Professional Documents
Culture Documents
David Trenholm
November 27th, 2006
HIST 2773 B1
Dr. Stephen Henderson
Trenholm 2
The British Columbia Gold Rush is remembered today as a dynamic part of the
province’s history—it was an era of change, development and indeed, an era that had
contributed to the province’s cultural identity. The success of the gold rush of the 1850s
was quite insignificant compared to the earlier gold rush that had occurred in California1,
but that did not dissuade large droves of miners to head north to claim a small measure of
gold for their own. Although there was indeed gold, and some miners had walked away
with a small fortune of it, many were not so lucky and had ended up poor, starving and
broken. The firsthand accounts of Dr. Carl Friesach and Charles Major describe the poor
conditions and marginal success of the gold miners, and their experiences contribute to a
better understanding of the lifestyles of those involved. The secondary sources included
in J.M. Bumsted and Len Kuffert’s Interpreting Canada’s Past provide interesting
material that contrast Friesach and Major’s experiences, serving to illuminate the gold
The firsthand accounts written by Dr. Carl Friesach and Charles Major offer a
degree of clarity to the British Columbia gold rush. Dated 1858, Friesach’s letter details
his journey through Fort Hope via boat to Fort Yale.2 According to Friesach, travel by his
way was uncomfortable and dirty, as there were no cabins, mattresses and very little
blankets. The floor had a fine layer of coal dust, and it was difficult to remain clean.3
Friesach and his party, on arriving at Fort Hope, met with Governor Douglas (who had
been staying there at the time), and received a letter of recommendation for the officer
1
J. M. Bumsted and Ken Kuffert, eds., Interpreting Canada's Past. Vol. 1: A Pre-Confederation Reader,
3rd ed. (Don Mills: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 277.
2
Carl Friesach, Ein Ausflug nach Britisch-Columbien im Jahre 1958, trans. And reprinted by Robie L. Reid
in ‘Two Narratives of the Fraser River Gold-Rush’, British Columbia Historical Quarterly 5 (1941): pp.
278.
3
Friesach, 278-9.
Trenholm 3
commanding Fort Yale, their next destination.4 Friesach’s narrative here yields some
valuable information—Fort Yale, according Friesach, is filled with nearly three thousand
staggering diversity.5 Friesach even describes in the components of the miner’s sluice,
and how effective it could be in extracting gold from the soil—indeed, Friesach writes
that while some claim to harvest roughly $30 of gold per day, others barely manage $4 to
$5.6 “There is hardly a more hazardous form of work,” Friesach claims, “The test of the
pan often gives a good result when the soil is later on found to be hardly worth
working…”7 While Friesach does touch on the sourer aspects of the gold rush, Charles
Major narrows in on and exclusively expounds on the harsher aspects of gold mining in
British Columbia. In his letter to the Daily Globe in Toronto, Charles Major describes the
exhausting working conditions of British Columbia gold mining, “…we have worked
from half-past two and three o’clock in the morning till nine and ten o’clock at night…
and lived on beans!”8 It is quite obvious that Charles Major’s experience in the British
Columbia gold rush was quite different than Friesach’s. While Friesach described a yield
of $4-$5 a day in gold being a poor day at the mines, Major writes, “…but when you
wash up at night, you may realize 50 cents, perhaps $1”.9 Major also claims that only one
in one thousand miners were doing well in the gold rush, which is not a fantastic figure10
—it would be interesting to know, however, how Major had come to such a number.
4
Carl Friesach, Ein Ausflug nach Britisch-Columbien im Jahre 1958, trans. And reprinted by Robie L. Reid
in ‘Two Narratives of the Fraser River Gold-Rush’, British Columbia Historical Quarterly 5 (1941): pp.
279.
5
Friesach, 280.
6
Friesach, 281.
7
Friesach, 281.
8
Letter of Charles Major, 20 Sept. 1859, in Daily Globe, Toronto, 2 January 1860, reprinted in Reid, ‘Two
Narratives’, p. 282.
9
Major, 282.
10
Major, 283
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Despite such differences between each man’s experiences, it can be reasonably concluded
that the British Columbia gold rush was profitable for few, and indeed, involved hard
The secondary sources included in J.M. Bumsted and Len Kuffert’s Interpreting
Canada’s Past offers a view into the British Columbia gold rush that is unattainable
through the firsthand accounts of Friesach and Major. T.A. Rickard in his article, “Indian
Participation in Gold Discoveries” highlights the role that the First Nations had in
discovering gold in British Columbia. Rickard writes that that one of the first gold
discoveries that led to the B.C. gold rush was made by an Indian11. Also of note, Ricard
goes on to say that; “…the earliest gold to come within the cognizance of the Hudson’s
Bay officers was brought to them by the Indians.”12 This proves to be a stark contrast
between the picture that is painted by Friesach and Major, as they make little note of First
Nation involvement in the gold rush, and rather seem to limit their accounts to European
and American gold mining. Dr. Carl Friesach makes some mention of the Governor
James Douglas in his narrative, but it is Margaret Ormsby that expands on the Governor
on two separate tours, and had resolved upon concluding these visits to act in order to
improve the state of the gold rush.13 He had commissioned the services of steamboats in
order to expedite transportation, and even had purposefully introduced the Beaver and
lowering “freight and passenger rates”.14 Furthermore, Douglas had begun building a road
11
T.A. Ricard, ‘Indian Participation in the Gold Discoveries’, British Columbia Historical Quarterly 2 (Jan.
1938), p. 284.
12
Richard, p. 286.
13
Margaret Ormsby, British Columbia: A History (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1958), p. 288.
14
Margaret Ormsby, British Columbia: A History (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1958), p. 288.
Trenholm 5
through the mountains north of Fort Yale, in order to better facilitate communication in
the province, as well as “withdraw a restless element from the Colony”15 The primary
sources make little mention or reference to the work done by Douglas, but from the
perspectives of Friesach and Major, this does not come as a surprise. Another issue that
was of concern to Douglas was the administration of justice and law in British Columbia.
David Ricardo Williams in his narrative describes the type of self-governed justice the
mining settlements had established, in lieu of any Colonial authority. The administration
of justice was fairly organized; a large camp, for example, “…would select a presiding
judicial officer, a sheriff, and a 12-man jury. A member of the camp—perhaps someone
Smaller camps, Williams writes, would merely vote on guilt or innocence, where more
serious crimes, such as murder, would allow votes to be cast from other camps as well.17
Colonial observers describe the nature of the miners as moderately peaceful with “…
“counselled them [the Miners] to show ‘a decent conformity with local regulations’, and
to display both ‘obedience to the laws’ and a ‘proper show of respect for the authorities
by whom these laws are administered’”19 It was then possible to believe that such large
mining settlements, such as Fort Hope (which reached a population of over three
Game: The Meaning of Law on Grouse Creek”, from Tina Loo. In it she describes a
15
Ormsby, 289.
16
David Ricardo Williams, ‘The Administration of Criminal and Civil Justice in the Mining Camps and
Frontier Communities of British Columbia’, in L. Knafla, ed. Law and Justice in a New Land: Essays in
Western Canadian History (Toronto: Carswell, 1986). p. 290.
17
Williams, 291.
18
Williams, 290.
19
Williams, 290.
Trenholm 6
situation where a substantial group of miners, stricken with poverty due to failure at the
mines, had refused to pay for passage to New Westminster, and in spite of the apparent
lawless of the action, Magistrate John Boles Gaggin had allowed them to pass. In his
report, Gaggin claims that, “Magistrates in these up country towns have a delicate game
to play, and I believe we are all of opinion that to avoid proving resistance to the Law is
the manner in which we best serve the interest of His Excellency, the Governor…”20
Indeed, this “delicate game” was the balance between enforcing what law a Magistrate
could reasonably enforce, and what law had to be bent in response to the nature of the
situation. Loo also discusses the Gold Fields Act of 1858, where the creation of an
Assistant Gold Commissioner was deemed necessary to oversee the mining-fields and
settlements, “He [Assistant Gold Commissioner] had jurisdiction to hear all mining or
mining-related disputes and to dispose of them summarily.”21 This alleviated the delays of
waiting for Supreme Court rulings and jury trials.22 No mention is made of the
administration of law in the British Columbia gold rush in Friesach or Major’s accounts,
and indeed, their written experiences portrays the gold rush as a wild, savage and lawless
episode.
Participation in the Gold Discoveries”, who spends a great detail of time detailing the
role the First Nations had in the gold rush, and with the discovery of gold in general. As
mentioned before, the earliest discovery of gold that led to the B.C. gold rush was made
by an Indian woman, and in the following year more gold had been found by another
20
Tina Loo, ‘”A Delicate Game”: The Meaning of Law on Grouse Creek’, BC Studies 96 (Winter 1992-3):
p. 293.
21
Loo, 294.
22
Loo, 294.
Trenholm 7
Indian woman, “…an Indian woman found a nugget on the beach of Moresby Island.”23 It
was the Indians, Ricard contends, that first led miners to the Thompson River in search of
gold, “The discoveries of gold on the mainland, like the one made on Moresby Island,
must be credited to the Indians;” Ricard agues, “…it was they, and not any canny Scot or
enterprising American, that first found gold on the Thompson and Fraser Rivers”.24 T.A.
provides detailed information on these discoveries, and even go as far as to describe the
gold discovered (“…it is stated that 3¾ ounces of gold were included in the takings at
Fort Kamloops”25 and “ The nugget, as received, weighed about 5 ounces”26). There is no
doubt that the First Nations were among the first to discover gold in the Colony of British
Columbia.
The British Columbia Gold Rush largely defined the historical identity of the
province, and indeed, led to the colony becoming an official province. The narratives of
Dr. Carl Friesach and Charles Major serve as a firsthand account of the gold rush,
describing the deplorable living conditions and the limited chance of success with the
famed sluice. While not as personal, the secondary sources expand on the gold rush,
including the role of the First Nations, the actions of the Governor James Douglas, and
the “delicate game” of law and order in the colony. The gold rush is an important part of
the British Columbia’s development and has remained a popular era of the province’s
history.
23
T.A. Ricard, ‘Indian Participation in the Gold Discoveries’, British Columbia Historical Quarterly 2 (Jan.
1938), p. 284.
24
Ricard, p. 286-287
25
Ricard, p. 285
26
Ricard, p. 287
Trenholm 8
Bibliography
Bumsted, J.M. and Kuffert Ken, eds. Interpreting Canada’s Past. Vol. 1: A Pre-
Confederation Reader, 3rd ed. Don Mills: Oxford University Press, 2004.
Friesach, Carl, Ein Ausflug nach Britisch-Columbien im Jahre 1958, trans. And reprinted
by Robie L. Reid in ‘Two Narratives of the Fraser River Gold-Rush’, British
Columbia Historical Quarterly 5 (1941).
Loo, Tina, ‘”A Delicate Game”: The Meaning of Law on Grouse Creek’, BC Studies 96
(Winter 1992-3).
Major, Charles,, 20 Sept. 1859, in Daily Globe, Toronto, 2 January 1860, reprinted in
Reid, ‘Two Narratives’.
Williams, David Ricardo, ‘The Administration of Criminal and Civil Justice in the
Mining Camps and Frontier Communities of British Columbia’, in L. Knafla, ed.
Law and Justice in a New Land: Essays in Western Canadian History (Toronto:
Carswell, 1986).