward the animal with hands raised to control it. 7 The motif had several attractive features. It was well adapted to a limited space and could readily be brought within the limits of a panel relief. It was easy to incorporate into the composition of an altar scene, and could be kept subordinate to the principal figure of the emperor-priest. It was peculiarly adaptable to the more crowded scenes of second century relief. In the Caligulan coin type and in a large marble relief at Dijon i8 the victim is represented as if its longitudinal axis were in approximately the same plane as the relief. But in the more crowded and actually deeper reliefs of the Hadrianic and Antonine panels the animal's body appears to be at a wide angle to the relief plane. The frontal compositions of Severan art bring it back again to a position parallel to the surface. Thus the popularity of the motif coincides in time, as its resources coincide in character, with Trajanic, Hadrianic, and Antonine styles. It appears eight times on the Column of Trajan. In the Sacrifice at the Bridge it rounds out the left end of the altar circle. It is worked into one of the lustration scenes (ciii) by the ingenious device of showing the victims moving forward along the side of the camp and rounding the corner; four times repeated, it fills the upper field in the magnificent pageant of the Sacrifice at Six Altars. It gives variety to the altar scene of the Hadrianic Mattei relief, and in the Triumphal Sacrifice of Marcus Aurelius, which is too crowded for the victim group to be drawn into the altar circle, the steer looks out from the background over the heads of the camillus and flute player. In the divided sacrificial scene of Ephesus, the humped bull is led almost straight out of the background toward the spectator. A curious variation of the motif, in which the bull stands fully visible at right angles to the relief plane, appears on the Altar
of Carthage. '9

Fig.

4I

The three motifs discussed above were the only general types of victim group to become established in Roman artistic tradition. Other motifs were tried out but failed to take root, at least so far as attested by the extant remains of ancient artistic production. Curiously enough, the several experimental designs that have survived all belong to the period of Trajan and are in accord with other evidence of the originality and creative activity of Trajanic artists, particularly the designers of the Column. Besides inventing the multiple sacrificial scene, the artists of the Column experimented with a victim group turned away from the spectator toward an altar that must be imagined behind foreground figures, a victim with head turned away to look at something in the background, a victim Iying beside an altar awaiting the time of sacrifice,
Fig. 44; cf. Svoronos pl. 37, no. 1429; Reinach 2, 280, 484. Esperandieu 4, no. 345i; Reinach 2, 220. The fragment is 1.20 m. high, i.6o m. wide. J9 The motif appears also in the Suovetaurilia of Lyons (fig. 60), and on sarcophagi (figs. 93-94); cf. also a small fragment in the Villa Albani, Reinach 3, I3I.
17 x8

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200

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

Figs. 87, 89 Fig. 8i d-e

and a slain victim breathing its last. 20 Other Trajanic reliefs show a victim The only one lying dead and a dismembered steer being used for divination. among these experiments to acquire any currency was the multiple sacrifice. This innovation reappears subsequently in the Antonine Sacrifice of Two Victims and in two reliefs on the Arch of Lepcis. A multiple sacrifice occurs also in a relief from the balustrade of the amphitheater at Capua, where the theme is probably to be associated with the pompa preceding a performance of games
2I

in the amphitheater.22

Fig. 38

The altar scene, frequently designed for the relatively high and narrow panel of the cippus altar, was a significant factor in the development of illusionism and, in its turn, exerted an influence upon the processional reliefs of the greater early imperial monuments. As pointed out earlier in this chapter, an important element in the illusion of tridimensional space in Roman reliefs was the relatively large amount of free space, or atmosphere, above the heads of the figures. This appears first in the Augustan altar scenes, where it was dictated by the dimensions of the field. In many cases garlands were festooned across the upper field to help fill the unusable space, and these too made their contribution to the illusion of an actual scene in a spatial setting. In the course of the first century other devices were employed to relieve the emptiness of the upper field, a curtain festooned across columns, as on the Altar of Vespasian, or a temple facade reduced in scale sufficiently to be included in the field of the relief. The colonnade and curtain add considerably to the spatial illusion of the Flavian sacrificial scene. The treatment of the temple faqade, on the other hand, looks ahead rather to the narrative style that succeeded illusionism. The facade appears in fully developed form for the first time in the Caligulan coin type of sacrifice before the Temple of Augustus, and it was used, with many variations as to architectural forms, throughout the history of Roman relief. 24 The artistic value of such an architectural background was twofold. Not only did it serve to occupy and give variety to the upper field, but it could be used as a frame to give prominence to the principal figure or group, as illustrated by the Extispicium, the Triumphal Sacrifice of Marcus Aurelius, and numerous scenes on the Columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. Further, by indicating the location of the scene it must frequently have aided the ancient,
23 25

Sec figs. 63, 65, 62, 66.
21

See figs. 85, 69.
See fig. 8i d.

22
23

Fig. 44. . The Capitoline temple at one side of the sacrificial scene on the Boscoreale cup (fig. 77 d) may illustrate a transitional step between the full-blown temple background and the small shrines which appear in Augustan landscapes (e.g. fig. 21). 24 Figs. 69-71, 73, 86-87; see also a fragment in which the Pantheon of Agrippa is represented in the background, Strong, Scul/Rom figs. 46-47; a fragment in the Museo delle Terme representing a flamen before the Temple of Quirinus, ibid. fig. 48; fragments of a relief from the Forum of Caesar, Degrassi, Bu/lComm 67 (I939) 6i-8o, p1. 2. 25 The pedimental structure of the imperial headquarters furnished a frame for the figure of Trajan in two lustration scenes on the Column, figs. 55-56; cf. also Reinach i, 308, no. 58; 366,. no. 109.

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MOTIFS AND DESIGNS

201

Fig. 77

Figs. 54, 17

as it aids the modern, spectator in interpreting the content. The care often taken to include details of pedimental and acroterial ornament shows that this was no negligible- part of its intended function.26 As has been noted in the preceding paragraphs, the processional relief and the altar scene, which first emerged as distinct types in the Augustan Age, developed through the early imperial period in roughly parallel lines, each exerting an appreciable influence upon the other. In a few instances they continued to be combined. Both procession and altar scene are represented in the relief of the Boscoreale cup, though they are, it is true, placed in juxtaposition rather than united in a single composition. The transition between the two parts, effected by the figure in the altar group who turns back to look at the procession, is typical of the continuous narrative style, of which this must be counted the earliest example in Roman relief. The Suovetaurilia, however, always included both sacrificial procession and altar scene, combining the two in a single composition. The most successful illusionistic version of this theme is the Suovetaurilia of the Louvre, which is curiously close in total plan to the brilliant but crudely expressed relief of Ahenobarbus. The procession itself is superbly managed, carrying the focus of interest along the dipping line of the victims' bodies into the upswing of drapery that leads directly to the point of sacrifice. In place of the earlier clumsy attempt to hold the composition together by the altar group, the artist boldly moved all the figures from behind the altar and left, in the center of the symmetrical composition, only the two altars festooned with simple garlands and backed by two slender laurel trees. The altar group is duplicated and made an integral part of the procession moving in from either side, and the composition is held together only by the perfect balance between the two halves. The design thus refrains from attempting the impossible task of making the altar group a center of gravity to outweigh the two processional motifs, but makes capital of the absence of such a center. The audacity of the device suggests comparison with that of the painter of the Sacrifice of Iphigenia, who turned to account the impossibility of depicting adequately the grief of Agamemnon and left the spectator to imagine the expression on the hidden face.27 The success of the Suovetaurilia of the Louvre was a four de force, achieved in spite of the nature of the subject rather than by means of it. On the other hand, the narrative convention of Trajan's column was so admirably suited to the Suovetaurilia that it might almost have been invented for this very purpose. Nowhere are its resources used to better advantage than in the lusirai/o, whose
26 The aim of selecting recognizable details that would clearly identify the building apparently took precedence over factual accuracy. For example, in the Triumphal Sacrifice of Marcus Aurelius the triple doors of the Capitoline temple are carefully shown, though the temple is incorrectly represented as tetrastyle. On the Boscoreale cup the artist selected the equally distinctive high podium of the Capitoline temple, but substituted the eagle, an unmistakable symbol of Jupiter, for the detailed tympanum relief. See Hamberg, Studies 95 and n. 225. 27 Pliny, N.H. 35, 73; Cicero, Orator 74.

28

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Figs. 55-57

Fig. 6I

Fig. 59

name itself implies the traversal of a circuit. Not only could the circuit of the camp be shown in full, but the camp enclosure and the encircling procession could be used as a frame for the altar scene. The' three lustrations represented on the column show great variety in design, but they have this in common, that all three manage the encirclement in such a way as to focus attention primarily upon the imperial sacrificant at the altar.28 After the brilliant display of the Suovetaurilia on Trajan's Column, a rapid decline of the type was almost inevitable. Apart from the Classic revival of th'eClaudia'ntype on the Column Base of Diocletian, post-Trajanic relief offers only one example of any real interest. This is the lus/ra/io of the Aurelian panel, which might be described as an amalgamation of the two earlier approaches to the theme, adapted to the actually deeper relief of the later second century. The encircling movement of the Trajanic composition is retained, but in place of the diagrammatic encirclement allowed by the conventions of the Column, it is represented in true perspective and scale, with the procession moving forward toward the spectator at the left and turning away into the background at the other side of the altar. This too is a tour de force, original and interesting, if'not wholly successful as a composition. The foregoing brief summary of motifs and designs confirms, if further confirmation be needed, the predominant importance of artistic purpose in determining the selection, arrangement, and treatment of the details of ritual. It is granted without question that no artist would have presumed to invent details or actually to falsify established rites. But within broad limits of prescribed ritual the representation of religious rites in Roman art is a genuinely artistic development, inspired and guided by actual cult practice but never dictated or fixed by it.
28 The range of Trajanic relief is illustrated in the contrast between these vivid compositions and the purely abstract and symbolic Suovetaurilia of the Balustrades, where the three victims appear in proper ritual order but without setting or context; see Strong, Scul/Rom pl. 3I; Hammond, MAAR 21 ('953) 132 f.

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CHAPTER

XIV

MODES OF THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION

Roman sculpture developed under the influence of the arts of Greece and Etruria, and both Greek and Etruscan elements are distinguishable in- the product. These two influences were in process of assimilation in the last century of the Republic, and only in the Augustan Age do they emerge in an art that is Roman in both content and form. Etruscan relief sculpture and painting, when it was concerned with human life rather than with mythology, represented the activities of individuals either in daily life or in the life after death. Roman reliefs of the late Republic commemorated individual achievements in public life, specifically through representations of religious rites which celebrated them. These normally consisted of, or included, sacrifices performed, in the Greek manner, in the visual presence of the deities to whom they were offered. The monumental relief of the Augustan Age likewise celebrated public achievements of an individual, but with a significant difference. With the inauguration of the principate and the gradual equation of emperor and state, the figure of Augustus ceases to be an individual and becomes rather an embodiment of the state. Thus his portrayal in art is, in a sense, an expression of the philosophy of the new regime. This expression took various forms, which were developed simultaneously and were at times combined in the monumental reliefs of the imperial period. Several modes of artistic expression have been distinguished by Hamberg and classified in two general categories which, to simplify slightly Hamberg's terminology, might be called descriptive and allegorical.2 Both terms must be broadly interpreted. The descriptive category comprises the compositions conceivedi as scenes, intended to convey an impression of an actual occurrence, in which participants are placed in spatial and emotional relationship with one another and with the action. The term allegorical is used less specifically. It may denote allegory proper, as illustrated by the Terra Mater of the Ara Pacis, or the substitution of personifications for human groups, such as the Senatus and the Genius populi Romani. It may also include the association
This statement does not overlook the fact that the individual artists were predominantly of Greek origin; see Richter, Crtic>alPeriods 62-64 and passim; Brendel, MAAR 2I (I953) 45 ff. 2 Hamberg, Studies I8, 46 if.; cf. also Rodenwaldt, Kunst um Augustus 52.
I

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of human beings with deities, the deification of a human being either in his own person or as an incarnation of a particular deity, and scenes of apotheosis. Disregarding the finer divisions that Hamberg makes for the purposes of his analysis, I shall use the two terms to distinguish between scenes depicted on a human level as actual events, and those which are removed from the realm of actuality by the participation or the mere presence of personified abstractions or divine figures. The distinction between these two modes and their interaction in Roman relief is of particular significance in tracing the artistic treatment of the ever present theme of the emperor's religious status. Both modes appear in Augustan relief, and the manner of their use reflects Augustus' own political and religious policies. His emphasis upon the old Roman religion was an important, if not a determining, factor in fostering the purely descriptive mode which was the most significant new development in Augustan sculpture. The deliberate decision to abandon Julius' pretensions to divinity in his own person must surely account for the fact that Augustus himself appears in monumental relief ordinarily in the role of priest, in a strictly human context of religious ritual.3 There was no departure from this policy in representation of public rites to theGenius Augusti, which was the most important of all factors in the eventual establishment of the emperor's divinity. For Roman religion made eacl individual paferfami/las the priest of his own Genius in household cult. Thus within the purely human context of cult ritual, the idea of the Genius Augusti as a state deity could be kept in the public eye. The prominence of the rites to the emperor's Genius in monumental relief of the early Empire is directly proportionate to its importance in imperial policy. Purely descriptive scenes of Augustan religious ceremonies are often associated, however, with other compositions in which closely related themes are presented in allegorical, legendary, or symbolic terms, in such a way that an aura of divinity is cast about the Princeps' human status. 4 The Ara Pacis illustrates the subtle effect of such association. Though Augustus is represented as a human participant in a religious ceremony, in the company of the annual magistrates and priests of the state, the adjoining allegorical reliefs of Terra Mater and Roma allude to the prosperity and the glory brought to the Roinan people by his reign; and the legendary figures of his deified ancestors, Aeneas and Romulus, not only imply his future deification but also typify his own iden3 Exceptions are the Apotheosis of Julius on the Belvedere altar, where Augustus appears beside the chariot of the Divus, and the relief of the Sorrento base, where, as Pontifex Maxinius, he stood with the Vestals in the presence of their goddess. The altar of Bologna, which represents him as the incarnation of Mercury, was a private dedication rather than a public monument. 4 Many other examples of the allegorical mode are not concerned with the imperial idea which occupied the horizon of monumental relief. These too demonstrate the essentially Greek character of the allegorical mode, in contrast to the basically Roman descriptive approach. For example, Pompeian shrine paintings and coin types often represent a typically Greek form of sacrificial scene, in which the deity himself pours a libation at the altar; Dc Marchi, Culto privato 89; G.K.Boyce, MAAR I4 (I937) pls. 8, i; 14; I6, 2: I8-20. See also figs. IiIib, xii c.

Fig. 20

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MODES OF THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION

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Fig. 79

tity as scion of gods and founder of the state. Specific symbols are similarly used in Augustan relief. The caduceus of Mercury, for example, not only alludes to the prosperity restored by Augustus but also suggests the identification with Mercury recurrent in both literature and art. Augustan monumental relief thus freely employs both description and allegory, but they are ordinarily used in separate compositions, associated often on the same monument but seldom combined; and the representation of the emperor himself is kept almost entirely within the boundaries of human action. Attribution of divinity to the living emperor is much less restrained in private works of art, such as gems and objels d'art of precious metals. On a silver cup from Boscoreale, captives are conducted into the presence of Augustus by Mars; on the Vienna and Paris gems and on a gilt bronze scabbard in the British Museum I the living emperor appears in his own person participating in an historical event, but with the garb and attributes of divinity, accompanied by deities or by divinized personifications. Hamberg refers to such works as belonging to a "court art" which not only originated in, but in turn exerted an influence upon, the delicate balance between the two political aspects of the new regime, on the one hand the Hellenistic monarchical aspect presented to the provinces, on the other the Roman republican form of the regime in Rome itself. 6 Private works of art were naturally less subject to the restraint of official policy and were thus freer to serve the courtly ends of flattery. It is accordingly in monumental art that we may best observe the development of the imperial state policy and philosophy. The remains of early imperial relief are perhaps too fragmentary to show fully or reliably how far the emperor's pretensions to divinity were reflected in monumental art. But it is noteworthy that in private works of art the expression of the Hellenistic concept of divine monarchy runs a fairly steady course, presenting the emperor with full attributes of divinity even under the severely restrained Tiberius; and there is no indication of greater fluctuation in the contrasting policy followed by monumental relief. I Like the artistic designs and motifs, the conceptual modes of expression appear to obey their own laws of development, and their growth is, as it were, organic rather than mechanical. Adherence to the descriptive mode of representing the emperor in monumental relief begins to give way in the Flavian period. The victorious Titus stands in his triumphal chariot with Victory holding a crown over his head, his horses are led by Roma (or Virtus) and followed by the Genius populi Romani
5 Seltman, CAH Plates 4, 128 a, I56 a and b, 140 a; Rodenwaldt, Kunst um Augustus 52-56. Cf. also CAH, Plates 4, i84, a silver patera which represents Claudius(?) as Triptolemus offering sacrifice to Ceres. 6 Studies 47-50, 99; cf. Rodenwaldt, loc. cit. 7 Indeed, the general continuity in the development of allegorical concepts is unbroken even between emperors so opposed in character and policy as Domitian and Trajan. Introduction of the greater gods Mars and Minerva in the Cancelleria relief of Domitian is matched by the attic panels of the Arch of Benevento, where Jupiter entrusts his thunderbolt to Trajan to assure Rome's victory in the impending conflict with the Parthians; see Hamberg, Studies 6i, 65-66.

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and other personified groups. The allegory of the Domitianic Cancelleria reliefs carries the process further. Here the emperor moves on a plane not only with the divinized personifications of the City and its people but with the greater gods Mars and Minerva. Simultaneously with this change, the rites to the emperor's Genius disappear from Roman relief. 8 At first glance it might appear that the cult of the Genius, which had such political importance in the initial establishment of the emperor's status midway between republican magistracy and divine kingship, was dropped from the artistic repertory after the principate was firmly grounded and entrenched. The truth seems to be rather that, once the living emperor had gained entree and full acceptance in the company of the gods, the emphasis upon the cult of his Genius was no longer needed to cast about him the aura of divinity essential to his prestige and power. For the theme of the ruler's quasi-divine status loses none of its importance in the monumental relief of the following century. Only its mode of presentation is changed. It now moves from the realm of cult ritual into what Hamberg terms political allegory, which expresses historical subject matter in allegorical language. This new amalgam appears in some of the greatest works of the Flavian period and of the second century: the panels of the Arch of Titus, the Cancelleria relief, the attic of the Arch of Benevento, the Adventus panel of the Conservatori, and in the Hadrianic and Antonine reliefs of the Consecratio. The causes underlying this shift of the central imperial theme into a new mode are not fully discoverable, but a number of contributing factors can be detected. Among these the most important was perhaps the influence of private works of art, through which the concepts of political allegory had alreadv become familiar and popular. Another factor was undoubtedly the quasi-official art of coinage, in which the strict limitation of space invited the invention of personifications and symbols to take the place of more detailed description. 9 Moreover, influence from popular art tended in the same direction; for popular art was consistently less pictorial and more prone to use symbolic or "expressionistic " means of communicating ideas. Io While representations of religious ritual are in the second century no longer occupied primarily with ceremonies centering about the ruler cult, the emperor's role as chief priest of the state continues undiminished in prominence. But the sacrifices are rites of the old Roman religion, the Suovetaurilia to Mars and the making or paying of vofa to Jupiter. The Vota Publica cover a variety of occasions, the departure, arrival, or return of the emperor, the inauguration or the triumphal close of a military campaign, and, finally, the successful completion of the decades of the current reign. Throughout the century the mode of pre8 See supra Chap. VII. It is to be noted, however, that its disappearance not mark any complete disappearance of the actual practice of the cult. Sacrifice of the emperor is recorded in the Acta Arvalium as late as 224 A.D., though is it in the early Empire; Henzen ccxiv and Index, p. 2Io; see Wissowa 8o-8I and n. 9 See Hamberg, Studies Chap. I, esp. 4I-43. -- See Rodenwaldt, JDAZ 55 (I940) 41. from art did to the Genius common only 7.

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MODES OF THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION

207

Fig. 89

sentation used for sacrificial scenes remained purely descriptive. Allegorical elements were freely introduced into other phases of these same imperial events. Roma, Victoria, and personifications of the Senate and the Roman people are familiar figures in scenes representing departure, arrival, and return, and as attendants upon the triumphal chariot. But the more strictly religious aspect of the event was conceived as a human act, and was consistently presented on the human level. Not until the reign of Septimius Severus does the sacrificial scene lose its hold on a sense of concrete reality to the extent of introducing into cult ritual deified abstractions along with human participants, as in the triumphal sacrifice of the Arch at Lepcis. Even here there is no essential inconsistency in the introduction of Roma beside the emperor, for now the two Augusti also are deities receiving in person the offering of incense made by the empress as priestess. The concept of cult ritual as a human activity was thus maintained as long as the emperor retained his human status, and was lost only when the ruler combined in his own person the roles of priest and god. It does not follow, however, that the sacrificial scenes of the preceding century were purely descriptive in intent as well as in mode of expression. Like a number of other compositions, the adlocutio, the reception of subjugated peoples, the triumph, and the congiarium, they became imperial themes typifying the relation of the emperor to the state and its people. Specifically, the two types of sacrifice, lus/ratio and vofa, which monopolized monumental relief to the practical exclusion of all others, became an epitome of the old Roman religion and symbolic of the emperor's relation to it. As such they served as an assurance of the pax deorum and the blessing of the old Roman gods upon the acts and undertakings of the emperor. They are the most typical artistic expression of the aristocratic republican faqade of-the principate, which was restored and refurbished by Trajan. As the conceptual modes of expression in monumental relief reflect the gradually changing philosophy of the state and of the status of the emperor, so they are in turn reflected in the artistic forms of their expression. Roman historical relief developed two principal styles, the illusionistic and the narrative, which are characteristic of the first and the second centuries respectively. Illusionism was perfected and came to its culmination within the century between the Ara Pacis and the Arch of Titus. The narrative style, foreshadowings of which may be traced back to the Julio-Claudian period, "I reached its peak
II 12

Fig. 6i

Cf. the Column base of Diocletian in the Forum, which represents the emperor crowned by Victory and a personified Senatus as he offers sacrifice in the presence of Mars. The significance of these symbols parallels the emphasis in the architecture of the same period upon public buildings designed for popular use and enjoyment, e.g. the public baths, the Forum and Market of Trajan. The beginning of the narrative convention in the use of architecture may be seen in the temple facades reduced in scale for use as backgroundof a sacrificialscene, on a coin of Caligula, and as indications of locale, in the procession of the Ara Pietatis. The Porta Triumphalis represented in the processional panel of the Arch of Titus is somewhat reduced in scale and not correctly oriented to the line of march; but these departuresfrom correct perspective and orientation make th_ e it more effective in the design, and also more intelligible to the spectator (fig. 79). In
12 I3

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RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART

of excellence and popularity in the Column of Trajan, and thereafter as quickly declined. A third important stylistic development, beginning in the Antonine Age but particularly characteristic of late antique art, might be called "expressionistic," insofar as the term denotes the effort to convey directly, through the form of expression, the significance underlying the illusionistic scene or the narrative; as, for example, late antique art expresses the power and impressiveness of the emperor by representing him in colossal scale. I4 There is no direct correpondence between these stylistic trends and the descriptive and allegorical modes of expression, but their development is closely interrelated. It is no accident that, during the period when sculptors were striving to achieve a scene with an illusion of spatial reality, historical events on public monuments were represented descriptively, on a purely human plane. For illusionism is the logical form suited to the descriptive mode. The two are simply the stylistic and the conceptual aspects of the same artistic aim. Together they constitute the original achievement of early imperial relief. The allegorical reliefs of the same period are closer to their Greek background both iconographically and stylistically. They reflect the advance in relief style made by the descriptive illusionistic works, but they never lead the way in that advance. I' The second new departure in monumental relief, the narrative style of Trajan's Column, is also a formnsuited first and foremost, if not exclusively, to the descriptive mode. The multitudinous scenes of the long spiral move into the realm of allegory at only three or four points, notably in the personification of the Danube and in the Victory writing on a shield. I6 The objective is to convey, not the illusion of a real scene, but a clear narrative of a real event, abandoning perspective and true scale in the setting to the advantage of enlarging and clarifying the narrative. Both styles, like the descriptive mode, were characteristically Roman, as contrasted with the more traditional and "Classic " allegorical reliefs of the early Empire, and with the historicalallegorical scenes of the Flavian and later periods. It is to be noted in passing that description, presented either as an illusion of an actual scene or as a narrative of an actual event, is not equivalent to
representation of the chariot, too, correct perspective is sacrificed in the combined interest of the narrative and the design. The frontal placing of the chariot, which abandons any proper relation to the horses, not only allows the triumphator to be shown more conspicuously but vastly improves the total design as compared, for example, with the more correctly represented triumph of Tiberius on the Boscoreale cup (fig. 77). In the Augustan relief of the Vienna gem it is not certain whether the distortion of Tiberius' chariot is the result of faulty design or of a deliberate departure from correct perspective in order to satisfy the needs of the composition and to clarify the content. If the latter, the beginnings of the narrative convention in relief may be traced back to the Augustan Age. I4 This "expressionism" is perhaps foreshadowed also in certain scenes on the Column of Trajan, in the use of massed figures and straight lines to express the might and disciplined stability of the army. '5 See Hamberg, Studies ioo. Commissions to design and execute the sculpture for imperial state monuments could undoubtedly command the ablest artists of the time. i 6 See Hamberg, Studies II6-I9.

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MODES OF THOUGHITAND EXPRESSION
I7

209

realism. The firmly entrenched misconception that "historical" character of the content implied realistic accuracy in the documnentarysense has not even yet been fully removed. Mrs. Strong's suggestion of the term "commemorative" in place of "historical" was a step; in the right direction. The

misconception was challenged in the case of the Column of Trajan by LehmannHartleben, and the complex of historical, epic, and allegorical elements in Roman relief has been subjected to penetrating analysis by Hamberg.i8 But echoes of the older attitude continue to survive, and particularly in reference to scenes of religious ritual. '9 Formality of ritual does not necessarily mean a faithful recording of the actual procedure. On the contrary, there is clear evidence that many features of Roman sacrificial scenes were determined more by artis'tic considerations than by a literal faithfulness to ritual prescription. In general, the relatively high importance of artistic design as compared with accurate historicity is shown by the fact that types and motifs as well as details were selected not only for artistic effectiveness but also for religious importance; and that, once selected, a type or a motif had a life span of its own, a time of exploration, culmination, and decline. To illustrate more specifically the subordination of factual correctness to artistic advantage, we may cite the imperial relief of the Ara Pacis. It creates the illusion of a procession of imperial personages walking in pairs; yet the only ones individually portrayed and intended to be recognized are the foreground figures, that is, the nearer figures of the successive pairs. To take another example, scenes of sacrifices often represent successive stages in the ritual as if they were simultaneous. In actual performance the libation was preliminary to the slaughter of the victim; yet both are regularly shown in the ox-slaying type. Similarly the procession of victims led to the altar preceded the libation; yet both appear in representations of the Suovetaurilia. As stated earlier, among all the imperial themes those concerned with religious ritual were the most consistently descriptive in mode of expression. For here the aim was par excellence to picture the actual ceremony. The introduction of personifications or deities among human participants inevitably loosens the hold on a sense of actuality, the attainment of which is the underlying aim of illusionism and, to a lesser degree, of the narrative style. The narrative technique as used in Roman relief, while descriptive in concept, has already moved one step away from the illusion of reality. The sacrifice of spatial illusion to the purposes of narrative ipso facto weakens the grasp on the concrete reality of the action, and thus serves as a preparation for the divorce between
The term " realistic " description in the translation of Hamberg's work, p. -43, is . somewhat misleading, as is the implication of " documentary" even when combinedwith the epithet " epic." I8 See Hamberg, Studies I04-II, for a resume of the views of various scholars on the question of historicity. I9 E.g. Rodenwaldt, AbhBerl (I935, no. 3) io; and Kunst urmAugustus 44-45: "Wenn uns das Zeremoniell des Hofes und das sicherlich bis zur letzten Figur festgelegte Programm bekannt waren, wiurden wir jede einzelne Gestalt mit Namen benennen konnen;" cf. Stuart Jones, ComIv

panion to Roman History 388.
29

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Fig. 68

Fig. 89

Figs. 73-75

meaning and scene effected by the expressionistic manner of late antique art. The second stage in that separation may be observed in the reliefs of the Aurelian Column, where the scene of sacrifice, for example, does little more than present the figure of the emperor in priestly garb and pose. The interrelation among the participants in the action begins to be lost sight of and, instead, a relation is established between the emperor and the spectator. This process is carried to completion in the frontality of the Triumphal Sacrifice of the Arch at Lepcis. A secondary effect of this expressionistic divorce of meaning from action may be seen in the occasional division of a sacrifice into two separate and independent compositions. This appears first in the great Antonine reliefs at Ephesus, where the imperial sacrificant with his companions, in priestly dress and with patera in hand, is represented in a separate panel from the victim group. The imperial group and, to a certain extent, the attendants of the victim are oriented to the spectator but not to each other. Here is an entirely different kind of separation from the earlier mechanical division of a continuous composition into two friezes, as on the Ara Pacis, or into two panels, as on the Arch of Titus and the Arch at Benevento. This new kind of division appears in the sacrificial scenes on a pylon of the Arch at Lepcis and in the theater at Sabratha. On the Arch of the Silversmiths the division is carried even further, to the point where all sense of integration is lost. The ox-slaying, which is repeated in reversed direction on either side of the archway, is so small in scale as to be in effect a predelAza below the altar scene. The imperial sacrificants on the other hand are so magnified in scale as to invite the inference that they are themselves the divine recipients of the sacrifice. In all these "expressionistic" reli-efs the ritual is merely a symbol of the sacred role of the emperor. The symbolism became gradually far less concrete and more completely divested of descriptive content than in the Trajanic types of the lus/ra/jo and vota. The progress of expressionism arrived at its logical, and perhaps inevitable, conclusion when the sanctity of the emperor's person was magnified into divinity, with the result that public sacrifices were metamorphosed into rites performed in worship of the ruler as praesens deus. Through two centuries of imperial art, representations of state sacrifices pursued various independent themes, oriented toward the person of the emperor but distinct in content, until finally they all converged toward a point-indeed, a vanishing point-where rites to the emperor tended to absorb all the rest. To close the chapter on Roman state ritual in the history of art, it remained only for the emperor to hand on his position in state cult to his successor, Christ, and thus to open the new chapter of mediaeval religion and art.

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AA. Archdologischer Anzeiger. AbhBerl.: Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin, Philologisch-historische Kiasse, Abhandlungen. Abh. phil. sdchs. Gesellsch.. Abhandlungen der philologisch-historische Rlasse der khniglichen Sdchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaf/en. Ac/aA.- Aca Archaeologica. Ac/aInstSuec. Acta Ins/it/ti ronmani regni Sueciae. Svenska Ins/i/u/et i Rome, Skrifter. Ad!: Annali dell'Ins/ituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica. AEM: Archdologisch-epigraphische Mi/teilungen aus Oesterreich (-Ungarn). Afrltal: Africa Italiana. AJA.- American Journal of Archaeology. AM. Mitteilungen des Deu/schen archdologischen lnstit/ts, A/henische Abteilung. An/Denk. Antike Denkmdler. ArchRW.: Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft. ArchZei/.- Archdologische Zeitung. BCH!: Bulletin de correspondance helllnique. BdA.- Bollettino d'Arte. BMCatCoins. British Museum, Catalogue of Greek Coins. BMuslmp. Bullettino del Museo dell'Impero Romano. Bri/MusCatSculpt.: British Museum, Catalogue of Sculpt/ure in the Depar/men/ of Greek andRoman Antiquities. Bri/MusCa/Vas. Bri/ish Museum, Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases. BonnJbb. Bonner Jahrbuicher. BullComm.- Bulle//ino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma. BullS/M. Associazione Internazionale degli Studi Mediterranei, Bulle//ino. CAH. Cambridge Ancient History. CIL. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. CP. Classical Philology. CR. Classical Review. DarSag. Daremberg and Saglio, Dic/ionnaire d'antiqui/es grecques e/ romXaines. EphEp. Ephemeris Epigraphica. Fes/Arnd/. Fes/schrf/ fiur Paul Arndt. FR. Furtwdngler and Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmalerei. HarvTheolRev. Harvard Theological Review. HSCP.- Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. iDA!. Jahrbuch des k. Deu/schen archdologischen Instituts. JHS: Journal of Hellenic S/udies. JOAl.- Jahreshef/e des Oes/erreichischen archdologischen Instituts. JRS: Journal of Roman S/udies. MAAR.: Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Mdl. Mi//eilungen des Deu/schen archdologischen Ins/itu/s (1948). lelRome: Melanges d'archeologie e/ d'his/oire de l'Acole fran;aise de Rome. MemAcadBologna: R. Accademia delle scienze dell'lnsti/u/o di Bologna, classe di scienze morali. MemPon/: At/i della Pon/ijfcia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, Memorie. MonAn/: Monumen/i Antichi, R. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Monlns/: Monumen/i inedi/i pubblica/i dall'Ins/i/u/o di Corrispondenza archeologica.

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212

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

et mniioirespubl. par I'Acadimiedes inscrz/pionset belleslettres,EondationPizot. MonPiot. AIonuments Vereinzu Heidelberg). Jahrblcher (Historisch-philosophischer NzeueHeidelb. Jahrb.. Neue Heidelberger NS: Notizie degli scavi di antichitca. NumStud: Numismatic Studies. PBSR. Papers of the British School at Rome. Philol. Philologus. ProcBri/Ac. Proceedings of the British Academy. RA. Revue archeologique. Real-Encyclopcdie der klassischenAltertumswissenschaj?. RE. Pauly-Wissowa, REA: Revue des itudes anciennes. RendLinc. Rendiconti della R. Accademia dei Lincei. RendPon/: A/ti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia,Rendiconti. RevPhil: Revue de philologie, de litte'ratureet d'histoire anciennes. RhM.- Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie. Rivista di Filol. Rivista difilologia e d'istruzione classica. Rivis-TripolkRivista della Trjpoi/ania. Instituts, RtYmischen RM.- Mitteilungen des Deu/schen archdologischen Abteilun,q. SHA. ScriptoresHistoriae Auguslae. S/E/r. Studi etruschi. StudzatStorRelig. Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni. StudRom. Studi Romani, Rivista di archeologiae storia. TAPA. T'ransactions of /he American Philological Association. Univ. Wis. Studies. University of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature.

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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY WITH ABBREVIATIONS OF WORKS FREQUENTLY CITED
Altheim, F., Roman Religion, tr. H. Mattingly (New York I938). Altmann, W., Die rdmischen Grabal/dre der Kaiserzeit (Berlin 1905). Amelung, W., Fuihrer durch die Antiken in Florenz (Munich I897). Amelung, W., Die Sculpturen des Vaticanischen Museums (Berlin I903-36), cited as Amelung, Sculpt VatMus. Festschrift PaulArndt zu seinem sechzigsten Geburts/ag dargebracht (Munich 1I925), cited as FestArndt. Ashmole, B., Catalogue of Ancient Marbles at Ince Blundell Hall (Oxford 1929). Babelon, E., Descrzitpion historique et chronologique des monnaies de la republi ue romaine (Paris i885-86), cited as Babelon.
Baumeister, A., Denkmdler des klassischen Altertzms zur Erlduterung des Lebens der Griechen und Rdmer (Munich and Leipzig i885-89) cited as Baumeister. Benndorf, O., and Schone, R., Die antiken Bildwerke des lateranensischen Museums (Leipzig I867),

cited as Benndorf-Sch6ne. Bernhart, M., Handbuch zur Miinzhunde der rdmischen Kaiserzeit (Halle I926); cited as Bernhart. Bernoulli, J. J., Rdmische Ikonographie (Stuttgart I882-94). Beurlier, E., Le culte imperial, son histoire et son organisation (Paris 189I).
Birt, Th., Die Buchrolle in der Xunst (Leipzig I907). Blecher, G., De extispicio capita tria, Religionsgeschichtliche (Giessen, I 905). Boas, H., Aeneas' Arrival in Latium (Amsterdam 1938). Versuche und Vorarbeiten
2,

Heft 4

Bowerman, H. C., Roman Sacrificial Altars, diss. Bryn Mawr
I892);

1912

(Lancaster, Pa.

19I3). I892).

British Museum, Catalogue of Greek Coins, cited as BMCatCoins: Alexandria, R. S. Poole (London

Ionia, B. V. Head, ed. R. S. Poole (London I892);

Mysia, W. Wroth (London

British Museum, Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases (London I893-I925); cited as BritMusCatVas. British Museum, Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Rcman Antiquities, ed. 2 Walters (London I928-31); cited as BritMusCatSculpt. Broughton, T. R. S., The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, Philological Monographs I5, (New York I95I-52). Brown, D. F., Temples of Rome as Coin Types, Numismatic Notes and Monographs go (New

York 1940). Brunn, H., Kleine Schriften (Leipzig I898-I906). Brunn, H. von and Korte, G., I rilievi delle urne etrusche (Rome

I870-19I6),

cited as Brunn-

K6rte, Rilievi. Brusin, G., Museo archeologico di Aquileia (Roma I936). Cagiano de Azevedo, Le antichita di Villa Medici (Rome I951). Cambridge Ancient History, ed. J. B. Bury, S. A. Cook, F. E. Adcock, M. P. Charlesworth(Cambridge 1923-39); Plates I-5, ed. C. T. Seltman (Cambridge 1927-39); cited as CAH. Cichorius, C., Die Reliefs der Traianssdule (Berlin 1896-I900), cited as Cichorius. Clarac, F. de, Musee de sculpture antique et moderne. .. du Louvre (Paris I84I-53) Vol. 2. Cohen, H., Descrzjtption historique des monnaies frappees sous l'Empire romain (Paris I880-92),

cited as Cohen.
Colini, A. M., Il Fascio littorio (Rome I933). Conze, A., Die Familie des Augustus (Halle I867). Cook, A. B., Zeus (Cambridge 19I4-40). Corte, M. della, Zuventus.un nuovo aspetto della vita pubblca

di Pompei finora inesplorato

(Arpino

I924).

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214

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION

IN ROMAN ART

Cumont,, F., Recherches sur le symbolisme fune'raire des Romains (Paris I942). Dessau, H., Inscriptiones La/inae Selectae (Berlin I892-I9I6), cited as Dessau.
Diehl, E., Inscriptiones Latinae (Bonn 19I2). Domaszewski, A. von, Abhandlungen zur romischen Religion (Leipzig and Berlin Domaszewski, A. von, Die Religion des romischen Heeres (Trier I895). Ducati, P., Storia dell'arte etrusca (Florence I927). Duitschke, H., Antike Bildwerke in Oberitalien (Leipzig 1874-82). Egger, R., Fes/scirift ffur (Klagenfurt I952-54). Eichler, F., Die Reliefs des Heroon von Gjdlbaschi-Trysa (Vienna 1950). Esperandieu, E., Recueil ge'neral des bas-reliefs de la Gaule romaine (Paris I907-49),
randieu.
i909).

cited as Esp&

Ferrero, E., L'arc d'Auguste a' Suse (Turin I9OI). Fowler, W. Warde, The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London I922). Fowler, W. Warde, The Roman Festivals (London 1925). Furtwangler, A., Die antiken Gemmen (Leipzig and Berlin I900). Furtwangler, A., Beschreibung der geschnittenen Steine im Antiquarium (Berlin I896). Furtwangler, A., Intermezzi (Leipzig and Berlin I896). Furtwangler, A. and Reichhold, K., Griechische Vasenmalerei (Munich 1900-27), cited as FR. Garcia y Bellido, A., Esculturas Romanas de Espana y Portugal (Madrid 1949). Gerhard, E., An/ike Bildwerke (Munich I827-44). Gerhard, E., Auserlesene griechische Vasenbilder, hauptsachlich etruskischen Fundorts(Berlin I840-58). Gerhard, E., Etruskische Spiegel (Berlin I843-97) Vol. 5 by A. Kligmann and G. Kbrte Giglioli, G., L'Arte etrusca (Milan I935), cited as Giglioli.

Gnecchi, F., I Medaglioni romani (Milan

19I2),

cited as Gnecchi.

Goethert, G., Zur Kunst der romischen Re publik (Berlin I93I). Graillot, H., Le culte de Cybele, Bibliothetque des lAcolesfranfaises d4'Atheneset de Rome I07 (Paris I9I 2). Grenier, A., Bologne villanovienne et itrusque, Bibliothedquedes Ecolesfranfaises d'Athe'nes et de Rome
io6 (Paris
1912).

Grueber, H. A., Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum (London

I9IO),

cited as

Grueber.
Hamberg, P. G., Studies in Roman Imperial Art, with special reference to the State Reliefs of the Second Century (Copenhagen I945), cited as Hamberg, Studies. Helbig, W., Fuhrer durch die ifJentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertumer in Rom, ed. 3, edited

by W. Amelung, E. Reisch, F. Weege, (Leipzig 19I2-13) cited as Helbig-Amelung, Fuhrer. Helbig, W., Wandgemdlde der vom Vesuv verschuitteten Stddte Campaniens (Leipzig i868). Henzen, W., Acta Fratrum Arvalium (Berlin I874), cited as Henzen. Herrmann, P., Denkmdler der Malerei des Altertums (Munich I904-50) I939-50, ed. R. Herbig. H6rnes, M., Urgeschichte der bildenden Kunst in Europa (Vien-na I898).
Hommel, P., Studien zu den romischen Figurengiebeln der Kaiserzeit (Berlin
I928)
I954).

Howe, G., Fasti sacerdotum (Leipzig 1904). Huelsen, C., The Forum and the Palatine, tr. H. Tanzer (New York Huelsen, C., The Roman Forum tr. J. B. Carter (New York I906).

Inghirami, F., Monumenti etruschi (Fiesole I82I-26). Jacobsen, C., Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen (Copenhagen 1907). Jones, H. Stuart and others, Catalogue of Ancient Sculptlures preserved in the Municipal Collections of Rome, The Sculptures of the Museo Capitolino (Oxford 1912); cited as Stuart Jones, Ca/MusCap. Jones, H. Stuart and others, The Sculptures of the Museo dei Conservatori (Oxford I926), cited as Stuart Jones, CatMusConserv. Jones, H. Stuart and others, Companion to Roman History (Oxford 1912). Jordan, H., Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum (Berlin I87I-I907) I, pt. 3 ed. C. Huelsen. Jordan, H., Vesta und die Laren, Programm zum Winckelmannsfest der archdologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin 25 (Berlin i865). Kekule von Stradonitz, R., KMnziliche Museen zu Berlin. Beschreibung der antiken Skulpturen (Berlin I89I).

Kekule von Stradonitz, R., Die antiken Terrakotten(Berlin and Stuttgart Kinch, K. F., L'arc de triomphe de Salonique (Paris I890).

I880-I9II).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, Korte, G., Gotfinger Bronzen,

WITH ABBREVIATIONS

2 I5

AbhGjl/ingen, n. f. i6 (19I7). Kraas, Th., Die Ranken der Ara Pacis, Deutsches archdologische Institut (Berlin 1953). Lanckoronski, K., Stdc/e Pamphyliens und Pisidiens. (Vienna I890-92). Lehmann-Hartleben, K., Die Traianssdule (Berlin and Leipzig I926). Levi, A., Sculture greche e romane del palazzo ducale di Mantova (Rome I931). Levi, Doro, Il Museo civico di Chiusi (Rome 1935). Lippold, G., Die Skuipturen des Vaticanischen Museums, Vol. 3 of Amelung, cited as Sculpt Va/Mus. L'Orange, H. P., Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture, Insfi/u/tet for Sammenhlgnende Kulturforskning (Oslo I947). L'Orange, H. P., S/udien zur Geschich/e des spdlantiken Pordra's, Znstit/tuet for Sammenlignende Kul/uiforskning (Oslo 1946). Lugli, G., Roma antica (Rome 1946), cited as Lugli, RomAnt. Magi, F., IT Rilievi flavi di palazzo della Cance/leria (Rome 1945). Maiuri, A., L'Ultima fase edilizia di Pompei, Istituto di Studi Romani, Sezione Campana. Italia Romana. Campania Romana 2 (Rome I942). Marchi, A. de, Il culto fpivafo di Roma antica (Milan I896-I903). Marquardt, J., Romische Sfaafsverwalfung, Vol. 3, in Marquardt-Mommsen, Handbuchder romischen Alter/iimer Vol. 6, ed. 2 revised by G. Wissowa (Leipzig 1885), cited as Marquardt. Martha, J., L'art itrusque (Paris I889). Matthies, G., Die praenestinische Spiegel (Strassburg I9I2). Mattingly, H., Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum (London 1923-50), cited as

Mattingly. Matz, F. and von Duhn, F., Antike Bildwerke in Rom (Leipzig I88I-82). Mau, A. and Kelsey, F. W., Pompeii, its Life and Art (New York I902).
Milani, L., Reale museo archeologico di Firenze (Florence
19I2).

Mommsen, Th., Res Gestae divi Augusti

(Berlin

I883).

Mommsen, Th., Rlmisches S/aatsrecht, in Marquardt-Mommsen, Handbuch der romischen Alter/umer, Vol. 1-2 ed. 3, Vol. 3 ed. i (Leipzig I887); cited as Mommsen, S/aatsrecht. Montelius, O., La civilisation primitive en I/alie (Stockholm I895-I910), cited as Montelius. Moretti, G., Ara Pacis Augus/ae (Rome 1948) and pamphlet of same title (Rome I938). Mourlot, F., Essai sur l'his/oire de l'Augustalit/ dans 1'empire romain (Paris I895), Bibliothe'que de l'P9cole des hautes etudes ... Sciencesphilologiques el historiques io8, (Paris i895). Muller, K. O., and Wieseler, F., Denkmdler der al/en Kunst (Gottingen I877-8I). Musee du Louvre, Encyclopidie pho/ographique de /'art (ed. "Tel", Paris I936). Mustilli, D., Il Museo Mussolini (Rome 1939). Nissen, H., Pompeianische Studien (Leipzig i877). Overbeck, J. A. and Mau, A., Pompei (Leipzig I884). Pallottino, M., L'Arco degli Argentari, 1stituto di Studi Romani, Monumenti romani 2 (Rome I946). Pallottino, M., Etruscan Pain/ing, tr. M. Stanley and S. Gilbert (Geneva, Skira 1952). Paribeni, R., Le Terme di Diocleziano e il Museo nazionale romano (Rome I932), cited as Paribeni, MusNazRom. Pesce, G., I Rilievi del'anfi/ea/ro campano, Museo dell'Im pero Romano, Studi e materiali 2 (I 941). Petersen, E., Ara Pacis Augus/ae (Vienna 1902). Petersen, E., Trajans dakische Kriege (Leipzig I899). Petersen, E., Domaszewski, A. von, Calderini, G., Die Marcussdule auf piazza Colonna in Rom (Munich I896). Pietrangeli, C., L'arco di Traiano a Benevenfo (Novara I947). Platner, S. B., The Topography and Monuments of Ancient Rome (Boston I9iI). Platner, S. B. and Ashby, T., A Topographical Dic/ionary of Ancient Rome (Oxford I929). Poinssot, L., L'au/el de la Gens Augusta a Car/hage, Notes ef documen/s pub/i/s par la direc/ion des an/iquitf s el arts io (Tunis 1929). Poulsen, F., E/rz4scan Tomb Paintings, tr. I. Anderson (Oxford 1922). Poulsen, F., Portrd/studien in nordi/alienischen Provinzmuseen (Copenhagen 1928). Poulsen, F., Sculp/ures antiques de musees de province espagnols (Copenhagen I933). Randall-Maclver, D., The Iron Age in Italy (Oxford I927). Regling, K. L., An/ike Miinze a/s I(uns/werk (Berlin, 1924). Reinach, S., Reperfoire de reliefs grecs ef romains (Paris I909-I2), cited as Reinach.

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2i6

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART
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Reinach, S., Repertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine (Paris Reinach, S., Repertoire des vases peints grecs et Itrusques (Paris

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(Amsterdam

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INDEX

Acerra, see Incense box.

Actium, battle of, 5i; allusions to, in relief of bireme 3I, on gems 38, in tympanum 70, on coin I78. Adventus Augusti, on coins of Hadrian I83; type adapted on altar 172 f. Aeneas, on Falerii base 27; on Belvedere altar 58; on altar of Carthage 89; on Temple of Augustus 95; sacrificeof sow by 40, I83 f., I95. Aeneid i, 26I-96, prophecy, 58. Agrippa, 92; on altar from Tarentum 39 n.; on Ara Pacis 43. Aesculapius, on coin of Caracalla, i86. Agrippina, as Flaminica Claudialis, 8i n., 96. Ahenobarbus, base of, 24 n., 27-34, I9I, 195; parallels to 3, 35, 42, 63, 93; descendants of io6, io8. Ahenobarbus, Cn. Domitius, career of, 32-34. Allegory, in Greek reliefs 5, I9; Roman 97 f.,
ii8,
203

bining altar group with victim group 19799; combined with procession 20I; framed by building in background II2, 124, I25 f.; in Greek votive reliefs 3; in Etruscan art '3, I9Altar, tripod, 84; increasingly slender in second century reliefs 84, 115, I28, 143, I59 n. and cpassim. Ambarvalia, rite related to, in relief at Lyons, i i6 f. Amiternum, monument of sevir, 99 f. Antonia, in Ravenna relief, 92. Antonine relief, style of, compared with Seve-

ran,

I 62.

f., 206.

Antoninus Pius, in relief from Ephesus I33 f.; Column base of, parallel to go; coins of I48, 179 f., I85 n. Antony, adherents of, 33, I45 f. Apex, 14, 44; as decorative motif 88; see also Flamen.

Allegorical figures, accompanying emperor iI8, 134, 139 f. and passim; associated with marriage i66, I67; common on coins I83.

Apollo Sosianus, Temple of, frieze,

144-46,

I93.

Altar, in Bologna 39; Borghese23-27;

of Car-

thage 89 f.; Chigi 6i; of Manlius 84-87; to Minerva 87 f.; in Naples 62; to Neptune 172; 70, I45, I76. of Orfitus I67 f.; of Peace 40-48, see also Ara Apotheosis, I67; of Julius Caesar, on Belvedere Pacis; of Providentia 64, 75-8o; of Pietas altar 56; of Hadrian, in relief from Ephesus 64-75, see also Ara Pietatis; of Salus 64 f.; I34 f. to Sol Invictus I73f.; of Vespasian 8I-84. Apotropaic, amulet 2I, gesture 135, significance Altars of Lares and GeniusAugusti 55-62;descenof laurel 46 n. dants of 8I-90, provincial 8i n. Ara Pacis, 40-48; arrangement of reliefs 42-43; Altars represented in reliefs, types, cylindrical, constitution of 43, frieze of inner altar 4I f., in Greek reliefs 4, Etruscan i8, Roman 6i, 47 n;, 192; influence of, in development of ii8, on coins 37 n., I75, 179; garlanded, on Rbman relief 48, 64, 75; reliefs related to Greek vases 3, in Roman reliefs 6i, 85, 94 66 ff. 78 f., 85, 89, 183 f.; parallels to reliefs and passim; set at an angle to plane of relief, of enclosure 30, 90 f., to small frieze I4, 142, Greek 3, Etruscan i8, Augustan and later 144; style of 78, I91, I94, 204 f., 209. Ara Pietatis, 64-75; constitution of 65; content 85, 88, 94, 95 and passim.
Altar scene, composition of 82 f., 90, II2, I26; development of type 194-96; problem of com30

Apollo, on altar of Carthage 89; on Arch of Constantine i85 n.; on coins 5i n., I78, i86; on Sorrento base 50 f.; bull offered to 55 n., 93; statue of 38; Temple of, on Palatine 50,

of reliefs
191, 194,

72

202;

f.; iconography and style of 66, parallels to 85, io8, 123.

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2 I8

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART
Bull and ram, statues of, beside Temple of Vesta, 50, 52. Bulla, worn by Lar 85; in triumphal sacrifice i6o; worn by victimarius 1117. Caduceus, as imperial symbol, 38, 89, 205. Caecilius Jucundus, Lararium in house of, I70. Caelian Hill, terracotta pediment from, 2 2 f. Caere, Altar of Manlius found at, 84. Caesar, Gaius, 57, 6o. Caesar, Julius, apotheosis of 55-57, 94; Divus, with Mars and Venus 95; Flamen of, on Ara Pacis 40; games of 25; star of 39, 9I n. Caesar, Lucius, installed as Augur, on altar in Uffizi, 6o f. Cakes (/iba), 40, 71, I45 and passim. Cala/or, ca/a/ores, 42, 46. Ca/cei, perquisite of vicomagistri, 77. Caligula, 92; coin of 94 f., I99, 200. Cameo, see Gem. Camillus, 21, 40, 46 f. andpassim; development

Arch, see Septimius, Tiberius, Titus, Trajan, Arch of. Arrival of emperor, as occasion for vota 121-25,
13I;

Adventus Augusti on coins

I83.

Arvales, 44 n.; Acta of 65, 120; rites of, in frieze at Lyons i i6 f.; vota of I22. Augur, Augures, 44 n.; Lucius Caesar installed as, on altar 6o. Augustales, see Seviri. Augustan reliefs, 38-63, 104-06, I4I-43, I71; character of 203-05. Augustan symbols, caduceus 89, 205; cglieus virtutis flanked by laurels 56; Victory placing shield on pillar 56, 6o, 89; oak wreath flanked by laurels 39, on altars 55, 59, 82 f.; oak wreath with patera, lituus and simpulum 6i. Augustus, on Belvedere altar 56 f.; on altar from Vicus Sandaliarius 6o; on Ara Pacis 43; on Arch of Susa I05; identified with Apollo, Mars, Mercury, or Jupiter 38 f., 9i; associated with the gods 40 f., 48, 63, 74; religious policy of 39, 46, 49 f., 53, 63. Augustus, house of, 49, 50. Baalbek, Temple of Bacchus, frieze, 28 n. Bacchus, Temple of, on coins, I84 n. Balbinus, sarcophagus of, i65 n. Bare feet, in sacred rites 57, 77, 79; as sign of

of type

30,

90;

togate

30,

I03,

I07;

long-

haired 46 n., 83, go and passim; carrying shield 148. Campus Martius, rites of Ludi Saeculares in,
I 75.

divinity 39, Pietatis
7I.

91.
15;

Basket on head, Etruscan 7, 8, 9,

on Ara

Beard, as indication of date 66, 77 n.; of legendary figure 27, 40; of youth 77. Belvedere altar, Vatican, 56-58; recurrence of motifs from 89, go. 193; Benevento, Arch of, frieze of 148, I50-54, 2I0. panels of I54-56,

Biga, sevir driving

I00;

Victory driving 36,

I00.

Bisellium, 99. Bologna, altar of, 39. Bologna, Museo Civico, altar of Augustus 39; cippus 'dedicated to Valetudo I71. Bonn, 'Provinzialmuseum, altars to Celtic goddesses, I71 f.

Borghese altar,

23-27,

191

f.,

195;

parallels to

28, 35, 6o, 93, io6.

Boscoreale cup, cups, parallels to 78, 85; triumph

of Tiberius representedon 14I-43,

I93,

197,

201.

Brescia, relief from, ioo f. British Museum, Etruscan cinerary chest i6 f.; gilt bronze scabbard 92, 205. Bucrania, garland festooned from, I52, i68, on altar 67, 82, 85.

Cancelleria relief of vicomagistri, 75-80; composition of 77 f., I9I, 192, I94; evidence for dating of 78; stylistic parallels to 9I, 172; parallels to content *of 57, 68, 94. Capite ve/a/o, 42, plates, passim. Capitoline Temple, with triple doors 128, I57; festooned with laurel I43; identified by eagle I3 n., I43, I75; on Arch of Benevento I50; as background for sacrifice i8o f., I89. Capitoline triad, vo/a to, I20. Captives, on fercu/um, in triumphal procession 152 f., 154-56. I44, reliefs from amphitheater, 150, 200. Capua, i6o f.; coins of I82, i86. Caracalla, I35-137, Carmen Saeculare, singing of, on coins, 176. Carthage, altar of 89 f., 2oo; relief from 95. Castel S. Elia, relief in, representing scaenae frons, 99 n., 177. Castor and Pollux, on Arch of Susa, I05. Celtic goddesses, altars to, 17I f. Censor, censors, 3i; not entitled to fasces 34, 46 n., 107 n.; Manlius, censor perpe/uus 85 f.; Claudius and Vitellius io8; Vespasian and Titus io8. Census, 29 n., 31 f., io8; see a/so Lustrum, closing of. Certosa situla, 8 f.

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INDEX
Chieti, tympanum from, in Museo Nazionale, Rome, 98 f. Chigi altar in Soriano, 6I, 85, 195. Chiusi, sarcophagi and cinerary chests from, 13 f. Cista, bronze, rite to Minerva on 15; triumphal

2 I9

scene on

20-22.

Classic revival, in late reliefs, i68. Claudius, on Ara Pietatis 7 2-74; closing of lus/rum io8; emphasis on kinship with Augusttus 66, 73; sacrifice to, as Divus, in relief in Vatican (?) 96. Coins, 94 f., 148, I74-89; altars represented on 64 f., republican, sacrifices on 37 n.; vota and vola publi/a types I21, 132, 178-83; value as evidence I 89. Column base of Diocletian, Suovetaurilia, 117-19. Column of Marcus Aurelius, lustration of troops 113 f.; vola suscep/a 127 f.; motifs and style of 128, 201. Column of Trajan, lustration of camp 109-13; vo/a soluta on arrival I21-25; vota suscep/a on departure 121, 125 f.; motifs of 199. Commetaculum, 24; in Etruscan reliefs 9, I8; carried by lictor 24, 93; carried by flamen 44,

Continuous style, see Narrative. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, relief of sacrifice by priestess, 96. Cornucopia, as attribute, of Concordia 86; of Genius 59, 62; of goddess, on altar in Naples 62; of Roma, on altar of Carthage 89; of Tiber 175; as sign of divinity I67. Coronacivica, see Augustan symbols, oak wreath. Cosa, Suovetaurilia from, io6. Crater, carried in triumphal procession, 151. Crown, carried in triumphal procession 152;

laurel,on staff I54; mural,on staff 153, worn
by personification of city i36, 155, of veterans 154. Cul/rarius, 46, 76, and plates, passim. Curtain, festooned in background, 83, to indicate interior scene 49, 52, behind dextrarum
iunctio I63-67.

Cybele, see Magna Mater.

Dacians, Dacian wars, 109,

121,

124,

154.

by soldier

114.

Commodus, 159; as Hercules, on coins i85; sacrificing before praesens deus, on coins i85 f.; vota decennalia of, on coins 180-82. Compila, shrines of 53; altars of 55-62, importance of 63 f.; see a/so Altars of Lares and Genius Augusti. Composition, I 90-202; background, interest in 78, 112, 143, use of, for spatial illusion 29 f., 146; centralization, devices for, 4, 24 f., 28 f., 6i, 94 f.; emphasis on principal figure, devices

Dagger, see Parazonium. Dancers, armed, on Plicasnas vase 7 f.; in triumph 148. Danube bridge, used as background for sacrificial scene, 126 f. Dea Dia (?), in relief at Lyons, ii6. Deity, image of, Greek 2, 5; Etruscan I I; on altar to Minerva 88; on ferculum Ioo; on
coins I84 n., i86, i88. -in larger scale than human figures, 4, 23, 95. -present in person, Greek 4-5; on Praenestine

for, glances turned toward

11 2,

I30,

I43,

isolation i iI, larger scale 94, position in niche " of figures 68, 73, 85; figure shown in back view, for interest of design 78, 9I, 129, 144; less formal in small reliefs 77; pro-

cista I5; in republican reliefs 23, 24 f., 27, 29; in imperial reliefs 95, i i6, i 8, 138, 171-73; in Lararia I69; on coins 185 f.; reclining in foreground I76. - in person, accompanying emperor 97 f., 140, 206, in sacrificial scenes 135, 156. Departure of emperor, as occasion for vo/a, 121, 125 f., 139. Descriptive mode of expression, predominant in

cessional

191-94;

space, free above heads 66,

early imperialreliefs 203-05;
sionism
208;

suited to illu-

77 f., I93 f.; superposition 88, IOI, early appearance of 76, 78; transition, devices for I 30, 144. See also Altar scene, Procession, Victim group. Concordia, with cornucopia and patera 86; Augustorum i6i, 177; Temple of 86, i88. Congiarium, of sevir, 99. Constantine, Arch of 162, I85 n., panels on 114 f.; coins of i88 f. Contestants in ludi, Etruscan 6-io; in reliefs of seviri 99-102.
30*

most tenacious in sacrificial

scenes 207, 210. Dextrarum iunctio, of marriage ceremony i63-67. I69; as pledge of concordia I35, i6i. Diana, cakes offered to 176;on Arch of Constantine i85 n.; of Ephesus, image of, on coin i86. Dijon, relief in,
I99.

Di Manes, sheep and bull offered to, 9 f. Diocletian, on Arch of Galerius 139 f.; coins of i86, I89; monument of, in Forum 117-19; triumph and vola vicennalia of II9.

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220

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART
Favete linguis, see Gesture, hand to lips. Felicitas, on coins, sacrifice to, I85, I88 f. Ferculum, carried in funeral procession i6, in pompa before games ioo f., I50, in triumphal procession 36, Chap. X, passim, in wedding procession i69; carried by victimarii 145; bearing captives I44, i6o, crown or vases 149, I52, images IOO, 147 f. Fe/ia/es, rite of, on coins, 39. Fillet, hanging from basket 7i; around horns of victim, Greek 3, republican 30, Augustan 47, 142, early imperial 69, 76, I07, second

Dionysus, in Etruscan art, 12-14. Diva Augusta, 66, 72. Divus Augustus, coin types of 65; steer offered to 79; Temple of 70 n., 94 f.; worshipped in Temple of Mars Ultor 74. Julius, see Caesar, Julius. -cult of, 65 f.; in art an adjunct to Genius Augusti 94; rarely represented after first century 97; Pietas and Providentia associated with 65 f., 73; sacrifice to 94, 96. See also Flamen, Seviri, Sodales. Divination, see Extispicium. Domitian, accompanied by deities 98, 206; coins of i86, commemorating Ludi Saeculares I74-77; policy of 205 n. Domus publica, 42, 53 f. Dorsuale, 30 f., on bovine victim 9 f., 6o, go, 92 and passim; not on Ara Pacis 47; on pig 4 n., 6o, I09, i i8; removed before killing of victim 69. Drusus, Tiberii filius, 72, 92. Drusus and Antonia, 92. Duumviri, 136, I55, i6i; attended by two lictors 83, 93, 99 n. Eagle, on coins I85; in tympanum, see Capitoline temple. Earthquake, as occasion for sacrifice, 170 f. Emperor, as officiating priest, togate and veiled 43, 53, 57 and passim; in military dress, in

century 93,

I 25;

on pig, unusual

I07,

I09;

on thymiaterion I56. Flamen, Augustalis 68, 72-74; Dialis 14, 129, 157; of Julius Caesar 40, 44; Martialis 73, II8. Flamines, 73, 93, I29 f., I87; majores and minores 44; spiked cap of, see Apex. Flaminica, Augustalis 74 n.; Claudialis 82 n., 96. Florence, Museo Archeologico, altar to Silvanus,
I71.

-Uffizi,

sacrificesbefore departure 125-28,
I28.

exception (?)

See also Pontifex Maximus. accompanied by deities 98, 134 f.; divinity of I55 n., 205, 2Io; recipient of sacrifice I22,
I37

f.,

139

f.,

I82;

changing status of

203-05;

figure of, in reliefs, see Composition, emphasis on principal figure. See also Augustus, Divus, Genius. Emnpress, appearing in state events 96; as priestess 96, I6I; on coins, associated with Vesta 187. Ephesus, relief from I33 f., 2 10. Etruscan representations of religious rites, 6-I9;

altar from Vicus Sandaliarius 6o; Hadrianic relief I32; sarcophagi i65, I83 n. Flute player, Greek 3, 4; Etruscan 6 f., I6 f.; in frontal position 59 and passim; in procession 29, 36 n., 77, I02; behind altar, in profile 4, 59, 6i, 83, II5, 133; in unusual dress 143, 157, ve/atus 59; watching sacrifice, with flute folded 69. Fortuna, in tympanum 70; Redux, altar of 5r, on coins i85, I88; Fortuna-Nemesis, on cippus of Isernia 34 f. Frame, triangular, between horns of bovinie victim, see Junctus auro. Frontality, in popular art 99; in late reliefs
137, I96, I99.

Funeral rites, Etruscan, procession 6-Io, sacrifice IO f., games iO; Roman 36 n. Galerius, Arch of, at Saloniki, I39 f. Ga/erus, 14, 44, figs. 23, 35 and passim. Games, in Etruscan art, funerary 6, io; of

character of, related to Roman details and equipment 14 f.,

1, I7-ig; 17

ritual f.; funeral

Julius Caesar

25;

of seviri

98-IOI.

games, procession, and sacrifices 6-II, i6 f.; household cult ii f., I5 f.; influence on Roman 22., 36, 102. "Expressionism," in late reliefs, 208, 210. Exta, cooking of 8, io; roasting of, on spits 4 n., I3; pail for cooking of, common in second century reliefs I 0, i i6, 129, 147. Extispicium, in Louvre, 128-30, 200. Falerii base, 27.

Garland, festooned in background 57, 59; on temple at dedication 83, 95; on wall or door I67. 130, See a/so Bucrania. Gauls invading Delphi, represented in tympanum, 70. Gem, gems, Augustus as Neptune on 38; Paris
9I,

205;

triumphal scene on

I47

n.; Vienna 205.

Genius, with patera in hand, I69. Augusti, bull offered to, Augustan 55, 6o, 6I, 62, early imperial 8I f., 85, 90, 91, 93 f.,

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INDEX
later 135, 137; centers of worship of 64, 74; importance of 204; libation to, from 3o B. C. 54; oath in name of 136 f.; representations of 59, 62, rites of, rare in art after first century 97, 206. See also Lares Augusti, Sodales. Genius populi Romani, on Arch of Titus 97, I47; on Arch of Benevento 154; on Arch of Silversmiths I37; in Hadrianic relief 132; on coins 179, i8o, i8i.
Germanicus, 71,
92.

221

IIO f.; in triumphal procession 15I; in sacrificial scene 125. Illusionism, I09, I46 f., 2oo; advance of, in early Empire 48, 75, 77 f., 82 f. See also Tridimensional illusion. Imperial cult, earliest monuments of, 63. See also Divus. Imperial family, see Emperor, Empress. Imperium, 34, 142, I63 f.; emperor's renewal of I79 n.

Gesture,

apotropaic 135; extended hand 68; hand to lips 21 f., iI8, i68; raised hand, Greek 4, Etruscan IO, II, I3, I5, Roman, as gesture of salutatioin or worship 86, I22-25, I82, I49, of salutation or blessing 138, 173, I83, development and significance of 140. Geta, on arch at Lepcis I35, 137, I6I; on coin
I82.

Incense box (acerra), Etruscan ii, I5; in Roman reliefs 29, 89, 101, 107 and passim; as decorative motif 82.
jar, 59, 6o; carried by Vestals 41, 71. offering of, in rites of imperial cult 59, 93, 101, I6I; in other rites 88, io6, i68. Instrumenta sacra, used as decorative motifs, 82, 84. Iphigenia, sacrifice of, on cinerary chest, 19. Isernia, cippus of, 34 f., 191. Isis, on coins I82, I85; Temple of, in painting I69 f. Julus, with Aeneas, on altar of Carthage 89; on coin I 84. Janus, ram offered to, on Ara Pacis, 42. Jerusalem, booty from, on Arch of Titus, I46. Julia, 93; on Ara Pacis 44 n. - Domna, 135, 137 f., I6I; as Juno 134; as sacrificant i6i. Junc/us auro, bovine victim with ritual yoke, in early imperial reliefs 69, I42, 144; second century ii6, I50, I84; later, ii8, 136. Juno, image of, in pompa Ioo; prayer to, on coins of Ludi Saeculares I76; procession in honor of 99 n.; sacrifice of sow to 4i; Temple of 7i n. Jupiter, altar to 102 f; associated with Janus 42; image of ioo, i86, I89; present in person 20;
-

-

Gjolbaschi-Trysa,
SpiCiUm, I 29.

Heroon of, parallel to Exti-

Gladiators, in pompa ioo; in conflict ioi. Globe, on altar of Carthage 89; on cippus of Isernia 34; in Ravenna relief 9I; held by Roma, on arch at Lepcis i6i, on coins I86;
Victory poised on 95.

Graecus ri/us, sacrificant with uncovered head, 27, I36; in Ludi Saeculares 43 n., I76 f.; in mosaic at Ostia 97. Greek representations of religious rites, 2-5; elements of, combined with Roman 28, 97, 17I n., in Ludi Saeculares 175-77; influence on Roman, dress 21, I33, personifications and allegory 97 f., 134, I56, praesens deus 22 f., 125, 138, I84, 195, sacrifice before image of deity 88, 172 f., I85 n. Gu//us, see Pitcher. Hadrian, in Extispicium 130; in relief from Ephesus I33 f.; on Arch of Benevento 155; decennalia of 131 f., I79; Adventus coin types of I83. Harbor with ships, coin type, I8I. Haruspex, in Extispicium, 129. Hercules, in Etruscan art 12; on Borghese altar in painting I69; on coins I84, 24-27; I I86; image of i85 n., I86; sacrifice of bull to 26 f.; associated with military victory 26, with Lares 62, with Septimius Severus 135, 137 f.,
i6o,
177.

steer offered to

42,

101

f.,

175;

voaa to, on

-

arrival of emperor 121, I22-25, before emperor's departure 125 f., before military action I27 f., on sarcophagi i64. See also Triumphal sacrifice, Vota Publica, Victim, steer. Optimus Maximus Sol Sarapis, altar to,
I67.

Hermitage, sarcophagus, i65 f. Honos, 147 n., on arch at Lepcis i6o, i6i. Horn blowers, Etruscan i6, I8; in funeral procession 36 n.; at games 99; in lustratio I05,

Temple of, in relief at Pompeii 170; on sarcophagi I64 f. See also Capitoline temple. luvenes, 148; luventas associated with 25 f.; bearing shields I48. luventas, with Hercules, on Borghese altar 24-26, in Pompeian painting I69; iconography of 26 n.

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222

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART
II6. Lictores curiatiz-, 41, 45 f., 105, 107, Limus, 21; in Greek votive reliefs 4; in Etruscan reliefs 8; on Ara Pacis 46; length of, as indication of date 84, 90, 136, I96 n.; draping of I58. Lituus, 21, 6o; as priestly symbol and decorative motif 57, 6I, 82, 87; in tympanum 41. Livia, 44, 52; on altars 56, 6o; Ara Pietatis associated with 65 f.; Flaminica Augustalis 74 n.; as Venus Genetrix, on Ravenna relief

Knife, triangular, usual in ox-slaying 69, 85, 143 and passim; carried in hand 76, in holster 94, 152, secured by strap 136; as decorative motif 87. Kneeling, women offering prayer to Juno I 76. See also Victimarius, kneeling. L-aena, dress of flamen, 44, I i8. Lanx, carried by camillus or victimarius 46, 95. See also Mola salsa. Lararium, Etruscan II, I5; of Augustus' house 57; of Caecilius Jucundus 170. Lar carriers, 68, 74, 77, 79 f., 19I. - Militaris (?), i6o. Lares Augusti, altars to 55-63, importance of 63, descendants of 8I-90; established in state cult 53-55, 57; represented on altars 56, 59-62, 85; statuettes of, in reliefs 57, see also Lar Carriers; victim (pig) offered to 6o. Compitales 53-55; Praestites 54 f. Laurel, on Greek vases 3; in Etruscan art 9 f., II, I4, i6f.; use of, in Roman ritual 47, Greek origin of 47 n.; on fasces 83, I41, 151. branch, carried by Lar 59, in triumph 142, I46, in sacrificial procession 30, 46; sprig in hand II, 14, 47 and plates, passim; trees, pair of 35, 56, io6-o8, on altars of Lares Augusti 57, 6i, 85. wreath, Greek 3; Etruscan 9 f., i6 f.; worn by all participants 44, 47, 77, in Adventus Augusti I 22, in lustratio 30, I07, IIO, in

91-93.

Los Angeles, County Museum, sarcophagus, I65. Louvre, see Paris, Louvre. Ludi decennales, on coin of Antoninus, I48. Ludi Saeculares, 43 n., 68, 76 n., 138; shield hearer associated with 148; on coins 174-77. See a/so Games. Lustratio, see Suovetaurilia. Lustrum, closing of, by Augustus and Tiberius io8; by Diocletian II9. Lusus Troiae, 7 f.; armed dancers associated with I48. Lyons, Musee du Palais des Arts, frieze in,
I I5-17.

triumph

142,

I44,

I54;

worn in addition to

priestly headdress 30, 44, 73; on head of victim io6; usage in later reliefs 84, I58; as symbol of victory I I5, I 67 f. See also Garland.

Lyre player, Etruscan i6 f., i8, i9; in republican reliefs 23, 24, 29; in Cancelleria relief 77; on coins 175, 176. Magistrates, consuls 79, 130; in triumphal proSee also Duumviri. cession 147, 153. Magna Mater, associated with Augustus 5I, 74; on Sorrento base 50 f., 52; bull offered to 74, I7o; Temple of, on Ara Pietatis 69 f., 74. Mallet, carried by popa, see Popa. Manlius, altar of, 84-87, I97 f.; reliefs related
to 6i.

Legends of early Rome,

27,

89; on Ara Pacis 40;

on coins I83 f. See also Aeneas. Lepcis, arch at, sacrificial scenes on I34-36, 200, 210; triumphal sacrifice on i6i, parallel to detail of 20. Liber, on arch at Lepcis 135, 138 n., i6o; on Arch of Silversmiths I37 n.; on coins of Sep-

timius Severus

177.

Lictor, lictors, Etruscan i6 f.; republican 24; togate 45 and passim; tunicate 93; in military dress I49, with cloaks knotted on breast II2, I 26; equipment of 45 f.; single, assigned to priests 41, 45, 74 n.; two, assigned to duumviri 82 n., to Flaminica Claudialis 82 n., to seviri to vicomagistri 59, 82 n.; imperial, 99-IOI, number represented variable 45, 68, 73 f., in lustratio I05, ii6; in triumph II 2 f., I46; I42, 145, I56; in wedding procession i66.

Man/ele, i8, 40, 77 n., 95; as decorative motif 82. Mantua, Galleria e Museo del Palazzo Ducale, sarcophagus, I65. Marcellus, 92. Marriage rites, 14, I63-67; procession I66, I69; sacrifice by groom i65, I67; victims, pig and sheep I64, i66, sheep, I69. Mars, in pediment from Caelian 22; on Falerii base 27; on base of Ahenobarbus 29; on Ara Pacis 40; in Cancelleria relief, with Domitian 98, 206; on arch at Lepcis i62; as praesens deus in sacrificial scenes 29, ii8, i85; Suovetaurilia offered to 27, 34 f.; vota to I22, 124; Temple of 23. Ultor, on Sorrento base sof.; with Venus Genetrix 27, 7o; bull offered to 55 n.; Temple of, on Ara Pietatis 69 f., 74.

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INDEX
Mater Larum, 58. Mattei relief, in Louvre, I30 f. Mercury, in Etruscan relief I2; altar of, in Bologna 39; on altar in Naples 62; associated with Lares Augusti 62; Augustus identified with 38 f. See also Caduceus. Merida, cippus from 95; fragment from I95 f. Military awards, laurel or mural crown I54; oak wreath I67; phalera i6o; torques 142. -victory, commemorated by lustratio exercitus 34; principal theme in republican reliefs 37; allusions to, on sarcophagi I63-66, i68; on altar of Orfitus i67 f. Minerva, on cista I5; in Cancelleria relief, with Domitian 98, 206; on arch at Lepcis i6i; image of, on altar 88; sacrifice to 88, i86. Mo/a salsa, in charge of Vestals 71; in sacri-

223

ficial scenes

I9,

47, 83, 85.

Paris, Louvre, base of Ahenobarbus 2 7-34; Extispicium I 28-30; fragment of victory sacrifice I56. Mattei relief 130 f.; Suovetaurilia Sacrifice of Two Victims 158 f. I06-09; Paris gem, Germanicus represented on, as divus, 92. Parthenon frieze, 2, 5. Patera, in sacrificial scenes, passin; as decorative motif 67, 82; as priestly symbol 41, 57; long-handled, first appearance of 76, carried by camillus 83, 95 and passim. Pax, concept and iconography of 48 n.; heifer offered to 42, 48 n.; Aeterna, in quadriga, on coin I85. Penates Publici, 4I; Temple of I84. Pergamum, altar of, 64. Personifications, 97, I55; particularly suited to coins 174, 206; of provinces I83; representing
groups
I

Mosaic at Ostia, sacrifice to divi, 96 f. Mouldings, as indication of date, 23 f., 6I, 78, 84, io6. Musicians, see Flute player, Horn blower, Lyre player, Trumpeter. Naples, Museo Nazionale, altar of imperial cult 62; altar to Sol Invictus 172f.; balustrades from Capua I50; frieze, triumphal procession I49. Narrative convention in relief, 49 n., i6o, 208-I0; beginnings of 75, 200, 207; particularly suited

74.

See

also

Allegorical

figures,

G4enius populi Romani, Senatus, Roma, Tyche. Phalera (?), worn in triumph, i6o. Piaculum, preliminary, 177; pig ii6, 145, I64. Pietas, on coins I86; altar of, see Ara Pietatis. Pine cone, on altar, 135 n. Piso, conspiracy of, discovery celebrated by
vota, 65, I 20. Pitcher (gut/us), carried by camillus 28, 40 and passim; as priestly symbol and decorative

to Suovetaurilia

I09.

Nemesis, on cippus of Isernia 34 f.; sacrifice to, on sarcophagus I68. Neptune, altar to 172; Octavian identified with 38; Temple of, built by Ahenobarbus 28, 32 f.; on coins i85. Nero Drusus, Flamen Augustalis, 72. Numen Augusti, I22, 124, I38. See also Genius Augusti. Nuncupatio votorum, see Vota suscepta. Nymphs, Temple of, in Campus Martius, 32. Oath of loyalty, in relief at Sabratha, I36 f. Orfitus, altar of, i67 f. Ornamenta triumphalia, I63. Oscilla, in triumph, 2i n. Ostia, mosaic, sacrifice to divi, 96 f. Paintings, Etruscan I0 f.; Pompeian, marriage of Hercules and Iuventas 26, I69, sacrifice to Isis I69 f., rites of vicomagistri, 8i n. Palermo, relief of Vestals, 51 f. Palladium, on altar to Minerva 88; on Sorrento base 50. Parazonium (dagger), as attribute of Mars 29;

as symbol of power 9I.

motif 57, 82. Placards carried in processions, see Tabulae. Plicasnas vase, Chiusi, 6-8. Pompey, Temple of Hercules built by, 26. Pomerium, ritual of, on coins, 40. Pompa before ludi, 36 n.; of theater 99 n.; before gladiatorial games, on monuments of seviri 99I02; in relief from amphitheater at Capua I50. Pompeii, altar of Vespasian 8I-84; Lararium of Caecilius Jucundus I70; paintings, marriage of Hercules and luventas I69, sacrifice to Isis I69 f., sacrifice by vicomagistri 8i n.; relief of Naevoleia Tyche IOI n.; relief from Necropolis Marittima ioi f. Pontifex Maximus, 43, 49, 51, 7I; on Ara Pacis 42, on Sorrento base and Palermo relief 52 f.; on altar of Minerva 88. Pontifices, 44 f., 46 n. Popa, conducting bovine victim, in early imperial reliefs carrying mallet 35, 46 f., 6o, 6i and passim; in second century carrying axe i i6, 117, i65 and passim, exceptions go, 93, I42; conducting sheep I14; conducting pig I 7'; striking victim, see Victim group, ox-slaying.

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224

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART
193,

Popular art, characteristics of, disregard of spa-

tial illusion I47,
I73;

2?6; I04

frontality 99; larger
17,

scale used for chief figures

6i, 99,

102,

narrative 87,

f.

elements of, in relief of funeral procession 36 n.; on altars of compita 56; on monuments of seviri 99-102; in triumphal friezes I47. Porta Triumphalis, 146, 150, I53, 157; imitated on sarcophagus i66. Portico, as background for sacrificial scene, 176, i88. Praesens deus, see Deity,. present in person. Prayer, offered by kneeling women, on coin I76. See also Gesture. Priest, dress of, in Roman rites, 2I, 42 f. and passim; unusual, both laureate and veiled 30, 44, in military dress 125-28, I39; wearing ricinium 35, wearing tunica fimbriata 175. I28, at left of altar, unusual 35, 82, II2,
I43,

Roll in hand, of emperor 6o, I13, 128 and passim; of leader in lush-a/io ii8; of magistrate 76; of personified Senatus I56; of sevir Io3; of togati in triumphal procession I53. Rods, two separate, with bundled fasces, 24 n., 76. See also Lidtores curiatii. Roma, on Ara Pacis 40; on altar of Carthage 89 f.; on arch at Lepcis I35, i6i; on Column base of Diocletian ii8; in relief at Sabratha I36; on sarcophagi I64, i66, i68; accompanying emperor 97; leading triumphal chariot 134,
I46,
I53;

present at triumphal sacrifice
I87.
137-39.

I56;

sacrifice to i85,
-

Rome, Arch of Silversmiths,

I65,

I76;

on municipal or provincial

monuments, 95, 101, I05, I7I; turnedpartly away from spectator, I72, I76. Prima Porta Augustus, 39, 91. Private monuments, motifs from monumental tim group I96. art used on, I63-73. Museo Nazionale, relief of Claudius Gothicus (?) I96; tombs of seviri 98-I00. Procession, in Greek art 2 f.; in Etruscan art i, 6-9, 14, i6 f.; ceremonial 41, 43, 63 f., 68, 77, - San Lorenzo fuori le mura, sarcophagus, 8o; of victims 42, 68 f., 76, 9i; as a type, i66 f. composition and development of I91-93; pro- - Vatican, bronze lamina from Bomarzo I 2; cessional composition in sacrificial scene 2 f., Etruscan cinerary chest I9; altar of Lares 9, I9I. See also Funeral, Marriage, Pompa, Augusti 59; Belvedere altar 56-58; Belvedere Suovetaurilia. sarcophagus i65 f.; relief of sacrifice, fragProcessus consularis, I63. ment 96; fragment from triumphal procesProjecting rocky ledge as ground line, 57, 59, sion 149. Villa Albani, fragment of sacrificial scene, I96. 85, 95. Providentia, altar of, 64 f., 8o. Romulus, bearing spolia, on Temple of AugusProvincial reliefs, 95 f., 104 f., I15-17, I7I f. tus, 95. Pulvinaria, 87. Ruler cult, see Imperial cult, Divus, Genius Pu/ti, holding shield, in Hadrianic relief, I32. Augusti, Lares and Genius Augusti. Quadriga, of apotheosis 56, 95; triumphal 20, Sabratha, relief in theater, 136 f., 210. I42, 146, 153, i6o, at end of procession Sacrifice, sacrificial scene, key theme in Roman art I, I9o; freedom of artist in treatment '5'. Quindecimvir, 175 n.; Agrippa 43 n.; C. Sosius of I13, 202; divided into two parts 134, I37 f., I46. 2Io; double i86, i88 f.; multiple 200, see a/so Ravenna, relief in, 90-92, 193; parallel to 78. Victims, multiple; on coins 37 n., 94 f., 174-89; Realism, misconception of, as applied to Roman in private cult, simple I69, I7I; fusion of relief, 208 f. rites in later empire, see Syncretism. See Reggio Calabria, relief of sacrifice, I96. also Altar scene, Victim group. Rex Sacrorum, 44 n., 73; on Ara Pacis 42. Salii, possibly represented on Plicasnas vase, 7. Ricinium, head covering worn by Lar carriers Saloniki, arch of Galerius, 139 f. 57, 68, 77, by sacrificant 35, by women supSalus, on altar in Naples 62 f.; altar of, on pliants 86. imperial coins 64 f.

Capitoline Museum, circular base, I7I n. Conservatori, Museo dei, fragments from Ara Pietatis 66 f., 70-72; altar from Vicus Aesculeti 59 f.; panels of Marcus Aurelius II4 f., I56-58; frieze from Temple of Apollo I44 f.; fragment from triumphal frieze I49; altar of Orfitus I67; sarcophagus i68. Lateran Museum, altar of Manlius 84-87; fragment of procession 8o; fragment of vic-

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INDEX
Sarcophagi, Etruscan 13 f., i6; Roman I63-68,
I83

225

n.

Scaenae frons, in relief at Castel S. Elia, 99 n., '77.

Scepter, eagle-crowned, of triumph 142, I53; imperial I33; of Jupiter 9i; of sevir in biga
100.

Sedia Corsini, 9 f. Sejanus, fall of, celebrated by vota to Providentia, 65, 8o.

Senators, on Ara Pacis 43 f.; in triumph, 147,

I53.

versed in 28, I05, 1I4; popularity of, in reliefs I90; in pediment from Caelian 22 f.; on cippus of Isernia 34 f.; on base of Ahenobarbus 27-34; on Arch of Susa I04-06; on Column of Trajan 109-I3, 201 f.; on Column and panel of Marcus Aurelius I13-15, 202; on Column base of Diocletian 1I7-1I9. Supplicatio, 47; on Altar of Manlius 86 f. Susa, Augustan arch at, 104-06. Symbolism in Roman relief, 207, 210. Syncretism of rites in later relief, II9, 140, I62,
210.

Senatus, personification of, on Arch of Titus 98, 147; on Arch of Benevento 154, I56; in Aurelian panel I57; on Column base of Diocletian I I8; on coins 132, I79, i8o. Septimius Severus, arch of, at Lepcis 134-36,

i6o f.; Arch of Silversmiths
177, I82,

I37-39;

coins of

i86; accompanied by Hercules and Liber I77; as Jupiter I34; recipient of sacrifice 138, i6i. Serapis, i67; on coins I82, I85. Severan relief, style of, i62, 207, 2 10. Seviri Augustales, 94; duties of 98; attended by

two lictors 99,

IOI;

monuments of

98-103.

Shields, carried in triumphal procession 148, 151; carried by Victories, see Victory; with crossed spears, as imperial symbol I31 n. Silanus, L., Flamen Augustalis, 72 f. Silvanus, altar to 17I; conflated with Genius

Augusti 135; pig offered to Silversmiths, Arch of, 137-39,

135,
210.

171.

Simpulum, 9, 94; carried by Vestals 41, I87; as priestly symbol and decorative motif 6i, 82. Situla, bronze, reliefs on 6, 8 f.; used in sacrifices 9; for cooking exta 8, 47, see a/so Exfa; carried on shoulder of victimarius 76, I47,
I52, I56.

Tabulae carried in processions, Etruscan I6; in pompa before ludi 99 f.; in triumph 147, I52; on sarcophagus I67. Taurobolium, of Orfitus I67. Tellus, sow offered to I76; see also Terra Mater. Temple of Bacchus, circular, on coin, I84 n. Temple, facade, on Ara Pietatis 69 f., 75; as background for sacrificial scene 94 f., 130-33, on coins 94 f., I86-99, value of 200; 159, with reduced number of columns 7i n., I31 n.; in three quarters view 173, 176, I84, I86; small, in background 41, 75, I43. Termessos, Temple of Zeus, circular base from, 28 n. Terra Mater, on Ara Pacis 4o; reclining, in Apotheosis from Ephesus 134; sacrifice to I70, on coins 1 75. Tlhymiaterion (turibulum), standing on altar iI, I3; on Arch of Benevento I48, 156; on sarcophagus i68; in triumphal procession I49 f. Tiber, reclining, on coin of Ludi Saeculares,
175.

Soane, Sir John, collection of, 67. Sodales Augustales, 65, 79 f. Sol, altar to I72 f.; radiate bust of, on Column base i 8. Soriano, Chigi altar at, 6i. Sorrento base, 49-52; parallels to 74.

Sosius, C., 33,

145

f.

Staff, held by head, Etruscan I4; in later Roman reliefs II7, ii8n., i6o. Star, of Julius Caesar 39; as indicationi of

divus

9I.
71.

Sufiibulum, head covering of Vestals, 41, 52, Suffimenla, distribution of, on coin, 174.

Tiberius, 44 n., 65, 86, 92; arch of 142; census taken by io8; policy of 205; triumphof, on Boscoreale cup 14 1-43. Tiers of relief, on cippus of Isernia 34 f., I91; on arch of Galerius 139. Titus, Arch of 146-48, 194, 2Io; accompanied by allegorical figures 97, 205; censor io8. Toga, worn over head by sacrificant 2I and passim; length and draping of, as indication of date 24, 31, io8; without sinus and umbo in Republic 31, 146 n.; post-Augustan treatment of 66, go; Antonine 96 n.; later i i8, 154 n.; Augustan draping continued as ceremonial garb iI8, 135, 154 n., not consistently observed in second century 157 n.; drapery of, as resource of design I9I; toga piica, worn by
triumphator 2o. Tomb, tombs, sacrifice at
I7;

Suovetaurilia,
201

104-19,

206;

development of type

f., occasions for 33; order of victims re-

of seviri 98-10o.

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226

RITES OF THE STATE RELIGION IN ROMAN ART
Sorrento base 50; in tympanum
70;

Torino, Museo di antichith, altar to Neptune,
172.

on sar-

cophagus

I65

n.

Torques, mili4ary award, 142. Trajan, on Arch of Benevento 153, 155; on Column, togate and veiled in lustratio IO9, I 12 f.; in military dress, being welcomed I22 f., in sacrifices before departure 125 f.; in Extispicium I30; vota of, on coins 179; policy of
205

n. ii6,
123.

Tridimensional illusion, in Greek reliefs 3; devices for achieving 24, 17I, I87, I92 f., figure in back view 71 f., 113, 123, 193, free space above heads 194, lines receding into background 29 n., 69, planes of relief 24, 30, 76, 9I, depth of relief II5; abandoned i62. Vercelli, relief from, 93.

Trees in background, as indication of sacred
grove,

Vespasian, altar of, in Pompeii,

8I-84,

195

f.;

Triumph, 20-22, I4I-62; ancient descriptions of 157; of C. Sosius, 34 B. C. 145; imperial prerogative I64; periodic vota associated with 139, I62; on private monuments, elements of I63-68; religiouscharacter,emphasis on 141-43, 151; sons riding on horses in 2r, in chariot
I6o.

evidence for dating of 84. censor io8; Temple of, dedication represented 83. Vesta, on altar in Naples 62; in Palermo relief 52 f.; on Sorrento base 5r-53; Temple of 49 f.,
I87;

in Augustus' house

50,
I4;

53.
attendant of 7r;

Vestals, in Etruscan art

Triumphal procession, Etruscan predecessors of i6 f., influence on 36; on bronze cista 20-22; on Boscoreale cup I42 f.; on frieze from Temon Sorrento base 49-53. ple of Apollo 144 f.; on fragments of friezes Vexillum, on base of Ahenobarbus 29; on Column in Conserv4tori I49, in Vatican 149, in Naples of Trajan I 12; on Column of Marcus Aurelius 149 f.; on Arch of Titus 146-48; on Arch of 128; carried by Roma 146, i65 n. Benevento 148, 150-54; in panel of Marcus Via Lata, fragments of Ara Pietatis found in, 66. Aurelius 156 f.; on arch at Lepcis i6o. Vicomagistri, attended by two lictors 59; entitlsacrifice, 2I f., 143, 154-56, 157 f.; on arch ed to wear calcei 77; in charge of Lares at Lepcis i6i f. Augusti 53; on Belvedere altar 57; on altar symbols, 34 f., 139. in Vatican 59; on altar from Vicus Aesculeti Triumpha/or, dress of, 20; military 20, 22, 143; 59; in Cancelleria relief 77. togate I55, fig. 86. Victim, bull, in Etruscan reliefs 8 f., 13 f.; to Trophy, on cippus of Isernia 34; on altar of Apollo 93; to emperor i6i; to Genius Augusti Orfitus i68. 55, 59 f., 6i, 79, 9I; to Hercules Victor 24, Trumpeter, at games 99; in pompa before ludi 26 f., 55 n., 122, 124; to Magna Mater 74; 99, iOi; in lustratio 105, I1of., ii5; in sacrito Mars 55 n., I22, 124, see also Suovetauficial procession 76; in triumphal procession rilia; to Neptune 172; build of, as indication of date 84, 91, io8; distinguished from steer 35, I51, 157; in victim group 133. Tunic, iconography of, as evidence of date, 89, io6. I96 n. bovine, female for goddesses 22 n., 79; lying Tunica, fimbriata, in Ludi Saeculares I175; pa/on ground 96, I22, 126, dead 129, I56, I82; mata, in triumph 20. lying behind tripod I72, i88 f.; multiple 122, Turibulum, see Thymiaterion. 123 f., 127, IO; struggling 96. Tyche, of Lepcis 135, i6o, i6i n.; of Sabratha - cock, 8 In. 136. goat, 22, 175; reluctant 13. Valetudo, altar to, in Bologna, Museo Civico, - heifer, to Dea Dia (?) ii6; to Felicitas I85, 174. i88 f.; to Juno (?) I59; to Minerva 88; to Varus, defeat of, 142. Pax 42, 48 n.; to Providentia (?) 79; to Roma Vela/us, capi/e velato, 43. See also Priest, dress of. i6i; to Venus (?) 22 n., I69. Venus, in pediment from Caelian 22; heifer - ox, used as general term for bovine victim, offered to' 22 n.; I69; Temple of I69. male. on Bodrghese -Genetrix, altar 24 f.; on Falerii - pig, to Celtic goddess I7I; in funeral rite base 27; on altar from Tarentum 39 n.; on 7 f.; to Dea Dia (?) II6; to Hercules 24-26;

banquet of 71-73; dress of 4I; importance of, and functions 51, 71-73; on Ara Pacis 41, 43; on Ara Pietatis 71-74; in Palermo relief 5x f.;

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INDEX
to Lares IS, 6o, 8,I n.; in marriage rite I66; to Silvanus I35, I7I; to Tellus 176; dismembered 145; held by feet I5; carried over shoulders 7, ii6. See a/so Suovetaurilia. Victim, sheep, to Di Manes 7-9, 17; in marriage rite i66, I69; to Moirae 175; dismembered 77. See also Suovetaurilia. steer, to divus 79, 94 and passim; to Jupiter in triumph I43 and I2I f. and passim, 42, passim, on private monuments I64-66, i68. See also Vota. group, types, composition and development victim conducted by attendants of 195-200; 69, 9I, 137, 142 and passim; series, in sacri-

227

ficial procession

24

f.,

42,

76,

I07,

144,

see

also Suovetaurilia, in triumphal procession 147, 15I f.; victim standing at altar 82, iI6, 125, i66, at angle to plane of relief go, 94, 112, and passim. I23 group, ox-slaying, Greek predecessor of 4; on Boscoreale cup I43; on Ara Pietatis 69; on altar of Manlius 85; on Arch of Benevento on balustrades from Capua I50; on Arch I55; of Silversmiths 137; on sarcophagi I65; on

Victory, in pediment from Caelian 22; on Borghese altar 24-27; on Falerii base 27; on cista, worshippingMinerva I5; on altar from Tarentum 39 n.; accompanying emperor 98, I85, military commander I64; driving biga 36, 100, 134; flying 128 n., 157, I88; with knife and axe ioo n.; with palm and crown 27, i6o; with shield 95, II7, I82; placing shield on pillar 56, 89; writing on shield 112, I68, I82; present at sacrifice ii8, I56; slaying bull 2, 156; placing wreath on head of person honored 95, 146, i65 n., 066, i86; statuette of 86, 92; Temple of i88. Vicus Aesculeti, altar from, 59 f., 195. Vicus Sandaliarius, altar from, 6o. Vienna, relief from Ephesus 133 f.; gem 205. Villa Medici, reliefs of Ara Pietatis, 66, 68-70. Virtus 146, I6I; see a/so Roma. Vitellius, censor, io8. Vitis, centurion's staff, i6o. Volterra, cinerary chest from, 15 f.

Vota Publica,120-40; occasions for I2o; at closing of lus/rum II9; quinquennalia,decennalia, vicennalia 132, 179-82; combinedwith lustratio and triumph i i8 f., I62; so/uta and suscepta 120, I38, I78 n., 179 f. Vulcan, on Falerii base, 27. Wine, poured on head of victim, 28 f., 46, I68. Women, in funeral procession 7 f.; as sacrificants
15

coins types

I75, I59,

179-8I,
IOI, 172;

I88;
I26;

elements adapted

from 96, 97,

combined with other

development and treatment

of type I96-98. Victimarius, Greek 4; Etruscan 8; usual dress of 2I; wearing tunic and cloak I07, III; wearing exomis I33; stooping, Greek 4, 28 n., republican 28, imperial io6, 110, 115, 176; kneeling I26, in ox-slaying 69 and passim.

f., 96; in Ludi Saeculares176; in suppli-

catio 86 f. See a/so Empress, Vestals. Wreath, as offering to'Lares Ii. See a/so Laurel, wreath; Augustan symbols, oak wreath.

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PLATE I.

.. . ...

.......~

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j2.g

pk:.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

t

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' i

:J."MIR1

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Z.,

... . .....

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.w..

4-4

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m

relief. Municb, Glyptothek
4 l't

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4

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X

;

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;

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PLATE I I.

~.'_

_Xc&4

Fig. 3. - Procession before Funeral Games.

Silver Vase from Chiusi, Florence, Mus. Arch.

Fig. 4.

-

Funeral Procession.

Certosa Situla, Museo Civico, Bologna

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PLATE I II.

aiO

C~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
I-7vI 1 7gS

Fig. | a-d.

-

Funeral Procession an

Games.

Sedia Corsii,. Rome

iYR R

1

E

i I fF

EL

;v.

>;......

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PLATE IV.

Fig. 6. -Sacrifice to Hercules. Bronze Lamina from Bom'arzo,Rome, Vatican
x.>.MiBo.ki-~~~~~~~~~~~~~TVg,uU

_.

8_

_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Scic _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i.8a,b

oDoyu.Srohgsfo

Chis,Pri)L

ur

_rw~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 1

.

..a.*. .....

1?11~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .......... a~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
w ;; Wj; n4sFO;dt. ,.4 :.?y i c22?_ e <<tts-;<9<ef ,<^.s s. ................................................................... _ . . ..........

b

......... 4=~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.

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Fig io

Sacrifice to theI ares

Cinerary Urn Volterra

Fig

12

Sac

Fi.ig.

FuealPrcesin Sacrifice Tombs. n

atBrtrr the Urn, Cinerary

itis Mu.Seum

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Fig. I3

Triumphal Procession and Sacrifice.

Praenestine bronze Cista, Berlin, Ant

Fig.

I4.-

Sacrifice to Mars. Terracotta Pediment from the Caelian Hill, Rome, Capito

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Fig.

I5

a -Sacrifice to Hercules Victor. Altar, Rome, Museo Borghese

Fig.

15

b.

-

Drawing of the fig.

I5

a

Fig.

I6.

-

Sacrifice to Mars. Civita Cast

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PLATE VIII.

eIM,,.,f,;;;,.;e

t

-

i,

ri~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

K

i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

-.
Mm

..........E

~ ~ ~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

,;

i, z,j.

,2 ,gy

s,,,

,;!

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Fig.

I7

a-c.

Suovetaurilia. Base of Ahenobarbus, Paris, I ouvre

PLATE I X.

Fig.1 ga.

Triumphal Procession. Rome, Capitolmne Museum

Y.Ift~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

g

sl_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

... .. abStbFs,)4*>5#>aws~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~11

Fig.

1g9 b

Funeral Procession. Aquila, Museo Nazionale

}

t

,

|

19 C. - Cona of L. Pomponius Molo ~~~~~~~~~~~~Fig.

w

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Fig.

id-

Cin

of A. Posumis

Albinus

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PLATE X.

Fig.

20.

-

Sacrifice to Mercury--Augustus.

Altar, Bologna, MIuseo Civico

Fig.

2I.

-

Aeneas' ScrificeofteSow.AraPcis,Westen

,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.
......

01~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.
47L*

~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
end Altra Poogac, Wluest

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Fig.

2 S

acicentearScurificegofthesow

ic

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PLATE X I .

.......... ..

.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ e lM .... ......N

.Aki _

....f

S

q_

.....

_

! PM| 1W

F

g I

_ad

_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~7 D
_-

Fig. 22ba.- Procession ofth Victims. Ara Pacis, Inner Altar

:_

a~~~~~~~~~

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PLATE X I I.

a

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PLATE XIII.

Fig.

24

a-b.

-

Senatorial Procession. Priests attended by Camilli. Ara Pacis North side

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PLATE X IV.

Fig.

27.

-

Relief of the Vestals. Palermo, Museo Nazionale

Fig.

28

a.

-

Apotheosis of Julius Caesar Belvedere Altar Rome Vatican

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4A

-W

N

10

1j.

-4f
M.v ww

1-0

44

M
.... ....

ITT
. .....

Fig.

28 b. - Augustus

and the Vicomagistri.

Belvedere

Altar,

Rome,

Vatican

Fig.

28

c.

Aeneas

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PLATE XVI.

Ar

ift

.. ..............~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .........C'

-A: 4

5:

.

t -

_

-

Fig.3.

29

Augustano

s Altar, Rome,a Vaticanc,Ufz

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Fig. 35 a.

Ara Pietatis, Processional Relief.

Rome, Villa Medici

J~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Fig 35 c

Ara Pietatis, Flamen Au

Fig. 35 b.

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Ara Pietatis, Processional Relief.

Rome, Mus. Conserv.

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PLATE XXII.

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Fig. 36 e
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Ara Pietatis Attendant of the Vestals.

Rome Museo dei Conservatori

Fig. 36 f .Ara Pietatis, Banquet of th Ve

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PLATE XXIJI.

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PLATE XXIV.

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Sacrifice to the Genius Augusti. Altar of Vespasian, Pompeii

Fig. 39 a. - Sa

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PLATE XXVI.

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Altar of Vespasian, Pompeii

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Altar to Minerva.

Capitoline Museum
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Altar of Carthage.

Tunis, Muse'e du Bardo

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PLATE XXVIII.

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PLATE XXIX. mm~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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PLATE XXX.

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Fig. 46.

-

Sacrifice to the Divi. Mosaic at Ostia

Fig. 47.

-

Ludi of a Sevir. Pediment of a tomb, Rome, Museo Nazionale

Fig.H4a.--PompabeforeLudi

ofaSevir.Rome,MuseoNazionale

Ficr-48 a.

Pompa before Ludi of a Sevir. Rome Museo Nazionale

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PLATE XXXII.

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Detail Of fig. 49 a

Fig. 5I.

Sacrifice to Jupiter by

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PLATE XXXIV. 1-s

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Fig.

55.-

Lustration of the Camp. Column of Tr

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Lustration of the Camp.

Column of Trajan, Scene CIII

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Column of Marcus Aurelius, Scene XXX

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4t~~~.'

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62. -Column

3~~ W.

Fig. 6i a-b.

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Fig. 63.

Arrival. Colu

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PLATE XLIII.

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uscetabeore rossig Daube.Colum

of rajan Scees XCIII-X

Fig

68

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PLATE XLV.

,.

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PLATE XLVI.

:

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72

a-b. -Adoption

of Antoninus by Hadrian. Relief from Ephesus. Vienna, Kunsthistori

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PLATE XLVI II.

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PLATE XLI X.

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Fig. 75 a-b. -Sacrifice

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
to the Numina Augustorum. Arch of the Silversmiths, Rome

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fuusoruPrti. beorte Dearuren

-,~~~~~~A Saonik Arch of GhSlversiths,

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Fig

77 a-d.

-

Triumph

of Tiberius.

Cup from Boscoreale

Paris,

Iouvre

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PLATE LI.

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PLATE LII1.
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PLATE LIII.

_ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~x w= r S

_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .........._s
Fig. 8o a.
-

Triumphal Procession. Frieze, Arch of Titus

'.,.~~~~~~~L
V!,
| - Detail of Fig. 8o a Fig. i 8o >; b. ^}X

Fig 8i b

Fragment, Rome, Vatican

Fig. 8o c. -Ludi

Decennales

of Antoninus

Pius

Fig

8i a.

Fragment,

Rome,

Mus.

Conservatori

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PLATE LIV.

IFig. 8i d-.

-Pom-pa.,

("a.zImta.Naplles, Alutsco N\azioiiale

.e "IM

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PLATE LV.

d

_._

e

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~j

Fig. 82-d-e. -Triumphal

Procession of Trajan.

Frieze, Arch of Benevento

.~~~~~Fg

^ 8.

Trupa

Sacrfic. P__

el Arho_eeet

g!

I

Fig. 83. -Triumphal

Sacnifice.

Panel, Arch of Benevento

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PLATE LVI.
Fig .. 84 .R . Tra;ans r o R o e

C:ix V.~_

~~~~~~~~~~~Fig.

86.

-

TrimhoMarcu's

AReliust

Rome.MusConerv

Fig...

86..-

Triumph

of

Marcus

Aurelius.

Rome,

Mus..Cn..

Fig. 85. - Sacrifice after a Victory.

Louvre

ifi Marcu 86. Trium of Aurelims. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Fig.

MuLonserve Prome,

Fig

85.

Sacrifice

after a. SacficeofTwoVictim. .

Victory.Louvre

Fig87

s

PLaris

Louvre

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PLATE LVII.

Fig. 88.

-

Triumphal Procession of Septimius Severus. Attic, Arch at Lepcis

_!~~~~i 89a

riumha

Sarfc

Atti

Arch at_ I epcis

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PLATE LVIII.

s

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92.lFig.

an Payment of Vota

del Plazos Musem etrau Iunctio. Sarcophagus, Countva

Angeles

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PLATE LI X.

:~~~~~~~~~U

Fig. 93.

-

Sarcophagus of the Belvedere, Rome, Vatican

Fig. 94.

Sarcophagus, Rome, Vatican

Fig. 95.

-

Sarcophagus of San Lorenzo fuori le mura, Rome

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___

-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Fig. 97 a-b-c.

-

Altar of Scipio Orfitus.

Rome, Capitoline Museum

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Fig. io0 a.

Sacrifice to Valetudo.

Bologna, Mus. Civ.

naz. Mus. Rome, Fig98b. - Sarcophagus,
. .... .ig i i ia an le Pompeii

Fig. 99. -Marriage

of Hercules and Iuventas.

Painting, Pompeii

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PLATE LXII.

Fig. Ioo.

-

Sacrifice to Cybele.

Lararium of Caecilius Tucundus, Pompeii

Fig.

I02

a-b.

-

Sacrifices to Celtic Goddesses. Altars, Bonn, Provincialmuseum

N3X~~~~~ti

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103.

-

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PLATE LXIII.

a b c

Fig. 105. -Ludi

Saeculares. a-i, Coins of Domitian.

j-k, Coins of Septimius Severus

d
Fgio.-

e
Vot Pul_.a uuts ,Taa.ce b ara

f

g
is ,MrcsArlu c

. f,Atnns

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PLATE LXIV.

a

_

d_

~~~~~~~~~~~~b
I07 Fig.

c-

.

-

S oa a,rfc SPeclical.

s. Commoduti

b, Septimius b,Atnnsever us.

M c,

Crin ous

Fig. io8. -Vota

Publica.

Sacrifice before a temple.

ab, M. Aurelius.

c-d, Commodus

a

.d

!

:

_

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PLATE LXV.

a Fig.
IIO.
-

b Coins of Hadrian Fig.
i i i.

a Early Roman Legends.

b Coins of Antoninus Pius

Adventus Augusti.

ad

e

f

g

h

i

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~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

PLATE LXVI.

b

c

e

Fig.

I I3.

-

Double Sacrifice by the two Augusti. a, M. Aurelius. b, Septimius Severus. c, e, Diocletian. d, Maximinus

a Fig.
I1I4.
-

b

c

de

Sacrifice before a Temple. a, Domitian. b-c, Caracalla. d, Julia Domna. e, Gordianus

C ab

sl
Fig.
II15.
-

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g

Double sacrifice before a Temple.

a, Alexander Severus.

b-c, Philippus,

PLATE LXVII.

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W

., .g,_e

,=

Fig. i i6 b.

-

Fragment in the Lateran, Rome

Fig.

I I6

e. -Architectural

Relief in Museo Nazionale, Rome

Fig. iiI6 a.

-

Fragment, Merida, Mus. Arqueol.

Fig. i i6 d.

-

Fragment in Reggio Calabria, Museo Nazionale

Fig.

II6 C.

Fragment in the Villa Albani, Rome

Fig.

I

I6 f. - Fragment in Dijon

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