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Lila AchesonWallaceCuratorin Egyptology,The Metropolitan Museumof Art
of notes takes, as its
point of departure, a recent book by Ali Hassan, Sticke und Stiibeim PharaonischenAgypten,it is in no sense a review; a review appears elsewhere (JEA 64  pp. 158-162). The present article is rather intended to supplement what will doubtless, for many years to come, remain the standard work on the subject, by taking up some points that require additional comment or that have been omitted altogether. Since Hassan's is the first comprehensive treatment of a topic that is both vast and complex, no one need be surprised that something remains to be said about it. And it may be hoped that his work-along with these notes-will stimulate others to make further contributions of the same kind.
scribal error because, in the same period, "on trouve des etoffes representees de fa?on identique." If further representations are considered, however, beyond the single example that Jequier was able to examine when he gave this opinion,2 it will be seen that the imyt-r objects are consistently squared off at one end and rounded at the other.3 The rounded end is demarcated by a line and, in at least one case (Figure la),4 the line defines a carinated projection. This case also shows a series of three sealed ties that are identical to those shown in representations of cloth, but it is nonetheless quite clear
1. 'Imyt-r staves The object thus designated in late Old Kingdom coffins and burial chambers is vaguely termed "Geraite"by Wb. I, p. 74 (14), referring to Jequier, Frises, p. 244. Jequier describes the accompanying representation as a pile of long bands, and thinks that these represent cloth, more specifically bedclothes. He concedes that his interpretation is hardly appli0 but is incable to a variant that reads ?o?,l clined to dismiss the determinatives in this case as a
? Henry G. Fischer 1979 MUSEUM METROPOLITAN 13 JOURNAL
I. G. Maspero, "Trois annees de fouilles" (Memoires publiis par les membres de la Mission Archiologique franfaise au Caire [Paris] i, pt. 2 ) p. 204. 2. J. Capart, Chambre funiraire de la sixieme dynastie (Brussels, 1906) pl. 5. 3. In J6quier, Tomb. part., fig. 55, p. 51, there is a line at either end, perhaps representing string tying the staves together (compare Figure la). An example in T. G. H. James and M. R. Apted, Mastaba of Khentika (London, 1953) pl. 40, lacks the line at the knobbed end but shows a triple tie at the center. For another example that conforms to my description, besides those in the preceding note, and Figures ib and ic, see J6quier, Monumentfuneraire de Pepi II, III (Cairo, 1940) pl. 55. All the other examples known to me also conform to the extent that they are squared off at one end, rounded at the other. II (Cairo, 4. C. M. Firth and B. Gunn, Teti PyramidCemeteries 1926) pl. 80.
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I I Jll 111
that a bundle of staves is depicted. In another example (Figure lb)5 the staves are characteristically wider at the knobbed end than at the other. Two other examples are described as being yellow, which suits the color of wood,6 and which in turn fits the determinative ~- in the above-mentioned variant, where the addition of M3 indicates that the wood was imported: ht hst "wood of a foreign land." This term also occurs in Fifth Dynasty temple accounts from Abusir.7 The representation in Figure ic8 evidently shows two bundles of staves bound in a cloth or leather sheath, the knobbed ends turned in opposite
All of this evidence is from Saqqara, but the same term is applied to staves that are being shaped in a Sixth Dynasty scene at Deshasha,9 where they are of the southern lake "imyt-r specified as + I , The term + o is also applied to a (the Fayum?)."10 scepter (q) in a much later listing of ritual equipment from Saqqara, dating to the Eighteenth Dynasty, in b
the reign of Amenophis III.11
Given the constant presence of staves in the hands of officials, one might suppose that the meaning of imyt-ris related to that of imy-r "overseer," literally "he in whom the mouth is"or "he who is the mouth."12
ii nn 2n nn 9^99
'Imyt-rstaves, Old Kingdom
5. Jequier, Tomb. part., pl. 14. 6. Maspero, "Troisannees de fouilles,"p. 204; James and Apted, Khentika,pl. 40. de Ne7. Paule Posener-Kri6ger, Les Archivesdu templefuneraire I (Cairo, 1976) pp. 166-167. ferirkare-Kakai 8. Jequier, Tomb. part., fig. 82, p. 73. 9. W M. F. Petrie, DeshashehI897 (London, 1898) pl. 21; Sticke und Stiibe,fig. 8, p. 27. It is uncertain whether or not the last sign of the preceding phrase P q belongs to imyt.See addendum. 1o. The "southern lake" would normally refer to the Fayum at this period, but one must also consider the references to mdwstaves of the southern, northern, western, and eastern lakes that appear in the Middle Kingdom series of equipment listed in coffins; compare Griffith in Petrie, Deshasheh,p. 45, and Jequier, Frises,p. 16o. der aegyptischen 1 . P. A. A. Boeser, Beschreibung Sammlungdes in LeidenIV (Hague, der Altertiimer Reichsmuseums Niederliindischen p. 24, thinks this indicates 1911) pl. 14. Capart, Chambrefuneraire, that imyt-ris some sort of scepter or baton; since the New Kingdom example is an archaism, however, the determinative may be only a vague and inaccurate allusion to the original form. 12. Hardly "he who is in the door," as Edel translates (Altiig. Gramm.I, ?347). For the alternatives given here, seeJ. G. Griffiths inJEA 28 (1942) pp. 66-67. The later writing -~ (Dyn. XII and onward) has been taken to prove that the meaning is "he who is in the mouth," but here r may have been interpreted as "voice"
II. i. E. Agyptisches . 235. But this use of r is not otherwise known before the Middle Kingdom. his retainers carry a somewhat greater variety of implements of this kind. Museum(Berlin. mean "mouth". Dendera. 231. however. Figure 2d: Deir el GebrdwiII. 3. and he hearkens to the beating of him. 166. compare the judicial title r Nhn. others for the use of their master. p. Caminos. p. Curved staves Although reliefs and paintings of the Old Kingdom invariably represent the tomb-owner holding the long mdw-staff(j) and short rbb-scepter(j).II. 160) notes the Old but in reference to the edge Kingdom use of this term for "edge.crook (T)(Figure 2). a further discussion of the MuseumJournal14 ). 3. the bearers are accompanied by a dwarf who holds a pair of sandals. 18. There is no reason to suppose that the staves are for their own use. where r may. to forms more or less resembling the rwt-staff (1). however. Figure 2b: Hier. TextsI2 . however." The tongue would then be "the one in which the voice is" or "which is the voice. pl." referring to saplings planted at the margin of a reservoir. 17. Also LD II. compare Helen Jacquet-Gordon.p. 83 (Papyrus Anastasi III. II. but is not recurved as in the hk. Mastaba des Uhemka(Hannover. pl."13 A more literal explanation is possible. Figure 2c: J. Figure 2a: Ahmed Moussa and Friedrich Junge. pl. p. 19og) pl. in the adjacent register." as also in r Pyw nbw: "mouth of Nekhen. Kaiser. one has only to think of the New Kingdom adage: "A boy's ear is indeed upon his back. 1962) p. 160 (a)." ' of a knife. 104 (b) and Berlin (West) 4/63: W. no. 9 (2-3). Wb. Quibell. Giza III. only a single attendant carries such a staff. 62.17 Moreover. the upper end of which is curved to a greater or lesser extent.pp. pl. Les Noms des domaines (Cairo. 161 (c). in every case. Hans Kayser. V. 13). For the dwarf bearing the tomb-owner's sandals. and the one exception is likewise the only case which does not clearly locate the bearers in the immediate vicinity of the tomb-owner. For the use of m see Fischer. 390. compare Junker. I907-I908 19." For the second alternative. 1967). 16. reading will appear in Metropolitan 13. 15. 14.a FIGURE 2 b Curvedstavesin the Old Kingdom c d If it seems curious that a staff should thus be regarded as being or having a mouth.16In all but one instance (Figure 2c)." "mouth of every Butite" (so Wb. 1975). the presence of the tomb-owner is undoubtedly to be recognized in the traces of the largescale pair of feet immediately above the attendants. 392 (io). 5 and fig.14 and in earlier texts one might rather expect such a meaning to be expressed by *imyt-s"that which is on the lake. pl. in which the first element is evidently "mouth. p. 399 ). Montet (Scenes. The Deshasha example suggests that the term for staves may mean "that which is on the edge (of a lake or pond)."15 2. p. The two most common variations are the one 7 rather than "mouth. some intended for their own use. Compare also the use of == in Old Kingdom names of estates (Wb. 27 following p. Two Tombs of Craftsmen(Mainz. 1964) p. LEM. fig. 23 at Saqqara (BM 1270A [front]). and these certainly belong to the official whom he serves. Excavations (Cairo. 37. The latter interpretation is applicable.
The end is less curvedthan that of the staff thatis carried. 13 (top right). Re-Heiligtumdes Kinigs Newoser-re II (Leipzig. pl. which resembles the staff in the hieroglyph . Templeof Deir el Bahari IV (London. or are more angular (Figure 6). 126. 50 (a).4. fig. 1923) B1. the sheath is unlike other examples. 26. 1907) pl.20 case. cf. pl. but here the top is wider. 30. Tombsof Iteti. Beni Hasan I. for sms "follow. 5. E.21 but it will be noticed that the top of the sack is curved toward the bearer rather than away from him. After Newberry shown in Figure 2a. 8 . von Bissing. (b). p. Louvre C 18: Orientale 30 (1931) pp. 9 (6). Museumof Art Bulletin 28 (1933) 25. which most clearly resembles 1 . This stick might be compared to the object held by a man who stands on the prow of the bark of Amun in E. pl. Ti II. W. center of second register from top).1976)fig.25 In other scenes at Beni Hasan the herdsmen who carry such staves are tending cranes. Martin (p. 18. 14. 8) explains the pendant element as a small pennant. 22.FIGURE 3 FIGURE 4 Fifth Dynasty attendant with sack. fig. in his other hand he holds a long sheath containing three mdw-staves.18 and the one in Figure 2b. the tops of the staves resemble \. forthcoming) pl.I official in F.along with the mks-staff and fan.Compare by alongwiththe rbb-scepter.IV (Paris."19 In at least one the where staff is somewhat thicker than usual. In Jean-Francois Champollion. 174. B1. 27. Monumentsde l'tgypte et de la Nubie. like the one shown in Figure 3. where it is completely open at the top and contains at least two staves. (London. III.23 19. 28 (= Beni Hasan II. the . B1. 1894-1908) pl. it might possibly be identified as a long sack. as in the Middle Kingdom detail shown in Figure 4 below. pl. 22. pi. 3.TheTomb and exampleis illustrated ofHetepka 21.26 Three Theban examples of the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty show herdsmen with 1 -crooks driving long-necked fowl-a crane in one case27 and. Strips of cloth are occasionally presented so that the top curvesforward. DynastyTemple but this object is more probably a cloth. Naville. Planches.as in Junker. LD Ergdnzungsband. If this explanation is correct. BershehI. XIth at Deir el-Bahari I (London. 7. Boreux. and one of Dyn. pl. 15.GizaVI. Alexander Badawy. Here the tip Saqqarai964-I973 of the staff is only very slightly curved. 371. 30. 3. the top of which hangs forward. 2. 1845) pl. and their crooks again resemble 1 rather than l. After Wild Twelfth Dynasty pilot with sounding pole. II. OtherReliefs and Inscriptions North from the SacredAnimal Necropolis. 7. 13. III (1928) B1. Sekhem rankh-Ptahand Kaemnofert (Berkeley. A Twelfth Dynasty chapel at Bersha twice shows a man on a boat wielding a sounding pole of this shape (Figure 4). flocks of Figure 2d and Ti III. and this distinction is probably significant.22 The more unusual form in Figure 2c is comparable to a shorter stick that is again carried by an attendant of the tomb-owner (Figure 2d).Anotherpuzzling in GeoffreyMartin. pl. Bulletin de lInstitut d'Archeologie 45-48 and pl.and is squaredoff ratherthan tapering. XIII. Davies in The Metropolitan sect. 13. compare also the Old Kingdom example in Meir V. pls. 11. 58(a).24 while an earlier chapel of the same period at Beni Hasan evidently represents something very like I in the hand of a cowherd (Figure 5). 22. 24. by an attendantof the king in II. Naville. 9. Also LD II. 32 The longer form of 1 is less frequently encountered in later scenes. 43. the staff thatis carried. 20. 108. 13. pl. and the staff seems to be encased in a sheath. 23. in two other cases.
30 But representations of this period. in Figure 44. as shown below.29 An identical staff. and geese (Figure 7). 29. N. CairoCG 1651. 1922) pi. Dynasty XI and the beginning of Dynasty XII. Steindorff. A cearer example of this type was excavated in an Eleventh Dynasty tomb at Gebelein. 30. After Newberry 9 . Davies. is also known from a contemporary Gebelein stela. 30 (Berlin 13753). pl. its curved and more pointed tip still covered with earth from contact with the ground.28 A slightly curved tip appears at the lower end of a Sixth Dynasty staff from Giza. 28. Grabfunde p. resembling Figure 2b. de G. 6 FIGURE Twelfth Dynasty herdsmen. TombofPuyemre I (New York.Menkheperrasonb. desMittleren Reichs II (Berlin.FIGURE 5 TwelfthDynastyherdsman.1901) G. ducks. although it is not quite certain that the curve is not the result of accidental warping. where it appears in the hands of each of the five sons of the deceased (Figure 8).After Davies cranes. 13 (thelattermorefragmentary). but held with the curved end downward. 12 i (shown here).
. more frequently show a shorter variation (Figure 9). 'I '' .IL I ?? I`' it JI r. Dyn.333 10 .10. Moralla (Cairo. BM. JEA 51 (1965) pl. XII examples: Meir II. pl. Vandier. W. to judge from LD II. MMA 16. I1 (bottom left. this detail appears as early as the Old Kingdom. Beni Hasan I. 1927) pl. 21. F. pl. 331 and fig. XI examples). 1628 (V. J. XI (Hayes. I r$ i I..BAR. 10 (2). 48. 1900) pl.31 Herdsmen also wield such a stick in scenes of this period (Figure lo). 12.333. Farina. p. but the slightly turned-up end of the stick may be accidental. ? /. La Pittura Egiziana (Milan. After Davies FIGURE 8 (below) Detail of Eleventh Dynasty stela. Dendereh. two Dyn." + Ir. In the last case the herdsman also carries a slightly longer stick of similar form over his shoulder.32 At least 31. H. 13). Turin.10. XI painting from the tomb of'Iti at Gebelein: G. 32. from the Asasif at Thebes. o01. Lutz. pl. pl. Egyptian Tomb Steles (Leipzig. 2). p. MMA 16. F. 30 (more clearly in LD II. FIGURE 9 Late Eleventh Dynasty stela. 38 (74).. ScepterI. M. 102 (b). pl. similarly about the same date.1898 (London. Dyn.:?_ ? E. which is held horizontally.FIGURE 7 New Kingdom herdsman. 219).4r* i '"?$ it. probably dating to late Dyn. 1929) pl. other examples: BM 1201 (Hier. 1950) fig. TextsII.C1 ?? L. Petrie. 15. pl. pl. Cairo CG 1651 r. 132). with a sack attached to one end.? r C* ?. II.
11. 4]. 1943) fig. pp. 23 (4). io8 ). Although the stick in i occasionally shows a slight curve in inscriptions prior to the Middle Kingdom. 1928-35]) pl. 2. Baud. 45. p. 45 bis. and E. 103 [lo]). p. K. Held by curved end: G. fig. 34. Le TomThebaines: Same. Leiden. Terraceof the Great God at Abydos[New Haven. Sethe indicates that Ppy-nhtof Aswan sometimes shows the curved stick in this hieroglyph (as in Urk. 7]. 105 [3. I. Foucart.fig. p. FIGURE 11 /~7y -~ ~ Man drivingoxen.Leiden 11 . Mastaba of Hetep-her-Akhty (Mededelingenen "Ex Oriente Lux" 5. 102 . One Sixth Dynasty example definitely has a curved stick. Herdsmen with sticks showing a terminal curve also appear in paintings of the late New Kingdom: Held by straight end. TombesThebaines:Le Tombeau de Roy (MIFAO57) fig. Simpson. 58 (ostracon). XII (Louvre C 1: W. Dendera. Drioton. Verhandelingen fig. Tombes beaud'Amonmos (MIFAO57 [Cairo. 1974] pl. p. 80. 104 [1. 7.Turin FIGURE 10 one unmistakable occurrence in the same context is known as early as the Sixth Dynasty (Figure 11). but the latter is clearly intended to be 4 (as in Urk. The persistence of the straight stick until this date is illustrated by Fischer. 14]).: ?????:?? t " 7-1_-~ Zv "t EleventhDynastyherdsman. 14 [lines 12.34it was normally straight until that period. however: Firth and Gunn. this variant is also known from Dyn. 57 (7). and it is again uncertain that there is a direct connection between the exceptional Old Kingdom example and the recurrent type of the Eleventh Dynasty. M. p. Teti PyramidCemeteries. Moralla. Foucart. even more noticeably." :I:: '::: :'::::! '"'"'': :?:::::. pl. 133. p. Herta Mohr. Sixth Dynasty. 12.35 and only then did it regularly assume 33. and so too. The evidence from hieroglyphic palaeography is particularly interesting. 35. I. an example in the biography of Wni of Abydos (Urk. pl. 135 ). but curved end down: G.33 but here the curve is more gradual. 4. curved end up: Vandier. I.
p.(fisted hand without stick) replacing Musrwh: ASAE 43 (1943) p. 283 (1. Late Old Kingdom examples of the hieroglyph I sometimes carry a stick over the shoulder. 2. 4 (8). J.as determinative of srw (Wb. Gardiner Sign List A 1 hetepI. as elsewhere in the New Kingdom. such as (wi). p. 135-137. After Engelbach the form of the curved stick that had recently come into fashion. pl. pp. Beni Hasan I. FIGURE 12 Sixth Dynasty variations of After Davies ' at Deir el Gebrawi. compare Hans Goeaus demAlten Reich [Wiesbaden. Textes mediaireet de la Xieme Dynastie (Brussels. see Journal of Near Eastern Studies 18 (1959) p. In another case (R. M (A 47) by D.4. and Hassan. pl. 46 (=pl. where the stick is replaced by B (Figure 12). pl. 37. 2 (7). Engelbach. Bersheh I. Urk. contemporaneous example occurs in ndr. Meir II. pp. Regno [Rome. but clear hieroglyphic examples are difficult to find in inscriptions earlier than the New Kingdom. p. and even more clearly. 281 (5). as compared with Metropolitan seum Journal 12 (1976) fig. 15 (122). 193 . 43. 18) which is written ? ? de la Premiere PeriodeInter45.37 The same explanation . R. also Cairo CG 1485. Temple of Deir el Bahari III. 18) the stick resembles a bow. . IV. In Naville. 1976] pl. Epigraphy 38. Harageh (London. however. also taba of Ptahhetepand Akhethetep Studies Near Eastern 18 (1959) p. A Collection don. Mastabad'Idout [Cairo. which is incorrectly explained as the (Lonof Hieroglyphs equivalent of J in F. 6. Antacopolis(London. pls. See also Urk. 1979) under A49. 99-100). 3. and (Chicago) Journal of Junker. in Up36. Giza V. 1923). Deir el GebrawiI. Examples from the funerary temples of Sahure and Pepy II are shown by Clere in MitteilungendesDeutschenArchdologischen InstitutsAbteilungKairo 16 (1958) fig. 18. 47 (= pl. 13. Ancient Egyptian and Palaeography (New York. Note that this is the sign that is identified as des Kinigs MentuhotepII (Mainz. 9. Clire and J. 1976) p. with straight stick. L1. Fischer. Fischer. p. 19). 33(5). pp. 258-300. forms of Dyn. 20). fig. pl. in / o _ (Wb. pt. the feather seems to have become a throwstick. Perhaps the Sixth Dynasty herdsman in Figure 11 might suffice to explain this development. Egyptian Studies I: Varia [New York. but in this case the stick acquired a curve at a much earlier date. p. J. on a stela of the late Middle Kingdom (Figure 13). 71901 (ASAE 39  pl. For the earlier form. Kinigliche Dokumente ' in pp. 1935] pl. representing a foreigner. 24.38 It is true that a curved staff appears even earlier. II. 1948) ? 17. compare also Gardiner Sign List D 37." which is probably not known before the Late Period. 133. 193 ). but here again the stick is straight: Mitteilungen des DeutschenArchiologischenInstituts AbteilungKairo 16 (1958) pp. 54 ). Arnold in Tempel 1974) p. a similar. Twelfth Dynasty examples are to be 12 hand of A_ eventually followed the pattern of J. Meir IV. 31. from Davies. 7. where the stick is again straight. 98-99. of snb. I.46 In at least one Old Kingdom example at Meir. MasI (London. Note further . where the stick is present. 1959] pl. 21. representing a herdsmay possibly be applied to man (mniw) or watchman (siw). 4 (lo. 1900) pl. V. Petrie. 15. with curved stick.39 since the stick is carried on the shoulder.43 (hrp). 52 ). This sign does not usually show the stick however. i. pl. 25). but this is certainly mistaken. 6 (11). Giza VI. in but that evidence is hardly comparable h (hnms). 40. 19). the sign . 40. 1930) pl.40 it seems FIGURE 13 possible that the backward curve might equally well be the result of assimilation to the hieroglyph ' . See also the det. replacing the determinative -o of hrp. 1967] dicke. 41. 77. I. pl. as does another ex- ample. is attributed to Dyn.(di)45 and these usually take the form -. pp.41 The same replacement again occurs twice. 1 1. All from Upper Egypt: Cairo CG 1574 (H. 46. 34. 8 (15. Compare R.. of the early Middle Kingdom-one of the first cases where it definitely replaces the hieroglyph as a generic determinative. some of the earliest cases are simplifications of similar signs. 3. 11 (det. see N. Antefoker. That may be seen from another example al Nuovo (Florence 6365: Serge Bosticco. but to judge from some Sixth Dynasty examples of ~ at Deir el Gebrawi. 286 (17) etc. 71. W. Macramallah. Davies. evidently from . does show a seen in Cairo CG 20539 (I.fig. pl. p. 270 (c). Antefoker.42 The stick in the Twelfth Dynasty variant of 1 . also -. M. IV. of dr "damn"). as shown by the form of = as det. 25. 258. Dendera. 12.44 and . p. of Isp in Hans Goedicke. b. 16). BershehI. and by the x nhtw writing of "strength. Caminos and H. VIII-IX: Fischer. o1) and in the first line of Cairo J. Le steleegizianedall'Antico . p. but is straight. the date may be early Middle Kingdom.36 This is apparently one of those few cases where a hieroglyph was modified by a change in the form of an implement. F. 17. 1971). 1898) p. 18. pl. 4. 44. 237 (13). pls. Re-usedBlocks from Lisht (New York. An example of . de G.. XI by Arnold in Tempel des Kinigs MentuhotepII. see my Ancient Egyptian Calligraphy (New York.j.Griffith. 499. 78.pl. per Egyptian inscriptions of the late Old Kingdom. 25 (39). 42. p. Vandier. Ptahhetepand Akhet39. 6.
226 curved stick. Davies. 52.181.1.p.51 A third tomb of the same period shows a general holding a shorter 47.44 and 46 have been deaccessioned. and it is further specified as being made of ebony. MMA 86. de G.44-47.FIGURE 14 (left) EleventhDynasty sticks.49 In the Eighteenth Dynasty a rather similar stick was used. here it bears the more distinctive name ti-sw. and perhaps influenced by the latter. long. long. Forest Products Laboratory in Madison. Incompletely described in Stocke und Stiibe. but it was handled differently and the end 13 . 114 cm. from the Metropolitan Museum's excavations of 1926-27. 1907) pl. Tombof Ken-Amtn I (New York. Davies. 48. U. both 124 cm. 22). 17. 30.226. Actual specimens of these curved sticks have been found in Theban tombs of the Eleventh Dynasty (Figure 14)48 and of the early New Kingdom-per- haps as early as Dynasty XVII (Figure 15). The labeled example in Figure 1650 appears among representations of military equipment.MMA 27. MMA 12. unlike the earlier usage. From bottom to top these are MMA 27. MMA 27. Deir el Bahri. and in each case a long staff of this type is held vertically.181. Wisconsin. 3o. Other examples: Steindorff. 18. 16. 1923) pl. Koeppen of the Center of Wood Anatomy Research. N. 29 (a). Two Theban tombs represent statues of King Amenophis II in the guise of a Nubian warrior.3. carried by attendants who support a pair of them against one shoulder. pl.3. like most of the identificationsof wood in the present article.S. The same king is shown in more usual costume. Atlas zur altaegyptischenKulturgeschichte (Leipzig. I FIGURE 15 (above) EarlyNew Kingdom stick. Meir V.38. note 14. had a more gradual curve. The length of such sticks seems to have been variable.47as in M at the same necropolis (note 38 above). in Theban tomb 92: Walter Wreszinski. W M. with the straight end of silver and the curved end of gold. the curved end upward (Figure 17). 13 (io). C. Gizehand Rvfeh(London. F. from Lord Carnarvon's excavations at Thebes. Grabfunde des Mittleren Reichs II. Tombof Ken-AmunI. II. this service was performed by R. but in all cases. they seem to have been grasped at or near the curved end. but again wearing a wig of Nubian cut. p. MMA 12. The length is 112 cm. A sample of one of them has been examined and has proven to be tamarix wood. in a register below this. 1930) pl.. i i e I r. the longest measuring 113 cm. pl. 50. 51. pls. Tomb 1 o. also. ( l i l - I. 49. Petrie.3-44-47 FIGURE 16 EighteenthDynasty AfterDavies staves. with a hand cupped under the lower end (compare Vol. The last is also tamarix. from Gebelein.
again grasping the curved end (Figure 18).I r'W I I/ I 1\ .52 And a lesser official carries an even shorter version of the curved stick over his shoulder. AfterDavies Eighteenth Dynastyofficialwithcrookand fan. 94 [a]). 53.' '? i l. The date is about the same as that of the preceding examples. pl.54 There are also some cases where the -scepter.After Nina Davies staff in the same manner. Statueof AmenophisII.\.53Some actual examples of such sticks and staves have been preserved. Atlas. 14 . pp. pl.. Theban tomb 85 (Wreszinski. After Davies FIGURE 19 TwelfthDynasty Asiatic. 524-525. Rekh-mi-Rgc. and the designation of him as I ' "ruler of the 52. /I i FIGURE 18 FIGURE 20 EighteenthDynasty attendant. there must surely be a connection between the banded curved stick that is carried by the Asiatic Ibisha in a Twelfth Dynasty scene at Beni Hasan. ' r. 3 and ILN. I '11 FIGURE 17 \ I e -. Notably from the tomb of Tutankhamun: Sticke und Stdbe. As has frequently been suggested. 1925. or something very like it. pl. \ I I I: . 19. After Davies // I . 51. Sept. 54. . is carried by nonroyal persons as a symbol of authority.
?587. Tombof Huy (London. l). 1o (Amarna examples). Nefer-hotepI. pls.JEA 6 (1920) pp. although staves with FIGURE 21 Old Kingdom procedure for straighteningstaves. but only when weight is applied to it by the man who sits on the free end. dersleyen. as in the other representations of the same device."61Here. Gramm. Drenkhahn. 20. for other examples see Reisner. 8081 and pl. 30. and it seems odd that the manufacture of a less common type would be so frequently represented. which is generally taken to mean "make right. 174. Stocke und Stiibe. pls. 1957) pl. T. and Rosemarie Drenkhahn. 56. see also pl. I. from the time of Amenophis III onward. and Wb. 25. fig. 1926) pl. Van15: Das alte Agypten (Berlin.60The staff would then have had to be placed in a form so that it kept its altered shape until it dried. the requisite elasticity was obtained by means of oil. but suggests that it might refer to the bending or unbending of the knee. 233 (lo. The alternating pressure permits the second man to move a staff in and out so that it momentarily holds fast as needed. the caption reads: "Press well! It is an oiled staff that is in it. 314. which has plausibly been explained as a causative based on mity meaning "make the same". Die Handwerkerund ihre Tatigkeiten im alten Agypten(Wiesbaden. 24-25. Compare Montet. 85. JEA 6. 114) also surmises a connection with this word.55 And the l-scepteris quite clearly shown in the hands of New Kingdom viceroys of Kush (Figure 20)56 as well as. the straight staff was evidently the predominant form. the grip of the upper pole is alternatively tightened and relaxed. Montet. copy by Nina Davies in C.p. Menkheperrasonb. p. and Newberry. Beni Hasan I. 30. Drenkhahn (p. J A "tread. And finally. JEA 15 (1929) p. pi.X 1 IsI / vX 3. Compare Stocke Stockeund Stibe. Private Tombsat ThebesI (Oxford. 61. in which case the drying and setting must have taken much more time."63 In view of all these considerations it seems much more probable that the representations show the straightening of staves rather than bending. Scenes. pp. after the staff had been wet and heated to give it elasticity. 22. however. 20-23. Davies. Altiig. 64. Scenes. Propyliden Kunstgeschichte 1975) pl.62and rki. the staff that is inserted is a straight mdw-staff that shows no sign of being bent. Furthermore. one must take account of the Middle Kingdom terms for the same activity: smiti. 57. Stocke und Stibe. in Old Kingdom scenes. und Stibe. This procedure would have enabled him to bend or straighten the staff by degrees upon the rounded surface of the lower pole. N. following Edel. pl. After Wild curved ends were occasionally used by nonroyal officials in the Old Kingdom. 1976) p. and mdwis the term that refers to it in the caption. Ti III. with a seesaw action."64 referringto 55. pp. In either case the alteration of shape was effected by the man who manipulated the staff. 9. 58. as described earlier. 59. is very clearly represented in the tomb of Ti (Figure 21).I. as hnd.mountainland" (Figure 19). who also points out that crooks are still used by pastoral peoples of the Eastern and Nubian deserts. In the example illustrated here. and the original meaning of hndmay derive from . p.59 As this man shifts his weight. Hnd "bend" The curious procedure described.57 %9 ~ j^A aZ=Z= W~a t. 41-42 (both tempus Amenophis III). XXIX.p. de G. 9. 60. 25. 113. 6. 106. p. Save-Soderbergh. 63. p. 28. although the same apparatus was doubtless used for the manufacture of curved staves as well. 21 and pl. 15 .58 One end of a long pole is bound between the horizontally positioned forked ends of another heavier pole which is fixed and immovable so that the narrower pole comes straight down upon the other. some other high officials who were not viceroys. 62.
69 In one case it is held by a man who oversees the manufacture of boats. A. p. I doubt the validity of the example in his fig. p. and has the appearance of a brush or tassel (Figure 22a). Junker.). 244b. 1901] pl. 4). A.a b c FIGURE 22 f 'i'ii I 1I . 22. 213. de l'art: Louvre I p. 566. 5. TextsI2 . K. LEM. fig. 70. 29. Junker. 363) as well as another example of "twisted" (p.pl. aping the gestures of the pilots. 186. referring to a chariot part which is "bent. The same baton is held at Meir by an "overseer of troops" who guides the progress of a carrying chair (Figure 16 65.Die Inschriften der igyptischenFriihzeitI-III (Wiesbaden. of QueenMersyankh 69. 67. 54 d. and in hnd meaning "tread"(Pyr. Dows Dunham and W. 167. fig. Gardiner Sign List U 14) replaces the senting this implement ( plough in the place name Snrt(Medum. Scepter-like batons It has been observed by Junker and others68 that Old Kingdom scenes show a scepter-like baton in the hands of those who direct boats. red on yellow. Grabdenkmal (Leipzig. 167."which. Medum. Vigneau. 1963) p. 29. The enlargement at the end of this object is striated. The Pyramid Texts.66 A similar use of hnd. this last example is paralleled elsewhere by dnh "pinioned. inscribed in the later Old Kingdom. pl. de G. 66. Margaret Murray. Moussa and H. 2). the examples. 23. 1974) fig. 1905) pl. Junker.t < 1 \ \ x x I\ \ 12~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i \ I I I I I I % " the rhythmic pressure of the giant pincers. in the early Old Kingdom. 1971) pl.i i1 i1 i X\ v Scepter-like batons in the Old Kingdom . that it also came to mean "bend. 1913) pl. however. Tombof Nefer and Ka-hay (Mainz. 663b. Is it only because of graphic similarity that the sign repre. Deir el Gebrdwi 71. cited by Caminos. or was this replacement furthered by the semantic similarity of Snr"restrain"?Note also that the plough conversely appears after hnd in one of the scenes showing staves straightened (N. Kaplony. 2." 68. 15. RockTombs of SheikhSaid [London. Giza II.67 4. however. SaqqaraMastabasI (London. Giza III. Encyclopidiephotographique (Paris ) pl.70and in another shipbuilding scene it is wielded by a baboon who stands on the prow. compare P. Davies. Cerny. . was written with the determinative j representing a stool with bent wood reinforcement. 42) which seems more doubtful. who also cites mih hnd "twisted wreaths" (p. 62. etc. 1 . many of which are des Kinigs Sa. abandon this determinative and apply a variety of other determinatives to hndw. 339 and note 1441 (to p. p. Borchardt.hu-rerII cited. 32.71The context is not limited to ships and shipbuilding. include L. pl. 15). p."has been quoted from the New Kingdom. Giza IV. Revue de l'gypte ancienne (Paris) i (1927) p. 225. I. Mastaba III (Boston. 238)." and this meaning is perhaps to be recognized in hndw"chair. as he says. Altenmuller. 13 (BM 1277: Hier.65There is little doubt. III. Simpson.pl. fig.
A2o in Gardiner's Sign List. 33 (more clearlyprintedin Roemer-Pelizaeus-Museum [Hildesheim.76 In tomb undStiibe. the second is 81. confirmation undStiibe. 9.75 But the Mkt-Rr models also place it in the hands of other supervisors. both of which show the forked staff with about the same frequency. bulbous terminal that occurs in Middle Kingdom representations. VI. History of Egyptian Sculptureand Painting in FIGURE 24 Twelfth Dynasty hieroglyph for "sovereign. 4). So too Beni Hasan I. Cairo J.Dendera.ASAE42 (1943) fig. also pls. top right). Documents pour servir i l'etudede rart egyptienI [Paris. pl. 15. pls."81 and ~ iti . Mastaba p. p. both examples dating to the Sixth Dynasty (Figure 22c). 84-86. 17 84. pl. 76. Hans Kayser. 13). 1927] pl. and for this contextsee pl. 4). p. E. C.Musee duLouvre: Steles de Possibly 77. Winlock. more bowed and emaciatedfigures shownin Artibus Asiae22 (1959) figs. 124. thus the provenance providesno of the date. pl. Winlock. p. S. 19. whether elderly84 Scepter-like batons in the Middle Kingdom 72. de G. pl. 15.GizaII. Capart. Hassan nonethelessillogicallyconsiders that the rbt-staffmight have a specialassociationwith old age and even death. Antefoker." After Griffith LI theOldKingdom (Oxford.78 out of three cases. Models. 87. Mereruka be recognizedin the Sixth Dynastychapelof NJhbw." 80. those shown in Journal of Near EasternStudies18 (1959) . but withoutany informationconcerningthe site or provenance.83 Since there is no of q Q 4 i| J FIGURE 23 further evidence for the forked staff in Old Kingdom representations of larger scale."80 it "father. The same is probably 73. 131. 3. pt. 1886] pl. as well as the later.GizaIV. 74. p. 16. FiveTheban Tombs (London. 3. CairoCG 1565 (left side). the firstvariantis desUhemka.74 as also in the case of those who pilot the model boats of Mkt-Rr. 209. 82. Mit- Instituts AbteilungKairo 16 teilungen des DeutschenArchiiologischen Decrets (Paris.g. Such a distinction does not exist in the Old Kingdom examples of the two hieroglyphs. 168 (4). 37. 240 (all Dyn. Hieroglyphs. II. 80. Here. 39. 9 (two (1958) fig. 61 (F). 3.Stocke p. again appears in the hand of a man who pilots a boat (Figure 23b). 79. p.w or smsw the forkis also frequently omitted. 1916) p.pl. 9. "old. Illustratedin Sticke pl. 7. 1959] pl. 46. 2. fig. pl.1946)fig.73 I believe that this baton is in turn related to a somewhat longer one. pl. Weill. 185. 83.1913)pl. 31. Meir II. excavatedby Reisner: W. no referencesare given in either case. Gardiner attributes an ordinary staff to . pl. 157. 35 (heldunder nearerarm). A21. Grdseloff. p.77 An actual example is apparently to be recognized in Berlin 17830. dating to the late Eleventh Dynasty. n (var. Davies. 78. 22b).pl. II.J. Models.79 although in both cases the fork is apt to be omitted. c ) I. Bersheh also LouvreC 166 (A. Hassan.1912) pl. to I. X-XI). For this staff in the hieroglyphfor sr see Hassan. 47749 (J. with a smaller. Winlock.2 "master. Forked staves Although a forked staff appears in the hieroglyph I representing an old man.Tomb of Senebtisi (New York. 15o.a b r c -( j I 1' I J I I showing an erect "official" (sr). fig. Fischer. pl. 34. 6. 8. who mentionssr. pls.. royaux chapels of the Twelfth Dynasty it is sometimes held by officials who are subservient to the tomb-owner (Figure 23c). 83.R.hr"stand. 9 (161) (= Bersheh I. Cf. of a row of funerary priests at Saqqara. 24). In addition the same type of staff appears occasionally in the Old Kingdom determinative of [ r."82 as well as in a Middle Kingdom example j "sovereign" (Figure 24). perhaps followingA. One of the earliest examples. 143. 75. Mace and H. BeniHasanI. 11. Meir V. 36.72 and it evidently is to be recognized in the hands la XIIe dynastie[Paris. 118. pl. p. N. 45.althoughthe detailin questionis not observed in the drawing. Also Meir I. pls. fig. Hassan. Gayet.Steffen Wenighas kindlyinformed me that it was found in 1906 in the uppermost level of the kom of Elephantine. such as the one who presides over the activities of the abattoir (Figure 23a). fig. 193. p. 14. as in the hieroglyphfor i. 1. 246. followingp. Smith. Griffith. 5. 8 (1). E.
1897) fig. 88. In addition to the foregoing cases. pl. 93.92 the others show them carried by servants and by an attendant who evidently holds such a staff for the official who precedes him (Figure 26). II. 1976) fig.88A short forked stick from an early Middle Kingdom tomb at Meir is virtually all that attests its use for walking until the New Kingdom. p. Simpson. A later scene shows a forked staff and two plain ones among the burial equipment: N. pls. inlaid with ivory studs. XVIII. 32. said to be of birch wood. etc. From Lord Carnarvon's excavations at Dra abu'l Negga prior to 1911. Five Theban Tombs. DeuxiemePartie: La Nicropole de lEst (Cairo. 1. 102 cm. 122. which was found in one of the earliest of the great First Dynasty mastabas at Saqqara. Bruyere.87as also in one of the Eleventh Dynasty models ofMkt-Rr. Saqqara MastabasI. as shown in J. 117. but when they are seated they put aside these cumbersome objects and hold a slender short baton like the present-day swagger stick of military officers (Figure 27). Pirie. pl. io and p. when its use must have been more common.). 81 ff. Mastabasof Qar and Idu (Boston. Khentika. Old Kingdom dignitaries are generally represented carrying a mdw-staff and rb.86 Apart from the mention of forked rbt-stavesin the Old Kingdom lists of royal burials and in the Middle Kingdom coffin lists that derive from them. 75.181..85 and the lower part of a forked stick. pl. 87. on p. Davies. p. pl. Great Tombsof the First Dynasty II (London. 22 (46 A). W. After Davies or otherwise. 69. Models. 32. de Morgan. pl.scepter while standing or walking. 18 . this type of staff must be considered a survival from the Protodynastic Period. 3. Recherches sur les origines de l'EgypteII (Paris.89 The New Kingdom offers rather more evidence. 268. from Gebel Silsila. 92. 95. o1. and said to be made of mulberry wood (murier). Davies. 266. 14. R. Paget and A. there is scarcely any trace of such staves during these periods-a fact that is more surprising since forked punting poles ( [I 1 I mc) are quite conspicuous in Old Kingdom boating scenes. but the date is not specified.pls. 123. Murray. 31. James and Apted. several examples of the later New Kingdom are shown by B. both of which are Dyn. but at least three of them are symmetrically forked. 21. 111. Kaplony. presumably this was thought to be pre. covered with copper. pl. One of the latter shows the staves in a procession bearing burial equipment. pl. Batons for leisure I I As noted earlier. 36. ASAE 12 (1912) pp. L.91and there are representations of them in Theban tombs. The Middle Kingdom offers less evidence: Meir I. MMA 12. MMA 12. other than the existence of similar forms of hieroglyphs on some seal impressions of the First Dynasty. Tombof Ptah-hetep(London. Emery. Kamal. L. 7. B. 86.or protodynastic. Giza V. pls.pp.93 6. pls. Meir V. 45. MererukaI. see also pls. pl. de G. For the term see Junker. 1898) pl. 1937) fig. TwoRamessideTombs (New York. 99g-oo. 21 (45 B). 45 and 47 (the latter shown here). 91.FIGURE 25 New Kingdom forked stick. and two others may represent broken specimens of the same kind. 45. Hassan. Giza IV. fig. Ti II.181. etc. Post-Middle Kingdom burials such as that of Snbty. Meir IV. 104 cm. go.94 This does C- A FIGURE 26 Nineteenth Dynasty attendant with forked stick. There is admittedly little further evidence to support this conclusion.fig. p. p. Several actual staves and f 85. K. however. 3. I. 1954) fig. in ? 11. See also the butt of a forked staff. 118. 65. FouiUesde Deir el-Medineh(I934-35).pl.222 sticks have been found in burials at Saqqara90 and Thebes (Figure 25). 38. 4. 866.dy are equipped with dummy staves of this type among others that imitate Osiride funerary equipment (see Stickeund Stiibe.222. 50. 41. 89. Many examples can be added to the references he gives for representations: Medum. Nefer-hotep 94. One of these is the type discussed below. 1927) pl. Winlock.InschriftenIII. W. 92.
2 cm. was sometimes used by the Old Kingdom tax-collector to exact his master's due from recalcitrant farmers (Figure 30)97 The amusing character of this implement made it ( ) ' ' r^ ') 2/ ^ J"K FIGURE 29 1 / FIGURE 30 y^ 7 ( Eighteenth Dynasty tax-collector with truncheon. and one Eighteenth Dynasty representation (Figure 29) shows a tax-collector holding one that has a loop passed through a hole at one end. 178. 266. Journal of Archaeology pl. short sticks were used in the Old. 5.diameter 1. Tomb loi. LD II.9 cm. Deir el Bahri. II. for the policing of apes. 158. p. pls. terminating in an open hand. 1975) p. 29 (2). 164. Beni Hasan II. 162.95 The length of the larger one is 62.6-1.3. After Davies not appear in later representations. 25). 56 (a bis).. and New Kingdom for policing men or animals. MererukaII. American 97. pl. p. and the surface looks as though it has been polished by frequent handling. Metropolitan Museum excavations of 192627.5 cm. 122. both subsequently deaccessioned. for actual examples of plum wood have been found in a Theban tomb of that date (Figure 28). also Cairo CG 1541 (Smith. but at least one example is known from the early Middle Kingdom. the 95. Cairo CG 1556 (Smith. I. 6. American 46  fig. but it probably continued to be used at least down to the Eleventh Dynasty. however. Ti I. 7.3 cm. Vandier d'Abbadie. pl. Deir el Gebrtiwi [New York] 46  fig. fig. 517). TextsI2.98or for games. 99.9.8-9 (both deaccessioned) As a rule. The shorter one is 55. 24. Sticks for policing FIGURE 27 Sixth Dynasty official with short baton. MMA 27. Middle. same scene. pl. long with a diameter of 1-1. A second example appears in the more suitable. much like the police truncheon of our own day. BM 994 (Hier. and here the man who wields it again tends apes. 126. Giza V. also noted by J.99 There is little evidence of it in later periods.8. Selim Hassan. 8.3. pl. II. 5. pl. ExJournal of Archaeology cavationsat Saqqara1937-I938 III (Cairo. Mereruka 1oo. Rekh-mi-Rer. After Blackman FIGURE 28 (right) Eleventh Dynasty batons. Revue dcEgyptologie (Paris) 17 (1965) p.3. Probably also Hassan.96A more distinctive form. pl. MMA 27. 96.100 98. p. After Davies Sixth Dynasty tax-collectors. 27.. pl. 16. 517). 19 .
. After Blackman 20 .a b FIGURE 31 Nineteenth Dynasty police. After Schafer FIGURE 33 Twelfth Dynasty representation of reed staff. ~ } ^^-^ FIGURE 32 Detail of early Middle Kingdom staff imitating a reed. After Davies < v\ I i .
1938) pls. dating to the Eleventh Dynasty. 19 (311. is not recognized as such by Hassan. Zaki Saad. 10o. 43. Same. are less detailed but similar. compare Stickeund Stabe. p. pl. albeit somewhat later. p. 95. Sept. Firth and Gunn. 16 (Figure 31b). AZ 61 (1926) pp. 45. 37 (33). Quibell says of one of these: "above the joints were some bands of fine punctures made by minute nails. 106. identified as a gaming stick on p. Fouillesde la Valleedes Rois (Cairo. Davies in Nefer-hotepI. pl. H. 60.104 smaller fragments of wood from the royal tombs at Abydos. G. 5 (2). 21 (cited p. F. 19. carried a weapon that is probably not a stick at all. 36 (?33). CG 241 16. Die igyptischenAltertiimerim Roemer-Pelizaeus-Museum (Hildesheim. GreatTombsII. 14. Emery. and notably from the tomb of Amenophis II. 44 (1). Cairo CG 24112. RoyalExcavations 1951). B1. 132 ).p.108 No further staves imitating reeds are known before the Middle Kingdom. although temple scenes as early as the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties occasionally show him holding it in combination with other insignia. Daressy. 9. Excavationsat Saqqara(90o6-I907) (Cairo. 28. for rigidity and for easy handling. Jequier. 105. it is imitations of this kind that are represented in the tomb chapels of the Old. 21 (5o b). Adaptations of the divine ws-staff and royal mks As a symbol of power the w. 58 and note 13. Nefer-hotep I. where the overlapping leather seems to be sewn (Figure 31a). dating to the early Twelfth Dynasty. 33-36 and note 19. 59-60 and pl.'06 as well as ivory rods-perhaps gaming pieces107-which have also been found in a First Dynasty burial at Helwan. show a more natural imitation of reed jointing. Quibell. detail in the carved imitation of jointing (Figure 32). it is carved Two in wood with rings in relief at regular intervals. 6 17. Teti Pyramid CemeteriesI. comes from an early First Dynasty mastaba at Saqqara.s-staff (I) was primarily an attribute of the gods and was not ordinarily carried by the king. ILN. The second example. 134 (6). 50. least four more examples may be cited. The leather baton is used fur Agyptische by policemen ( Srj )."'' Further examples are known from the Eighteenth Dynasty. from the Amarna Period onward. pl. if stylized. 74. not mentioned by Hassan. W. from Saqqara. at Helwan(945 -I94 7) (Cairo. while the other is flat (Figure 31). For the previous identification see Roeder. it is the longest staff in his fig. von Bissing. Re-Heiligtumdes Kinigs Ne-woser-reII. pi. 78. Same. black inside). as pointed out in Zeitschrift Sprache105 (1978) p.p.Policemen of the later New Kingdom. and not a trumpet.113 and belongs to the same general period. fig. pl. 27. Taf. 1925. 49. 36 (3-13). Stickeund Stdbe. 37.102 Nearly all of these actual examples prove. I. Monumentfunerairede Pepi II. 1908) fig. and not reeds as such. 2. But a pennant on a reed pole is shown in an early Dyn.p1. 17. note 20). 66. 73 and note 4. 17. p. Kayser. p. 108. 28 a. One from Abusir. 54. that is held under the arm of the dedicant on Hildesheim stela 397.105and so too some lighter fragments of wooden wands from the same source. pl. fig. shows extraordinarily fine. 23. 32 (59). pls. J. Also Anthes. 313). pls. 1908) p. Meir III. but a strap of leather that is partly rolled up so that one end is round.p. inaccurately describes it as a flattened staff or broom. H.103 One fragmentary example. III (1928) Bl. In Nefer-hotep in beating prisoners."4 It is 107. belonging to the First and Second Dynasties. and New Kingdom. For the inscription see Stocke p. 103.110 The others. p. 22 (52). p. IV tomb painting: Medum. TwoRamesside Tombs. pl. 19. II (Cairo. Imitations of reeds Ali Hassan has discussed representations of reed staves in some detail and has observed that actual examples have frequently been found in burials. 525. note 11. 13. also II.pp. The one exception is the reed that Tutankhamun "cut with his own hand. inscribed with the names of Amenophis II and his queen (compare Stickeund Stiibe.112 8. compare Stickeund Stiibe. Priestergriiber und andere Grabfunde(Leipzig." but both ends are mounted in gold and electrum: and Stiibe. 109. It is probably this baton. Mitteilungen des DeutschenArchiologischenInstituts AbteilungKairo 9 (1940) pl. this is used (brown outside. 104. Schafer. however. 1973) p. to be wooden staves carved to imitate the jointing that is characteristic of reed stalks. 1902) pl. 21 .101The noise it produced was probably as effective a deterrent as the pain. That is certainly true of the most detailed representation of all-again overlooked by Hassan-which has precisely the same stylized detail that appears in the Abusir staff (Figure 33).p. 113. in most cases. Davies. 112. 1 i. 15. 102. It seems very likely that. Middle. 6i. 114. Royal TombsII.109 from which period at 101. 46. E. illustrated in G. cited in Stickeund Stabe. Davies.
it almost certainly must have some connection with the local lion-goddess Mati. p. II. where the equipment includes a royal pendant with uraei.I therefore surprising to find this emblem among the equipment that is being manufactured for two of the Sixth Dynasty monarchs at Deir el Gebrawi. or other structure belonging to the deceased. as well as a falcon-collar. Deir el GebrawiI. Dendera. Mrs. catafalque. pl. Gramm. the additional references in Stockeund Stibe. p. 15: Montet. ? 750. 121. 19. note 46.16 Nor can *c very well refer to a staff or scepter. 3: H. 195. At Deir el Gebrawi this is evidenced only in a later tomb chapel (Deir el Gebrcwi II." and the context is: "the herdsman was beside his (word lost) . 1966) pp."Although. but it does not seem possible to translate this phrase in any other way. as quoted in Fischer. which shows "working on a lion by the sculptor. p. 156.II. 117. und ihreTitigkeiten.'19 the representation looks rather more like a male than a female. Cairo J. Contemporaneous examples of hk. 117. cited in the same work..'17 While there is some evidence for the use of royal accouterment. III. 269. Two Eleventh Dynasty inscriptions. So Montet. 119. rft or r rft (Edel. such as necklaces with falcon-headed terminals. line 3. rather than before. An alternative explanation for the w. 1964] p. Altag. note 686. Vandier. lol). And in this case the ws-column may likewise have belonged to the equipment of the local temple. Cairo CG 1649 (line from the CoptiteNome [Rome. In each case the caption is identical (Figure 34a): ndrin mdh m rc"hewingby the carpenter on a column. p. R. 0 . the herdsman was beside his swine. Trachtim Alten zur agyptischen 118. Kemi 3  p. compare Stocke und Stibe. After Davies 0X a r /. In reference to the king. 19. figs. who refers to an example at Saqqara. 3 b)."'20In the second (b) it is an ideograph. 206 (II. 125. however. as Davies has noted. p. 170. 3-4 on p.. 3). evidently replacing M in the word mniw "herdsman.a b FIGURE 34 (left) U9C Sixth Dynasty craftsmen.."'l2 A third Eleventh 115. Inscriptions 67). from Dendera and Thebes. 20). 14 (shown here)." but such an adverbial adjunct would normally follow an imperative and it would take the form r*. in the burial equipment of nonroyal persons in the Sixth Dynasty. Cern. 107."otherwise use the determinative 16 (1930) p. Cairo CG 20005. In the first case (a) it serves as the determinative of hk. JEA 47 (1961) p. Textesde la Premiere termediaire. ?3.Mocalla.JEA or "nomarch. Deir el GebrawiI.118it seems unlikely that this practice was extended to the wz-staff at so early a date.p. 120. Scenes. offer no further support for this interpretation.. Marianne Eaton-Krauss has kindly informed me that this is the "m"(Middle Kingdom) writing quoted by Wb. pl. meaning "chief" : Polotsky. 1 16.p. 308. . for the pendant compare Staehelin. is unexpected. for the PeriodeInrestoration see Clere and Vandier. It seems equally doubtful that a column of this form would have been used as a support or embellishment for a shrine. o1. Staehelin. E. for there is no evidence of such a detail at Deir el Gebrawi or in any other tomb chapels of the Old Kingdom. 46048.f-column is to be found in a nearby scene within the same register (Figure 34b). show a hieroglyph in which the was-staff is held by a standing figure that is neither royal nor 22 FIGURE 35 The ws'-staffin EleventhDynasty hieroglyphs divine (Figure 35)."'15The location of m rCafter in mdh. 7. C"1 r| b C r ' f' 'C I I 1I 71 . in response to an inquiry.w "chiefs" in the statement of an official: "[I acted as] stew[ard] for six chiefs. Fischer. line io. pl. the word hkfis written ~ * at Asyut (inscription IV. 19). Die Handwerker translates m cr as "tiichtig (sehr). Untersuchungen Reich (Berlin.. 220 (IV. 19. Drenkhahn. pp.
" is a clear indication of the pastoral origin of \. V. p. AncientEgyptianPaintings(Chicago. as it is to take account of the very wide range of meaning that may be assigned to one and the same term. 123. 1952) p. in fact. Documentspour servir a l'etude de lart igyptien I (Paris. p. III. which may again show the w. for in other cases boundary stelae are said to be set up "like the sky.123 Apart from a possible example in the hands of men tending cranes (see note 26). III. 20-22).p. 20-22).132 and these uses eventually. 25-26. three goatherds carry or FIGURE 36 Detail of stela. XXVI example. Naga-edDer Stelae(Boston. who is in heaven. Also Brussels E. again alluding to the divine nature of the hereafter. 9. 176-18o. Untersuchungen Reiches(Berlin. One of the earliest references 132. 23 . and wooden examples have been found in Osiride burial equipment dating to the end of that period and slightly later. SomeDecorated Tombsof the Periodat Naga ed-Der(University Microfilms. 135. Jan Assmann."127 Finally. and rubbing kindly provided by W. 43. Ann FirstIntermediate Arbor. 91-97. Davies. III. TwoRamesside Tombs. Religionsgeschichte both to be added to the references in Stocke und Stiibe. See also Figure 40 below. however: an elderly man holds the staff in several scenes representing the surveying of land. 127. I do not know of any other iconographic evidence of this kind in the Middle Kingdom. 1937) pl.2. compare Clere and Vandier.125 One Eighteenth Dynasty context calls for a quite different interpretation. Wb. Das Grabdes Basa (Mainz. Jequier. 30. The wu-staff was first noted by Wiedemann. 129. 19o. Naga-ed-DerStelae(London. 1959) p.pp. p. 1970) pp. and figs. but the identification of the staff is not altogether certain (Figure 36). 22). D. 1927) pl. p. Illustrated in D. . pl.3: Caroline Peck. seconded by Hans Bonnet. Frises. Dunham. 126. Davies. line 9. in the New Kingdom. occurs in MMA 25. and in the instructions addressed to Merikare: Elke Bluzum dgyptischenKinigstum des Mittleren menthal. 193. pp. cols. the stela is correct as it stands. although Middle Kingdom coffins frequently show I among the royal and divine staves that are represented in the frieze of objects. and is reminiscent of the use of The very of the -staff disparate adaptations provide an excellent illustration of how important it is to take account of the context in examining ancient Egyptian iconography-as important. JEA 20 (1934) pp. Giza II. Sticke und Stibe. note 2. and a Dyn. 1973) pl. 54-56.. 1-staves by men herding cranes and geese. depending on the date and context of an inscription. The oath is to be added to those discussed by Wilson inJournal of Near EasternStudies7 (1948) pp. Junker. 191-192.124 Officials of the New Kingdom are occasionally shown holding the wd-staff in a funerary context. and specifically as the support of heaven. 1937) pl. 171 (7. Fischer. 129-156."126 Susanne Berger has suggested that this example may allude to the wfS-scepter as an emblem of stability. Wb. pls.128This. In the Old Kingdom. 130. Recueil de travaux relatifsa la philologie . 1 (hk) as a noun could refer either to nomarchs (as in the example cited earlier) and governors of foreign regions129 or to humbler foremen of estates. Wb.in an even more dissimilar context. 840. tracing. 1936) II. 130. 63.pp. 194.122This last usage is perhaps also exemplified by a stela of the Heracleopolitan Period from Naga ed-Deir. O my father. 125.gyptiennes et assyriennes 18 (1896) p.? 33.Sstaff in the hand of a nonroyal individual. II. 171 (1. The earliest references seem to occur in Siut tomb IV. 40-42. 7-8. 68. and in one case he attests that "as the Great God endures. 34 (the latter in color). pp. Dunham. 128. 15 (for which see note 120 above). p. Nina M. supplanted the lowlier ones. Davies. III. Reallexikonder dgyptischen (Berlin. 124. p. The drawing has been made from a photograph.Dynasty inscription from Thebes shows the wJ-staff in the hands of a mummiform determinative of twt "statue. BM 1164. fig. 131. Heracleopolitan Period lean on wl-staves in a Nineteenth Dynasty tomb chapel. note 121 above."where it is emblematic of the Osiride hereafter (Figure 35c). for example. Textesde la Premiere Priode Intermediaire. Stickeund Stibe. 2 (2).'30 in the Heracleopolitan Period and the Middle Kingdom it was also applied to the king131 or to a god. along with the Eleventh Dynasty writing of mniw "herdsman. 171 (2. Dendera.5183: Jean Capart.. 11-12. 130. 122. 28.
every well-to-do Egyptian had acquired the right to assume the role of the dead king Osiris. Temple of Deir el Bahari I. 185 (nhbt). Davies. Frises. 1948) pl.The former more frequently shows a crosspiece at the bottom. this staff may indeed have been reinterpreted as the shorter nhbt. Frises. although he reproduces de Morgan's drawing (Sticke und Stiibe. Davies. After Murray Although Gardiner has identified the object in the theearliestformsof hand(s)of v/ asa'"nhbt-wand. along with other royal paraphernalia. 31. I example see Royal TombsI. even as early as the end of the Eleventh Dynasty. Fouillesa Dahchour. 36.137 As the distinctive attribute of 8/ dsr "holy. pl. III example: Murray. de G.135 Their proportions may be compared in a representation of Sesostris from his shrine at Karnak (Figure 38). Note also that in addition to the mksof King Hor (discussed by Hassan. 7.'39 It is only in tombs equipment (krstt) 133. 174 (mki)and figs. 87). 450-454 on p. and they are closely related in the frieze of objects represented in Middle Kingdom coffins. 1895) fig. for a private chapel of that date shows it among the burial of the deceased.136but this simplifies the form of the mks. pl. 134. 175 (from Naville. pl. another example is attributed to Amenophis II (Cairo CG 24119. the two are very similar. at Kurnah (London. In the late New Kingdom it was sometimes similarly included among the implements for the "opening of the mouth" ceremony: J. has a rounded top suggesting an attenuated lotus bud. 4 (3). however. 1 [right]).for. in the aforementioned frieze of objects in coffins. SaqqaraMastabasI. 489-493 on p. 24 FIGURE 38 Sesostris I with nhbt- staff. 37 (6) (= pl.138And."and a symbol regularly wielded by the king in his priestly role as an intermediary between mankind and the gods. etc. scepterand mksAfter Chevrier FIGURE 39 Detailof Twelfth Dynasty stela. by the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. de Morgan. 137. that actual examples have been foundone belonging to a princess. Lacau and H. the staff itself was at least occasionally placed in nonroyal tombs. io-11.134 Later. 51. p. 1954) pls. in other cases. Chevrier. as a unique occurrence). 134c [W]. Gardiner Sign List D 45 andJEA 32 (1946) p. J. p.pl. 1969) pl. 135. which. and the other. but more elongated mkE-staff (Figure 37). N. For a similar Dyn. apart from the difference in length. P. 138. as in Pyr. Seven Private Tombs 139. the mks-staffwas not ordinarily associated with nonroyal persons. p. 457. however. 14). Vandier d'Abbadie. this fact is not noted by Hassan in Stocke und Stdbe."'33 the hieroglyph suggest that the hand originallyheld the similar. Cairo CG 20562 that are somewhat later than the Twelfth Dynasty. Deux Tombesramessides(Cairo. this staff was often represented. Compare his figs. 253. 132). p. pl. but this detail is often applied to nhbt in the Pyramid Texts. mentioned by Hassan. Une Chapellede SesostrisIer a Karnak. Beni Hasan II. But when. p. 186. . Planches (Cairo. 22ob [N]. 136. A late Dyn. 29. the form seems doubtful. Two RamessideTombs. to a king.140 the ownership of two others. p. more understandably.fig. Jequier. 92.fig. o09.mars-juin 1894 (Vienna.FIGURE37 1 Third Dynastyform of sign Y . 16. Jequier. 140. 224b [N]. when the single arm replaced the pair of arms.
The strength of the staves was not a consideration. The man's long-lappeted wig is likewise an otherworldly attribute. 1915] sect. 19 (10. and when the staves were new the pegs must have been quite invisible. within enclosure wall of 'Imhtp(Lansing. longed to tamarix staves that had been drilled at regular intervals with sets of three holes.3. Simpson. These could not have been intended as decoration. 91 (547). From Lisht tomb 5102. 143. 0. The Metropolitan Museumof Art Bulletin 17 (Dec. 2. No. which had then been in progress for several years. however. The closest parallel for this case is the occasional appearance.35-36. 25 . 440. pp. It was my hope that some of the pieces might fit together. the wfs-staff also appears. recalling its pastoral origin. For the cemetery.etc. Cairo CG 20562. 1922) sect.284 A-D). Excavation photograph M6C 460. each of which was neatly fitted with a peg of the same material (Figure 41). 2. 6. max. if only rarely. from a late Middle Kingdom burial 141. in the New Kingdom.'43 But. and plan in fig. where the funerary context is not sufficiently taken into account. belonging to a certain Snwsrt-rnh (Figure 40).017. on the contrary. 8). 145. from the beginning.93 cm. 28. photograph in W K. but only one item-a bow-could be wholly assembled. Nor did they provide any reinforcement. the other pieces proved to be singularly interesting.both from the same tomb at Lisht. 1902) pl. has not been identified. in a very lowly context.145The date is probably no earlier than the end of the Twelfth Dynasty. in the otherworldly confines of the burial chamber. p. see Winlock. see Journal of the AmericanResearchCenterin Egypt (Boston/Princeton) 2 (1963) p. whereas the mks-staffis. Schafer. a strictly royal and sacral implement. A dummy repair In 1960 I purchased a bundle of wooden fragments from the dregs of the Museum's disposal sale of deaccessioned Egyptian objects. p. Terrace of theGreatGodat Abydos.l41 It is rather more surprising to find the mkE-staff held by the deceased as represented on a funerary stela of the late Twelfth Dynasty (Figure 39). 144. 142. Sticke und Stibe. for they were not intended for actual use.und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches IV (Berlin.3. the dummy fire-sticks are still in the Metropolitan Museum (MMA 25. for the entire surface was painted yellow.142for this monument was not placed out of sight. at grip 1. 191-192. as noted earlier. Fragmentary as they were. length 162 cm.144 This and most of the other pieces were subsequently identified as coming from Pit 211 of the "priests' cemetery" at Deir el Bahri. Lange and H.. for several of them be- FIGURE 40 Wooden staves. pl. MMA 14. The Metropolitan Museumof Art Bulletin io [Feb. but was located in a chapel that could be seen by almost anyone. p.3). diam. and it was then presented to the Smithsonian Institution. 31. they considerably reduced the strength of the shaft. 3. of the was-staff (1) in the hands of the deceased in funerary contexts. 1o. Grab..
t . . .1323. Drawing by Suzanne Chapman '? ":1. MFA MFA37.1323 Boston. Boston.1323 26 . MFA 37. showing joint and tenon. After Mace and Winlock - FIGURE 43 Old Kingdom staff.' ' a FIGURE 44 vIGURE 44 Old Old Kingdom Kingdomstaff staff in in Boston..- FIGURE 41 FIGURE 42 Fragments of staves from a late Middle Kingdom burial Detail of staff. 37.
F. says there is no evidence of knots in the wood. TetiPyramidCemeteries "had been ceremoniously cut through and jointed and mended afresh in several places.150 there is a peg a few centimeters below the bulbous top and another. Petrie. belonging to the burial equipment of either . G. ASAE 14  pp. A characteristic New Kingdom staff Throughout the Eighteenth Dynasty and onward. about one-third the length from the bottom. and bows that accompanied them. and especially Hayes. M. 59). but are rather to be considered as an elaboration of the ritual breaking of staves and bows for burial.The burial of Wh-htpcontained a coffin and canopic box of the older form (pp. I am indebted to Edna Russmann for the photograph. 286). 124. or of any joint or weakness that might require a tenon. Sticke und Stiibe. from Reisner's excavations. p. 151. firesticks. Moussa and Altenmiller. 82-86) has an outer coffin of the older type. Engelbach. p. as shown in Figures 43 and 44. Deshasheh. Mace and Winlock. 179. compare Stickeund Stiibe. 83. 34. p. but is possibly the result of accidental warping. The museum's research laboratory has identified the wood as cedar. For the date: Bruce Williams in Serapis 3 (Chicago. 149. pl. but also included Osiride equipment such as a wooden mace (p. and. it seems certain that the jointless sets of pegs are comparable. These points of weakness. Meydumand Memphis[III] [London. 14 and pi." 147.151The use of large-scale dummy burial equipment is less abundantly attested for the Old Kingdom than in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties. la. 148. Although the burial of Hpy(Kamal. the upper peg has itself caused some cracking of the adjacent wood. with frieze of objects (Hayes.147 termediate Period in Moscow is made of two pieces of equal length that are again similarly united. Egyptian Studies I. 27 . The meaning of the pegs is therefore to be sought in other dummy equipment of the same period-the Second Intermediate Period. intended solely for the hereafter.syat Lisht contained a forked staff that consisted of five pieces that were jointed and pegged as shown in Figure 42. Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica(Leuven. long. if so.148 Since these joints are not functional. Harageh (London. XII. See R. Boston. both vertical (along the grain) and horizontal. Wainwright. D.146 A straight staff from Meir. who rightly compares this with cases such as the four sticks described by Firth I. Discussed by Hassan. E. the joint in this case being reinforced by three wooden pegs. both introduced deliberately. however. 41-57. which was turned in that direction. and is extremely light and fragile. they confirm the ritual nature of the actual joints.153It should be noted that both the staff and scepter are somewhat less than full size. Indeed. 77 (8). Moscow I. 1975-76) pp. 11. p. these in Firth and Gunn.ly. slightly smaller. usually fashioned from a natural fork in the wood.62. ScepterI. 87. it is desiccated. who has carefully examined this object for me. 42b.is spliced And a ceremonial bow of the Second Inidentically. 51. the most favored type of staff was one that has a small curved projection at the top. thus it cannot be far in date from Snbty. this may be late Dyn. Boston. Something very like 146. Both scepter and staff were placed to the east of the body. that conclusion also applies to a small rbb-scepter. 314).182.1323. Petrie. 1804: O. 37. G 2011 A III. Tombof Nefer and Ka-hay.149This is 109 cm. Belgium) 6/7 (1975-76) p. Fischer. 1923) pl. suggest that the staff was never intended for actual use. Tombof Senebtisi. The curved tip seems to be intentional.p. 287). 11. pp.fig. 321). p. Museum of Fine Arts. from a late Fifth or Sixth Dynasty burial at Giza. as well as two funeral barks (p. and may have belonged to an ungrown boy rather than to a man. One might also compare the wooden mace and crooks in Meydum mastaba 17 but these are evidently much smaller in scale (W.1318. 153. 13 ). 37. long. 39 cm. they were only dummies. and the other finds include a flail (p. 240. that was found with it. 273 and fig. 150. ScepterI. The same explanation is probably to be applied to a staff of much earlier date. Berlev. Museum of Fine Arts. 283) and a wd-staff (p. MMA 12.Like the fragmentary wooden dagger.p. 61 (not 29). and to Suzanne Chapman for the drawing. but the body they accompanied is also unexpectedly small. The tomb of Snbty.Hpi/nhtyfyor Wh-htp. 43 and pl. the inner coffin (p. and. 321) have the later arched lid and projecting ends. 52these similarly anticipate a usage that continued into the Middle Kingdom. 35. On the contrary. 1910] p. Edna Russmann. 3 18) and canopic chest (p. 315-316. 152. but one might compare the wooden sandals that have been found in burials at Deshasha and Saqqara. Mackay.
193. 94.FIGURE 45 Detailof Eighteenth Dynastystaff. does not display this detail (Figure 47) . by Nina M. Tuthmosis III).'. 155. however. 38. as will be seen presently.158 Even if the projection actually existed. 217. p.ty-staff" as >l the as Sixth but there is no further early Dynasty. As Jequier has pointed out. Davies compares similar bundles of wood that are carried by northern 154. instead of viI. Max Muller. 8. 952. Initially on p. Max Muller FIGURE 47 Syriancarryingwood. it far more likely represented an untrimmed stump of a branch than the top of a finished staff. where one of a row of Syrians bearing gifts holds a bundle of sticks labeled -. D. also pls. Private TombsI. 7. Max Muller (Figure 46). and N. EgyptologicalResearchesII (Washington. 7. 1910) pl. Boston. 190. 9 (temp.C. . 23 (temp. Davies. Dynastie IV (Leipzig. As K. 22. the bundle has the appearance of a single stick with a loop attached ( \ ). 156. I. As may be seen from representations. In addition to the references to rwnton p. After W. Menkheperrasonb. pp. Frises. p. 84. Amenophis II ?). Sethe shows it in Urkunden der I8. 13. the label probably refers to the variety of wood rather than staves as such. pls. 216 ( 1). Save-Soderbergh.l56Although he cites no evidence. this New Kingdom staff was frequently ornamental with a banded design at the upper end (Figure 45).JEA 27 (1941) pl. Jequier. 1909) p. After Nina Davies it occurs in the mention of) "a m.157But the most accurate copy.p. his source is almost certainly Theban tomb no. W. pi. the present copy of the sign is made from a facsimile in the Museum of Fine Arts. Davies. de G.5'9 Norman de G. of the elaborateness of the pattern. note 7. note 67.'54 evidence for its use during the intervening period of about seven centuries. LEM. lo. 158. After Davies FIGURE 46 (below) Detailof Syriancarrying wood. Urk..155 The representations provide only a meager impression. 159. with wrong reference to pl. Nina M. 28. 165. The term rwntis regularly applied to this type of staff by Ali Hassan in his Stocke und Stibe. xix. add Caminos. and the projection at the top is clearly indicated in a copy of the 28 scene published by W. 130. 157. the inscription is partly effaced and the determinative [ 7 ] should perhaps be restored.
and all said to be of birch wood.There are might belong to doubtless other possibilities. length 44 cm.5 cm. and in both cases the upper end re- tains some of its natural bark. 165. Hayes. some portions of the bark have been stained red or black.. Harris.303-4. length 34. or because they are inscribed (Figure 48). it remains possible that the term cwnt applies to that wood and to the staves made from it. (96). Koeppen for microscopic examination and he reports that they are definitely prunus. For the problem of differentiating the bark of cherry and birch.. along with the other objects mentioned at the end of the preceding section.like the Dyn. 1908) nos.162 12. One of these two staves is inscribed (Figures 48b. all dating to the early New Kingdom. samples of 26. Does it refer to a wrb-priest of Amun I 16o. The wood was identified as birch by Dr. Nr. MMA 26. 168. they are not native to that region. 161." The hieroglyphs are neatly incised and filled with blue pigment.164 The forked projection appears to be natural. For Wsr-Mntwsee PN I. but perhaps also to be identified as cherry. Legrain. mentioned earlier. see A. 166. although cherry trees are now cultivated in the Lebanon. have been identified as cherry wood. which must have been imported from a cooler mountainous region such as Cappadocia. 85 (18). for both. ) 162. Director of the Bronx Botanical Gardens. were made of native sidder (nabk)..-Mntw. however. Identified as birch by Dr. 1o. Schiaparelli.1444. William C. pl. P. Lucas and J.181. C. the Metropolitan Museum has an rbt-staff and three composite bows. 167. 1935. La Tombaintatta dell'architetto Cha (Turin 87. XVIII T name -J (PN I. Elmer Drew Merrill. Wiesbaden) p. three are of special interest because of their material and decoration. E. | 29 . such staves were not always made of cherry. 163. part of which has been cut away to form a series of banded patterns. Elmer Merrill.166unless one assumes that the name was written more fully in the form | ? -. 1962) pp. 162. from the examples described below.'69and the restoration of the owner's name must therefore remain uncertain. p.167It is.7.163one showing the New Kingdom form that is discussed in the preceding section. the second regique et onomastique ferring to one of the wrb-priests cited by Helck (preceding note). 28. See note 91 above.9. of course. so too W. but this scarcely fills half the lacuna.7.160 Since we know. but that possibility cannot be proven on the basis of the evidence that is thus far available.1443-4 have been submitted to R.. Repertoire genealo(Geneva. Two (a and b). in which case a quadrant of space would still be left. possible-indeed likely-that the name is incomplete and that the first part of it might have occupied the remaining one or two quadrants. formerly in collections of Hood and Carnarvon. quite apart from the problem of its restoration. 1922) p. MMA 26. XVIII.165but in this case the bark has not been embellished. Abhandlungen der Geistes-und SozialwisKlasse. 164.161 Nor was imported wood employed exclusively for staves. 454-455. repeating life. (Tuth49a) for "the wrb-priestof Amun of Mn-hpr-Rr mosis III) in .3. Catalogue of an Exhibitionof AncientEgyptianArt (London. that imported cherry wood was sometimes used for the type of staff in question. while the bark (similar to that of birch) narrows down the species to the cherry group. R.1443 (with inscription). however. 1935. 85 ). note 164 below.Syrians in his Paintingsfrom the Tombof Rekh-mi-Rer. however. while others show their original silvery hue and striated texture. ScepterII. but it occurs even earlier (PN I. MMA 12. 313). AncientEgyptianMaterialsand Industries(London. New York. The source was probably the highlands of Persia or Anatolia.9.222 (see note 91 above). Examples of this writing in G. Helck lists senschaftlichen several other wrb-priests of Amun in this temple. 118. see. 1960. The bottom of a vertical stroke is traceable above the right end of tI and this trace 168 yielding [Wsr]Mntw. 3).. 117 (2. p. Helck. two very similar ones from the tomb of Hr. This writing of wsr might not seem to be very common in the early Dyn. One such possibility is *Snb-Mntw. Some New Kingdom staves Among the several New Kingdom staves in the Metropolitan Museum's Egyptian collections. More recently. 25. 129. Materialienzur des Neuen ReichesI (Akademie der Wissenschaften Wirtschaftsgeschichte und der Literaturin Mainz. dating to the reign of Amenophis III. p. 169. Hayes has very plausibly proposed that the preposition "in" was followed by the name of the king's funerary temple Hnkt-rnh( j -r]). see Burlington Fine Arts Club. The title that precedes the name is likewise somewhat puzzling. Furthermore. p.7. A natural bark ferrule is also left at the top of a birch(?) cbt-staff. 1 1.
7.1443-1444..58 I 30 . MMA 26.2. 26.a1 )b C r FIGURE 48 Fragments of New Kingdom staves.
who saidit camefrom a tombat Dra abu'l Negga. Grabsteine und Denksteine I (Strasbourg. Cerny. 86 (11). Newberry. note 2.1891] pls. 170. but the hieroglyphs seem to be worn by use.III. either Dynasty XIX or XX.170 The third staff (Figures 48c. ABBREVIATIONS FIGURE 49 of New Kingdomstaves.ker 1920) ASAE-Annalesdu Service desAntiquites de l'Egypte (Cairo) Beni Hasan-P." the inscription may have been added to the staff when it was decided to place it among the owner's burial equipment. who belongs to Tuthmosis III. Prosperity.1443.7. or possibly by reuse in the hands of another person.174In view of the introductory phrase "to the spirit of. 174. 215. II. Davies. MMA 26. Wb. 172.Scepter 173. temp. it was bought in 1926 from a nativeof Luxor. 49b) is of dark wood inlaid with three rings of ivory. Inscriptions MMA 26.2.Journal of Near Eastern a tem127-155. usuallythe god is calledAmun of such-and-such ple(p.TheTomb (London. . tombof Ms(Charles II. which clearly points to the Ramesside Period.172 the use of the term hmww "workshops"suggests a later date.El Bersheh III (London) BM-British Museum 31 . 1893-1900) Bersheh-P.Spiegelbergand  pl.A Community of Workmen (Cairo. XX. p. 1973) P. of Antefo.de G.. 17). seems to say it indicatesDyn. in the Saqqara Nicholson.2.MitInstituts Abteilung Kairo 9 teilungen des DeutschenArchiiologischen W. or to a wrb-priest of the Amun who belongs to Tuthmosis III? Hayes adopts the latter alternative.o ~. 26.. Studies1 (1942) pp. See Nelson.Beni Hasan I-IV (London. 32. Ramesses Aegyptiaca[London. p.Griffith. E. length 54..58 Antefoker-N.5 cm.58. Portner. but there does not seem to be any other case where the god is specified in this manner.Kny-'Imn." Although it has previously been dated to the Tuthmoside Period. Newberryand F. 192. Anthes. 171. E.1) '" :. 173 as does the namedeterminative . There is much evidence for a distinct form of Amun in the various royal mortuary temples of the New Kingdom. justified. 1-4 followingp. Hayes. 132). 1902) Aegyptische no. B. 112. J. Health! ).see also the stela of Hr-m-ipt. but it is knownearlier.171 It is inscribed "to the spirit of the Scribe of the Workshops of the Great House (Life. LI.
Winlock. R. The Royal Tombs Royal Tombs of theEarliest Dynasties with volume of extra plates (London. 1902-25) CG 24001-24990: G. 1976]) Ti-Le Tombeau de Ti I-III (MIFAO65 [Cairo. Scenes-P. my emphasis is somewhat different from his. 1932-60) Hayes. (Locust Valley. 1943) Royal TombsI-W. Furthermore. II and III by H. Borchardt. Petrie. Denkmiler aus Agyptenund Athiopien I-XII (Berlin. Blackman. Montet. Apted. 1913) Medum-W. Jequier. Modelsof Daily Life in Ancient Egyptfrom the Tombof Meket-ReratThebes(Cambridge. Jequier. P. 1961) ILN-Illustrated LondonNews (London) (London) JEA-Journal of EgyptianArchaeology dessarcophages Jequier. 1900) Hassan. Daumas.part.Erginzungsband. I. edited by T. Blackman and M. Hayes. (Oxford. Erman and H. A. Lepsius. Urkundendes Alten Reichs (Urkundendes Altertums. Grapow. Altig. Klasse. 1935-52) Pyr. in theBritish MuseumI. 1953-59) Hier. Denkmniler ReichesI-II (Berlin-Cairo. Giza-Selim Hassan. numbers referring to Cataloguegeneral du Museedu Caire: des antiquitesegyptiennes des Alten CG 1295-1808: L. 1911-70) Hier. 1849-59) LD Ergiinzungsband-C. 1921]) de particuliers. Fouilles de la Vallee des Rois (1898-I899) (Cairo. M. Lange and H. Tombeaux de Pepi II (Cairo. 46. 1968) Gardiner Sign List-List of Hieroglyphic Signs in A.. that Seyfried suggests that the incomplete word mentioned in my note 9 is to be restored s(rcq) "straightened. eds. Scepter-W. ed. Wirterbuch der iigyptischenSpracheI-V (Leipzig. 1929) contemporains der WissenJunker. Sethe (Leipzig.und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs I-IV (Berlin. particularly since they appear in the initial section.. ed. 2nd ed. 1955-64) Fischer. 1902) Cairo J. de G. Epron. R. 1908-22) Rekh-mi-Rer-N. Giza-H. Giza I-XII (Akademie in Wien. Les Frisesd'objets du MoyenEmpire(MIFAO47 [Cairo.. Denkmiiler aus Agyptenund Athiopien. Wild Urk.Y.Seyfried in Gittinger Miszellen 23 (1977) pp. M. 1954) Deir el Gebrdwi-N. 65-70. de G. F. Die Agyptischen Personennamen I-II (Gliickstadt. Cairo.[Vienna. E. Caminos. It may be noted. University of Chicago. Ranke. Goyon. Medum(London. Dendera-H. de G. Mass. By the time I saw this. TextsI2-Hieroglyphic Texts from EgyptianStelae. 1933) PN-H. in April 1977. R. Montet. 1902) Grammatik I-II Edel. H. The Rock Tombs of Meir V-VI (London. Denderain the Third MillenniumB.C." in which case the final sign would indeed belong to imyt. G. Davies.pt. as is usual in such cases. TheScepterof EgyptI-II (New York. Petrie. 1939-66]): I by L. Davies. Les Scenes de la vie privee dans les tombeauxegyptiensde l'Ancien Empire (Strasbourg. Fischer. 1914-24). The Mastabaof MererukaI-II (Chicago. The Tombof Rekh-mi-Rge at ThebesI-II (New York. 442 ff.Egyptian Museum. another example of a Middle Kingdom forked staff should be added: G. etc. 32 . The Rock Tombs of Deir el GebrdwiI-II (London. Cairo. Sethe. 1929-55]) LD-C. and K. 1955) ADDENDA Long after I had written the foregoing article. Lepsius. Naville. [Leipzig. 1896) p. unpublished unless otherwise noted Miscellanies Caminos. 1937-64) CG 20001-20780: H... who similarly identifies the imyt-rstaves. Jequier. however. Davies. LEM-R. Grabfunde des MittlerenReichs I (Berlin. The Rock Tombs of Meir I-IV (London. 1926-31) Winlock. F. F. I-K.. Sticke und Stdbeim Pharaonischen Agypten (Miinchner AgyptologischeStudien 33 [Munich-Berlin. The Tombsof and Another(London. 1933) Amenmose. the excision of my own comments would have been difficult. L. 1925) Nefer-hotep-N. Excavationsat Gtza I-X (Oxford-Cairo. I have therefore allowed this portion of my article to remain as it was initially written. M. Texts-Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae.-A. Denkschaften Philosophisch-historische schriften. 1953) Menkheperrasonb-Nina and N. 2nd ed. M. Davies.etc.. Steindorff. James (London. H.3rd ed. de G.edited and revised by E. A. Junker.-E. G. C. Menkheperrasonb. Gardiner. Daressy. Mereruka-Oriental Institute. G. Frises-G. 1892) Meir-A. Schafer. Models-H. 1957) p. Petrie and others. Late-Egyptian (London. in theBritish MuseumI-IX (London.Cairo CG + number-Monuments in the Egyptian Museum. 1933]) aegyptischen Wb. Edel. 1938) II--W. Egyptian Grammar. + number-Journal d'entree. Tomb.-Pyramid Text reference. O. Gramm. F.. Grab. N. M. The Royal Tombsof theFirst Dynasty (London. Altdgyptische (Rome. To note 89 above. I came upon the remarks of Karl-J. MIFAO-Memoires publies par les membres de 'Institutfranorientale fais d'Archeologie (Cairo) MMA-Metropolitan Museum of Art Montet.-G. 1901) Stbckeund Stibe-Ali Hassan. in terms of Sethe's arrangement in Die altigyptischen Pyramidentexte (Leipzig. The Tomb of Nefer-hotepat ThebesI-II (New York. Borchardt.
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