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Richard III
John Dover Wilsons New Shakespeare, published between 1921 and 1966, became the classic Cambridge edition of Shakespeares plays and poems until the 1980s. The series, long since out-of-print, is now reissued. Each work is available both individually and as part of a set, and each contains a lengthy and lively introduction, main text, and substantial notes and glossary printed at the back. The edition, which began with The Tempest and ended with The Sonnets, put into practice the techniques and theories that had evolved under the New Bibliography. Remarkably by todays standards, although it took the best part of half a century to produce, the New Shakespeare involved only a small band of editors besides Dover Wilson himself. As the volumes took shape, many of Dover Wilsons textual methods acquired general acceptance and became an established part of later editorial practice, for example in the Arden and New Cambridge Shakespeares. The reissue of this series in the Cambridge Library Collection complements the other historic editions also now made available.

Cambridge University Press has long been a pioneer in the reissuing of out-of-print titles from its own backlist, producing digital reprints of books that are still sought after by scholars and students but could not be reprinted economically using traditional technology. The Cambridge Library Collection extends this activity to a wider range of books which are still of importance to researchers and professionals, either for the source material they contain, or as landmarks in the history of their academic discipline. Drawing from the world-renowned collections in the Cambridge University Library, and guided by the advice of experts in each subject area, Cambridge University Press is using state-of-the-art scanning machines in its own Printing House to capture the content of each book selected for inclusion. The files are processed to give a consistently clear, crisp image, and the books finished to the high quality standard for which the Press is recognised around the world. The latest print-on-demand technology ensures that the books will remain available indefinitely, and that orders for single or multiple copies can quickly be supplied. The Cambridge Library Collection will bring back to life books of enduring scholarly value across a wide range of disciplines in the humanities and social sciences and in science and technology.

Richard III
The Cambridge Dover Wilson Shakespeare
Volume 29 William Shakespeare E di ted by John D over Wilson

C A m B R I D g E U N I V E R SI T y P R E S S Cambridge New york melbourne madrid Cape Town Singapore So Paolo Delhi Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New york Information on this title: in this compilation Cambridge University Press 2009 This edition first published 1954, 1961 This digitally printed version 2009 ISBN 978-1-108-00601-9 This book reproduces the text of the original edition. The content and language reflect the beliefs, practices and terminology of their time, and have not been updated.








CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York Information on this title: Cambridge University Press 1954, 2008 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1954 Pocket edition giving the New Shakespeare text and glossary with corrections 1959 Second impression, with further corrections 1961 Third impression 1965 First paperback edition 1968 Re-issued in this digitally printed version 2009 A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN 978-0-521-07553-4 hardback ISBN 978-0-521-09496-2 paperback





xi xi The chronicles xiv Shakespeare's debt to More xxiii The Mirror for Magistrates The True Tragedy of Richard III and other preShakespearian dramas xxvm xxxiii C. STYLE (a) (h) (c) (d)

xxxvi xlvi Ixiii t 140 161 259




For a present-day editor the outstanding problem of Richard III is its text, the origins and nature of which were first satisfactorily explained, and the superiority of the folio to the quarto version finally vindicated, in a book published by Professor Patrick of Arizona as recently as 1936.1 Since then only one edition as far as I know has appeared, Professor Peter Alexander's in The Tudor Shakespeare, 1951; and the fact that his text differs from Aldis Wright's in the classical Cambridge Shakespeare* in well over a thousand readings reveals at once the corrupt state of most current texts and the magnitude of the issues involved. For a discussion of these issues the reader is referred to Sir Walter Greg's Editorial Problem in Shakespeare, 1942 (2nd ed. 1951),3 or to the Note on the Copy below. Considering it was but a single item in a thorough-going recension of the whole canon, Alexander's Richard III is an astonishing tour de force; and the present edition is deeply indebted to it.4 First drafting my own text in the light of Patrick's theory and Greg's comment upon it, I was reassured to find on turning to Alexander's that our differences as regards readings, where the choice lay between the folio and the quarto, were remarkably few. In some of these he won me over; in others, as my notes record, he did not. Speaking generally, however, I convinced myself that drastic as his purge had been,
The Textual History of'Richard III', by D. L. Patrick, Stanford University Press. 1 The Cambridge Shakespeare (2nd ed. 1891). 3 Pp. 77-88. * His punctuation I have found particularly helpful.




it had not been drastic enough; in other words, that he had not sufficiently allowed for the corrupting influence of the quarto text upon the folio. For the folio Richard III, or at least some five-sixths of it, was printed, as P. A. Daniel showed seventy years ago, not from a theatre manuscript, but from a copy of the sixth quarto (1622), imperfectly collated with such a manuscript. Thus it is contaminated not only by misprints originating in the sixth or earlier quartos but also by perversions and vulgarisms going back to the First Quarto (1597)* which as Patrick has now shown is a 'reported text', i.e. one reconstructed by actors from memory. Alexander has overlooked some of the folio readings traceable to quarto misprints,1 and has hardly at all availed himself of the liberty implied in Greg's important statement that readings in which the folio and the quartos agree are those 'most vulnerable to criticism and open to emendation'.3 Accepting this challenge I have not hesitated to print some sixty readings3 in my text which depart both from folio and quartos (i.e. they are emendations in the fullest sense of the word), and from most editions, including Alexander's, published during the last hundred years, though a large proportion may be found in those of the eighteenth century. For over half of them, whether original or revived, I stand indebted to Miss Alice Walker and Mr J. C. Maxwell. T o the latter, indeed, this edition owes a good deal more besides, inasmuch as he read through the whole in draft, enriched the notes with valuable suggestions drawn from the stores of his reading, and rid them of not a few errors. Our earliest dated reference to the play is its entry in the Stationers' Register on 20 October 1597 by the 1 See pp. 151-2 below. 2 Greg, op. cit. p. 88. 3 See pp. 156-8, for a list of these.



London publisher, Andrew Wise, which was succeeded in the same year by the issue of the First Quarto edition under the following compendious, if somewhat ostentatious, title, derived perhaps from a play-bill: The Tragedy of | King Richard the third. | Containing, | His treacherous Plots against his brother Clarence: | the pittiefull murther of his innocent nephewes: | his tyrannicall vsurpation: with the whole course | of his detested life, and most deserued death. | As it hath beene lately Acted by the | Right honourable the Lord Chamber- | laine his seruants. The performances here alluded to were, however, assuredly not those of the play's original production. Wise's text, which we now label Q i, was as Professor Patrick has shown, in fact printed neither from the author's manuscript nor from a prompt-book derived from it, but in all likelihood from a version vamped up by a troupe of the Chamberlain's company touring the provinces in the summer of 1597, when, as we know, owing to a government restraint of plays in London from 28 July till early in October1 they undertook their only prolonged tour between 1594. and the end of Elizabeth's reign.2 It follows that London performances from the authentic 'book' must have been of earlier date; and, since the play is a sequel to 3 Henry VI, and closely connected with it,3 while its style and psychology are generally regarded as belonging to the first period of Shakespeare's dramatic career, it was probably composed soon, if not immediately, after that play, which would date it as Chambers suggests4

Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, i. 298-9.

* Chambers, William Shakespeare, i. 64. 3 Shakespeare had obviously begun Richard Him mind, if not on paper, when writing the soliloquy at 3 Henry VI,
3. 2. I24.ff.

Chambers, William Shakespeare, i. 61, 270.



towards the end of 1592 or some time during 1593. Now Shakespeare may have had a good deal of time upon his hands at this period, since from 28 June 1592 and, except for a brief season at the Christmas and Twelfth Night festivities, right down to near the end of 1593, all the London theatres were closed owing to a severe attack of the plague.1 And, though the two Poems he then wrote and dedicated to Southampton will account for some of the time, we may guess that the rest was occupied in the composition of plays against the day when the number of deaths by plague per week would fall low enough in London to permit of public performances once again. If so Richard III was probably one of the plays written at this period, while we may plausibly suppose that it was first produced by the Chamberlain's company shortly after its formation in the spring of 1594. That it was instantly successful, whenever produced, allows of little doubt. And Crookback, which is known to have been one of Burbage's parts,* is likely to have been that for which he was most famous in the middle nineties. The play's immense popularity is also attested by the fact that no fewer than six editions of it were published in quarto before a better text was included in the Folio of 1623, a record only equalled by the Quarto of 1 Henry IF 'with the humorous conceits of Sir Iohn Falstaffe'; while the number of contemporary allusions to it, or imitations of it, which have survived seems to be larger than that of any other Shakespeare play except perhaps Hamlet? It was in fact the best shocker of the age, with a villain who embodied some of the Elizabethans' pet detestations. As a monster, See 2 Henry VI, Introduction, p. x. * Elizabethan Stage, ii. 308. See Stage-History, p. xlvii. 3 See Herford, Eversley Shakespeare, vi. 395-6, and our Stage-History he. cit.



physically and morally, he ministered to the pleasurable abhorrence which men of all periods and classes experience in the contemplation of a hideous and inhuman criminal type; and as a godless and bloodthirsty tyrant he was admirably fitted to be the protagonist of a Senecan tragedy, at that date the only form of tragedy approved by the literary dictators.


(a) The chronicles What may be called the ultimate sources of the play, though Shakespeare is unlikely to have made direct use of either of them, are (i) the Anglica Historia of Polydore Vergil, an Italian humanist who, coming to England in 1502 as a collector of Peter's Pence, was later engaged by Henry VII to write the first Tudor history of England, which he completed about 1516 and began to publish in 1534; and (ii) The History of King Richard the Third, by Sir Thomas More, which, left unfinished about 1513, was not published until after his death. Though very different in scope and differing also in detail when treating the same period, the two books were written by friends, inspired by loyalty to the house of Tudor, and revealing much the same outlook and political prejudices. These More himself imbibed, together with much of his facts, from Richard's contemporaries including More's father, his
This section, though an independent survey, owes much to C. L. Kingsford, English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century, 1913, and G. B. Churchill, Richard the Third up to Shakespeare, 1900. For Polydore and the relation between the chronicles readers may also be referred to The 'Anglica Historia'' of Polydore Vergil, ed. by Denys Hay, 1950, and Polydore Vergil by the same author, 1952.




grandfather, and his patron Cardinal Morton, the Bishop of Ely who fetches strawberries for Richard in Act 3, scene 5, and who was actually one of the principal agents of Richard's downfall, as More is evidently about to make clear when his book breaks off short in the middle of a lengthy discussion between Morton and Buckingham on the subject of Richard's claim to the throne. Thus More's History covers the play down to Act 4, scene 4, the eve of Buckingham's rebellion, and is to that point its main, almost its sole, source. Yet, as we shall see, the play owes something to Polydore both in atmosphere and structure, together with a few 'facts' and incidents here and there, which will be indicated in the Notes. Both More and Polydore, however, reached the dramatist through the medium of Hall and Holinshed, the chroniclers upon whom the play is immediately based, and it is necessary therefore to give some account of the versions or perversions which they offered. First, then, More left behind him two texts of his History, both now accepted as authentic;1 one in Latin, which takes us down to the coronation of Richard; and the other in English, which as just noted stops short a little later on. The Latin manuscript was printed with More's Latina Opera in 1566; the English one nine years earlier with the English Works collected and published by More's son-in-law Rastell in 1557. But Rastell had the Latin before him also and so was able to insert here and there into his English text brief additional passages translated from it, carefully indicating at the same time their presence and extent. Very different was the treatment accorded to a copy of the English manuscript which at a still earlier date fell into the hands of the hack-chronicler Richard Grafton, who 1 R. W. Chambers, Thomas More, pp. 21, 115-17. For previous doubts, v. Kingsford, op. cit, pp. 185-90.



garbled it at will, supplemented it for Richard's reign with material drawn mainly from Polydore, and printed it in 1543 as part of his prose 'continuation' of Hardyng's verse Chronicle. It was this corrupt version of More's English History, lacking of course Rastell's insertions from the Latin, which Hall adopted practically word for word, except for a few moralizing additions, in the chronicle entitled The Union of the Houses of Lancaster and York that he published in 1548, drawing upon Polydore in his turn for an independent account of the rest of Richard's reign, with elaborations of his .own such as the 'orations' of Richard and Richmond at Bosworth, from which the two speeches in Act 5, scene. 3, are derived.1 Twenty years later the industrious Grafton returned to the charge with a fresh account of the usurpation and reign of Richard which formed the chapters on Edward V and Richard III in his Chronicle at large, 1569, and virtually consisted of a reprint of Rastell's text eked out by Hall's chronicle, both of which were now available. Finally we come to the play's principal direct source, the chapters on Edward IV, Edward V and Richard III in the Chronicles of Holinshed, who furnished a faithful reproduction of Rastell's text, together with much from Hall for what came before and what followed the events More describes, while he also took over some of the items for which Grafton was responsible. Of all these chronicles two only, the compilations of Hall (or Grafton, 1569)* and of Holinshed, were actually utilized for the drafting of the play. Recourse to Holinshed is proved by verbal links or misreadings, such as those cited in my notes on 1. 1. 137, 2.3 Chambers, pp. 115-17; Kingsford, pp. 187-8, 263. Grafton's Chronicle at large follows Hall so closely that it is often impossible to say which of the two is the source.
a 1




(Material)', by the reference to details not given in other sources, such as the bleeding of Henry VI's corpse (1.2.55-6) and the omen of Rougemont Castle (4. 2. 10210); and finally by the error of 'mother's' for 'brother's' at 5. 3. 324, which proves further that the edition used was not the first but the second (1587), in which this error originated. Nor is the play's debt to Hall any less certain, though Hall's close dependence upon Grafton's continuation of Hardyng makes it necessary to keep that in view as a possible alternative. Thus the brace of bishops between whom Richard stands at the audience given to the Mayor in 3. 7, 'ornaments' not spoken of in More or Holinshed, might have been set down to Hall's notorious Protestant prejudice, were they not to be found in Grafton's Hardyng (1543), as were also the points he supplied at 2 . 1 . 6 7 - 9 and 3. I. 164.1 A conclusive link with Hall (or Grafton, 1569), however, is to be seen in the reference at 3. 5. 76-8 to a tyrannical execution by Edward IV. All More, Grafton's Hardyng (1543) and Holinshed tell us is the victim's name and that he 'was for a word spoken in haste, cruelly beheaded'; from Hall (or Grafton, 1569) alone could Shakespeare have learnt that he was a London tradesman jesting upon the sign of the crown hanging before his shop.
(<) Shakespeare's debt to More

Yet when all is said Shakespeare's chief debt, whether lie knew it or not, was to Sir Thomas More; and it is strange, to some extent exasperating, that this of all plays should be the joint product of the two greatest minds of the Tudor age, since it afforded little or no scope for the humanity, tenderness and spiritual depth

See notes below.



which characterize them both. Had he completed, on his own account, the revision begun in the famous
Three Pages of The Book of Sir Thomas More, now lying at the British Museum, Shakespeare might have given us all these things and more in a portrait of the great Chancellor himself. As it is we must make the best of the portrait below of our legendary Bunchback, a portrait which is virtually all More's excepta large exceptionfor the twinkle in the eye and the tone of voice; a tone self-assured, almost impishly gay, and most engagingly cynical, which we first hear in the opening soliloquy and listen to entranced until at last conscience makes its inevitable entry with the ghosts in Act 5though even then, be it noted, only when the voice is stilled and the mind wrapped in sleep. And yet, since this gaiety is hardly at all evident in what Richard has to say in Henry VI, 1 it seems likely that it was suggested by the irony w,hich is so striking a feature of More's History? For though he depicts Richard merely as a grim arch-villain, More constantly views him from a drily humorous standpoint. When Richard, for example, as part of the campaign for the blackening of Hastings's character after his suspiciously hasty execution, orders his paramour, Mistress Shore, to be put to open penance, More remarks that in this he shows himself 'a goodly continent prince, clean and faultless of himself, sent out of heaven into this vicious world for the amendment of men's manners'.3 To a mind like Shakespeare's, which took suggestion as a What there is of it in 8 Henry VI was, I suspect, added after Shakespeare began reading the chronicles for
Richard III. 1 Cf. Tillyard, Shakespeare's History Plays, p. 209. 3 More, History of King Richard the Third, ed. by J. R. Lumby, p. 53; Holinshed, Chronicles, 1587, .iii. 724/2.




cat laps milk, such comments, aided by Grafton's touch, of the brace of bishops at the audience with the Mayor, were probably enough to supply the whole apparatus of Richard's mock sanctimony: the 'odd old ends stolen forth of Holy Writ', the downcast eye as he says, ' I thank my God for my humility', the shocked protest of ' O do not swear, my lord of Buckingham', and so forth. What More did not and surely would not have suggested is the infectious glee which Richard takes in the concoction and carrying out of his various intrigues, so infectious that whereas with Iago, his nearest parallel, our sympathies are all for the victims, with Richard we despise the victims and almost applaud the villain. More's Richard III, his biographer R. W. Chambers tells us, 'with all its grim characterization of the last Yorkist k i n g . . . is not a piece of Lancastrian propaganda', as Polydore Vergil's account of the reign and Hall's undoubtedly were, but 'an attack on the nonmoral statecraft of the early sixteenth century'. 1 Is he right when he goes on to claim that 'Shakespeare's Richard is More's Richard' in this as in other respects? Does not the pleasure which the dramatist takes in him and makes his audience share, eclipse any such ethicalpolitical significance? T o our modern minds, which, despite all the current jargon of ambivalence and ambiguity, are far more of the single-track type than those of the Elizabethans, it would seem that this must be .so. But in the post-medieval world, half-Christian, half-pagan, and not in the least rationalistic in our sense of the word, it was not only possible but for persons of any intelligence almost a matter of course to entertain two or three apparently inconsistent attitudes or values at the same time. Nor was there anything novel in condemning on moral or religious grounds a character

R. W. Chambers, op. cit. p. 117.



thoroughly enjoyed on aesthetic ones. By Shakespeare's day playgoers had been accustomed to such 'ambivalence' for centuries. Herod, the Vice, the Devil himself, had been at once horrible and comic in the Miracles. And their failure to understand this twomindedness in the Elizabethan audience has led many critics astray in their estimate of the true significance of Falstaff. Thus only by realizing that Shakespeare expects us at once to enjoy and to detest the monstrous Richard can we fully appreciate the play he wrote about him. And though this gaiety and attitude of selfassured contempt are additions to More's portrait, we can be sure that had More lived to see Shakespeare's re-creation of his History he would have applauded it to the echo, with the pride of a master in a pupil who has bettered his instruction. It is in fact difficult to exaggerate Shakespeare's debt to More at this stage of his development; probably he learnt as much from him as he did from Plutarch later. 'It is from More', Chambers notes for example, 'that Shakespeare takes something of the tragic idea in which his Richard III reminds us of Greek drama: the feeling of fate hanging over blind men who can see what is happening to others but are unconscious of their own danger. "The vain surety of man's mind, so near his death"that is the moral of More's Richard III.' Or again observe how in passing from Henry VI to Richard III we seem to step straight from the medieval into the modern world. That is partly because the rise of totalitarian states, which is the mark of our time, has brought Europe back to the technique of Italian renaissance politics, while Richard III, with its intrigues, counterplots, sudden executions, and secret assassinations, is the earliest and most faithful representation in English drama of the character of a fifteenth- or sixteenth-century Italian tyrant. But this Shakespeare owed almost entirely to




More, who was a grown man when Alexander VI died, and having heard much of the Borgias and other Italian rulers may have involuntarily transferred some of their features to the last Yorkist king, persuaded thereto perhaps by Cardinal Morton. And that Shakespeare, to some extent at least, himself realized the Italian analogies is suggested by Richard's scoffing attitude towards religion and his boast (in defiance of history, chronological and biographical alike) that he will 'set the murderous Machiavel to school'.1 It is even possible that the portrait of the portentous Margaret, which is Shakespeare's own, may owe something to the extraordinary character of that Amazon, if not 'Amazonian trull', Catarina Sforza. In any case the age which, produced the real woman would have found nothing beyond belief in the fictitious one. Shakespeare's audience then accepted the play as, like its main source, a reflection upon 'the non-moral statecraft of the early sixteenth century', and no doubt of the later sixteenth century too. But what about Lancastrian or rather Tudor propaganda ? The notion that More's History is a deliberate falsification of Richard's career and character in the interests of Henry VII, who it has actually been suggested himself murdered the young princes after Bosworth,2 is of course absurd. Minor inaccuracies, like the lacunae, are inevitable in a book left unfinished and unrevised, while the invention of long speeches for characters like Edward IV and Buckingham was what had been expected of a historian since the days of Thucydides. It is even likely that More gave play to his artistic instincts by dramatizing some of the episodes. But 3 Henry VI, 3. 2. 193. I do not say he was incapable of it. The liquidation of Clarence's son (v. note, 4. 2. 54) shows him clearing the steps to the throne, like a prudent upstart.
a 1



nothing of this touches his veracity, which is surely beyond question: he sincerely believed Richard was the sort of man he depicts, capable not only of the actions he ascribes to him but also of those he admits were mere rumours. Hearsay was indeed the only source available when he wrote; yet hearsay of a very different authority from that upon which a modern journalist might build in an attempt to denigrate a statesman recently dead. True, More's patron, Cardinal Morton is unlikely to have taken an impartial or objective view of Richard. But it is not certain that Morton was his chief, or even an important witness; and, had he been, the information he gave was easily checked by that of many others living during the events of 1483-5, more particularly by what he heard from the lips of his father and grandfather, both men of indubitable integrity and prominent citizens of London. In a word, we cannot doubt that More presents us the essential truth about Richard as he saw it, and if his purpose in setting it forth was to hold the mirror up to later governors and princes, that only means that he like Shakespeare was of his age.1 And Shakespeare was no more primarily concerned with Tudor propaganda than he was. He could hardly have done other than represent Henry of Richmond as a kind of St George and the king he slays as much like a dragon as a human being may be. No doubt, too, in his revision of the Henry VI plays he had accepted the conventional Tudor philosophy of history. Nor did he ever consciously turn his back upon it. It was therefore an element in his Richard III as it was in More's. In both, however, it held a very minor position in the scale of values; and as regards the play it is not difficult 1 Cf. A. F. Pollard, 'The Making of Sir Thomas
More's Richard IIP {Essays in honour of James Tait, 1933, pp. 223 ff.).




to see why. Richard III was the first 'history' Shakespeare was free to re-create at will. It is not surprising therefore that his rapidly developing genius should impose on the basic political pattern he had inherited from Henry VI, if not from an original Tragedy of Richard III, new and more fascinating patterns of his own. How new and how highly wrought we shall see in section D (p. xxxvi). Yet while Shakespeare learnt much from More, he of course took his own way. He was free to dramatize to the top of his bent More's half-dramatized material, and to treat as facts as many of the rumours as he chose. And two departures are particularly noteworthy for the glimpse they seem to give us of his mind. The first is a small but rather amusing point of difference. As everyone knows, Richard's favourite expletive in the play is 'by Saint Paul', though he actually swears 'by Saint John' in the opening scene. In the History he swears once only, when he declares that he will not dine until he sees the head of Hastings, and he swears then 'by Saint Paul' in obvious allusion to Acts xxiii, which relates how forty Jews took an oath 'that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul'. 1 Perhaps Shakespeare adopted this as Richard's habitual oath, because its protestant flavour added a touch to the mockPuritan piety which is one of the more entertaining masks that his Richard assumes.* But perhaps he missed the original point in More being probably less familiar with the Scriptures than he. The second and more fundamental difference is the part played by the City in the two accounts of Richard's rise to power. As Herford observes, 'Holinshed's [i.e. More's] Richard is as malignant and as resolute' as 1 Cf. R. Noble, Shakespeare's Biblical Knowledge, p. 136. 2 Cf. supra pp. xv-xvi. A flavour of Chadband seems to hang about Richard's whole circle, see e.g. 3. 2. 109-10, n.



Shakespeare's; 'but he is more cautious, and he has reason to be so. For he has to deceive or to master the trained political intelligence of England', whereas in the play 'this obstacle is insignificant, for of that political intelligence there is very little to be seen. The "Citizens" who in 2. 2 timidly shake their heads as they "see the waters swell before a boisterous storm", but "leave it all to God" are not men before whom very great circumspection was needed... . And they are fitly represented by the credulous Mayor of 3. 5'. 1 In the History, on the other hand, the Mayor, brother of the sycophantic preacher, Dr Shaw, is indeed a climber who has been previously got at.* But he is an exception; and More never lets us forget that the ordinary citizens of London are clear-eyed and hostile, if helpless, spectators of Richard's successive moves towards the crown. When for example Richard tells them how urgently necessary the execution of Hastings had been, 'every man answered him fair as though no man mistrusted the matter, which of truthno man believed'.3 The defamatory proclamation misses fire entirely since everyone notices that a document issued two hours after Hastings's death must have taken a very much longer time to prepare and engross; one citizen sardonically observing 'that it was written by prophecy'.4 And the two civic gatherings, the one to hear Buckingham at the Guildhall and the other to offer Richard the crown at Baynard's Castle, are brilliantly described from the citizens' point of view. Three times Buckingham's outrageous proposal, backed by scurrilous attacks upon the good name of the Queen and the Duchess of York in order to stamp as bastards both the

Eversley Shakespeare, vi. 393-4See note, 3. 5. 102-3.

3 More, op. cit. pp. 51-2. I modernize More's spelling. * More, p. 53.




young princes and their father Edward IV, is listened to by the horrified body in 'a marvellous obstinate silence'; and when for the fourth time he adjures them to declare whether or no they agreed to Richard's election as king, 'the people', indeed, 'began to whisper among themselves secretly that the voice was neither loud nor distinct, but as it were the sound of a swarm of bees', but all he could get to declare themselves were a few prentice boys and a claque of his own retainers who shouted 'as loud as their throats could give, "King Richard! King Richard!" and threw up their caps in token of joy'. 'And therewith', concludes More, 'the lords came down and the company dissolved and departed, the more part all sad; some with glad semblance that were not very merry, and some... not able to dissemble their sorrow were fain at his [Buckingham's] back to turn their face to the wall, while the dolour of their heart burst out at their eyes.'1 Such was the attitude of the average citizen. The deputation to Baynard's Castle next day was a more select body, viz. the Mayor, the aldermen and the chief commoners, the last category no doubt selected as well as select. Their attitude was therefore more cynical though no less critical. For, as Richard stood above them in the gallery and Buckingham at their head humbly offered him the crown, (More comments deliciously) 'there was no man so dull that heard them but he perceived well enough that all the matter was made [=arranged] between them... .And so they said that these matters be kings' games, as it were stageplays, and for the more part played upon scaffolds; in which poor men be but the lookers-on. And they that wise be will meddle no farther. For they that some time step up and play with them, when they cannot

More, pp. 73-4.



play their parts, they disorder the play and do themselves no good'.1 Yet though the citizens did nothing overt to 'disorder the play', Richard's successive ineffective attempts to win their applause show that the play was a failure even before its crowning scene of the coronation. And whether More's account of his career be strictly historical or not, it remains a remarkable constitutional document inasmuch as it tells us how a trained and profound political intelligence in England during the first half of the sixteenth century regarded the relations between the monarchy and public opinion. A dramatist, however, has little use for constitutional theory, and anything but a docile and credulous city would have disordered the play as Shakespeare conceived it. Yet is there not something more than this in the difference between the two treatments? For More was himself a Londoner and his father or grandfather may well have been one of those present at the Guildhall and Baynard's Castle, whereas Shakespeare was, at any rate in intention, a country gentleman, and nothing he writes elsewhere about the rising citizen class, or citizens in general, displays much sympathy for or understanding of them. (c) 'The Mirror for Magistrates' and the Clarence scenes So much for More and the chronicles. But there were other 'histories' of Richard Crookback available, three literary accounts in particular, still extant and all probably composed before Shakespeare wrote his play, which is I think certainly indebted to one of them and almost certainly to another. Earliest of the three is a group of so-called 'tragedies' in The Mirror for

Ibid. pp. 78-9.




Magistrates (Part I, 1559; Part II, 1563),1 composed by William Baldwin and other versifiers, who present eminent or notorious personages in history telling their sad or terrible stories, as 'mirrors' or salutory warnings to those who come after. That Shakespeare was thoroughly conversant with this very large and very dull volume has been suggested in two books widely read in recent years.2 Neither author offers any evidence for the thesis beyond general probability, and finding none myself in any of the seven Histories which it has been my lot to edit since 1939, Histories which present as many as twenty-one of the figures in Baldwin's gallery of mirrors, I grew increasingly sceptical as time went on. There are similarities, of course, as there were bound to be in literary compositions which drew their material from the same chronicles. But this made the wide divergencies all the more striking; divergencies of interpretation, of attitude, of the facts selected for treatment. Furthermore, in view of the frequency with which Shakespeare echoes the very words of his indubitable sources, like Golding, Holinshed, or North, it was surely remarkable that no verbal parallels could be observed between these seven histories and The Mirror, if the latter had been, as is claimed, 'one of the important influences of Shakespeare's youth'.3 And then I came to Richard III, eighth and last history to be edited in the Lancastrian double-cycle, and discovered unquestionable parallels in the very first scene! Two will be enough, I think, to establish the point. The business of the ' G ' prophecy which feeds I quote below from the edition edited by Dr Lily B. Campbell in 1938, to the advantage of us all.

J E. M. W. Tillyard, Shakespeare's History Plays, 1944; Lily B. Campbell, Shakespeare's 'Histories'; mirrors of Elizabethan policy, 1947. 3 Tillyard, op. cit. p. 72.



Edward IV's suspicions of his brother Clarence, and comes from Polydore, not More, is thus clumsily set out by Holinshed:
Some haue reported that the course of this noble mans death rose of a foolish prophesie, which was that after K. Edward one should reigne whose first letter of his name should be a G.1 The eighteenth tragedy of TheMirror is that of George, Duke of Clarence, who tells us, in Baldwin's doggerel, A prophecy was found, which sayd a G, Of Edwardes children should destruccion be. Me to be G, because my name was George My brother thought, and therfore did me hate. But woe be to the wicked heades that forge Such doubtful dreames to brede vnkinde debate.* And in Shakespeare's version, Richard tells us, Plots have I laid, inductions dangerous, By drunken prophecies, libels and dreams, To set my brother Clarence and the king In deadly hate the one against the other.,. About a prophecy, which says that G Of Edward's heirs the murderer shall be.3 Holinshed gives no hint, as does The Mirror, that the prophecy was forged by 'wicked heads'; Shakespeare shows us the wicked head forging it. Holinshed speaks of 'grudge' and 'malice' between the brothers; the word with Shakespeare and The Mirror is 'hate'. Holinshed says nothing, as they do, about the murder of Edward's heirs. Finally, the two couplets which state the prophecy have the same rhyme, the same rhythm, and are in other respects so similar that one is a palpable echo of the other. The connexion is certain: the Clarence 'tragedy' in The Mirror was one of the
1 8

Holinshed, Chronicles, 1587, iii. 703/1. The Mirror, 'Clarence', Mi8r-6. J I . I , 32-40.




sources of Richard III. My other example is scarcely less cogent, and is more interesting for the light it throws upon Shakespeare's mind at work. Baldwin's Clarence concludes the account of his death in the Tower with these lines: Howbeit they bound me whether I would or no, And in a butte of Malmesey standing by, Newe Christned me, because I should not crie.1 The quibble in the last line is the more arresting that light touches are rare in The Mirror. It certainly arrested Shakespeare, who gave it, however, a wittier and more pregnant point by associating it with the ' G ' prophecy. Informed by Clarence that the crime for which he is sent to prison is the name George, Richard exclaims: Alack, my lord, that fault is none of yours; He should, for that, commit your godfathers: Belike his majesty hath some intent That you should be new-christ'ned in the Tower.' And by turning the old jest and setting this fresh nap upon it, Shakespeare loses nothing of its former relevance; on the contrary he adds irony and depth to it, since every spectator who knew anything of history would know of the baptism that awaited Clarence. Baldwin's wise-crack becomes in Richard's mouth charged with hideous omen. These parallels seem to have escaped the notice of the critics above-mentioned, although both had been singled out in 1900 by Churchill, who did not, however, realize their full value as evidenced Others adduced by The Mirror, loc. cit. M369-71. 1. 1. 47-50. 3 Churchill, op. cit. pp. 239-41. Tillyard makes no mention of this book, the most important monograph on the sources of Richard III yet published, and Campbell dismisses it in a couple of pages.



him, together with some he overlooks, will be cited in my notes. Here I wish to draw attention to the fact that all of them come from one only of the eight 'tragedies' in The Mirror which concern Richard III. And though I have recently reread everything Baldwin and his collaborators put into the mouth of Henry VI, Edward IV, Rivers, Hastings, Buckingham, Richard of Gloucester, and Mistress Shore in turn, with an ear open for echoes in the play, I did not detect a single parallel worth considering. I am therefore driven to conclude both that Shakespeare consulted The Mirror for Richard III alone of his histories and that the only 'tragedy' he made use of was Clarence. What then led him to turn to The Mirror for these scenes ? The only reason I can suggest is that he opened the volume to look at another item, which he may well have recalled and wished to re-read before going to work upon what is to many modern readers the outstanding passage in Richard III. I refer to Clarence's Dream, which might have been composed in deliberate rivalry of Sackville's Induction, the only genuine poem in The Mirror except The Complaynt of Buckingham by the same writer. The latest of a long line of English vision-poems going back to the Roman de la Rose of the thirteenth century, Clarence's Dream, as a fearful vision of the after-life, belongs to a special class of such poems, which drew their inspiration from the sixth book of the Aeneid and Dante's Inferno; and here its only vernacular forerunners, apart from the Induction, are Sir David Lindsay's Dreme and Gavin Douglas's Prologue to the seventh book of the Aeneid, both in late Middle Scots. When we recollect how little poetry of real merit was available in the language of his day before the nineties, can we doubt that Shakespeare had read and admired Sackville's majestic study of horrifying desolation long before 1593, or that its influence was




still at work when he sat down to write Clarence's Dream; a dramatic poem, be it noted, entirely of his own invention, without a hint of the kind anywhere in the chronicles ? Surely, when Clarence tells us I passed, methought, the melancholy flood With that sour ferryman which poets write of Unto the kingdom of perpetual night,1 his creator was thinking of Sackville among other poets, and may even have had in mind his lines: We passed on so far furth tyl we sawe Rude Acheron, a lothsome lake to tell That boyles and bubs vp swelth as blacke as hell, Where grisly Charon at theyr fixed tide Stil ferreies ghostes vnto the farder side.* Prince Edward's cry, again, Seize on him, Furies, take him unto torment,' looks like an echo of Sackville's Sorrowe I am, in endeles tormentes payned, Among the furies in the infernall lake.4 Lastly, if all this be granted, it will be granted also that after re-reading one poem in The Mirror for the Clarence scenes, Shakespeare would naturally have turned and glanced through the Clarence 'tragedie' itself and have consciously or unconsciously picked up a word or two here and there from it. (d) The influence of1 The True Tragedy of Richard IIP and other pre-Shakespearian dramas Next in point of time after The Mirror come two dramatic compositions, in which Richard figures as a typical villain of the Senecan type. One of these is an
1 8

i- 4- 45-7Mirror, 'The Induction', 11. 479-83. 3 1. 4. 57. 4 Induction, 11. 108-9.



academic Latin play, Ricardus Tertius, written about 1580 by Dr Thomas Legge, Master of Gonville and Caius College. A popular production at Cambridge to judge from contemporary references and from the fact that nine copies of it are still extant, it is of slight interest to students of Shakespeare, since neither in plot nor in other respects does it bear much resemblance to his play; and there seems little likelihood that he was even acquainted with it.1 The other, in the vernacular, raises, however, important and complicated issues. A strange work, which could never have been acted as it stands, it was published in 1594 under the title of The True Tragedy of Richard the Third, and is obviously a Bad Quarto, i.e. a 'reported text' of an authentic play belonging to an earlier date.2 Churchill noted that it contains a large number of parallels with Shakespeare's play, some of them strikingly close, and declared it to be a 'certain' source of Richard III? But he was writing in 1900 before the rise of critical bibliography, and in particular before the nature and origin of Bad Quartos had received general recognition, so that recent critics, taking their cue from Chambers, who found 'the text so bad as to render any inference hazardous', have tended to neglect his evidence. After a re-examination of this and a careful comparison of the two dramatic texts involved, I have convinced myself that Shakespeare must have utilized either The True Tragedy as printed in 1594 or the authentic lost play
Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, in. 4075 William Shakespeare, i. 304; Churchill, op. cit. p. 393. The text has been twice published, (i) in 1884 by Barron Field, together with The True Tragedy, for the (old) Shakespeare Society; (ii) in 1908 by H. H. Furness in his Variorum, Richard III. 1 See Chambers, William Shakespeare {loc. cit.); Kirschbaum in R.E.S. Jan. 1938. 3 Churchill, op. cit. pp. 396-528.




lying behind it; and I think the balance of probability favours the second alternative. There is no room here to set out the case in full or even to cite more than a few of the parallels in the notes; and I must therefore refer the reader to an article on the subject in Dr McManaway's Shakespeare Quarterly (March 1953). There I have restated what seem to me the more cogent of Churchill's arguments, and in particular that concerning the well-known parallel between the two texts in Richard's desperate cry for 'A horse! a horse!' when we last see him at Bosworth. Peek's Battle of Alcazar offers yet a third parallel, as Churchill and earlier students have noted, in the cry 'A horse! a horse! villain a horse' which Muly Mahomet, the Moorish tyrant, utters to his Boy at his last entry in a similar predicament to that of Richard.1 What Churchill has not observed is that the scene in Peele's play is as clearly derived, directly or indirectly, from Hall's account of the death of Richard III, as are the corresponding scenes in the two plays which concern him. It looks therefore as if Peele was either himself the author of the old play on Richard or wrote his Alcazar with that play in mind. In either case the original Richard III would seem to belong like Alcazar to a date somewhere before the end of 1591.* On the other hand, the date of the publication of The True Tragedy, which followed its entry in the Stationers' Register on 19 June 1594, would surely be too late for the inception of Shakespeare's play, which was in all probability begun in 1592 and completed in 1593. Yet, if Shakespeare made use of this earlier drama or even of the Bad Quarto of it in 1594, the differences
See note 5. 4. 7-10. Greg, Alcazar andOrlando,-p. 8. Churchill, pp. 484 ff., argues, I think plausibly, that it was written as a continuation of 3 Henry VI, in its pre-Shakespearian form I assume.



between his version and the one imperfectly preserved in the latter are so many and so wide that it can have provided him with little more than a point d'appui. Certainly his revision, if revision it were, must have been far more drastic and high-handed than that which I postulate for 2 and 3 Henry VI. Perhaps after the unpleasant business of Greene's dying outburst, he determined to give no further occasion for anyone to raise the cry of 'Upstart Crow'. When we consider, however, the construction of his Richard III, as Mr R. A. Law has expounded it,1 the play can, I think, be shown to owe more to its predecessor than would appear on the surface. Noting that the initial dramatic problem of Richard III was to impose at least the form of unity upon the miscellaneous jumble of events in the chronicles between the death of Henry VI and the accession of Henry VII, Law points out that one method pursued by the dramatist was, after a first act, which is mainly invented, to confine the action as far as possible to the happenings of a single year in the chronicles. Thus in Acts 2, 3, 4 and the first scene of Act 5 our attention is wholly directed to 1483, after which it is immediately switched to the Battle of Bosworth (22 August 1485), with which the play concludes. Now this is precisely the structure of The True Tragedy, which begins, after an Induction, with a scene at Edward's death-bed; and though dramatizing some episodes in 1483 from the chronicles which Shakespeare either passes over or merely alludes to, those which it omits he omits also, notably the coronation of Richard III. It would seem, therefore, as if the framework of Richard III, at any rate in its main outline^ may have been constructed by the dramatist responsible for the old play. 1 R. A. Law, 'Richard III: its composition', PMLA. LX. 689-96 (1945).




Finally, there are links in Richard III with yet another pre-Shakespearian play, viz. The True Chronicle of King Leir,1 entered for publication in the Stationers' Register on 14 May 1594 and performed at the Rose by the Queen's Company a month earlier, though probably dating 'from before the plague of 1592-3'.* Clearly, as Law shows in an earlier article than that just referred to,3 the dialogue concerning the murderers of Clarence (1.4) has a very close connexion with the dialogue concerning the would-be murderer of King Leir (11. 145off.). There are in fact quite a large number of parallels, most of them verbal but some also in situation. Nor are they all confined to the murderers of Clarence, since Law finds one in the dialogue between Richard and Anne (1.2. 104-6), and I find another, which he does not note, between the oaths proposed by Richard and non-suited by the QueenMother in 4.4.366 ff. and the oaths which the murderer proposes and King Leir similarly non-suits in Leir, 11. 1625-33. The parallels, which all occur in one scene of Leir, are thus found in three separate scenes in Richard III. But these three scenes are themselves structurally connected, if we allow Law's theory that Shakespeare in part contrived the composition of his first act (a) by inventing a Clarence scene and transferring to it the murderers who in More, Hall, and The True Tragedie are engaged by Richard to smother the Princes in the Tower, and (6) by inventing a scene in which Richard woos Anne and so anticipates the situation and certain features of the courtship of the Princess Elizabeth which though represented by
The earliest extant edition, dated 1605, was reprinted for the Malone Society by Greg in 1907, and I quote from this text. * W. W. Greg, Modern Language Review, v. 516. 3 PMLA. xxvii. 117-41 (1912)1



Shakespeare in 4. 4 is suggested by the chronicles. All things considered, it can hardly be doubted that in this instance Shakespeare, and not the unknown author of Leir, was the borrower.

As already observed, if a pre-Shakespearian play lies behind Richard III Shakespeare had travelled a long way from it before he completed the drama as we now know it. There are, it is true, words and phrases here and there which recall Greene or Peele, and one or two short scenes in feeble verse which conceivably can be theirs; but otherwise the mind and voice are Shakespeare's throughout. While in the Henry VI trilogy and in Titus Andronicus we are constantly pulled up short by sudden transitions of style and as constantly offended by vapid thought and tawdry imagery, in Richard III we have practically nothing of this. On the contrary we are swept forward from beginning to end by the 'compulsive force' of a poetic and dramatic genius in the full vigour and flamboyance of youth. Much has been written in recent years about the style of Richard III., but nothing I think that may not be found in the following terse and brilliant summary by Sir Edmund Chambers:
There are 'dull' scenes, but the style is uniform throughout. It is a highly mannered rhetorical style, extravagant in utterance, with many appeals and exclamations. There is much violence and vituperative speech; the word 'blood' runs like a leit-motif through the play. Epithets, and sometimes nouns, are piled up, in pairs, with or without a conjunction; in triplets or even greater numbers. Types of line-structure tend to recur. One is based on such a triplet; another is a 'balanced' line, of noun and epithet against noun and epithet. A 'clinching' line at the end of a speech is also common. There are 'cumulative' passages




of parallel lines with parisonic beginnings or ending. Words and phrases are repeated for emphasis. There is much 'ringing of the changes* on individual words, between line and line and speech and speech. Sometimes this is progressive, as new words are introduced. Sometimes it takes the form of a bitter pun. There is rhetorical structure, in antithesis, antiphon, stichomythia. Some of it is ultimately of Senecan origin. All these features occur individually in pre-Shakespearean plays and recur in later Shakespearean plays, with diminishing frequency. But I do not think that they are quite so massed and multiplied elsewhere.1 And to the conclusion that the whole is Shakespeare's he makes only one exception: ' I am not certain', he observes, ' that the extremely ineffective speeches of the ghosts ( 5 . 3 . 118-76) may not be a spectacular theatrical addition.' if these speeches, we may note, be omitted, the context hardly suffers, while as they occur in one of those portions of the text which we assume have nothing behind them but a quarto, i.e. the version reconstructed from actors' memories, he may be right. On the other hand, the verse which the ghosts speak, if originally Shakespeare's, may well have been enfeebled by memorial dilution. Or perhaps Shakespeare had just grown tired, as well he might at that stage of the composition; for the verse, though poor, is not, like so much in Henry VI, 'of quite a different complexion from the inferior parts of his 'undoubted performances and visions'.* Or it may belong, Mr Maxwell suggests, to the style he affected for pageants, which tended to be commonplace till the end of his career.
1 William Shakespeare, i. 302-3. I retain his spelling, 'Shakespearian*, which I think undesirable, though A. C. Bradley and others use it. 1 Malone's words cited in Boswell's ed. of Malone's

Shakespeare, xviii. 557.



A stylistic blemish of another kind, not noted by Chambers, deserves a word, if only because it is characteristically Shakespearian. I refer to the 'tangles', of which quite a number occur in this text, and which are of special interest because, occurring as they do in an early play, they are simpler in character than those found later, and so reveal more plainly the source of the trouble in the writer's mind. Discussing the 'tangles' in Hamlet I wrote for example eighteen years ago: There can be little doubt that occasionally Shakespeare, because his imagination raced ahead of his pen, because he grew tired, or simply because, like the humblest author of us all, he was gravelled, not for matterthat never seemed to fail himbut for the appropriate word or phrase, left passages behind him in the process of composition that needed straightening out or pruning afterwards.1 Having now edited Richard III, I am inclined to account for tangles on rather different grounds. For the obvious cause of them all here is, not lack of words, but what one may call a logical breakdown or syntactical incoherence. A couple of examples will illustrate the point. Buckingham, sealing his league with the Queen at the dying king's bedside, delivers himself as follows (2.1.32-5): Whenever Buckingham doth turn his hate Upon your grace, but with all duteous love Doth cherish you and yours, God punish me With hate in those where I expect most love! Hamilton Thompson, the Arden editor, rightly explains the difficulty here as arising 'from the attempt to combine two strong asseverations, whose meaning is
The Manuscript of Shakespeare's 'Hamlet', p . 24. Cf. Greg, The Editorial Problem in Shakespeare, pp. ix, 103,




opposed, in one connected sentence'. In the same way, he points out in a note on 2. 3. 1215: In him there is a hope of government, Which, in his nonage, council under him, And in his full and ripened years, himself No doubt, shall then and till then govern well that the meaning suffers 'from the connexion by one verb of two ideas, one present, the other future'.1 What appear to be similar syntactical incoherences are to be found at 1. 3. 161-2; 2. 2. 5-7; 3. 7. 133-6; and I should add to those the cruxes at 1. 3. 639 and 2. 2. 117-19, together with the logical inconsistency at 5. 3. 243-4.* What is involved in every case, be it observed, is no failure of poetic power or facility, no groping for the right word, but a mind into which the ideas or images (the two were one) flowed with such ease and rapidity that occasionally it was unable to erect a logical or syntactical framework quick enough to carry them. And I suggest that an examination of the tangles in later plays will suggest that most of these are probably due to a like cause. In any case, one could hardly have a better glimpse of Shakespeare's mind and hand going together. 'And what he thought he uttered with that easiness', the players tell us, 'that we 'have scarce received from him a blot in his papers.' His imagination never left him time to blot!

Popular as Richard III is and has always been on the stage, the critics took some time to discover its peculiar excellence. Johnson and Malone agreed that the praise it generally received was 'greatly beyond its merit' Cf. Abbot, Shakespearian Grammar, 371. See notes below for these examples, and cf. the note on S.HeTiry VI, 5. 6. 41-3.
2 1



seeing that 'some parts are trifling, others shocking, and some improbable'; 1 while Steevens went so far as to ascribe a measure of such merit as it possessed to Cibber's 'judicious reformation', which had rid it of 'langours', like Clarence's dream and the 'ravings of Margaret', passages he believed no 'modern audience' would have listened to with patience.2 Even for Coleridge it was chiefly significant as an exhibition 'in a tone of sublime morality' of 'the dreadful consequences of placing the moral in subordination to the mere intellectual being'; criticism which, like his more famous remarks on Hamlet, illuminates the critic's uneasy conscience rather than Shakespeare's art. It was the humorist, Charles Lamb, who first saw the play in true perspective, and all that has been since written on Richard's character is little more than an elaboration of the ideas set forth in an article which he published in The Morning Post for 4 January 1802, criticizing a highly popular production at Covent Garden with G. F . Cooke in the title-role. The notice deserves quotation both as a fine piece of dramatic criticism and as salutary advice, not yet wholly impertinent, to Shakespeare's 'fellows' of the acting profession. Allowing that Cooke presented 'a very original and very forcible portrait... of the monster Richard, as he exists in the popular idea', Lamb singled out three aspects of the part which, he misrepresented or vulgarized. 1st. His predominant and masterly simulation.He has a tongue can wheedle with the Devil. It has been the policy of that antient and grey simulator, in all ages, to hide his horns and claws. The Richard of Mr. Cooke perpetually obtrudes his. We see the effect of his

Boswell's ed. of Malone's Shakespeare, xix. 243. * Ibid. p. 244.




deceit uniformly successful, but we do not comprehend how it succeeds. We can put ourselves, by a very common fiction, into the place of the individuals upon whom it acts, and say, that, in the like case, we should not have been alike credulous. The hypocrisy is too glaring and visible. It resembles more the shallow cunning of a mind which is its own dupe, than the profound and practised art of so powerful an intellect as Richard's. It is too obstreperous and loud, breaking out into triumphs and plaudits at its own success, like an unexercised noviciate in tricks. It has none of the silent confidence, and steady self-command of the experienced politician; it possesses none of that fine address, which was necessary to have betrayed the heart of Lady Anne, 1 or even to have imposed upon the duller wits of the Lord Mayor and citizens. 2ndly. His habitual jocularity, the effect of buoyant spirits, and an elastic mind, rejoicing in its own powers, and in the success of its machinations. This quality of unstrained mirth accompanies Richard, and is a prime feature in his character. It never leaves him; in plots, in stratagems, and in the midst of his bloody devices, it is perpetually driving him upon wit, and jests, and personal satire, fanciful allusions, and quaint felicities of phrase. It is one of the chief artifices by which the consummate master of dramatic effect has contrived to soften the horrors of the scene, and to make us contemplate a bloody and vicious character with delight. Nowhere, in any of his plays, is to be found so much of sprightly colloquial dialogue, and soliloquies of genuine humour, as in Richard. This character of unlaboured mirth Mr. Cooke seems entirely to pass over, and substitutes in its stead the coarse, taunting humour, and clumsy merriment of a low-minded assassin. Srdly. His personal deformity. When the Richard of Mr. Cooke makes allusions to his own form, they seem accompanied with unmixed distaste and pain, like some obtrusive and haunting idea. But surely the Richard of Shakespeare mingles in these allusions a perpetual reference How often does the wooing fail to win us in the theatre for lack of 'that fine address* I (J.D.W.)



to his own powers and capacities, by which he is enabled to surmount these petty objections; and the joy of a defect conquered, or turned into an advantage, is one cause of these very allusions, and of the satisfaction with which his mind recurs to them. These allusions themselves are made in an ironical and good humoured spirit of exaggerationthe most bitter of them are to be found in his self-congratulating soliloquy spoken in the very moment and crisis of joyful exultation on the success of his unheard of courtship.1 This appreciation of Richard III, which would now be accepted as just by most critics, but was something new in 1802, must be set down, partly of course to Lamb's genius, but partly also to the fact that few before him had been in a position to view the play in its historical perspective, seeing that the earliest attempt to establish the chronological order of the plays had been published by Malone only twenty years before, while it was Lamb himself who six years later opened the eyes of the world at large to the wealth of dramatic literature in the age of Shakespeare by the publication of his famous Specimens. Thus, though Cooke was still playing Cibber's version,2 Lamb was able to appraise Richard III for what it was at the time of its original production without wronging it, as some critics are still apt to do, by depreciating it in comparison with the later tragedies. With ethics almost as conventional as its structure is formal, of shallow depth, and devoid of tendernessexcept for the rather sugary picture of the two dead princes in the Tower, which the murderers indulge in once the deed is safely accomplished, and
The Worh of Charles Lamb,'ed. by E. V. Lucas, 1912, 'Miscellaneous Prose', pp. 41-4. For an up-to-date parallel and contrast the reader may be referred to Mr T . C. Worsley's interesting critique of Sir Laurence Olivier's Richard in The Fugitive Art, 1952, pp. 57-9. 1 See Stage-History, p. xlviii.




which Hazlitt strangely picks out for special commendationRichard III shows us little or nothing of the 'mighty Poet of the human Heart'. 1 Yet Londoners, to whom in 1594 tragedy meant Senecan tragedy, e.g. The Spanish Tragedy, The Jew of Malta (in which Barabas is 'brought in' as Lamb notes, 'with a large painted nose to please the rabble') or, to quote Lamb once again, 'the lunes of Tamburlaine\ must have found Shakespeare's dramatization of More's History almost incredibly brilliant. Nor is it possible even today to name any other drama as consummate as Richard III in its own kind, a kind that having brought it thus to perfection Shakespeare never again essayed. It is indeed this very perfection which has blinded many to the play's true character. For the kind in question is not rightly tragedy, but melodrama; the melodrama of genius, yet all the more melodrama for that. So much has been written on the play, and so well, since the time of Lamb, that it would be impertinent in me to attempt yet another general criticism. Let it suffice to emphasize some of the points made by others. In the first place it is interesting to pick up a thread dropped earlier in this Introduction and inquire what political ideas, if any, may be gleaned from the play, in view of the stress laid upon Shakespeare's political philosophy in recent criticisms of the Histories. A more persuasive and in my view sounder exposition is one by R. G. Moulton which appeared as long ago as 1885.2 After giving us in one chapter the best analysis of Richard's character since Lamb, Moulton considers the
1 2

Keats, Letters, 9 June 1819. (To Miss Jeffrey.) Shakespeare as a dramatic artist, ed. 1901, a book not

mentioned either by Dr Tillyard or by Mr A. P. Rossiter, who writes on 'The Structure of Richard the Third' {Durham University Journal, Dec. 1938).



structure of Richard HI in a second, entitled 'HowShakespeare weaves Nemesis into History'. The plot, he observes, 'presents to us the world of history transformed into an intricate design of which the recurrent pattern is Nemesis',1 while the various lines of the plot are linked together into a system, the law of which is seen to be that those who triumph in one nemesis become the victims of the next; so that the whole suggests 'a chain of destruction* like that binding together the orders of the brute creation which live by preying upon one another.* This last image, though Moulton does not observe it, is now recognized as a favourite one with Shakespeare3 and may well have been present in his mind as he wrote the play. In any case, the fates of Clarence, the Woodvilles, Hastings, and Buckingham, which together constitute the underplot, clearly exemplify the pattern in question. When Clarence perished it was the King who dealt the doom and the Queen's party who triumphed; the wheel of Nemesis goes round and the King's death follows the death of his victim, the Queen's kindred are naked to the vengeance of their enemies, and Hastings is left to exult. Again the wheel of Nemesis revolves, and Hastings at the moment of his highest exultation is hurled to destruction, while Buckingham stands by to point the moral with a gibe. Once more the wheel goes round, and Buckingham hears similar gibes addressed to himself and points the same moral in his own person.4 These minor actions, all concerned with the House of York, are moreover seen within the larger circle of the Op. cit. p. 108. * Op. cit. p. n o . 3 Cf. for example, Troilus and Cressida, i. 3. 119-24; and Sir Thomas More, 11. 80-7 of Shakespeare's Addition. * Moulton, op. cit. p. 110.
R. i n - 3




Wars of the Roses, symbolized by the two surviving dowagers of the rival houses, introduced for the sole purpose of giving form to this theme, viz. the old Duchess of York, from whom are descended all the factions that 'successively triumph and fall' in the play, and (once again in defiance of history and probability) the old Queen Margaret, whose 'function is to point out' that the woes of the House of York are merely the nemesis for their wrongs to the House of Lancaster. Nor is Margaret always allowed the last word; for at one point, the other characters round upon her, to remind the audience that her woes were themselves a nemesis for wrongs done to the House of York, a reminder which seems to open up 'a vista of nemeses receding further and further back into history'.1 Furthermore, to prevent these reiterated retributions seeming tedious or mechanical Shakespeare gives them, the effect of strokes of fate, by making each victim admit the justice of the blow when it falls, by representing each blow as the fulfilment of a prophecy, and by the frequent introduction of ironical touches. Finally, this intricate patterning is devised as a background to the central character. For, although the various Nemesis Actions have been carried on by their own motion and by the force of retribution as a principle of moral government, yet there is not one of them which reaches its goal without at some point of its course receiving an impetus from contact with Richard. Richard is thus the source of movement to the whole drama, communicating his own energy through all parts. It is only fitting that the motive force to this system of nemeses should be itself a grand Nemesis Action, the Life and Death, or crime and retribution, of Richard III? And Moulton concludes by tracing the fall of Richard; a fall which resembles that of a man 'slipping down the

Moulton, op. cit. pp. 111-13.

Ibid. p. 119.



face of a precipice, with desperate clingings and consciously increasing impetus'. It begins, ironically, at the moment when, the desire of his heart at last secure through the murder of the princes, we see him seated on the throne 'in pomp, crowned'; and it brings him at last to the dreadful realization, especially in sleep, 'that the finger of Nemesis has been pointing at him all his life and he has never seen it'. 1 I have devoted some space to Moulton's analysis, partly because I feel his merits as a critic have been unduly neglected,2 but chiefly for two other reasons. First, though the structural pattern he brings out is one admirably adapted to tragedy, is indeed not unlike that of Macbeth, it is even more serviceable in a play the central figure of which is a Senecan tyrant, that is to say, a villain of the melodramatic type. On the one hand its obvious artificiality tends to make his artificiality seem less obvious, and on the other the reiteration of its conventional morality keeps the audience 'feeling good', while leaving them free to enjoy the wickedness of the villain to their hearts' content; a double satisfaction which is of the essence of melodrama. If Marlowe gave London 'magnificent melodrama, saved only from absurdity by flashes of enchanting poetry', 3 Shakespeare showed that melodrama could also be magnificent art when furnished with a skilfully worked plot, to say nothing of the 'enchanting poetry' of Clarence's dream. And in the second place, Moulton's criticism teaches us that when composing Richard III Shakespeare had artistic or dramatic considerations in mind rather than any concern for the Ibid. p. 121. * Despite Granville-Barker*s tribute to it as the pioneer work of a 'penetrating and powerful mind* {Companion to
Shakespeare Studies, p. 352). 3 Macneile Dixon, Tragedy, p. 31.




commonwealth or the glorification of the House of Tudor. Richmond had to appear in the last act, because Richard and the play both end with the Battle of Bosworth; and he had to go off with a speech on the union of the two houses and the blessings of peace, because every groundling would expect something of the sort; Richard III being the last of the tetralogy. But what a stick he is, and how conventional are his sentiments and perfunctory his verse!1 Indeed, one cannot but remark the casual, not to say careless, treatment of the Tudor theme throughout. The note is first struck in the third scene,* but is so muted there that only a spectator well read in the chronicles could have caught it. The Princess Elizabeth is never introduced, and at the end of the long scene of Richard's wooing of her by proxy, we are at a loss to understand what the Queen-Mother's intentions are. It is true that we hear in the next scene that she has actually consented to the marriage with Richmond, and I think with Hudson, Brandes, E. K. Chambers and Palmer,3 that Shakespeare meant us to suppose that Richard is hoodwinked in this his second outrageous courtship. But he was assuredly not 'palpably outwitted' as Chambers puts it; and it is rather strange that Shakespeare should leave his audience in doubt for over a hundred and twenty lines whether or no the ancestress of his own Queen Elizabeth had sold her daughter to a man whose hands were red with the blood of her sons, even though Note especially the last seven lines with identical openings in. the second and fifth.
See note 1.3. 20-9. 3 Hudson, Shakespeare's Life, etc., ii. 166; Brandes, William Shakespeare (1916 ed.), p. 134; E. K. Chambers, Shakespeare: a Survey, p. 19; John Palmer, Political Characters of Shakespeare, p. 105. This too was Cibber's view, v. Stage-History, p. xlix and note, 4. 4. 429-30.



we are undeceived shortly after. How differently the whole dynastic business was dealt with in the original of The True Tragedy may be gathered from the prominence of the Princess from the outset of the Bad Quarto text, from her betrothal with Richmond on the stage, and above all from the conclusion of the text which takes the form of a prophetic vision of the glories coming to the Tudor dynasty and in particular to Elizabeth the Great herself. From all which it appears, to me at least, unlikely that Shakespeare's 'main end' in Richard III was 'to show the working out of God's will in English history'.1

J. D. W.
May 1952
* Tillyard, op. cit. p. 208.



The play, to judge by the apparent frequency of performance, has been one of the most popular in the canon. But this is deceptive, since in its period of greatest vogue, the eighteenth century, and even down to Henry Irving, a perversion by Colley Cibber was presented, in whole or part, in the place of Shakespeare. The present survey will cover the stage-history of both the original play, and of its eighteenth-century supplanter. The words 'lately Acted by the Right Honourable the Lord Chamberlaine his seruants' which appear on the title-page of the first Quarto are repeated down to 1605, and duly altered in 1612 and 1622 to 'lately Acted by the King Maiesties Seruants'. But no record of the performances has yet been discovered. On 16 November 1633, it was played 'by the K. players' at Court before King Charles and the Queen; 1 but this is the only notice of the play before the closing of the theatres in 1642. Yet its popularity in Shakespeare's time and after is abundantly attested by the repeated Quartos, and by many allusions. Meres in Palladis Tamia (1598) lists it as one of the six plays proving Shakespeare to be 'most excellent' in tragedy 'among the English' as Seneca 'among the Latines'. The next year John Weever in his Epigrammes pairs 'Richard' with 'Romeo' in an eulogy of Shakespeare's 'issue'.3 The Dramatic Records of Sir Henry Herbert, ed. by J. Q.Adams (1917), p. 53. 1 v. the sonnet, Ad Guilielmum Shakespeare, in E. K. Chambers, William Shakespeare: Facts and Problems (1930), ii. 199. The 'Richard' may, however, mean RichardII.



The play, Returnefrom Parnassus, Part II (? Christmas, 1601) shows Richard Burbage coaching for the part of Richard one Philomusus, who recites the first two lines of our play;1 and John Manningham in his Diary3 under 13 March 1602 tells a story of Shakespeare's forestalling Burbage, in an assignation with a frail London auditor captivated by the latter's playing of the part, with the plea that 'William the Conqueror was before Richard the third'. Other allusions prove Burbage's fame in the role, as when Richard Corbet tells how his guide over Bosworth field, 'when he would have said, "King Richard died", | and called "A horse! a horse!" he "Burbage" cried'.3 This line (5.4.7) is quoted or parodied repeatedly, from Marston's Scourge of Villainie (1598) to Hey wood's The Iron Age (?i6i3) and Fletcher's Little French Lawyer (c. i6i9).4 Downes's reference in Roscius Anglicanus (1708) to Richard as one of Betterton's famous roles is not to Shakespeare's play, but to Caryl's The English Princess (acted at Lincoln's Inn Fields in March 1667). But at least one appearance in Richard III is proved by the discovery in a copy of Quarto 8 (1634) of a cast for the play, written on the verso of the title-page. It gives Betterton Edward IV, Kynaston Clarence, Sandford Richard, Williams Buckingham, and Mountford Richmond; while Mrs Betterton played the Duchess of

v. Chambers, op. cit. ii. 201, and his Elizabethan Stage

(1923), iv. 38-9. a v. Chambers, op. cit. ii. 212. 3 her Boreale (pp. 193-4 in Corbet's Poems, 1647), written in 1621 (v. Essays & Studies, x. 80-2). 4 v. The Henry Irving Shakespeare, iii. 147; and for dates, Annals of English Literature (1935), J. Q- Adams in Modern Language Notes, xxxiv. 336 ff. and A . M . Clark, Thomas Heyiuood (1931), pp. 63-5.




York, Mrs Bracegirdle Anne, Mrs Knight Queen Margaret, and Mrs Barry Queen Elizabeth. The combination proves a date later than the union of the Duke's and King's Companies in 1685. July 1692 is the latest possible dating, since Williams left in August and did not return till after Mountfort's death in a duel in December; while the names of Michael Lee and Hodgson in the cast make 1690 an almost certain
terminus a quo.1

In July 1700 Cibber's play was acted at Drury Lane, Cibber himself taking the title part, though little fitted for it. In his Preface to the play as printed, and in his Apology for his Life, he complains that the Master of the Revels in licensing the play for the stage excised the whole of the first act; it was so acted 'for some few years' before this act was restored. Act 1 is largely compiled from 3 Henry VI, with a relation of the battle of Tewkesbury at the beginning, and the murder at the end. Hence Cibber concludes that it was cut out for fear that the distresses of Henry VI might arouse sympathy for James II, now an exile in France. > Cibber's play, called by Davies in his Dramatic Miscellanies, 1783 (i. 3) 'a very pleasing pasticcio', was to Hazlitt a 'striking example' of'the manner in which Shakespeare's plays have b e e n . . . mangled by modern mechanists'. It is a greatly abridged and viciously adulterated version of our play, honeycombed with fragments (some 190 lines) from most of the other Histories. Out of its (roughly) 2050 lines more than 1060 are poor, and sometimes quite execrable, verse by Cibber himself to some 800 odd retained from Shakespeare. Many scenes and characters are totally omitted; Clarence, Edward IV, Margaret and Hastings all disappear. This drastic cutting may secure, as Prof.
1 v. the Times Literary Supplement, 27 June and 4 July 1935, and 30 April, 7 May and 18 June 1938.



Odell repeatedly insists,1 a more compact drama which 'acts better'. Such a lengthy scene as 4. 4, for example, with its long drawn-out ending in what is in effect a doublet of the wooing of Anne, is certainly improved by much cutting. Cibber also added an aside showing Queen Elizabeth's consent as only a ruse to gain time for Richmond's enterprise? But some of the most effective scenes are jettisoned, such as 1.4, with the dream and murder of Clarence, and 2.4, with the Council where the unsuspecting Hastings is denounced as a traitor; and the absence of Margaret, at once the Chorus and the embodied Nemesis of the play, is loss irreparable. The insertions from the other Histories are usually ill-suited to their new setting. Thus Morton's praise of the dead Hotspur (2 Hen. IF, 1.1.112-23) is absurd when transferred to Henry's quite young son, Edward, in the opening scene. The four lines of Bolingbroke to Gaunt (Ric. II, 1. 3. 294-5, 298-9) are out of character in the mouth of the meek Henry VI, as are also the fourteen lines lifted from Hen. V, 4 Prol., when uttered by Richard the night before Bosworth Field. The news of Hotspur's death is drawn on a second time (2 Hen. IF, 1. 1. 155-60) to give a dying speech to Richard after four feeble lines by Cibber. Henry V's famous speech before Harfleur contributes four lines (H. F, 3. 1. 3-6) to Richmond before the battle, and a condensed version of Henry IV's soliloquy on sleep (2 Hen. IF, 3. 1.4-31) is given to Anne, lamenting her marriage in a newly added scene. Most lines from Shakespeare are marred in the borrowing; Cibber, as Genest amply demonstrates, cannot even pilfer without altering for the worse.3 The cuts of whole
G. C. D . Odell, Shakespeare from Betterton to Irving (1921), i. 75; ii. 153, 271. * See 4. 4.429-30, n. 3 The 1700 ed. of the play, however, in the Edinburgh National Library differs in wording in some places from



scenes leave Richard always in the centre of the action; but he is a melodramatic villain without the subtlety and wit of Shakespeare's murderer. A touch of the lover, as in the new scene with Anne after marriage, where a transfer of affection to Elizabeth is announced in an aside' My heart's vacant, and she shallfillher place' only makes him psychologically more incredible.1 Yet Cibber's version entirely displaced the original Richard III on the stage till Macready's partial attempt at restoration of Shakespeare in 1821; and neither his, nor Phelps's more thoroughgoing return to Shakespeare in 1845 could divert theatrical fashion from Cibber. Only after Irving's 1877 performance was his travesty effectively discarded. Even then, till at least very recent times Cibber's two most popular perversions 'Off with his head! So much for Buckingham', and 'Richard's himself again'might be heard quoted as Shakespeare. Cibber's play was performed eighty-seven times from 1701 till the advent of Garrick. For fifty-two of
Genest's quotations (from Tonson's 1736 ed. of Cibber's Works) 5 and his crowning example of Cibber's ineptitude (which makes Richard impute bastardy to himself instead of to Clarence) is not in the 1700 original. It is clearly a printer's error of 'me' for 'him' (see Genest's Some Account of the English Stage 1660-1830 (1832), ii. 204-5). In Modern Language Notes, xlii. 29-32 (1927), A . C. Sprague describes a whole scene depicting the murder of the two Princes which editions from 1718 onwards omitted. 1 See for Cibber's play Hazlitt, Characters of Shakespeare's Plays (1817) (Everyman's ed., pp. 176-9); Genest, op. cit. ii. 195-219; Furness's Variorum, p. 604; Odell, op. cit. i. 75-6; Hazelton Spencer, Shakespeare Improved (1927), pp. 335-8. C. B. Hogan, Shakespeare in the Theatre,

p. 378.

Performances in London, ijoi-50




these Drury Lane was the venue; but from 1721 Lincoln's Inn Fields became a serious competitor, with fifteen performances. Goodman's Fields showed the play nine times and Covent Garden seven in the period.1 At Lincoln's Inn Fields Ryan, previously Richmond at Drury Lane on 6 December 1715, took the title part. In Goodman's Fields Richard was acted by Delane on seven of the nine nights. Cibber doubtless monopolized the part at the Lane till he retired in 1733, though only seven play-bills give the cast as well as the title of the play. He also acted it at the three performances in the new theatre in Haymarket (January to May 1710) with Mrs Porter as Queen Elizabeth, a part she always played with Cibber. Quin, who had first acted Buckingham in Lincoln's Inn Fields in November 1721, and regularly until May 1734 at Covent Garden, succeeded him as Richard at Drury Lane from October 1734; but on 31 January 1739, Cibber, returning to the stage, again essayed the part, only to discover it to be too arduous for his nearly seventy years. In the third Act he confessed to Victor behind the scenes that he would give fifty guineas to be at home. 'His cracked pipe', says Thomas Davies, 'could not give force to the animated scenes'.* Of the women acting in his time one may mention, besides Mrs Porter, Mrs Horton in the parts of Lady Anne and the Queen, and Mrs Pritchard as Lady Anne, both at Drury Lane. Advertised falsely as 'A Gentleman (who never appeared on any stage)' Garrick made his debut in London at Goodman's Fields on 19 October 1741, and instantly took the town by storm. All the character of v. Hogan, op. cit. pp. 378-90. His lists supersede Genest's far from exhaustive record.
v. Benjamin Victor, History of the Theatres rf London and Dublin (1761), ii. 48; and Davies, Dramatic Miscellanies (1783), ii. 222.




Richard, we are told, was visible in his face as he entered before he had spoken a word. In his tones and actions in the soliloquy in 5 . 3 , which Murphy describes in detail, 'the audience saw an exact imitation of nature' in strongest contrast with the declamation and conventional gestures of Quin and Ryan. It was a new and thrilling experience. T h e theatre was crowded to see him for seven nights that month, and five more times before Christmas. Pope, coming on 2 November, with Betterton's acting still in his memory, declared Garrick 'never had his equal, and never will have a rival'. 'Garrick is a new religion', said Quin, but prophesied that the craze, like Whitefield's success as an evangelist, would not last long. 1 Next year, however, when Goodman's Fields was closed down in May after five more performances of our play, Drury Lane engaged him for the autumn, and in a sort of trial run there of three nights he chose Richard as his role on 31 May. From this time till 1776, he was seen i n the part nearly forty times in Drury Lane, and three times at Covent Garden in 1746, before he became Lacy's partner in Drury Lane the next year. From 1741 to 1776 only three seasons were without Richard III at Covent Garden, and three at Drury Lane.* At Covent Garden Quin (on his return there in 1741) and Ryan played the title part till 1750 and 1754 respectively, but with diminishing success; we hear from Genest of Quin's being 'much hissed' on 26 October 1750. Their chief successors were Spranger For these statements see Arthur Murphy, Life of Garrick (1801), i. 22-4; and cf. Davies, Memoirs of David Garrick (3rd ed. 1781), i. 45-50. Hogarth's engraving of his painting of Garrick's awaking from the dream was shown in the Arts Council's Historical Exhibition of Shakespearian Production, 1947 (Catalogue, no. 11). * Mr Hogan has supplied me with these figures.



Barry in 1757 and 1758 ('lamentably deficient', said Wilkinson), William Smith (1761-73) and Macklin (twice in 1775). Smith joined Garrick and acted Richard for him in 1774 and 1775 at Drury Lane, as did Sheridan in 1744-5 anc ^ 1760-1, after playing the part at Covent Garden in 1744 and 1754. The latter was popular despite his unpleasing voice and figure, and Garrick owned that he was very advantageous to him.1 But the best of Garrick's substitutes was Henry Mossop from 1751 to 1759; Holland from 1760 to 1769 was a mere imitator.* In his farewell to the stage Garrick chose Richard III again as one of his three Shakespeare tragedies, playing the usurper for three nights between 27 May and 5 June 1776 to the youthful Mrs Siddons's Lady Anne, her first tragic part in London. But in this there was scanty hint of her future triumphs.3 Garrick's most frequent Queen was Mrs Pritchard (1743-68); but Peg Woffington acted Lady Anne for him seven times between 3 May 1743 and 2 April 1750. Covent Garden also saw Mrs Pritchard as the Queen (with Quin) in October 1744, a n d Mrs Bellamy in 1758 (with Barry) and 1766; while Mrs Horton, Mrs Cibber and Peg Woffington all played both the Queen and Lady Anne there on different occasions. After Garrick retired Macklin acted Richard once, at Covent Garden ( n November 1776), while Smith continued the part at Drury Lane till 1788, and Henderson played it at the Haymarket and at Drury Lane in 1777, and at Covent Garden from 1780 to 1785. Kemble's first season at Drury Lane saw him personating Richard on 6 November 1783; his 'eminently fine' face strangely incongruous with the resolve to descant on his own infirmity, as Sir Walter 1 See Davies, Memoirs of Garrick (1781) i. 300-1. a Margaret Barton, Garrick (1948), p. 195. 3 See Genest, op. cit. v. 496-7.




Scott years later observed.1 His reception was not too favourable; but he repeated the part for the Drury Lane company more than twenty times from 1788, when he became manager, till 1801,* and four times from 1811 at Covent Garden, the last on 29 November 1814. In 1803 and 1804 he surrendered the part at Covent Garden to G. F. Cooke, who had first acted it there on 31 October 1800, and himself took Richmond. Cooke outdid him in popularity, and played Richard till 1810. Leigh Hunt and Charles Lamb both condemned Cooke for failing to dissemble his villainy, and Lamb (who praised 'the sportive relief Kemble threw into the darker shades of Richard') for the absence of spontaneous mirth and humour in his rendering; but he admired the 'fire and novelty of his manner' as against the prevalent tendency towards a 'frozen declamatory style'.3 Kemble's desire for historical accuracy furnished the play in the rebuilt Drury Lane after 1794 with correct antiquarian settings painted by Capon of the Tower of London, Westminster Abbey, and Elizabethan buildings, till the 1809 fire destroyed them; but his costumes in 1783 were 'the strangest medley of shabby old English and foreign habits'. 4 For his 1811 production his revision of the play left it

Cited in H. H. Furness's Variorum edition, note on

1. 1. 35 (1. 1. 30).

* Mr Hogan's lists show twenty down to 1800. 3 Leigh Hunt, On the Performers of the London Theatres, 1807, pp. 217-19; Lamb, Essays ofElia, 'On the Artificial Comedy of the Last Century' (from the London Examiner, April 1822, 'The Old Actors'); and Miscellaneous Prose, ed. E. V. Lucas, pp. 41-2, and note, p . 442. Cf. supra, Introduction, pp. xxxviii-xxxix. 4 See J. Boaden, Memoirs of John Philip Kemble, 1825, ii. 101-3; and Herschel Baker, J. P. Kemble, 1942, p. 262, citing the Morning Chronicle for 7 November 1783.



essentially Cibber's version, which he thought an 'admirable alteration'.1 The next year his brother Charles, previously Richmond, took his place as Richard on 21 September; and in the season of 1813-14 C. M. Young did so twice. Mrs Siddons acted Queen Elizabeth in 1792, 1796 and 1812, an inadequate role for the display of her powers. Mrs J. P. Kemble in 1787, and Mrs Stephen Kemble in 1783 and 1790, played Lady Anne, while Mrs Ward and Mrs Powell were seen in both parts during Kemble's acting period. Some nine months before his last performance, his supremacy was challenged by a newcomer. Edmund Kean first played Richard at Drury Lane on 12 February 1814, his second part (Shylock his first) in his first London season. Like Garrick before him he instantly leapt into permanent fame, and it became the most popular of his Shakespearian roles. The crowds that besieged the doors a week later for his second time as Richard recalled the memorable nights of 174.1-2. A new style of acting, full of 'life and spirit and dazzling rapidity', made Kemble's more stately manner seem to many lifeless'statue-like', was Hazlitt's word.2 From now on till his last night in the part, 21 January 1833, London saw him repeating his successes in it every year except in 1826, when he was in America and Canada. From October 1827 to January 1829, he transferred himself to Covent Garden, where on 22 October 1827 his son Charles J. P. Kemble, Macbeth and Richard III, 1817, p. 127. For Kean as Richard, and comparisons with Kemble and others, see Hazlitt, Characters of Shakespeare's Plays (Everyman ed.), pp. 174-5; View of the English Stage, 1818 {Works, ed. Waller and Glover), viii. 200-4, 378-9; and H. N. Hillebrand, Edmund Kean, 1933, esp. pp. 330-44.
2 1




was his Richmond. In his latest years he also acted the part in the Haymarket (1830-2). Through the later years, succumbing more and more to drink, and prematurely ageing, he sometimes almost broke down in acting; yet he only once failed to command applause from packed audiences. On 24 January 1825, at Drury Lane, after Alderman Cox's suit against him for adultery, his words were drowned in a tumult of ribald insults and counter-demonstrations, through which he yet undauntedly acted the play to the end. Overlapping Kean's were the Richards of J. B. Booth at Covent Garden (February 1817), and Drury Lane (October 1825), and of C. M. Young at the Garden in December 1826. But no serious rival in the part appeared till Macready. He was first seen in it in London on 25 October 1819 at Covent Garden, when the production proved an immense success, and averted the threatened bankruptcy of the theatre. The critics, including Leigh Hunt, rated the new actor on a level with Kean.1 His next Covent Garden production (12 March 1821) is chiefly noteworthy as the first assault on Cibber's version, though a very tentative one. Out of deference to current taste, it kept many of Cibber's cuts and his most popular gags, and while restoring Clarence's dream and the scene of Hastings at the Council, it only allowed Margaret one appearance (in 1.3). The Times of 13 March described it as 'merely another arrangement' than Cibber's. Even so, it failed, and the play was taken off after a second night. Mrs Faucit acted Queen Elizabeth, and Egerton as Clarence was much applauded. Only twice again, and then in the spurious version, did Macready play Richardonce in a truncated form of the play 1 See Macready, Reminiscences, ed. Sir F. Pollock, 1875, i. 194-201, which quotes the critiques at length; Hunt's appeared in the Examiner after two performances.



(Acts 1-3), followed by melodrama, at Drury Lane in April 1836, andfinallyat the Haymarket in the summer of 1837; he never produced the play as Manager. At Drury Lane, J. B. Booth gave his last Richard in November 1836 and Edwin Forrest his first on 27 February 1837; while Charles Kean acted the part there in spectacular productions in February 1838, and January 1844, and later at the Princess's in February 1854, when his wife was Lady Anne. From about 1840 performances became relatively infrequent; but in 1845 the first resolute reinstatement of Shakespeare's text was made by Samuel Phelps, who had previously acted the Cibber play at the Haymarket in the winter of 1837. Now, on 20 February at Sadler's Wells, his acting version got rid of all Cibber's alterations, and apart from some transpositions and omissions offered his audience the original drama. Above all, he brought back Queen Margaret, 'played admirably', said the Times of 24 February, 'by Mrs Warner'. It ran for twenty-four nights.1 Yet his aim of dethroning the usurper failed. After one revival (21 March 1849), when Miss Glyn played Margaret, he returned to Cibber for his next and last production on 23 November 1861. His nephew and part biographer-to-be, had told him that his leading lady, Miss Atkinson, would not be able to act Margaret;* but that Edwin Booth had been successfully acting Cibber's Richard at the Haymarket in October may also have influenced him. At any rate, Cibber resumed his sway. In February 1868 and again in September 1876, Drury Lane saw Barry Sullivan in the title part For this version and production, see Odell, op. cit. ii. 268-71; 316-18; and W. May Phelps and J. ForbesRobertson, Life and Work of Samuel Phelps, 1886, pp. 74-5, 257, 263. * Phelps and Forbes-Robertson, op. cit. p. 202, n.




(Mrs Hermann Vezin as Lady Anne). G. B. Shaw declared him the one actor after 1845 who 'kept Cibber on the stage', producing exactly the effect Cibber had intended.1 T o Sir Henry Irving belongs the honour of effectively ousting the travesty of Shakespeare by the Lyceum productions of 1877 and 1896-7. Yet, while keeping to the genuine text, he cut it very severely; in his first revival, as in Macready's, Margaret only appeared in 1.3.* But despite condemnation in the Times of all the acting except Irving's, it scored a success, running for three months from 29 January; and when Richard Mansfield in a poorly received production at the Globe from March to June 1889 again adopted Cibber's omissions and his opening with the murder of Henry from 3 Henry VI, he at least mainly adhered to Shakespeare's dialogue. In 1877 Kate and Isabel Bateman were Queen Margaret and Lady Anne, and A. W. Pinero acted as Stanley. In Irving's second production on 19 December 1896, Margaret was at last given due scope,3 and Genevieve Ward's rendering of the part extorted even from Bernard Shaw in his Saturday Review critique of 26 December a word of praise, though he castigated the choice of Gordon Craig as Edward IV and Lena Ashwell as Prince Edward. The revival lasted till 7 April 1897, but with a break after the first night till 27 February owing to an accident to Irving. The first night, in his grandson's judgement, marked 'the peak of his achievement' as an actor. His realistic Richard impressed some as a colossal Satanic figure, to be rated with Mephistopheles; others found his humour and enjoyment of villainy the G. B. Shaw, Our Theatres in the Nineties, 1932, ii. 288. See Odell, op. cit. ii. 310. 3 See Bram Stoker, Personal Reminiscences of Henry Irving, 1906, ii. 175.
2 1



salient feature. Tennyson admired it as one of his two best parts.1 In the present century Genevieve Ward continued her fine personations of Margaretat His Majesty's to Benson's Richard in the summers of 1909 and 1911, to Martin Harvey's at the Lyceum in 1910 and again at His Majesty's in the summer of 1916. But since 1914 the Old Vic's have been the most frequent London productions, ten in all. The first was Ben Greet's with Robert Atkins as Richard and Sybil Thorndike as Lady Anne from 21 November 1915; he revived the play again in March 1918, Russell Thorndike the Richard and Mary Sumner Lady Anne. On both occasions he himself played Edward IV. Robert Atkins followed him as producer, pairing as Richard with Mary Sumner in April 1921, and cut the play so little that it took four hours to act.2 Dame Genevieve Ward, now aged eighty-four, gave her last rendering of Margaret. He put the play on again in 1922 from 26 February. Then came Baliol Holloway in the title part, previously rendered by him at the Regent Theatre from 2 December 1923, and now played to Edith Evans's Margaret in the Old Vic from 5 October 1925; he was again seen in it there on 24 January 1927. His last Richard was from 1 September 1930 at the New Theatre to Nancy Price's Margaret, a role she filled again at the Open Air Theatre in Regent's Park from 26 June 1934, to Peter Glenville's Richard. Thereafter the Old Vic Company resumed its virtual monopoly of For Irving's revivals and acting of Richard, see Bram Stoker, op cit. i. 125-35; ii. 322-5; Austin Brereton, Life of Henry Irving, 1908, i. 215-17; ii. 254-7; Odell, op. cit. ii. 414-15, 449; G. B. Shaw, op. cit. ii. 285-92; Gordon
Crosse, Fifty Years of Shakespearean Playgoing, 1940, p. 10; Laurence Irving, Henry Irving, 1951, pp. 281-4, 596-602. 1 Gordon Crosse, op. cit. p. 69.




the play in London, William Devlin and Helen Haye (14 January 1936) Emlyn Williams and Jean Cadell (2 November 1937), taking Richard and Margaret; Henry Cass and Tyrone Guthrie were successively the producers. Its most recent revivals have been John Burrell's in the 1944-5, and 1948-9 seasons, with Sir Laurence Olivier as Richard.1 In the first (from 13 September) the cast included Dame Sybil Thorndike as Margaret, Sir Ralph Richardson as Richmond, Joyce Redman as Lady Anne and Harcourt Williams as Edward IV; in the second (from 26 January 1949) Vivien Leigh played Lady Anne. The last ten years have also seen Donald Wolfit's Richard at the Strand and St James's in 1942, and the Scala in 1944, as well as on tour from 1941 onwards. At Stratford the play has been presented in eighteen distinct revivals, fourteen of them under Benson's direction. The first was on 26 April 1886, in a festival of one week in Benson's first year there. His Richard was acclaimed in a local critique as better than Barry Sullivan's;* henceforward it was one of his most successful Shakespearian roles. In 18 86 the cast included Athol Forde (Buckingham), the poet dramatist, Stephen Phillips (Hastings), and George Weir, as the Lord Mayor. In three seasons (1908-10) Genevieve Ward repeated at Stratford her triumphs as Margaret to Benson's Richard,3 Otho Stuart, who had appeared in the minor role of a messenger in 1886, giving a fine rendering as Clarence in these years. Under BridgesAdams Benson's mantle fell on Baliol HoUoway, who See Introduction, p. xxix, n. 1. * See M. C. Day and J. C. Trewin, The Shakespeare
Memorial Theatre, 1932, p. 66. 3 The only occasions in Stratford, though Lady Benson, Mainly Players, 1926, p. 298, writes, 'She always joined us to play Margaret in Richard HI'.



acted Richard here in 1921 and 1923 prior to his London successes. After the 1926 fire, George Hayes played Richard in 1928 in the cinema, temporarily used in place of the old theatre; in 1939 Iden Payne produced the play in the new theatre, when John Laurie played Richard, and Dorothy Green Margaret. In the United States few Shakespearian plays have been more popularmostly in the Cibber version. First presented by a Philadelphian company in New York on 5 March 1750,1 it was shown almost every year there in the nineteenth century till 1889; from then on its vogue somewhat declined. It had been a stock piece on the transatlantic tours of Cooke and the elder Kean, as it was later for Charles Kean and Barry Sullivan. J. B. Booth started his career in the States in 1821 as Richard; but Edwin Forrest was the first great American tragedian in the part (1827-68). On 7 January 1878, Edwin Booth (who had first played Richard in May 1857) broke with tradition by performing Shakespeare's text, severely cut in a version prepared by William Winter,2 but successors declined to follow his example, and he too fell back on Cibber in his last production in 1886.3 As late as 1920 John Barrymore included much of the 1700 play in his revival.4 The Shakespeare play was, however, the version produced at the Midsummer Festival, 193 5, at the Playhouse, Pasadena, California, from 5 to 7 August, in a cycle of all the Histories.

July 1952 1 See G. C. D. Odell, Annals of the New Tori Stage, i. 32 ff. 2 See G. C. D. Odell, op. cit. x. 365. 3 Ibid. xiii. 28. * See Hazelton Spencer, Art and Life of Shakespeare, 1940 (Engl. ed. 1947)* P- i 6 4R. I l l - 4


The following is a brief description of the punctuation and other typographical devices employed in the text, which have been more fully explained in the Note on Punctuation and the Textual Introduction to be found in The Tempest volume: An obelisk (f) implies corruption or emendation not yet generally accepted, and suggests a reference to the Notes. A single bracket at the beginning of a speech signifies an 'aside'. Four dots represent a fullstop in the original, except when it occurs at the end of a speech, and they mark a long pause. Original colons or semicolons, which denote a somewhat shorter pause, are retained, or represented as three dots when they appear to possess special dramatic significance. Similarly, significant commashave been given as dashes. Round brackets are taken from the original, and mark a significant change of voice; when the original brackets seem to imply little more than the drop in tone accompanying parenthesis, they are conveyed by commas or dashes. Single inverted commas (") are editorial; double ones (" ") derive from the original, where they are used to draw attention to maxims, quotations, etc. The reference number for the first line is given at the head of each page. Numerals in square brackets are placed at the beginning of the traditional acts and scenes.


The scene: London and elsewhere in England CHARACTERS IN T H E PLAY afterwards\ King Edward V I sons to the King RICHARD, Duke of York J G E O R G E , D u k e of Clarence \ R I C H A R D , D u k e of Gloucester, afterwards \ ^ . L f , Edward K i n g Richard I I I J Ktn& A young son of Clarence [EDWARD PLANTAGENET] HENRY, Earl of Richmond, afterwards King Henry VII CARDINAL [Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury] ARCHBISHOP OF YORK [Thomas Rotheram] BISHOP OF ELY [John Morton]

a priest Another Priest TRESSEL and BERKELEY, gentlemen attending on the Lady Anne Lord Mayor of London Sheriff of Wiltshire
CHRISTOPHER URSWICK, ELIZABETH, queen to King Edward IV MARGARET, widow of King Henry VI DUCHESS OF YORK, mother to King Edward LADY ANNE, widow of Edward Prince of

IV Wales, the son of King Henry VI; afterwards married to Richard A young daughter of Clarence [MARGARET PLANTAGENET]

Ghosts of those murdered by Richard III, Lords and other Attendants; a Pursuivant, Scrivener, Citizens, Murderers, Messengers, Soldiers, etc.



RICHARD THE THIRD with the landing of Earl Richmond and the Battle at Bosworth Field1
[i. I.]

London. A street


Gloucester. Now is the winter of our discontent Made glorious summer by this sun of York; And all the clouds that loured upon our house In the deep bosom of the ocean buried. Now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths; Our bruised arms hung up for monuments; Our stern alarums changed to merry meetings; Our dreadful marches to delightful measures. Grim-visaged war hath smoothed his wrinkled front; 10 And now, instead of mounting barbed steeds T o fright the souls of fearful adversaries, He capers nimbly in a lady's chamber To the lascivious pleasing of a lute. But I, that am not shaped for sportive triclcs, Nor made to court an amorous looking-glass; I, that am rudely stamped, and want love's majesty To strut before a wanton ambling nymph; I, that am curtailed of this fair proportion, Cheated of feature by dissembling Nature, 20 Deformed, unfinished, sent before my time Into this breathing world, scarce half made up, And that so lamely and unfashionable That dogs bark at me as I halt by them;



Why, I, in this weak piping time of peace, Have no delight to pass away the time, Unless to spy my shadow in the sun And descant on mine own deformity: And therefore, since I cannot prove a lover, To entertain these fair well-spoken days, 30 I am determined to prove a villain And hate the idle pleasures of these days. Plots have I laid, inductions dangerous, By drunken prophecies, libels and dreams, T o set my brother Clarence and the king In deadly hate the one against the other: And if King Edward be as true and just As I am subtle, false and treacherous, This day should Clarence closely be mewed up, About a prophecy, which says that G 40 Of Edward's heirs the murderer shall be. Dive, thoughts, down to my soulhere Clarence comes. Enter CLARENCE, guarded, and BRAKENBURT, Lieutenant of the Tower Brother, good day: what means this arme'd guard That waits upon your grace ? Clarence. His majesty, Tend'ring my person's safety, hath appointed This conduct to convey me to the Tower. Gloucester. Upon what cause? Clarence. Because my name is George. Gloucester. Alack, my lord, that fault is none of yours; He should, for that, commit your godfathers: Belike his majesty hath some intent 50 That you should be new-christ'ned in the Tower. But what's the matter, Clarence ? may I know ? Clarence. Yea, Richard, when I know; for I protest



As yet I do not: but, as I can learn, He hearkens after prophecies and dreams; And from the cross-row plucks the letter G, And says a wizard told him that by G His issue disinherited should be; And, for my name of George begins with G, It follows in his thought that I am he. These, as I learn, and such like toys as these 60 Hath moved his highness to commit me now. Gloucester. Why, this it is, when men are ruled by women: 'Tis not the king that sends you to the Tower; My Lady Grey his wife, Clarence, 'tis she That tempers him to this extremity. Was it not she, and that good man of worship, Anthony Woodeville, her brother there, That made him send Lord Hastings to the Tower, From whence this present day he is delivered ? We are not safe, Clarence, we are not safe. 70 Clarence. By heaven, I think there's no man is secure But the queen's kindred, and night-walking heralds That trudge betwixt the king and Mistress Shore. Heard you not what an humble suppliant Lord Hastings was for his delivery ? Gloucester. Humbly complaining to her deity Got my Lord Chamberlain his liberty. I'll tell you what, I think it is our way If we will keep in favour with the king, To be her men and wear her livery. 80 The jealous o'erworn widow and herself, Since that our brother dubbed them gentlewomen, Are mighty gossips in our monarchy. Brakenbury. Beseech your graces both to pardon me; His majesty hath straitly given in charge



That no man shall have private conference (Of what degree soever) with his brother. Gloucester. Even so; an't please your worship, Brakenbury, You may partake of any thing we say: 90 We speak no treason, man: we say the king Is wise and virtuous, and his noble queen Well struck in years, fair, and not jealious; We say that Shore's wife hath a pretty foot, A cherry lip, a bonny eye, a passing pleasing tongue; And that the queen's kin are made gentle-folks: How say you, sir ? can you deny all this ? Brakenbury, With, this, my lord, myself have nought to do. Gloucester. Naught to do with Mistress Shore! I tell thee fellow, He that doth naught with her (excepting one) 100 Were best to do it secretly, alone. Brakenbury, What one, my lord? Gloucester. Her husband, knave: wouldst thou betray me ? Brakenbury. I do beseech your grace to pardon me: Forbear your conference with the noble duke. Clarence. We know thy charge, Brakenbury, and will obey. Gloucester. We are the queen's abjects, and must obey. Brother, farewell: I will unto the king; And whatsoe'er you will employ me in, Were it to call King Edward's widow sister, n o I will perform it to enfranchise you. Meantime, this deep disgrace in brotherhood Touches me nearer than you can imagine. Clarence, I know it pleaseth neither of us well.



Gloucester. Well, your imprisonment shall not be long; I will deliver you, or else lie for you: Meantime, have patience.
Clarence. I must perforce. Farewell. [Clarence, Brakenbury, and the Guard pass on Gloucester. Go, tread the path that thou shalt ne'er return: Simple, plain Clarence, I do love thee so, That I will shortly send thy soul to heaven, If heaven will take the present at our hands. 120 But who comes here ? the new-delivered Hastings ? 'Enter LORD HASTINGS1 Hastings. Good time of day unto my gracious lord! Gloucester. As much unto my good Lord Chamberlain! Well are you welcome to the open air. How hath your lordship brooked imprisonment? Hastings. With patience, noble lord, as prisoners must: But I shall live, my lord, to give them thanks That were the cause of my imprisonment. Gloucester. No doubt, no doubt; and so shall Clarence too; For they that were your enemies are his, 130 And have prevailed as much on him as you. Hastings. More pity that the eagles should be mewed, Whiles kites and buzzards prey at liberty. Gloucester. What news abroad ? Hastings. No news so bad abroad as this at home: The king is sickly, weak, and melancholy, And his physicians fear him mightily.




Gloucester. Now, by Saint John, that news is bad indeed. O, he hath kept an evil diet long, 140 And overmuch consumed his royal person: 'Tis very grievous to be thought upon. Where is he, in his bed ? Hastings. He is. Gloucester. Go you before, and I will follow you.
[Hastings departs

He cannot live, I hope; and must not die Till George be packed with post-horse up to heaven. I'll in, to urge his hatred more to Clarence With lies well steeled with weighty arguments; And, if I fail not in my deep intent, 150 Clarence hath not another day to live: Which done, God take King Edward to his mercy, And leave the world for me to bustle in! For then I'll marry Warwick's youngest daughter. What though I killed her husband and her father ? The readiest way to make the wench amends Is to become her husband and her father: The which will I; not all so much for love As for another secret close intent By marrying her which I must reach unto. 160 But yet I run before my horse to market: Clarence still breathes; Edward still lives and reigns: When they are gone, then must I count my gains. [he goes [1.2.] l Enter the corpse of HENRT the Sixth, with halberds to guard it; LADY JNNE being the mourner1, attended by Tressel and Berkeley Anne. Set down, set down your honourable load If honour may be shrouded in a hearse



Whilst I awhile obsequiously lament Th'untimely fall of virtuous Lancaster. Poor key-cold figure of a holy king! Pale ashes of the house of Lancaster! Thou bloodless remnant of that royal blood! Be it lawful that I invocate thy ghost, To hear the lamentations of poor Anne, Wife to thy Edward, to thy slaught'red son, 10 Stabbed by the selfsame hand that made these wounds! Lo, in these windows that let forth thy life I pour the helpless balm of my poor eyes. O cursed be the hand that made these holes! Cursed the blood that let this blood from hence! Cursed the heart that had the heart to do it! More direful hap betide that hated wretch That makes us wretched by the death of thee Than I can wish to wolvesto spiders, toads, Or any creeping venomed thing that lives! 20 If ever he have child, abortive be it, Prodigious, and untimely brought to light, Whose ugly and unnatural aspect May fright the hopeful mother at the view; And that be heir to his unhappiness! If ever he have wife, let her be made More miserable by the life of him Than I am by my young lord's death and thee! Come, now towards Chertsey with your holy load, Taken from Paul's to be interred there; 30 And still, as you are weary of this weight, Rest you, whiles I lament King Henry's corse. 'Enter RICHARD, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER* Gloucester. Stay, you that bear the corse, and set it down.




Anne. What black magician conjures up this fiend, T o stop devoted charitable deeds ? Gloucester. Villains, set down the corse; or, by Saint Paul, I'll make a corse of him that disobeys. Halberdier. My lord, stand back, and let the coffin pass. Gloucester. Unmannered dog! stand thou, when I command: 40 Advance thy halberd higher than my breast, Or, by Saint Paul, I'll strike thee to my foot, And spurn upon thee, beggar, for thy boldness. Anne. What, do you tremble ? are you all afraid ? Alas, I blame you not, for you are mortal, And mortal eyes cannot.endure the devil. Avaunt, thou dreadful minister of hell! Thou hadst but power over his mortal body, His soul thou canst not have; therefore, be gone. Gloucester. Sweet skint, for charity, be not so curst. 50 Anne. Foul devil, for God's sake, hence, and trouble us not, For thou hast made the happy earth thy hell, Filled it with cursing cries and deep exclaims. If thou delight to view thy heinous deeds, Behold this pattern of thy butcheries. O, gentlemen, see, see! dead Henry's wounds Open their congealed mouths and bleed afresh. Blush, blush, thou lump of foul deformity; For 'tis thy presence that exhales this blood From cold and empty veins, where no blood dwells; 60 Thy deeds, inhuman and unnatural, Provokes this deluge most unnatural. O God, which this blood mad'st, revenge his death! O earth, which this blood drink'st, revenge his death!




Either, heaven, with lightning strike the murd'rer dead, Or earth, gape open wide and eat him quick, As thou dost swallow up this good king's blood, Which his hell-governed arm hath butchered! Gloucester. Lad7, you know no rules of charity, Which renders good for bad, blessings for curses. Anne. Villain, thou know'st no law of God nor man. 70 No beast so fierce but knows some touch of pity. Gloucester. But I know none, and therefore am no beast. Anne. O wonderful, when devils tell the truth! Gloucester. More wonderful, when angels are so angry. Vouchsafe, divine perfection of a woman, Of these supposed crimes, to give me leave, By circumstance, but to acquit myself. Anne. Vouchsafe, diffused infection of a man, Of these known evils, but to give me leave, 80 By circumstance, to accuse thy cursed self. Gloucester. Fairer than tongue can name thee, let me have Some patient leisure to excuse myself. Anne. Fouler than heart can think thee, thou canst make No excuse current but to hang thyself. Gloucester. By such despair, I should accuse myself. Anne. And, by despairing, shalt thou stand excused For doing worthy vengeance on thyself That didst unworthy slaughter upon others. Gloucester. Say that I slew them not? Anne. Then say they were not slain: But dead they are, and, devilish slave, by thee. 90 Gloucester. I did not kill your husband. Anne. Why, then he is alive.




Gloucester. Nay, he is dead; and slain by Edward's hands. Anne. In thy foul throat thou liest: Queen Margaret saw Thy murd'rous falchion smoking in his blood; The which thou once didst bend against her breast, But that thy brothers beat aside the point. Gloucester. I was provoked by her sland'rous tongue, That laid their guilt upon my guiltless shoulders. Anne. Thou wast provoked by thy bloody mind, 100 That never dream'st on aught but butcheries: Didst thou not kill this king ? Gloucester. I grant ye. Anne. Dost grant me, hedgehog ? then, God grant me too Thou mayst be damne'd for that wicked deed! O, he was gentle, mild, and virtuous! Gloucester. The better for the King of heaven, that hath him. Anne. He is in heaven, where thou shalt never come. Gloucester. Let him thank me, that holp to send him thither; For he was fitter for that place than earth. Anne. And thou unfit for any place but hell, n o Gloucester. Yes, one place else, if you will hear me name it. Anne. Some dungeon. Gloucester. Your bed-chamber. Anne. Ill rest betide the chamber where thou liest! Gloucester. So will it, madam, till I lie with you. Anne. I hope so. Gloucester. I know so. But, gentle Lady Anne, T o leave this keen encounter of our wits, And fall something into a slower method,




Is not the causer of the timeless deaths Of these Plantagenets, Henry and Edward, As blameful as the executioner ? Anne. Thou wast the cause of that 120 accursed effect. Gloucester. Your beauty was the cause of that effect; Your beauty, that did haunt me in my sleep To undertake the death of all the world, So I might live one hour in your sweet bosom. Anne. If I thought that, I tell thee, homicide, These nails should rend that beauty from my cheeks. Gloucester. These eyes could not endure that beauty's wrack; You should not blemish it, if I stood by: As all the world is cheered by the sun, So I by that; it is my day, my life. 130 Anne. Black night o'ershade thy day, and death thy life! Gloucester. Curse not thyself, fair creature; thou art both. Anne. I would I were, to be revenged on thee. Gloucester. It is a quarrel most unnatural, To be revenged on him that loveth thee. Anne. It is a quarrel just and reasonable, To be revenged on him that killed my husband. Gloucester. He that bereft thee, lady, of thy husband, Did it to help thee to a better husband. Anne. His better doth not breathe upon the earth. 140 Gloucester. He lives that loves thee better than he could. Anne. Name him. Gloucester. Plantagenet. Anne, Why, that was he.

1 6



Gloucester. The selfsame name, but one of better nature. Anne. Where is he ? Gloucester. Here, [she'spits at Mm'] Why dost thou spit at me? Anne. Would it were mortal poison, for thy sake! Gloucester. Never came poison from so sweet a place. Anne. Never hung poison on a fouler toad. Out of my sight! thou dost infect mine eyes. Gloucester. Thine eyes, sweet lady, have infected mine. 150 Anne. Would they were basilisks to strike thee dead! Gloucester. I would they were, that I might die at once; For now they kill me with a living death. Those eyes of thine from mine have drawn salt tears, Shamed their aspects with store of childish drops: These eyes, which never shed remorseful tear, No, when my father York and Edward wept, T o hear the piteous moan that Rutland made When black-faced Clifford shook his sword at him; Nor when thy warlike father, like a child, 160 Told the sad story of my father's death, And twenty times made pause to sob and weep That all the standers-by had wet their cheeks Like trees bedashed with rainin that sad time My manly eyes did scorn an humble tear; And what these sorrows could not thence exhale Thy beauty hath, and made them blind with weeping. I never sued to friend nor enemy; My tongue could never learn sweet smoothing word; But, now thy beauty is proposed my fee, 170 My proud heart sues, and prompts my tongue to speak. [lshe looks scornfully at him'' Teach not thy lip such scorn, for it was made




For kissing, lady, not for such contempt. If thy revengeful heart cannot forgive, Lo, here I lend thee this sharp-pointed sword; Which if thou please to hide in this true breast, And let the soul forth that adoreth thee, I lay it naked to the deadly stroke, And humbly beg the death upon my knee. [lhe lays his breast open: she offers at it with his sworJ' Nay, do not pause; for I did kill King Henry, 180 But 'twas thy beauty that provoked me. Nay, now dispatch; 'twas I that stabbed young Edward, But 'twas thy heavenly face that set me on. ['she falls the sword* Take up the sword again, or take up me. Anne. Arise, dissembler: though I wish thy death, I will not be thy executioner. Gloucester. Then bid me kill myself, and I will do it. Anne. I have already. Gloucester. That was in thy rage: Speak it again, and even with the word This hand, which, for thy love, did kill thy love, 190 Shall, for thy love, kill a far truer love; T o both their deaths shalt thou be accessary. Anne. I would I knew thy heart. Gloucester. 'Tis figured in my tongue. Anne. I fear me both are false. Gloucester. Then never was man true. Anne. Well, well, put up your sword. Gloucester. Say, then, my peace is made. Anne. That shalt thou know hereafter. Gloucester. But shall I live in hope? 200 Anne. All men, I hope, live so. Gloucester. Vouchsafe to wear this ring. [she puts on the ring Anne. T o take is not to give.
R. I l l - 5




Gloucester. Look how my ring encompasseth thy finger, Even so thy breast encloseth my poor heart; Wear both of them, for both of them are thine. And if thy poor devoted servant may But beg one favour at thy gracious hand, Thou dost confirm his happiness for ever. Anne. What is it? 210 Gloucester. That it may please you leave these sad designs To him that hath most cause to be a mourner, And presently repair to Crosby House; Where, after I have solemnly interred At Chertsey monast'ry this noble king, And wet his grave with my repentant tears, I will with all expedient duty see you: For divers unknown reasons, I beseech you, Grant me this boon. Anne. With all my heart; and much it joys me too, 220 To see you are become so penitent. Tressel and Berkeley, go along with me. Gloucester. Bid me farewell. Anne. 'Tis more than you deserve; But since you teach me how to flatter you, Imagine I have said farewell already. {she goes, followed by two of the halberds Gloucester. Sirs, take up the corse. Halberdier. Towards Chertsey, noble lord? Gloucester. No, to Whitefriars; there attend my coming. [they carry away the corpse Was ever woman in this humour wooed? Was ever woman in this humour won? I'll have her; but I will not keep her long.




What! I, that killed her husband and his father, 230 T o take her in her heart's extremest hate, With curses in her mouth, tears in her eyes, The bleeding witness of my hatred by; Having God, her conscience, and these bars against me, And I no friends to back my suit at all, But the plain devil and dissembling looks, And yet to win her! all the world to nothing! Ha? Hath she forgot already that brave prince, Edward, her lord, whom I, some three months since, 240 Stabbed in my angry mood at Tewkesbury? A sweeter and a lovelier gentleman Framed in the prodigality of nature, Young, valiant, wise, and, no doubt, right royal The spacious world cannot again afford: And will she yet abase her eyes on me, That cropped the golden prime of this sweet prince, And made her widow to a woeful bed ? On me, whose all not equals Edward's moiety ? On me, that halts and am misshapen thus ? 250 My dukedom to a beggarly denier, I do mistake my person all this while: Upon my life, she finds, although I cannot, Myself to be a marv'llous proper man. I'll be at charges for a looking-glass, And entertain a score or two of tailors, To study fashions to adorn my body: Since I am crept in favour with myself I will maintain it with some little cost. But first I'll turn yon fellow in his grave; 260 And then return lamenting to my love. Shine out, fair sun, till I have bought a glass, [he goes That I may see my shadow as I pass.

20 [1. 3.]

RICHARD THE THIRD London. The palace



'Enter the QXJEEN MOTHER, LORD RIVERS, and Rivers. Have patience, madam: there's no doubt his majesty Will soon recover his accustomed health. Grey. In that you brook it ill, it makes him worse: Therefore, for God's sake, entertain good comfort, And cheer his grace with quick and merry eyes. Qyeen Elizabeth. If he were dead, what would betide on me ? Grey. No other harm but loss of such a lord. Qyeen Elizabeth. The loss of such a lord includes all harms. Grey. The heavens have blessed you with a goodly son, 10 To be your comforter when he is gone. Qyeen Elizabeth. Ah, he is young, and his minorityIs put unto the trust of Richard Gloucester, A man that loves not me, nor none of you. Rivers. Is it concluded he shall be Protector ? 2>jfeen Elizabeth. It is determined, not concluded yet: But so it must be, if the king miscarry. Enter BUCKINGHAM and STANLEY, EARL OF DERBT Grey. Here come the lords of Buckingham and Derby. Buckingham. Good time of day unto your royal grace! Stanley. God make your majesty joyful as you have been! 20 Qyeen Elizabeth. The Countess Richmond, good my Lord of Derby,




To your good prayer will scarcely say amen. Yet, Derby, notwithstanding she's your wife, And loves not me, be you, good lord, assured I hate not you for her proud arrogance. Stanley. I do beseech you, either not believe The envious slanders of her false accusers, Or if she be accused on true report, Bear with her weakness, which I think proceeds From wayward sickness, and no grounded malice. Queen Elizabeth. Saw you the king to-day, my 30 Lord of Derby? Stanley. But now the Duke of Buckingham and I Are come from visiting his majesty. Qjfeen Elizabeth. What likelihood of his amendment, lords ? Buckingham. Madam, good hope; his grace speaks cheerfully. >yeen Elizabeth. God grant him health! Did you confer with him ? Buckingham. Ay, madam: he desires to make atonement Between the Duke of Gloucester and your brothers, And between them and my Lord Chamberlain; And sent to warn them to his royal presence. Queen Elizabeth. Would all were well! but that 40 will never be: I fear our happiness is at the height. Enter GLOUCESTER, HASTINGS, and DERBT Gloucester. They do me wrong, and I will not endure it. Who is it that complains unto the king, That I, forsooth, am stern and love them not? By holy Paul, they love his grace but lightly That fill his ears with such dissentious rumours.




Because I cannot flatter and look fair, Smile in men's faces, smooth, deceive and cog, Duck with French nods and apish courtesy, 50 I must be held a rancorous enemy. Cannot a plain man live and think no harm, But thus his simple truth must be abused With silken, sly, insinuating Jacks ? Grey. T o whom in all this presence speaks your grace ? Gloucester. To thee, that hast nor honesty nor grace. When have I injured thee? when done thee wrong? Or thee ? or thee ? or any of your faction ? A plague upon you all! His royal grace (Whom God preserve better than you would wish!) 60 Cannot be quiet scarce a breathing while, But you must trouble him with lewd complaints. Qgeett Elizabeth. Brother of Gloucester, you mistake the matter. The king, on his own royal disposition (And not provoked by any suitor else), Aiming, belike, at your interior hatred, That in your outward action shows itself Against my children, brothers, and myself, Makes him to send, that he may learn the ground Of your ill-will, and thereby to remove it. 70 Gloucester. I cannot tell: the world is grown so bad, That wrens make prey where eagles dare not perch: Since every Jack became a gentleman, There's many a gentle person made a Jack. Slyeen Elizabeth. Come, come, we know your meaning, brother Gloucester; You envy my advancement and my friends': God grant we never may have need of you! Gloucester. Meantime, God grants that I have need ofyou:




Our brother is imprisoned by your means, Myself disgraced, and the nobility Held in contempt, while great promotions 80 Are daily given to ennoble those That scarce some two days since were worth a noble. Qyeen Elizabeth. By Him that raised me to this careful height From that contented hap which I enjoyed, I never did incense his majesty Against the Duke of Clarence, but have been An earnest advocate to plead for him. My lord, you do me shameful injury, Falsely to draw me in these vile suspects. Gloucester. You may deny that you were not 90 the mean Of my Lord Hastings' late imprisonment. Rivers. She may, my lord, for Gloucester. She may, Lord Rivers! why, who knows not so ? She may do more, sir, than denying that: She may help you to many fair preferments And then deny her aiding hand therein, And lay those honours on your high desert. What may she not ? She mayay, marry, may she Rivers. What, marry, may she ? Gloucester. What, marry, may she! Marry with a king, 100 A bachelor, and a handsome stripling too: Iwis your grandam had a worser match. Qyeen Elizabeth. My Lord of Gloucester, I have too long borne Your blunt upbraidings and your bitter scoffs: By heaven, I will acquaint his majesty Of those gross taunts that oft I have endured. I had rather be a country servant-maid




Than a great queen, with this condition, T o be so baited, scorned, and storme'd at.

Enter old^VEEN MARGARET', behind

n o Small joy have I in being England's queen. Margaret. And less'ndd be that small, God I beseech him! Thy honour, state, and seat is due to me. Gloucester. What! threat you me with telling of the king ? Tell him, and spare not: look what I have said I will avouch't in presence of the king: I dare adventure to be sent to th'Tower. T i s time to speak; my pains are quite forgot. {Qyeen Margaret. Out, devil! I do remember them too well: Thou kilPdst my husband Henry in the Tower, 120 And Edward, my poor son, at Tewkesbury. Gloucester. Ere you were queen, ay, or your husband king, I was a pack-horse in his great affairs; A weeder-out of his proud adversaries, A liberal rewarder of his friends: To royalise his blood I spent mine own. {$lgeen Margaret. Ay, and much better blood than his or thine. Gloucester. In all which time you and your husband Grey Were factious for the house of Lancaster; And, Rivers, so were you. Was not your husband 130 In Margaret's battle at Saint Albans slain? Let me put in your minds, if you forget, What you have been ere this, and what you are; Withal, what I have been, and what I am.




{Qjeen Margaret. A murd'rous villain, and so still thou art. Gloucester. Poor Clarence did forsake his father, Warwick; Ay, and forswore himself,which Jesu pardon! (^ueen Margaret. Which God revenge! Gloucester. To fight on Edward's party for the crown; And for his meed, poor lord, he is mewed up. I would to God my heart were flint, like Edward's, 140 Or Edward's soft and pitiful, like mine: I am too childish-foolish for this world. {Queen Margaret. Hie thee to hell for shame and leave this world, Thou cacodemon! there thy kingdom is. Rivers. My Lord of Gloucester, in those busy days Which here you urge to prove us enemies, We followed then our lord, our sovereign king: So should we you, if you should be our king. Gloucester. If I should be! I had rather be a pedlar: 150 Far be it from my heart, the thought thereof! Qyeen Elizabeth. As little joy, my lord, as you suppose You should enjoy, were you this country's king, As little joy you may suppose in me That I enjoy, being the queen thereof. {Qyeen Margaret. As little joy enjoys the queen thereof; For I am she, and altogether joyless I can no longer hold me patient.
[aloud, advancing

Hear me, you wrangling pirates, that fall out In sharing that which you have pilled from me! Which of you trembles not that looks on me ? If not that I am queen you bow like subjects,





Yet that, by you deposed, you quake like rebels? Ah, gentle villain, do not turn away! Gloucester. Foul wrinkled witch, what mak'st thou in my sight? Queen Margaret. But repetition of what thou hast marred; That will I make before I let thee go. Gloucester. Wert thou not banished on pain of death? Qjieefi Margaret. I was; but I do find more pain. in banishment Than death can yield me here by my abode. 170 A husband and a son thou ow'st to me; And thou a kingdom; all of you allegiance: This sorrow that I have, by right is yours, And all the pleasures you usurp are mine. Gloucester. The curse my noble father laid on thee, When thou didst crown his warlike brows with paper And with thy scorns drew'st rivers from his eyes, And then, to dry them, gav'st the duke a clout Steeped in the faultless blood of pretty Rutland- His curses, then from bitterness of soul 180 Denounced against thee, are all fall'n upon thee; And God, not we, hath plagued thy bloody deed. Qyeen Elizabeth. So just is God, to right the innocent. Hastings. O, 'twas the foulest deed to slay that babe, And the most merciless that e'er was heard of! Rivers. Tyrants themselves wept when it was reported. Dorset. No man but prophesied revenge for it. Buckingham. Northumberland, then present, wept to see it. Qyeen Margaret. What! were you snarling all before I came, Ready to catch each other by the throat,




And turn you all your hatred now on me? 190 Did York's dread curse prevail so much with heaven That Henry's death, my lovely Edward's death, Their kingdom's loss, my woeful banishment, Should all but answer for that peevish brat? Can curses pierce the clouds and enter heaven ? Why, then, give way, dull clouds, to my quick curses! Though not by war, by surfeit die your king, As ours, by murder, to make him a king! Edward thy son, that now is Prince of Wales, For Edward our son, that was Prince of Wales, 200 Die in his youth by like untimely violence! Thyself a queen, for me that was a queen, Outlive thy glory, like my wretched self! Long mayst thou live to wail thy children's death; And see another, as I see thee now, Decked in thy rights, as thou art stalled in mine! Long die thy happy days before thy death; And, after many length'ned hours of grief, Die neither mother, wife, nor England's queen! Rivers and Dorset, you were standers by, 210 And so wast thou, Lord Hastings, when my son Was stabbed with bloody daggers: God I pray him, That none of you may live his natural age, But by some unlooked accident cut off! Gloucester. Have done thy charm, thou hateful withered hag! Qyeen Margaret. And leave out thee? stay, dog, for thou shalt hear me. If heaven have any grievous plague in store Exceeding those that I can wish upon thee, O, let them keep it till thy sins be ripe, And then hurl down their indignation 220 On thee, the troubler of the poor world's peace!




The worm of conscience still begnaw thy soul! Thy friends suspect for traitors while thou liv'st, And take deep traitors for thy dearest friends! No sleep close up that deadly eye of thine, Unless it be while some tormenting dream Affrights thee with a hell of ugly devils! Thou elvish-marked, abortive, rooting hog! Thou that wast sealed in thy nativity 230 The slave of nature and the son of hell! Thou slander of thy heavy mother's womb! Thou loathed issue of thy father's loins! Thou rag of honour! thou detested Gloucester. Margaret. >ueen Margaret. Richard! Gloucester. Ha ? Queen Margaret. I call thee not. Gloucester. I cry thee mercy then, for I did think That thou hadst called me all these bitter names. Qyeen Margaret. Why, so I did, but looked for no reply. O, let me make the period to my curse! Gloucester. 'Tis done by me, and ends in 'Margaret'. 240 Qyeen Elizabeth. Thus have you breathed your curse against yourself. Qyeen Margaret. Poor painted queen, vain flourish of my fortune! Why strew'st thou sugar on that bottled spider, Whose deadly web ensnareth thee about ? Fool, fool! thou whet'st a knife to kill thyself. The day will come that thou shalt wish for me To help thee curse this poisonous bunch-backed toad. Hastings. False-boding woman, end thy frantic curse, Lest to thy harm thou move our patience.




>jfeen Margaret. Foul shame upon you! you have all moved mine. Rivers. Were you well served, you would be taught 250 your duty. Qyeen Margaret. T o serve me well, you all should do me duty, Teach me to be your queen, and you my subjects: O, serve me well, and teach yourselves that duty! Dorset. Dispute not with her; she is lunatic. ftyeen Margaret. Peace, master marquis, you are malapert: Your fire-new stamp of honour is scarce current. O, that your young nobility could judge What 'twere to lose it, and be miserable! They that stand high have many blasts to shake them; And if they fall, they dash themselves to pieces. 260 Gloucester. Good counsel, marry: learn it, learn it, marquis. Dorset. It touches you, my lord, as much as me. Gloucester. Ay, and much more: but I was bom so high, Our aery buildeth in the cedar's top, And dallies with the wind, and scorns the sun. Qyeen Margaret. And turns the sun to shade; alas! alas! Witness my son, now in the shade of death; Whose bright out-shining beams thy cloudy wrath Hath in eternal darkness folded up. Your aery buildeth in our aery's nest. 270 O God, that seest it, do not suffer it; As it is won with blood, lost be it so! Gloucester. Peace, peace! for shame, if not for charity. Qyeen Margaret. Urge neither charity nor shame tome;



Uncharitably with me have you dealt, And shamefully my hopes by you are butchered. My charity is outrage, life my shame; And in that shame still live my sorrow's rage! Buckingham. Have done, have done. 280 Qjfeen Margaret. O princely Buckingham, I'll kiss thy hand, In sign of league and amity with thee: Now fair befall thee and thy noble house! Thy garments are not spotted with our blood, Nor thou within the compass of my curse. Buckingham. Nor no one here; for curses never pass The lips of those that breathe them in the air. Qyeen Margaret. I will not think but they ascend the sky, And there awake God's gentle-sleeping peace. [aside] O Buckingham, take heed of yonder dog! 290 Look when he fawns, he bites; and when he bites, His venom tooth will rankle to the death: Have not to do with him, beware of him; Sin, death, and hell have set their marks on him, And all their ministers attend on him. Gloucester. What doth she say, my Lord of Buckingham ? Buckingham. Nothing that I respect, my gracious lord. Qyeen Margaret. What, dost thou scorn me for my gentle counsel ? And soothe the devil that I warn thee from? O, but remember this another day, 300 When he shall split thy very heart with sorrow, And say poor Margaret was a prophetess. Live each of you the subjects to his hate, And he to yours, and all of you to God's! [she goe.




Hastings. My hair doth stand an end to hear her curses. Rivers. And so doth mine: I muse why she's at liberty. Gloucester. I cannot blame her: by God's holy mother, She hath had too much wrong; and I repent My part thereof that I have done to her. Qjteen Elizabeth. I never did her any, to my knowledge. Gloucester. Yet you have all the vantage of her wrong. 310 I was too hot to do somebody good, That is too cold in thinking of it now. Marry, for Clarence, he is well repaid; He is franked up to fatting for his pains: God pardon them that are the cause thereof! Rivers. A virtuous and a Christian-like conclusion, T o pray for them that have done scathe to us! Gloucester. So do I ever\? speaks to himself] being well advised, For had I cursed now, I had cursed myself. ' Enter CATESBT' Catesiy. Madam, his majesty doth call for you; 320 And for your grace; and you, my gracious lords. Qyeen Elizabeth. Catesby, I come. Lords, will you go with me ? Rivers. We wait upon your grace. [lall but Gloucester1 go Gloucester. I do the wrong, and first begin to brawl. The secret mischiefs that I set abroach I lay unto the grievous charge of others. Clarence, whom I, indeed, have cast in darkness, I do beweep to many simple gulls;




Namely to Derby, Hastings, Buckingham; 330 And tell them 'tis the queen and her allies That stir the king against the duke my brother. Now, they believe it; and withal whet me T o be revenged on Rivers, Dorset, Grey: But then I sigh; and, with a piece of Scripture, Tell them that God bids us do good for evil: And thus I clothe my naked villany With odd old ends stol'n forth of Holy Writ; And seem a saint, when most I play the devil. ' Enter two Murderers1 But softl'here come my executioners. 340 How now, my hardy stout resolved mates! Are you now going to dispatch this thing ? I Murderer. We are, my lord, and come to have the warrant, That we may be admitted where he is. Gloucester. Well thought upon, I have it here about me. [gives the warrant When you have done, repair to Crosby Place. But, sirs, be sudden in the execution, Withal obdurate, do not hear him plead; For Clarence is well-spoken, and perhaps May move your hearts to pity, if you mark him. 350 1 Murderer. Tut, tut, my lord, we will not stand to prate; Talkers are no good doers: be assured We go to use our hands and not our tongues. Gloucester. Your eyes drop millstones, when fools' eyes fall tears. I like you, lads: about your business straight. Go, go, dispatch. I Murderer. We will, my noble lord. [they go

1.4.x [i. 4.]



Brakenbury. Why looks your grace so heavily to-day? Clarence. O, I have passed a miserable night, So full of fearful dreams, of ugly sights, That, as I am a Christian faithful man, I would not spend another such a night, Though 'twere to buy a world of happy days, So full of dismal terror was the time! Brakenbury. What was your dream, my lord ? I pray you tell me. Clarence. Methoughts that I had broken from the Tower, 10 And was embarked to cross to Burgundy, And in my company my brother Gloucester, Who from my cabin tempted me to walk Upon the hatches. Thence we looked toward England, And cited up a thousand heavy times, During the wars of York and Lancaster That had befall'n us. As we paced along Upon the giddy footing of the hatches, Methought that Gloucester stumbled, and in falling Struck me, that thought to stay him, overboard, 20 Into the tumbling billows of the main. O Lord, methought what pain it was to drown! What dreadful noise of waters in mine ears! What sights of ugly death within mine eyes! Methoughts I saw a thousand fearful wracks; A thousand men that fishes gnawed upon; Wedges of gold, great ingots, heaps of pearl, Inestimable stones, unvalued jewels, All scatt'red in the bottom of the sea.




Some lay in dead men's skulls; and in the holes 30 Where eyes did once inhabit there were crept, As 'twere in scorn of eyes, reflecting gems, That wooed the slimy bottom of the deep, And mocked the dead bones that lay scatt'red by. Brakenbury. Had you such leisure in the time of death T o gaze upon these secrets of the deep ? Clarence. Methought I had; and often did I strive To yield the ghost: but still the envious flood Stopped in my soul, and would not let it forth To find the empty, vast, and wand'ring air; 40 But smothered it within my panting bulk, Who almost burst to belch it in the sea. Brakenbury. Awaked you not in this sore agony? Clarence. No, no, my dream was lengthened after life. O, then began the tempest to my soul. I passed, methought, the melancholy flood, With that sour ferryman which poets write of, Unto the kingdom of perpetual night. The first that there did greet my stranger soul, Was my great father-in-law, renowned Warwick; 50 Who spake aloud, 'What scourge for perjury Can this dark monarchy afford false Clarence?' And so he vanished. Then came wand'ring by A shadow like an angel, with bright hair Dabbled in blood, and he shrieked out aloud, 'Clarence is come; false, fleeting, perjured Clarence, That stabbed me in the field by Tewkesbury: Seize on him, Furies, take him unto torment!' With that, methought, a legion of foul fiends Environed me, and howled in mine ears

i. 4 .6o



Such hideous cries that with the very noise 60 I trembling waked, and for a season after Could not believe but that I was in hell, Such terrible impression made my dream. Brakenbury. No marvel, lord, though it affrighted you; I am afraid, methinks, to hear you tell it. Clarence. Ah, Keeper, Keeper, I have done these things, That now give evidence against my soul, For Edward's sake, and see how he requits me! O God! if my deep prayers cannot appease thee, But thou wilt be avenged on my misdeeds, 70 Yet execute thy wrath in me alone; O, spare my guiltless wife and my poor children! Keeper, I prithee, sit by me awhile, My soul is heavy, and I fain would sleep. Brakenbury. I will, my lord: God give your grace good rest! [Clarence sleeps Sorrow breaks seasons and reposing hours, Makes the night morning and the noon-tide night. Princes have but their titles for their glories, An outward honour for an inward toil; And for unfelt imaginations 80 They often feel a world of restless cares: So that between their titles and low name There's nothing differs but the outward fame. Enter the two Murderers I Murderer. Ho! who's here? Brakenbury. What wouldst thou, fellow? and how cam'st thou hither ? 1 Murderer. I would speak with Clarence, and I came hither on my legs.




Brakenbury. What, so brief? 90 2 Murderer. 'Tis better, sir, than to be tedious. Let him see our commission, and talk no more. [Brakenbury 'reads' it Brakenbury. I am in this commanded to deliver The noble Duke of Clarence to your hands. I will not reason what is meant hereby, Because I will be guiltless from the meaning. There lies the duke asleep, and there the keys. I'll to the king, and signify to him That thus I have resigned to you my charge. 1 Murderer. You may, sir; 'tis a point of wisdom: [Brakenbury goes 100 fare you well. 2 Murderer. What, shall I stab him as he sleeps ? 1 Murderer. No; he'll say 'twas done cowardly, when he wakes. 2 Murderer. Why, he shall never wake until the great judgement-day. 1 Murderer. Why, then he'll say we stabbed him sleeping. 2 Murderer. The urging of that word 'judgement' hath bred a kind of remorse in me. n o 1 Murderer. What, art thou afraid? 2 Murderer. Not to kill him, having a warrant; but to be damned for killing him, from the which no warrant can defend me. 1 Murderer. I thought thou hadst been resolute. 2 Murderer. So I am, to let him live. 1 Murderer. I'll back to the Duke of Gloucester, and tell him so. 2 Murderer. Nay, I prithee, stay a little: I hope this passionate humour of mine will change; it was wont 120 to hold me but while one tells twenty. I Murderer. How dost thou feel thyself now?




2 Murderer. Faith, some certain dregs of conscience are yet within me. 1 Murderer. Remember our reward when the deed's done. 2 Murderer. Zounds, he dies: I had forgot the reward. 1 Murderer. Where's thy conscience now ? 2 Murderer. O, in the Duke of Gloucester's purse. 1 Murderer. When he opens his purse to give us our reward, thy conscience flies out. 130 2 Murderer. 'Tis no matter, let it go; there's few or none will entertain it. 1 Murderer. What if it come to thee again ? 2 Murderer. I'll not meddle with it: it makes a man a coward: a man cannot steal, but it accuseth him; a man cannot swear, but it checks him; a man cannot lie with his neighbour's wife, but it detects him: 'tis a blushing shamefaced spirit that mutinies in a man's bosom; it fills a man full of obstacles. It made me once restore a purse of gold, that (by chance) I found; 140 it beggars any man that keeps it: it is turned out of towns and cities for a dangerous thing; and every man that means to live well endeavours to trust to himself and live without it. 1 Murderer. 'Tis even now at my elbow, persuading me not to kill the duke. 2 Murderer. Take the devil in thy mind, and believe him not: he would insinuate with thee but to make thee sigh. 1 Murderer. I am strong-framed, he cannot prevail 150 with me. 2 Murderer. Spoke like a tall man that respects thy reputation. Come, shall we fall to work? I Murderer. Take him on the costard with the hilts
R. I l l - 6




of thy sword, and then throw him into the malmseybutt in the next room. 2 Murderer. O excellent device! and make a sop of him. 1 Murderer. Soft! he wakes. 2 Murderer. Strike! 160 1 Murderer. No, we'll reason with him. Clarence. Where art thou, Keeper ? give me a cup of wine. 2 Murderer. You shall have wine enough, my lord, anon. Clarence. In God's name, what art thou ? 1 Murderer. A man, as you are. Clarence. But not, as I am, royal. 2 Murderer. Nor you, as we are, loyal. Clarence. Thy voice is thunder, but thy looks are humble. 1 Murderer. My voice is now the king's, my looks mine own. Clarence. How darkly and how deadly dost thou speak! 170 Your eyes do menace me: why look you pale? Who sent you hither ? Wherefore do you come ? 2 Murderer. To, to, to Clarence. T o murder me? Both. Ay, ay. Clarence. You scarcely have the hearts to tell me so, And therefore cannot have the hearts to do it. Wherein, my friends, have I offended you ? 1 Murderer. Offended us you have not, but the king. Clarence. I shall be reconciled to him again. 180 2 Murderer. Never, my lord; therefore prepare to die. Clarence. Are you drawn forth, among a world of men




To slay the innocent ? What is my offence ? Where is the evidence that doth accuse me ? What lawful quest have given their verdict up Unto the frowning judge? or who pronounced The bitter sentence of poor Clarence' death? Before I be convict by course of law, To threaten me with death is most unlawful. I charge you, as you hope to have redemption By Christ's dear blood shed for our grievous sins, 190 That you depart and lay no hands on me: The deed you undertake is damnable. 1 Murderer. What we will do, we do upon command. 2 Murderer. And he that hath commanded is our king. Clarence. Erroneous vassals! the great King of kings Hath in the tables of his law commanded That thou shalt do no murder: will you then Spurn at his edict, and fulfil a man's ? Take heed; for he holds vengeance in his hand, To hurl upon their heads that break his law. 200 2 Murderer. And that same vengeance doth he hurl on thee, For false forswearing, and for murder too: Thou didst receive the sacrament to fight In quarrel of the house of Lancaster. 1 Murderer. And, like a traitor to the name of God, Didst break that vow, and with thy treacherous blade Unrip'st the bowels of thy sov'reign's son. 2 Murderer. Whom thou wast sworn to cherish. and defend. I Murderer. How canst thou urge God's dreadful law to us, When thou hast broke it in such dear degree? 210 Clarence. Alas! for whose sake did I that ill deed? For Edward, for my brother, for his sake.




He sends you not to murder me for this; For in that sin he is as deep as I. If God will be avenged for the deed, O, know you, yet he doth it publicly. Take not the quarrel from his powerful arm; He needs no indirect or lawless course To cut off those that have offended him. 220 1 Murderer. Who made thee then a bloody minister, When gallant-springing brave Plantagenet, That princely novice, was struck dead by thee ? Clarence. My brother's love, the devil, and my rage. 1 Murderer. Thy brother's love, our duty, and thy faults, Provoke us hither now to slaughter thee. Clarence. If you do love my brother, hate not me; I am his brother, and I love him well. If you are hired, for meed go back again, And I will send you to my brother Gloucester, 230 Who shall reward you better for my life Than Edward will for tidings of my death. 2 Murderer. You are deceived, your brother Gloucester hates you. Clarence. O, no, he loves me, and he holds me dear: Go you to him from me. I Murderer. Ay, so we will. Clarence. Tell him, when that our princely father York Blessed his three sons with his victorious arm, And charged us from his soul to love each other, He little thought of this divided friendship: Bid Gloucester think of this, and he will weep. 240 1 Murderer. Ay, millstones, as he lessoned us to weep. Clarence. O, do not slander him, for he is kind.




I Murderer. As snow in harvest. Come, you deceive yourself: 'Tis he that sends us to destroy you here. Clarence. It cannot be; for he bewept my fortune, And hugged me in his arms, and swore with sobs, That he would labour my delivery. 1 Murderer. Why, so he doth, when he delivers you From this earth's thraldom to the joys of heaven. 2 Murderer. Make peace with God, for you must die, my lord. Clarence. Have you that holy feeling in your souls, 250 To counsel me to make my peace with God, And are you yet to your own souls so blind, That you will war with God by murd'ring me? O, sirs, consider, they that set you on To do this deed will hate you for the deed. 2 Murderer. What shall we do ? Clarence. Relent, and save your souls. Which of you, if you were a prince's son, Being pent from liberty, as I am now, If two such murderers as yourselves came to you, Would not entreat for life? Even so I beg 260 As you would beg, were you in my distress. 1 Murderer. Relent! 'tis cowardly and womanish. Clarence. Not to relent is beastly, savage, devilish. My friend, [to 2 Murderer] I spy some pity in thy looks; O, if thine eye be not a flatterer, Come thou on my side, and entreat for me. A begging prince what beggar pities not ? 2 Murderer. Look behind you, my lord. 1 Murderer. ['stabs Aim'] Take that, and that: if all this will not do, I'll drown you in the malmsey-butt within. 270 [drags out the body




2 Murderer. A bloody deed, and desperately dispatched! How fain, like Pilate, would I wash my hands Of this most grievous murder! 1 Murderer returns 1 Murderer. How now! what mean'st thou, that thou help'st me not? By heavens, the duke shall know how slack you have been! 2 Murderer. I would he knew that I had saved his brother! Take thou the fee, and tell him what I say, For I repent me that the duke is slain. [goes 1 Murderer. So do not I: go, coward as thou art. 280 Well, I'll go hide the body in some hole, Till that the duke give order for his burial:" And when I have my meed, I will away; For this will out, and then I must not stay. [goes

[2. 1.]

London. The palace

Flourish. Enter KING EDWARD skk, borne in a chair, with QJJEEN ELIZABETH, DORSET, RIVERS, HASTINGS, BUCKINGHAM, GRET, and others. King Edward. Why, so: now have I done a good day's work. You peers, continue this united league: I every day expect an embassage From my Redeemer to redeem me hence; And more at peace my soul shall part to heaven, Since I have made my friends at peace on earth.




Hastings and Rivers, take each other's hand; Dissemble not your hatred, swear your love. Rivers. By heaven, my soul is purged from grudging hate; And with my hand I seal my true heart's love. 10 Hastings. So thrive I, as I truly swear the like! King Edward. Take heed you dally not before your king; Lest he that is the supreme King of kings Confound your hidden falsehood and award Either of you to be the other's end. Hastings. So prosper I, as I swear perfect love! Rivers. And I, as I love Hastings with my heart! King Edward. Madam, yourself is not exempt from this, Nor you, son Dorset; Buckingham, nor you; You have been factious one against the other. 20 Wife, love Lord Hastings, let him kiss your hand; And what you do, do it unfeignedly. Queen Elizabeth. There, Hastings; I will never more remember Our former hatred, so thrive I and mine! King Edward. Dorset, embrace him; Hastings, love lord marquis. Dorset. This interchange of love, I here protest, Upon my part shall be inviolable. [they embrace Hastings. And so swear I. King Edward. Now, princely Buckingham, seal thou this league With thy embracements to my wife's allies, 30 And make me happy in your unity. Buckingham, [to the Qyeen] Whenever Buckingham doth turn his hate Upon your grace, but with all duteous love




Doth cherish you and yours, God punish me With hate in those where I expect most love! When I have most need to employ a friend, And most assured that he is a friend, Deep, hollow, treacherous and full of guile, Be he unto me! this do I beg of God, 40 When I am cold in love to you or yours.
[tkey 'embrace'

King Edward. A pleasing cordial, princely Buckingham, Is this thy vow unto my sickly heart. There wanteth now our brother Gloucester here, To make the blessed period of this peace. Buckingham. And in good time, Here comes Sir Richard RatclifFe and the duke. Enter GLOUCESTER and RATCLIFFE Gloucester. Good morrow to my sovereign king and queen; And, princely peers, a happy time of day! King Edward. Happy indeed, as we have spent the day. 50 Gloucester, we have done deeds of charity, Made peace of enmity, fair love of hate, Between these swelling wrong-incensed peers. Gloucester. A blessed labour, my most sovereign lord. Among this princely heap, if any here, By false intelligence, or wrong surmise, Hold me a foe; if I unwittingly Have aught committed that is hardly borne By any in this presence, I desire T o reconcile me to his friendly peace: 60 'Tis death to me to be at enmity; I hate it, and desire all good men's love.




First, madam, I entreat true peace of you, Which I will purchase with my duteous service; Of you, my noble cousin Buckingham, If ever any grudge were lodged between us; Of you, and you, Lord Rivers, and Lord Dorset, Of you, Lord Woodeville and Lord Scales of you, That all without desert have frowned on me; Dukes, earls, lords, gentlemen; indeed, of all. I do not know that Englishman alive 70 With whom my soul is any jot at odds More than the infant that is born to-night: I thank my God for my humility. Qgeen Elizabeth. A holy day shall this be kept hereafter: I would to God all strifes were well compounded. My sovereign lord, I do beseech your highness To take our brother Clarence to your grace. Gloucester. Why, madam, have I ofF'red love for this, T o be so flouted in this royal presence ? Who knows not that the gentle duke is dead ? 80 ['they all start' You do him injury to scorn his corse. Rivers. Who knows not he is dead! who knows he is ? Qyeen Elizabeth. All-seeing heaven, what a world is this! Buckingham. Look I so pale, Lord Dorset, as the rest ? Dorset. Ay, my good lord, and no man in the presence But his red colour hath forsook his cheeks. King Edward. Is Clarence dead? the order was reversed. Gloucester. But he, poor man, by your first order died, And that a winged Mercury did bear; Some tardy cripple bare the countermand 90 That came too lag to see him buried.




God grant that some, less noble and less loyal, Nearer in bloody thoughts, but not in blood, Deserve not worse than wretched Clarence did, And yet go current from suspicion! Enter LORD STANLET Stanley. A boon, my sovereign, for my service done! King Edward. I prithee, peace: my soul is full of sorrow. Stanley. I will not rise, unless your highness hear me. King Edward. Then say at once what is it thou requests. 100 Stanley. The forfeit, sovereign, of my servant's life; Who slew to-day a riotous gentleman Lately attendant on the Duke of Norfolk. King Edward. Have I a tongue to doom my brother's death, And shall that tongue give pardon to a slave? My brother killed no manhis fault was thought, And yet his punishment was bitter death. Who sued to me for him ? who, in my wrath, Kneeled at my feet and bid me be advised ? Who spoke of brotherhood ? who spoke of love ? n o Who told me how the poor soul did forsake The mighty Warwick, and did fight for me ? Who told me, in the field at Tewkesbury When Oxford had me down, he rescued me And said 'Dear brother, live, and be a king'? Who told me, when we both lay in the field Frozen almost to death, how he did lap me Even in his garments, and did give himself, All thin and naked, to the numb cold night ? All this from my remembrance brutish wrath




Sinfully plucked, and not a man of you 120 Had so much grace to put it in my mind. But when your carters or your waiting-vassals Have done a drunken slaughter and defaced The precious image of our dear Redeemer, You straight are on your knees for pardon, pardon; And I, unjustly too, must grant it you. [Stanley rises But for my brother not a man would speak, Nor I, ungracious, speak unto myself For him, poor soul. The proudest of you all Have been beholding to him in his life; 130 Yet none of you would once beg for his life. O God, I fear thy justice will take hold On me, and you, and mine, and yours, for this! Come, Hastings, help me to my closet. Ah, poor Clarence! [he is carried forth; Hastings, the Qyeen, Rivers, and Dorset in attendance Gloucester. This is the fruits of rashness. Marked you not How that the guilty kindred of the queen Looked pale when they did hear of Clarence' death ? O, they did urge it still unto the king! God will revenge it. Come, lords, will you go 140 To comfort Edward with our company ? Buckingham. We wait upon your grace, [they follow [2. 2.] ' Enter the old DUCHESS OF YORK, with the two children of Clarence* Boy. Good grandam, tell us, is our .father dead? Duchess. No, boy. Girl. Why do you weep so oft, and beat your breast, And cry 'O Clarence, my unhappy son!'? Boy. Why do you look on us, and shake your head,



And call us orphans, wretches, castaways, If that our noble father were alive? Duchess. My pretty cousins, you mistake me both. I do lament the sickness of the king, 10 As loath to lose him, not your father's death; It were lost sorrow to wail one that's lost. Boy. Then you conclude, my grandam, he is dead. The king mine uncle is to blame for it: God will revenge it, whom I will importune With earnest prayers, all to that effect. Girl. And so will I. Duchess. Peace, children, peace! the king doth love you well. Incapable and shallow innocents, You cannot guess who caused your father's death. 20 Boy. Grandam, we can; for my good uncle Gloucester Told me the king, provoked to it by the queen, Devised impeachments to imprison him: And when my uncle told me so, he wept, And pitied me, and kindly kissed my cheek; Bade me rely on him as on my father, And he would love me dearly as a child. Duchess. Ah, that deceit should steal such gentle shape, And with a virtuous vizor hide deep vice! He is my son, ay, and therein my shame; 30 Yet from my dugs he drew not this deceit. Boy. Think you my uncle did dissemble, grandam? Duchess. Ay, boy. Boy. I cannot think it. Hark! what noise is this? ' Enter the QUEEN with her hair about her ears, RIVERS and DORSET after her'* Qyeen Elizabeth. Ah, who shall hinder me to wail and weep,




To chide my fortune and torment myself? I'll join with black despair against my soul, And to myself become an enemy. Duchess. What means this scene of rude impatience ? Qyeen Elizabeth. To mark an act of tragic violence. Edward, my lord, thy son, our king, is dead. 40 Why grow the branches when the root is gone ? Why wither not the leaves that want their sap ? If you will live, lament; if die, be brief, That our swift-winged souls may catch the king's, Or, like obedient subjects, follow him To his new kingdom of ne'er-changing night. Duchess. Ah, so much interest have I in thy sorrow As I had title in thy noble husband! I have bewept a worthy husband's death, And lived with looking on his images: 50 But now two mirrors of his princely semblance Are cracked in pieces by malignant death, And I for comfort have but one false glass, That grieves me when I see my shame in him. Thou art a widow; yet thou art a mother, And hast the comfort of thy children left: But death hath snatched my husband from mine arms, And plucked two crutches from my feeble hands, Clarence and Edward. O, what cause have I, Thine being but a moiety of my moan, 60 To overgo thy woes and drown thy cries! Boy. Ah aunt! you wept not for our father's death, How can we aid you with our kindred tears ? Girl. Our fatherless distress was left unmoaned; Your widow-dolour likewise be unwept! Qyeen Elizabeth. Give me no help in lamentation; I am not barren to bring forth complaints: All springs reduce their currents to mine eyes,




That I, being governed by the watery moon, 70 May send forth plenteous tears to drown the world! Ah for my husband, for my dear lord Edward! Children. Ah for our father, for our dear Lord Clarence! Duchess. Alas for both, both mine, Edward and Clarence! Qgeen Elizabeth. What stay had I but Edward? and he's gone. Children. What stay had we but Clarence ? and he's gone. Duchess. What stays had I but they? and they are gone. Qgeen Elizabeth. Was never widow had so dear a loss. Children. Were never orphans had so dear a loss. Duchess. Was never mother had so dear a loss. 80 Alas, I am the mother of these griefs! Their woes are parcelled, mine is general. She for an Edward weeps, and so do I; I for a Clarence weep, so doth not she: These babes for Clarence weep, and so do I; I for an Edward weep, so do not they: Alas, you three on me, threefold distressed, Pour all your tears! I am your sorrow's nurse, And I will pamper it with lamentation. Dorset. Comfort, dear mother: God is much displeased 90 That you take with unthankfulness his doing: In common worldly things 'tis called ungrateful With dull unwillingness to repay a debt Which with a bounteous hand was kindly lent; Much more to be thus opposite with heaven, For it requires the royal debt it lent you. Rivers. Madam, bethink you, like a careful mother,




Of the young prince your son: send straight for him; Let him be crowned; in him your comfort lives. Drown desperate sorrow in dead Edward's grave, And plant your joys in living Edward's throne. 100 Enter GLOUCESTER, BUCKINGHAM,

Gloucester. Sister, have comfort: all of us have cause To wail the dimming of our shining star; But none can help our harms by wailing them. Madam, my mother, I do cry you mercy; I did not see your grace [he kneels]. Humbly on my knee I crave your blessing. Duchess. God bless thee, and put meekness in thy breast, Love, charity, obedience, and true duty! Gloucester. Amen! [aside] and make me die a good old man! That is the butt-end of a mother's blessing: no I marvel that her grace did leave it out. Buckingham. You cloudy princes and heartsorrowing peers, That bear this heavy mutual load of moan, Now cheer each other in each other's love: Though we have spent our harvest of this king, We are to reap the harvest of his son. The broken rancour of your high-swoln hearts, But lately splintered, knit, and joined together, Must gently be preserved, cherished, and kept: Me seemeth good that, with some little train, 120 Forthwith from Ludlow the young prince be fet Hither to London, to be-crowned our king. Rivers. Why with some little train, my Lord of Buckingham ?




Buckingham. Marry, my lord, lest by a multitude The new-healed wound of malice should break out; Which would be so much the more dangerous, By how much the estate is green and yet ungoverned: Where every horse bears his commanding rein, And may direct his course as please himself, 130 As well the fear of harm as harm apparent, In my opinion, ought to be prevented. Gloucester. I hope the king made peace with all of us; And the compact is firm and true in me. Rivers. And so in me; and so, I think, in all. Yet, since it is but green, it should be put To no apparent likelihood of breach, Which haply by much company might be urged: Therefore I say with noble Buckingham That it is meet so few should fetch the prince. 140 Hastings. And so say I. Gloucester. Then be it so; and go we to determine Who they shall be that straight shall post to Ludlow. Madam, and you, my sister, will you go To give your censures in this business ? Queen Elizabeth.} . , .. ff , Y With all our hearts. Duchess. J [all go in but Buckingham and Gloucester Buckingham. My lord, whoever j ou rneys to the prince, For God sake let not us two stay at home: For, by the way, I'll sort occasion, As index to the story we late talked of, 150 To part the queen's proud kindred from the prince. Gloucester. My other self, my counsel's consistory, My oracle, my prophet, my dear cousin! I, as a child, will go by thy direction. Toward Ludlow then, for we'll not stay behind.
[they go

2.3-1 [2.3.]

RICHARD THE THIRD London. A Street Enter two Citizens, meeting


1 Citizen. Good morrow, neighbour, whither away so fast? 2 Citizen. I promise you, I scarcely know myself: Hear you the news abroad? 1 Citizen. Yes, that the king is dead. 2 Citizen. Ill news, by'r lady. Seldom comes the better. I fear, I fear, 'twill prove a giddy world. *Enter another Citizen' 3 Citizen. Neighbours, God speed! 1 Citizen. Give you good morrow, sir. 3 Citizen. Doth the news hold, of good King Edward's death ? 2 Citizen. Ay, sir, it is too true, God help the while! 3 Citizen. Then, masters, look to see a troublous world. 1 Citizen. No, no; by God's good grace his son 10 shall reign. 3 Citizen. Woe to that land that's governed by a child! 2 Citizen. In him there is a hope of government, Which, in his nonage, council under him, And, in his full and ripened years, himself, No doubt, shall then, and till then, govern well. I Citizen. So stood the state when Henry the Sixth. Was crowned in Paris but at nine months old. 3 Citizen. Stood the state so? No, no, good friends, God wot; For then this land was famously enriched




20 With politic grave counsel; then the king Had virtuous uncles to protect his grace. I Citizen. Why, so hath this, both by his father and mother. 3 Citizen. Better it were they all came by his father, Or by his father there were none at all; For emulation who shall now be nearest, Will touch us all too near, if God prevent not. O, full of danger is the Duke of Gloucester! And the queen's sons and brothers haught and proud: And were they to be ruled, and not to rule, 30 This sickly land might solace as before. 1 Citizen. Come, come, we fear the worst; all will be well. 3 Citizen. When clouds are seen, wise men put on their cloaks; When great leaves fall, then winter is at hand; When the sun sets, who doth not look for night? Untimely storms makes men expect a dearth. All may be well; but, if God sort it so, T i s more than we deserve, or I expect. 2 Citizen. Truly, the hearts of men are full of fear: You cannot reason almost with a man 40 That looks not heavily and full of dread. 3 Citizen. Before the days of change, still is it so: By a divine instinct men's minds mistrust Ensuing danger; as by proof we see The water swell before a boist'rous storm. But leave it all to God. Whither away? 2 Citizen. Marry, we were sent for to the justices. 3 Citizen. And so was I : I'll bear you company.
[they pass on

2.4-1 [2.4.]

RICHARD THE THIRD London. The palace

5 5

Enter the ARCHBISHOP OF YORK, the young DVKB


Archbishop. Last night, I hear, they lay at Stony Stratford; And at Northampton they do rest to-night: To-morrow, or next day, they will be here* Duchess. I long with all my heart to see the prince: I hope he is much grown since last I saw him. Qyeen Elizabeth. But I hear, no; they say my son of York Has almost overta'en him in his growth. York. Ay, mother, but I would not have it so. Duchess. Why, my good cousin, it is good to grow. York. Grandam, one night, as we did sit at supper, 10 My uncle Rivers talked how I did grow More than my brother: 'Ay,' quoth my uncle Gloucester, 'Small herbs have grace, ill weeds do grow apace': And since, methinks, I would not grow so fast, Because sweet flowers are slow and weeds make haste. Duchess. Good faith, good faith, the saying did not hold In him that did object the same to thee: He was the wretched'st thing when he was young, So long a-growing and so leisurely, 20 That, if his rule were true, he should be gracious. Archbishop. And so, no doubt, he is, my gracious madam. Duchess. I hope he is, but yet let mothers doubt. York. Now, by my troth, if I had been rememb'red,




I could have given my uncle's grace a flout, To touch his growth nearer than he touched mine. Duchess. How, my young York? I prithee, let me hear it. York. Marry, they say my uncle grew so fast That he could gnaw a crust at two hours old: 'Twas full two years ere I could get a tooth. 30 Grandam, this would have been a biting jest. Duchess. I prithee, pretty York, who told thee this? York. Grandam, his nurse. Duchess. His nurse! why, she was dead ere thou wast born. York. If 'twere not she, I cannot tell who told me. Qyeen Elizabeth. A parlous boy: go to, you are too shrewd. Archbishop. Good madam, be not angry with the child. lyeen Elizabeth. Pitchers have ears.

Enter a Messenger*

Archbishop. Here comes a messenger. What news ? Messenger. Such news, my lord, as grieves me to report. 40 g>jeen Elizabeth. How doth the prince ? Messenger. Well, madam, and in health. Duchess. What is thy news? Messenger. Lord Rivers and Lord Grey Are sent to Pomfret, and with them Sir Thomas Vaughan, prisoners. Duchess. Who hath committed them ? Messenger. The mighty dukes, Gloucester and Buckingham. Archbishop. For what ofFence ? Messenger. The sum of all I can, I have disclosed;




Why or for what the nobles were committed Is all unknown to me, my gracious lord. Queen Elizabeth. Ay me, I see the ruin of my house! The tiger now hath seized the gentle hind; 50 Insulting tyranny begins to jet Upon the innocent and aweless throne: Welcome, destruction, blood, and massacre! I see, as in a map, the end of all. Duchess. Accursed and unquiet wrangling days, How many of you have mine eyes beheld! My husband lost his life to get the crown; And often up and down my sons were tossed, For me to joy and weep their gain and loss: And being seated, and domestic broils 60 Clean overblown, themselves, the conquerors, Make war upon themselves, brother to brother, Blood to blood, self to self! Preposterous And frantic outrage, end thy damned spleen; Or let me die, to look on death no more! Qyeen Elizabeth. Come, come, my boy; we will to sanctuary. Madam, farewell. Duchess. Stay, I will go with you. Slyeen Elizabeth. You have no cause. Archbishop. My gracious lady, go; And thither bear your treasure and your goods. For my part, I'll resign unto your grace 70 The seal I keep: and so betide to me As well I tender you and all of yours! Go, I'll conduct you to the sanctuary. [they go

R. I l l 7

58 [3.1.]

RICHARD THE THIRD London. A street


''The trumpets sound. Enter the young PRINCE, the Dukes of GLOUCESTER and BUCKINGHAM, the Lord CARDINAL, with' CATESBT, and 'others' Buckingham. Welcome, sweet prince, to London, to your chamber. Gloucester. Welcome, dear cousin, my thoughts' sovereign: The weary way hath made you melancholy. Prince. No, uncle; but our crosses on the way Have made it tedious, wearisome, and heavy: I want more uncles here to welcome me. Gloucester. Sweet prince, the untainted virtue of your years Hath not yet dived into the world's deceit: Nor more can you distinguish of a man 10 Than of his outward show, which, God he knows, Seldom or never jumpeth with the heart. Those uncles which you want were dangerous; Your grace attended to their sug'red words, But looked not on the poison of their hearts: God keep you from them, and from such false friends! Prince. God keep me from false friends! but they were none. Gloucester. My lord, the Mayor of London comes to greet you.

Enter Lord Mayor*, and his train

Mayor. God bless your grace with health and happy days! Prince. I thank you, good my lord, and thank you all.



59 20

I thought my mother and my brother York Would long ere this have met us on the way: Fie, what a slug is Hastings, that he comes not To tell us whether they will come or no! ''Enter LORD HASTINGS'

Buckingham. And, in good time, here comes the sweating lord. Prince. Welcome, my lord: what, will our mother come ? Hastings. On what occasion God he knows, not I, The queen your mother and your brother York Have taken sanctuary: the tender prince Would fain have come with me to meet your grace, But by his mother was perforce withheld. 30 Buckingham. Fie, what an indirect and peevish course Is this of hers! Lord Cardinal, will your grace Persuade the queen to send the Duke of York Unto his princely brother presently ? If she deny, Lord Hastings, go with him, And from her jealous arms pluck him perforce. Cardinal. My Lord of Buckingham, if my weak oratory Can from his mother win the Duke of York, Expect him here; but if she be obdurate To mild entreaties, God in heaven forbid 40 We should infringe the holy privilege Of blessed sanctuary! not for all this land Would I be guilty of so deep a sin. Buckingham. You are too senseless-obstinate, my lord, Too ceremonious and traditional: Weigh it but with the grossness of this age, You break not sanctuary in seizing him.




The benefit thereof is always granted T o those whose dealings have deserved the place 50 And those who have the wit to claim the place: This prince hath neither claimed it nor deserved it; Therefore, in mine opinion, cannot have it: Then, taking him from thence that is not there, You break no privilege nor charter there. Oft have I heard of sanctuary men, But sanctuary children ne'er till now. Cardinal. My lord, you shall o'er-rule my mind for once. Come on, Lord Hastings, will you go with me? Hastings. I go, my lord. 60 Prince. Good lords, make all the speedy haste you may. [Cardinal and Hastings depart Say, uncle Gloucester, if our brother come, Where shall we sojourn till our coronation? Gloucester. Where it seems best unto your royal self. If I may counsel you, some day or two Your highness shall repose you at the Tower: Then where you please, and shall be thought most fit For your best health and recreation. Prince. I do not like the Tower, of any place. Did Julius Caesar build that place, my lord ? 70 Buckingham. He did, my gracious lord, begin that place; Which, since, succeeding ages have re-edified. Prince. Is it upon record, or else reported Successively from age to age, he built it ? Buckingham. Upon record, my gracious lord. Prince. But say, my lord, it were not regist'red, Methinks the truth should live from age to age, As 'twere retailed to all posterity, Even to the general all-ending day.




{Gloucester. So wise so young, they say, do ne'er live long. Prince. What say you, uncle? 80 Gloucester. I say, without characters, fame lives long. [aside'] Thus, like the formal Vice, Iniquity, I moralize two meanings in one word. Prince. That Julius Caesar was a famous man; With what his valour did enrich his wit, His wit set down to make his valour live: Death makes no conquest of this conqueror, For now he lives in fame, though not in life. I'll tell you what, my cousin Buckingham Buckingham. What, my gracious lord ? 90 Prince. An if I live until I be a man, I'll win our ancient right in France again, Or die a soldier, as I lived a king. {Gloucester. Short summers lightly have a forward spring.

and the CARDINAL return with young TORK

Buckingham. Now in good time, here comes the Duke of York. Prince. Richard of York! how fares our loving brother ? Tork. Well, my dread lord; so must I call you now. Prince. Ay, brother, to our grief, as it is yours: Too late he died that might have kept that title, Which by his death hath lost much majesty. 100 Gloucester. How fares our cousin, noble Lord of York? Tork. I thank you, gentle uncle. O, my lord, You said that idle weeds are fast in growth: The prince my brother hath outgrown me far.




Gloucester. He hath, my lord.

York. And therefore is he idle? Gloucester. O, my fair cousin, I must not say so. York. Then he is more beholding to you than I. Gloucester. He may command me as my sovereign; But you have power in me as in a kinsman. n o York. I pray you, uncle, give me this dagger. Gloucester. My dagger, little cousin? with all my heart. Prince. A beggar, brother? York. Of my kind uncle, that I know will give't, Being but a toy, which is no grief to give. Gloucester. A greater gift than that I'll give my cousin. York. A greater gift? O, that's the sword to it. Gloucester. Ay, gentle cousin, were it light enough. York. O, then, I see you'll part but with light gifts; In weightier things you'll say a beggar nay. 120 Gloucester. It is too heavy for your grace to wear. York. I'd weigh it lightly, were it heavier. Gloucester. What, would you have my weapon, little lord? York. I would, that I might thank you as you call me. Gloucester. How? York. Little. Prince. My Lord of York will still be cross in talk: Uncle, your grace knows how to bear with him. York. You mean, to bear me, not to bear with me: Uncle, my brother mocks both you and me; 130 Because that I am little, like an ape, He thinks that you should bear me on your shoulders. (Buckingham. With what a sharp-provided wit he reasons!




T o mitigate the scorn he gives his uncle, He prettily and aptly taunts himself: So cunning and so young is wonderful. Gloucester. My lord, will't please you pass along? Myself and my good cousin Buckingham Will to your mother, to entreat of her T o meet you at the Tower and welcome you. York. What, will you go unto the Tower, my lord? 140 Prince. My Lord Protector needs will have it so. York. I shall not sleep in quiet at the Tower. Gloucester. Why, what should you fear ? York. Marry, my uncle Clarence' angry ghost: My grandam told me he was murdered there. Prince. I fear no uncles dead. Gloucester. Nor none that live, I hope. Prince. An if they live, I hope I need not fear. But come, my lord; so with a heavy heart, Thinking on them, go I unto the Tower. 150 ^A Sennet.' Hastings and the Cardinal accompany the Princes, leaving Gloucester with Buckingham and Catesby Buckingham. Think you, my lord, this little prating York Was not incensed by his subtle mother T o taunt and scorn you thus opprobriously ? Gloucester. No doubt, no doubt: O, 'tis a parlous boy; Bold, quick, ingenious, forward, capable: He is all the mother's, from the top to toe. Buckingham. Well, let them rest. Come Catesby, thou art sworn As deeply to effect what we intend, As closely to conceal what we impart: Thou know'st our reasons urged upon the way. 160 What think'st thou? is it not an easy matter




T o make Lord William Hastings of our mind, For the instalment of this noble duke In the seat royal of this famous isle ? Catesby. He for his father's sake so loves the prince That he will not be won to aught against him. Buckingham. What think'st thou then of Stanley? will not he ? Catesby. He will do all in all as Hastings doth. Buckingham. Well, then, no more but this: go, gentle Catesby, 170 And, as it were far off, sound thou Lord Hastings How he doth stand affected to our purpose; And summon him to-morrow to the Tower, T o sit about the coronation. If thou dost find him tractable to us, Encourage him, and tell him all our reasons: If he be leaden, icy-cold, unwilling, Be thou so too; and so break off the talk, And give us notice of his inclination: For we to-morrow hold divided councils, 180 Wherein thyself shalt highly be employed. Gloucester. Commend me to Lord William: tell him, Catesby, His ancient knot of dangerous adversaries To-morrow are let blood at Pomfret Castle; And bid my lord, for joy of this good news, Give Mistress Shore one gentle kiss the more. Buck/ana1. Good Catesby, go, effect this business soundly. Catesby. My good lords both, with all the heed I can. Gloucester. Shall we hear from you, Catesby, ere we sleep ? Catesby. You shall, my lord.




Gloucester. At Crosby House, there shall you find 190 us both. [Catesby goes
Buckingham. My lord, what shall we do, if we perceive Lord Hastings will not yield to our complots ? Gloucester. Chop off his headsomething we will determine. And look when I am king, claim thou of me The earldom of Hereford, and all the movables Whereof the king my brother was possessed. Buckingham. I'll claim that promise at your grace's hand. Gloucester. And look to have it yielded with all kindness. Come, let us sup betimes, that afterwards We may digest our complots in some form, [they go 200

[3. 2.]

Before Lord Hastings* house; night

'Enter a Messenger to the door of Hastings* Messenger, [knocks] My lord! my lord! Hastings, [within] Who knocks ? Messenger. One from the Lord Stanley. Hastings, [within] What is't o'clock ? Messenger. Upon the stroke of four.

[Hastings opens the door

Hastings. Cannot my Lord Stanley sleep these tedious nights ? Messenger. So it appears by that I have to say. First, he commends him to your noble self. Hastings. What then ? Messenger. Then certifies your lordship that this night 10 He dreamt the boar had raze'd off his helm:




Besides, he says there are two councils kept; And that may be determined at the one Which may make you and him to rue at th'other. Therefore he sends to know your lordship's pleasure If you will presently take horse with him, And with all speed post with him toward the north, T o shun the danger that his soul divines. Hastings. Go, fellow, go, return unto thy lord; 20 Bid him not fear the separated councils: His honour and myself are at the one, And at the other is my good friend Catesby; Where nothing can proceed that toucheth us Whereof I shall not have intelligence. Tell him his fears are shallow, without instance: And for his dreams, I wonder he's so simple T o trust the mock'ry of unquiet slumbers. T o fly the boar before the boar pursues Were to incense the boar to follow us 30 And make pursuit where he did mean no chase. Go, bid thy master rise and come to me; And we will both together to the Tower, Where he shall see the boar will use us kindly. Messenger. I'll go, my lord, and tell him what you say. [goes 1 *Enter CATESBT' Catesby. Many good morrows to my noble lord! Hastings. Good morrow, Catesby, you are early stirring: What news, what news, in this our tott'ring state ? Catesby. It is a reeling world indeed, my lord; And I believe will never stand upright 40 Till Richard wear the garland of the realm. Hastings. How, wear the garland? dost thou mean the crown?




Catesby. Ay, my good lord. Hastings. I'll have this crown of mine cut from my shoulders Before I'll see the crown so foul misplaced. But canst thou guess that he doth aim at it? Catesby. Ay, on my life, and hopes to find you forward Upon his party for the gain thereof: And thereupon he sends you this good news, That this same very day your enemies, 50 The kindred of the queen, must die at Pomfret. Hastings. Indeed, I am no mourner for that news, Because they have been still my adversaries: But, that I'll give my voice on Richard's side, To bar my master's heirs in true descent, God knows I will not do it, to the death. Catesby. God keep your lordship in that gracious mind! Hastings. But I shall laugh at this a twelvemonth hence, That they which brought me in my master's hate, I live to look upon their tragedy. 60 Well, Catesby, ere a fortnight make me older, I'll send some packing that yet think not on't. Catesby. 'Tis a vile thing to die, my gracious lord, When men are unprepared and look not for it. Hastings. O monstrous, monstrous! and so falls it out With Rivers, Vaughan, Grey: and so 'twill do With some men else, that think themselves as safe As thou and I, who (as thou know'st) are dear T o princely Richard and to Buckingham. Catesby. The princes both make high account of you [aside] For they account his head upon the Bridge. 70




Hastings. I know they do, and I have well deserved it.



Come on, come on, where is your boar-spear, man ? Fear you the boar, and go so unprovided ? Stanley. My lord, good morrow; good morrow, Catesby: You may jest on, but, by the holy rood, I do not like these several councils, I. Hastings. I hold my life as dear as you do yours; And never in my days, I do protest, Was it so precious to me as 'tis now: 80 Think you, but that I know our state secure, I would be so triumphant as I am ? Stanley. The lords at Pomfret, when they rode from London, Were jocund and supposed their states were sure, And they indeed had no cause to mistrust; But yet you see how soon the day o'ercast. This sudden stab of rancour I misdoubt: Pray God, I say, I prove a needless coward! What, shall we toward the Tower ? the day is spent. Hastings. Come, come, have with you. Wot you what my lord? 90 To-day the lords you talked of are beheaded. Stanley. They, for their truth, might better wear their heads Than some that have accused them wear their hats. But come, my lord, let's away. ''Enter a Pursuivant* Hastings. Go on before; I'll talk with this good fellow. [Stanley and Catesby depart How now, sirrah? how goes the world with thee?




Pursuivant. The better that your lordship please to ask. Hastings. I tell thee, man, 'tis better with me now Than when thou met'st me last where now we meet: Then was I going prisoner to the Tower, By the suggestion of the queen's allies; 100 But now, I tell thee (keep it to thyself) This day those enemies are put to death, And I in better state than e'er I was. Pursuivant. G od hold it, to your honour's good content! Hastings. Gramercy, fellow: there, drink that forme. ['throws him his purse* Pursuivant. I thank your honour. [goes 'Enter a Priest* Priest. Well met, my lord; I am glad to see your honour. Hastings. I thank thee, good Sir John, with all my heart. I am in your debt for your last exercise; Come the next Sabbath, and I will content you. no [he whispers in his ear * Enter BUCKINGHAM* Buckingham. What, talking with a priest, Lord Chamberlain? Your friends at Pomfret, they do need the priest: Your honour hath no shriving work in hand. Hastings. Good faith, and when I met this holy man, The men you talk of came into my mind. What, go you toward the Tower ? Buckingham. I do, my lord; but long I cannot stay there: I shall return before your lordship thence.



Hastings. Nay, like enough, for I stay dinner there. 120 {Buckingham. And supper too, although thou know'st it not. [aloud~\ Come, will you go ? Hastings. I'll wait upon your lordship.

[they go off together

[3. 3.]

Pom/ret Castle

Enter SIR RICHARD RATCLIFFE, with halberds, carrying the nobles' RIVERS, GRET, and FAUGH AN 'to death*

Rivers. Sir Richard Ratcliffe, let me tell thee this: To-day shalt thou behold a subject die For truth, for duty, and for loyalty. Grey. God bless the prince from all the pack of you! A knot you are of damned blood-suckers. Vaughan. You live that shall cry woe for this hereafter. Ratcliffe. Dispatch; the limit of your lives is out. Rivers. O Pomfret, Pomfret! O thou bloody prison, Fatal and ominous to noble peers! 10 Within the guilty closure of thy walls Richard the Second here was hacked to death; And, for more slander to thy dismal seat, We give to thee our guiltless blood to drink. Grey. Now Margaret's curse is fall'n upon our heads, When she exclaimed on Hastings, you, and I, For standing by when Richard stabbed her son. Rivers. Then cursed she Richard, then cursed she Buckingham, Then cursed she Hastings. O, remember, God, To hear her prayer for them, as now for us! 20 And for my sister and her princely sons,




Be satisfied, dear God, with our true blood, Which, as thou know'st, unjustly must be spilt. Ratelife. Make haste; the hour of death is expiate. Rivers. Come, Grey, come, Vaughan, let us here embrace: Farewell, until we meet again in heaven. [they are led away [3. 4.] A room in the Tower of London


Hastings. Now, noble peers, the cause why we are met Is to determine of the coronation. In God's name, speak! when is the royal day? Buckingham. Is all things ready for the royal time? Stanley. It is, and wants but nomination.. Ely. To-morrow then I judge a happy day. Buckingham. Who knows the Lord Protector's mind herein? Who is most inward with the noble duke? Ely. Your grace, we think, should soonest know his mind. Buckingham. We know each other's faces: for our hearts, 10 He knows no more of mine than I of yours; Or I of his, my lord, than you of mine. Lord Hastings, you and he are near in love. Hastings. I thank his grace, I know he loves me well; But, for his purpose in the coronation, I have not sounded him, nor he delivered His gracious pleasure any way therein:




But you, my honourable lords, may name the time; And in the duke's behalf I'll give my voice, 20 Which, I presume, he'll take in gentle part. 'Enter GLOUCESTER1 Ely. In happy time, here comes the duke himself. Gloucester. My noble lords and cousins all, good morrow. I have been long a sleeper; but I trust My absence doth neglect no great design, Which by my presence might have been concluded. Buckingham. Had you not come upon your cue, my lord, William Lord Hastings had pronounced your part I mean, your voice for crowning of the king. Gloucester. Than my Lord Hastings no man might be bolder; 30 His lordship knows me well, and loves me well. My lord of Ely, when I was last in Holborn, I saw good strawberries in your garden there: I do beseech you send for some of them. Ely. Marry, and will, my lord, with all my heart.
[he goes

Gloucester. Cousin of Buckingham, a word with you. [drawing him aside Catesby hath sounded Hastings in our business, And finds the testy gentleman so hot, That he will lose his head ere give consent His master's child, as worshipfully he terms it, 40 Shall lose the royalty of England's throne. Buckingham. Withdraw yourself a while, I'll [they go out go with you. Stanley. We have not yet set down this day

of triumph.




To-morrow, in my judgement, is too sudden; For I myself am not so well provided As eke I would be, were the day prolonged.
The BISHOP OF ELY returns Ely. Where is my Lord the Duke of Gloucester? I have sent for these strawberries. Hastings. His grace looks cheerfully and smooth this morning; There's some conceit or other likes him well, When that he bids good-morrow with such spirit. 50 I think there's ne'er a man in Christendom Can lesser hide his love or hate than he; For by his face straight shall you know his heart. Stanley. What of his heart perceive you in his face By any likelihood he showed to-day? Hastings. Marry, that with no man here he is offended; For, were he, he had shown it in his looks.
GLOUCESTER and BUCKINGHAM return; Gloucester with a wonderful sour countenance, knitting his brow and gnawing his lip

Gloucester. I pray you all, tell me what they deserve That do conspire my death with devilish plots Of damned witchcraft, and that have prevailed 60 Upon my body with their hellish charms ? Hastings. The tender love I bear your grace, my lord, Makes me most forward in this princely presence To doom th'offenders: whosoe'er they be, I say, my lord, they have deserved death. Gloucester. Then be your eyes the witness of their evil.
R. i n - 8




Look how I am bewitched; behold, mine arm Is like a blasted sapling withered up: And this is Edward's wife, that monstrous witch, 70 Consorted with that harlot, strumpet Shore, That by their witchcraft thus have marked me. Hastings. If they have done this deed, my noble lord, Gloucester. If! thou protector of this damned strumpet, Talk'st thou to me of 'ifs' ? Thou art a traitor: Off with his head! Now, by Saint Paul I swear, I will not dine until I see the same. Lovel and Ratcliffe, look that it be done: The rest that love me, rise and follow me. [all leave but Hastings, Ratcliffe and Lovel Hastings. Woe, woe for England! not a whit for me; 80 For I, too fond, might have prevented this. Stanley did dream the boar did raze our helms, And I did scorn it, and disdain to fly: Three times to-day my foot-cloth horse did stumble, And started when he looked upon the Tower, As loath to bear me to the slaughter-house. O, now I need the priest that spake to me: I now repent I told the pursuivant, As too triumphing, how mine enemies To-day at Pomfret bloodily were butchered, 90 And I myself secure in grace and favour. O Margaret, Margaret, now thy heavy curse Is lighted on poor Hastings' wretched head! Ratcliffe. Come, come, dispatch; the duke would be at dinner: Make a short shrift; he longs to see your head. Hastings. O momentary grace of mortal men, Which we more hunt for than the grace of God! Who builds his hope in air of your good looks




Lives like a drunken sailor on a mast, Ready with every nod to tumble down Into the fatal bowels of the deep. 100 Love/. Come, come, dispatch; 'tis bootless to exclaim. Hastings. O bloody Richard! miserable England! I prophesy the fearfull'st time to thee That ever wretched age hath looked upon. Come, lead me to the block; bear him my head. They smile at me who shortly shall be dead. [he is led away

[3. 5.]

The Tower-walls

Enter GLOUCESTER and BUCKINGHAM, 'in rotten armour, marvellous ill-favoured1 Gloucester. Come, cousin, canst thou quake, and change thy colour, Murder thy breath in middle of a word, And then again begin, and stop again, As if thou wert distraught and mad with terror? Buckingham. Tut, I can counterfeit the deep tragedian, Speak and look back, and pry on every side, Tremble and start at wagging of a straw, Intending deep suspicion: ghastly looks Are at my service, like enforced smiles; And both are ready in their offices, jo At any time, to grace my stratagems. But what, is Catesby gone? Gloucester. He is; and, see, he brings the mayor along. ' Enter the Mayor and CATESBT' Buckingham. Lord Mayor, [he starts




Gloucester. Look to the drawbridge there! Buckingham. Hark! a drum. Gloucester. Catesby, o'erlook the walls. Buckingham. Lord Mayor, the reason we have sent Gloucester. Look back, defend thee, here are enemies! 20 Buckingham. God and our innocence defend and guard us! Gloucester. Be patient, they are friends, Ratcliffe and Lovel. ' Enter LOVEL and RATCLIFFE, zoith Hastings' head* Lovel. Here is the head of that ignoble traitor, The dangerous and unsuspected Hastings. Gloucester. So dear I loved the man, that I must weep. I took him for the plainest harmless creature That breathed upon the earth a Christian; Made him my book, wherein my soul recorded The history of all her secret thoughts. So smooth he daubed his vice with show of virtue 30 That, his apparent open guilt omitted, I mean his conversation with Shore's wife, He lived from all attainder of suspects. Buckingham. Well, well, he was the covert'st shelt'red traitor. Would you imagine, or almost believe, Were't not that, by great preservation, We live to tell it, that the subtle traitor This day had plotted, in the council-house T o murder me and my good Lord of Gloucester? Mayor. Had he done so? 40 Gloucester. What! think you we are Turks or infidels? Or that we would, against the form of law,




Proceed thus rashly in the villain's death, But that the extreme peril of the case, The peace of England and our persons' safety, Enforced us to this execution? Mayor. Now, fair befall you! he deserved his death; And your good graces both have well proceeded, To warn false traitors from the like attempts. Buckingham. I never looked for better at his hands, After he once fell in with Mistress Shore. 50 Yet had we not determined he should die, Until your lordship came to see his end, Which now the loving haste of these our friends, Something against our meanings, have prevented: Because, my lord, I would have had you hear The traitor speak and timorously confess The manner and the purpose of his treasons; That you might well have signified the same Unto the citizens, who haply may Misconster us in him and wail his death. 60 Mayor. But, my good lord, your grace's words shall serve, As well as I had seen and heard him speak: And do not doubt, right noble princes both, But I'll acquaint our duteous citizens With all your just proceedings in this cause. Gloucester. And to that end we wished your lordship here, T'avoid the censures of the carping world. Buckingham. Which since you come too late of our intent, Yet witness what you hear we did intend: And so, my good Lord Mayor, we bid farewell. 70 \the Mayor takes leave




Gloucester. Go, after, after, cousin Buckingham. The mayor towards Guildhall hies him in all post: There, at your meet'st advantage of the time, Infer the bastardy of Edward's children: Tell them how Edward put to death a citizen, Only for saying he would make his son Heir to the crown, meaning indeed his house, Which, by the sign thereof, was termed so. Moreover, urge his hateful luxury 80 And bestial appetite in change of lust; Which stretched unto their servants, daughters, wives, Even where his raging eye or savage heart Without control listed to make a prey. Nay, for a need, thus far come near my person: Tell them, when that my mother went with child Of that insatiate Edward, noble York My princely father then had wars in France; And, by true computation of the time, Found that the issue was not his begot; 90 Which well appeared in his lineaments, Being nothing like the noble duke my father: Yet touch this sparingly, as 'twere far off, Because, my lord, you know my mother lives. Buckingham. Doubt not, my lord, I'll play the orator As if the golden fee for which I plead Were for myself: and so, my lord, adieu. Gloucester. If you thrive well, bring them to Baynard's Castle, Where you shall find me well accompanied With reverend fathers and well-learned bishops. 100 Buckingham. I go, and towards three or four o'clock Look for the news that the Guildhall affords. [goes Gloucester. Go, Lovel, with all speed to Doctor Shaw;




[To Catesby] Go thou to Friar Penker; bid them both Meet me within this hour at Baynard's Castle.
[they depart

Now will I go to take some privy order T o draw the brats of Clarence out of sight; And to give notice that no manner person Have any time recourse unto the princes.

[he goes


London. A street

Enter a Scrivener*, with a paper in his hand

Scrivener. Here is the indictment of the good Lord Hastings, Which in a set hand fairly is engrossed, That it may be to-day read o'er in Paul's. And mark how well the sequel hangs together: Eleven hours I have spent to write it over, For yesternight by Catesby was it sent me; The precedent was full as long a-doing: And yet within these five hours Hastings lived, Untainted, unexamined, free, at liberty. Here's a good world the while! Who is so gross, That cannot see this palpable device ? Yet who's so bold, but says he sees it not? Bad is the world; and all will come to nought, When such ill dealing must be seen in thought.
[he goes


[3. 7.]


A court-yard before Barnard's Castle Enter GLOUCESTER and BUCKINGHAM at different doors


Gloucester. How now, how now, what say the citizens? Buckingham. Now, by the holy mother of our Lord, The citizens are mum, say not a word. Gloucester. Touched you the bastardy of Edward's children? Buckingham. I did; with his contract with Lady Lucy, And his contract by deputy in France; Th'insatiate greediness of his desire, And his enforcement of the city wives; His tyranny for trifles; his own bastardy, 10 As being got, your father then in France, And his resemblance, being not like the duke: Withal I did infer your lineaments, Being the right idea of your father, Both in your form and nobleness of mind; Laid open all your victories in Scotland, Your discipline in war, wisdom in peace, Your bounty, virtue, fair humility; Indeed left nothing fitting for your purpose Untouched or slightly handled in discourse: 20 And when mine oratory drew toward end, I bid them that did love their country's good Cry 'God save Richard, England's royal king!' Gloucester. And did they so? Buckingham. No, so God help me, they spake not a word; But, like dumb statuas or breathing stones,




Stared each on other, and looked deadly pale. Which when I saw, I reprehended them, And asked the Mayor what meant this wilful silence: His answer was, the people were not use"d To be spoke to but by the Recorder. 30 Then he was urged to tell my tale again: 'Thus saith the duke, thus hath the duke inferred'; But nothing spoke in warrant from himself. When he had done, some followers of mine own At lower end of the hall hurled up their caps, And some ten voices cried 'God save King Richard!' And thus I took the vantage of those few, 'Thanks, gentle citizens and friends'! quoth I, 'This general applause and cheerful shout Argues your wisdoms and your love to Richard' 40 And even here brake off and came away. Gloucester. What tongueless blocks were they! would they not speak ? Buckingham. No, by my troth, my lord. Gloucester. Will not the Mayor then and his brethren come? Buckingham. The Mayor is here at hand: intend some fear; Be not you spoke with, but by mighty suit: And look you get a prayer-book in your hand, And stand between two churchmen, good my lord; For on that ground I'll make a holy descant: And be not easily won to our requests; 50 Play the maid's part, still answer nay, and take it. Gloucester. I go; and if you,plead as well for them As I can say nay to thee for myself, No doubt we'll bring it to a happy issue. Buckingham. Go, go up to the leads; the Lord [Gloucester hurries away Mayor knocks.




The Mayor and Citizens enter the court-yard Welcome, my lord: I dance attendance here; I think the duke will not be spoke withal.

comes forth

Catesby, what says your lord to my request? Catesby. He doth entreat your grace, my noble lord, 60 T o visit him to-morrow or next day: He is within, with two right reverend fathers, Divinely bent to meditation; And in no worldly suits would he be moved, T o draw him from his holy exercise. Buckingham. Return, good Catesby, to the gracious duke: Tell him, myself, the Mayor, and Alderman, In deep designs, in matter of great moment, No less importing than our general good, Are come to have some conference with his grace. 70 Catesby. I'll signify so much unto him straight. [goes in Buckingham. Ah, ha, my lord, this prince is not an Edward! He is not lolling on a lewd love-bed, But on his knees at meditation; Not dallying with a brace of courtezans, But meditating with two deep divines; Not sleeping, to engross his idle body, But praying, to enrich his watchful soul: Happy were England, would this virtuous prince Take on his grace the sovereignty thereof: 80 But, sure, I fear, we shall not win him to it. Mayor. Marry, God defend his grace should say us nay!




Buckingham. I fear he will. Here Catesby comes again. C returns

Now, Catesby, what says his grace ? Catesby. He wonders to what end you . have assembled Such troops of citizens to come to him, His grace not being warned thereof before:He fears, my lord, you mean no good to him. Buckingham. Sorry I am my noble cousin should Suspect me that I mean no good to him: By heaven, we come to him in perfit love; 90 And so once more return and tell his grace. [Catesby goes in again When holy and devout religious men Are at their beads, 'tis much to draw them thence, So sweet is zealous contemplation.

appears 'aloft, between two Bishops1; CATESBT returns

Mayor. See, where his grace stands, 'tween two clergymen! Buckingham. Two props of virtue for a Christian prince, T o stay him from the fall of vanity: And, see, a book of prayer in his hand, True ornaments to know a holy man. Famous Plantagenet, most gracious prince, Lend favourable ear to our requests; And pardon us the interruption Of thy devotion and right Christian zeal. Gloucester. My lord, there needs no such apology: I do beseech your grace to pardon me,





Who, earnest in the service of my God, Deferred the visitation of my friends. But, leaving this, what is your grace's pleasure ? Buckingham. Even that, I hope, which pleaseth God above n o And all good men of this ungoverned isle. Gloucester. I do suspect I have done some offence That seems disgracious in the city's eye, And that you come to reprehend my ignorance. Buckingham. You have, my lord: would it might please your grace, On our entreaties, to amend your fault! Gloucester. Else wherefore breathe I in a Christian land ? Buckingham. Know then, it is your fault that you resign The supreme seat, the throne majestical, The scept'red office of your ancestors, 120 Your state of fortune and your due of birth, The lineal glory of your royal house, To the corruption of a blemished stock: Whiles, in the mildness of your sleepy thoughts, Which here we waken to our country's good, The noble isle doth want her proper limbs; Her face defaced with scars of infamy, Her royal stock graffed with ignoble plants, And almost should'red in the swallowing gulf Of dark forgetfulness and deep oblivion. 130 Which to recure, we heartily solicit Your gracious self to take on you the charge And kingly government of this your land; Not as protector, steward, substitute, Or lowly factor for another's gain; But as successively, from blood to blood,




Your right of birth, your empery, your own For this, consorted with the citizens, Your very worshipful and loving friends, And by their vehement instigation, In this just cause come I to move your grace. Gloucester. I cannot tell if to depart in silence Or bitterly to speak in your reproof Best fitteth my degree or your condition: If not to answer, you might haply think Tongue-tied ambition, not replying, yielded To bear the golden yoke of sovereignty, Which fondly you would here impose on me; If to reprove you for this suit of yours, So seasoned with your faithful love to me, Then, on the other side, I checked my friends. Thereforeto speak, and to avoid the first, And then, in speaking, not to incur the lastDefinitively thus I answer you: Your love deserves my thanks, but my desert Unmeritable shuns your high request. First, if all obstacles were cut away And that my path were even to the crown, As the ripe revenue and due of birth, Yet so much is my poverty of spirit, So mighty and so many my defects, That I would rather hide me from my greatness, Being a bark to brook no mighty sea, Than in my greatness covet to be hid And in the vapour of my glory smothered. But, God be thanked, there is no need of me, And much I need to help you, were there need: The royal tree hath left us royal fruit,. Which, mellowed by the stealing hours of time, Will well become the seat of majesty,







170 And mate, no doubt, us happy by his reign. On him I lay that you would lay on me, The right and fortune of his happy stars, Which God defend that I should wring from him! Buckingham. My lord, this argues conscience in your grace; But the respects thereof are nice and trivial, All circumstances well considered. You say that Edward is your brother's son: So say we too, but not by Edward's wife; For first was he contract to Lady Lucy 180 Your mother lives a witness to his vow And afterward by substitute betrothed T o Bona, sister to the King of France. These both put off, a poor petitioner, A care-crazed mother to a many sons, A beauty-waning and distressed widow, Even in the afternoon of her best days, Made prize and purchase of his wanton eye, Seduced the pitch and height of his degree To base declension and loathed bigamy: 190 By her, in his unlawful bed, he got This Edward, whom our manners call the prince. More bitterly could I expostulate, Save that, for reverence to some alive, I give a sparing limit to my tongue. Then, good my lord, take to your royal self This proffered benefit of dignity; If not to bless us and the land withal, Yet to draw forth your noble ancestry From the corruption of abusing times 200 Unto a lineal true-derived course. Mayor. Do, good my lord, your citizens entreat you.




Buckingham. Refuse not, mighty lord, this proffered love. Catesby. O, make them joyful, grant their lawful suit! Gloucester. Alas, why would you heap this care on me? I am unfit for state and majesty: I do beseech you, take it not amiss; I cannot nor I will not yield to you. Buckingham. If you refuse itas, in love and zeal, Loath to depose the child, your brother's son; As well we know your tenderness of heart And gentle, kind, effeminate remorse, Which we have noted in you to your kindred, And egally indeed to all estatesYet know, whe'er you accept our suit or no, Your brother's son shall never reign our king; But we will plant some other in the throne, T o the disgrace and downfall of your house: And in this resolution here we leave you. Come, citizens. Zounds! I'll entreat no more. Gloucester. O, do not swear, my lord of Buckingham. [Buckingham stalks out; citizens slowly follow Catesby. Call him again, sweet prince, accept their suit: If you deny them, all the land will rue it. Gloucester. Will you enforce me to a world of cares? Call them again: I am not made of stone, But penetrable to your kind entreaties, Albeit against my conscience and my souL



and the rest* return

Cousin of Buckingham, and sage grave men, Since you will buckle fortune on my back,




T o bear her burthen, whe'er I will or no, 230 I must have patience to endure the load: But if black scandal or foul-faced reproach. Attend the sequel of your imposition, Your mere enforcement shall acquittance me From all the impure blots and stains thereof; For God doth know, and you may partly see, How far I am from the desire of this. Mayor. God bless your grace! we see it, and will say it. Gloucester. In saying so, you shall but say the truth. Buckingham. Then I salute you with this royal title: 240 Long live King Richard, England's worthy king! All. Amen. Buckingham. To-morrow may it please you to be crowned ? Gloucester. Even when you please, for you will have it so. Buckingham. To-morrow then we will attend your grace: And so most joyfully we take our leave. Gloucester. Come, let us to our holy work again. Farewell, my cousin; farewell, gentle friends.
[they go

4.1.1 [4. 1.]

RICHARD THE THIRD Before the Tower



Duchess. Who meets us here ? my niece Plantagenet, Led in the hand of her kind aunt of Gloucester? Now, for my life, she's wand'ring to the Tower, On pure heart's love to greet the tender princes. Daughter, well met. Anne. God give your graces both A happy and a joyful time of day! Queen Elizabeth. As much to you, good sister! Whither away? Anne. No farther than the Tower, and, as I guess, Upon the like devotion as yourselves, 10 To gratulate the gentle princes there. Qjfeen Elizabeth. Kind sister, thanks: we'll enter all together.

comes from the Tower

And, in good time, here the lieutenant comes. Master Lieutenant, pray you, by your leave, How doth the prince, and my young son of York? Brakenbury. Right well, dear madam. By your patience, I may not suffer you to visit them; The king hath strictly charged the contrary. Qjeen Elizabeth. The king! who's that? Brakenbury. I mean the Lord Protector. Qgeen Elizabeth. The Lord protect him from that 20 kingly title!
R. I l l - 9




Hath he set bounds between their love and me ? I am their mother; who shall bar me from them ? Duchess. I am their father's mother; I will see them. Anne. Their aunt I am in law, in love their mother: Then bring me to their sights; I'll bear thy blame, And take thy office from thee, on my peril. Brakenbury. No, madam, no; I may not leave it so: I am bound by oath, and therefore pardon me. [he goes within

comes up

Stanley. Let me but meet you, ladies, one hour hence, 30 And I'll salute your grace of York as mother, And reverend looker-on, of two fair queens. [to Anne"] Come, madam, you must straight to Westminster, There to be crowned Richard's royal queen. ^jeeen Elizabeth. Ah, cut my lace asunder, That my pent heart may have some scope to beat, Or else I swoon with this dead-killing news! Anne. Despiteful tidings! O unpleasing news! Dorset. Be of good cheer: mother, how fares your grace ? Qyeen Elizabeth. O Dorset, speak not to me, get thee gone! 40 Death and destruction dogs thee at thy heels; Thy mother's name is ominous to children. If thou wilt outstrip death, go cross the seas, And live with Richmond, from the reach of hell: Go, hie thee, hie thee from this slaughter-house, Lest thou increase the number of the dead; And make me die the thrall of Margaret's curse, Nor mother, wife, nor England's counted queen.




Stanley. Full of wise care is this your counsel, madam. [to Dorset] Take all the swift advantage of the hours; You shall have letters from me to my son 50 In your behalf, to meet you on the way: Be not ta'en tardy by unwise delay. Duchess. O ill-dispersing wind of misery! O my accursed womb, the bed of death! A cockatrice hast thou hatched to the world, Whose unavoided eye is murderous. Stanley. Come, madam, come; I in all haste was sent. Anne. And I with all unwillingness will go. O, would to God that the inclusive verge Of golden metal that must round my brow 60 Were red-hot steel, to sear me to the brains! Anointed let me be with deadly venom, And die ere men can say, 'God save the queen!' Qyeen Elizabeth. Go, go, poor soul, I envy not thy glory: T o feed my humour, wish thyself no harm. Anne. No ? Why, when he that is my husband now Came to me, as I followed Henry's corse, When scarce the blood was well washed from his hands Which issued from my other angel husband, And that dear saint which then I weeping followed 70 O, when, I say, I looked on Richard's face, This was my wish: 'Be thou', quoth I, 'accursed, For making me, so young, so old a widow! And, when thou wed'st, let sorrow haunt thy bed; And be thy wifeif any be somade More miserable by the life of thee Than thou hast made me by my dear lord's death!' Lo, ere I can repeat this curse again,




Within so small a time, my woman's heart 80 Grossly grew captive to his honey words And proved the subject of mine own soul's curse, Which hitherto hath held mine eyes from rest; For never yet one hour in his bed Did I enjoy the golden dew of sleep, But with his timorous dreams was still awaked. Besides, he hates me for my father Warwick; And will, no doubt, shortly be rid of me. Qgeen Elizabeth. Poor heart, adieu! I pity thy complaining. Anne. No more than with my soul I mourn for yours. 90 Qgeen Elizabeth. Farewell, thou woeful welcomer of glory! Anne. Adieu, poor soul, that tak'st thy leave of it! Duchess, [to Dorset] Go thou to Richmond, and good fortune guide thee! [to Anne] Go thou to Richard, and good angels tend thee! [to >jeen Elizabeth] Go thou to sanctuary, and good thoughts possess thee! I to my grave, where peace and rest lie with me! Eighty odd years of sorrow have I seen, And each hour's joy wracked with a week of teen. Styeen Elizabeth. Stay, yet look back with me unto the Tower. Pity, you ancient stones, those tender babes 100 Whom envy hath immured within your walls! Rough cradle for such little pretty ones! Rude ragged nurse, old sullen playfellow For tender princes, use my babies well! So foolish sorrow bids your stones farewell.
[they depart

4.2.1 [4. 2.]


RICHARD THE THIRD London. The Palace


Sennet. Enter RICHARD, in pomp1, crowned; BUCKINGHAM, CATESBT, a Page, and others

King Richard. Stand all apart. Cousin of Buckingham! Buckingham. My gracious sovereign! King Richard. Give me thy hand, [trumpets sound as he ascends the throne^ Thus high, by thy advice, And thy assistance, is King Richard seated: But shall we wear these gloriesfora day? Or shall they last, and we rejoice in them? Buckingham. Still live they and for ever let them last! King Richard. Ah. Buckingham, now do I play the touch, T o try if thou be current gold indeed: Young Edward lives; think now what I would speak. 10 Buckingham. Say on, my loving lord. King Richard. Why, Buckingham, I say I would be king. Buckingham. Why, so you are, my thricerenowned lord. King Richard. Ha? am I king? 'tis sobut Edward lives. Buckingham. True, noble prince. King Richard. O bitter consequence! That Edward still should live 'true noble prince'1 Cousin, thou wast not wont to be so dull. Shall I be plain ? I wish the bastards dead, And I would have it suddenly performed. What say'st thou now? speak suddenly, be brief. 20




Buckingham. Your grace may do your pleasure. King Richard. Tut, tut, thou art all ice, thy kindness freezes: Say, have I thy consent that they shall die? Buckingham. Give me some little breath, some pause, dear lord, Before I positively speak in this: [he goes I will resolve you herein presently. (Catesfy. The king is angry: see, he gnaws his lip. King Richard. I will converse with iron-witted fools And unrespective boys: none are for me {descends from 30 That look into me with considerate eyes: Ms throne High-reaching Buckingham grows circumspect. Boy! Page. My lord? King Richard. Know'st thou not any whom corrupting gold Will tempt unto a close exploit of death? Page. I know a discontented gentleman Whose humble means match not his haughty spirit: Gold were as good as twenty orators, And will, no doubt, tempt him to any thing. King Richard. What is his name? Page. His name, my lord, is Tyrrel. 40 King Richard. I partly know the man: go, call him [Page goes hither, boy. The deep-revolving witty Buckingham No more shall be the neighbour to my counsels. Hath he so long held out with me untired, And stops lie now for breath? Well, be it so.


How now, Lord Stanley! Stanley. Know, my loving lord,




The Marquis Dorset, as I .hear, is fled To Richmond in the parts where he abides.
[stands apart

King Richard. Come hither, Catesby. Rumour it abroad That Anne, my wife, is very grievous sick: I will take order for her keeping close. Inquire me out some mean poor gentleman, Whom I will marry straight to Clarence' daughter: The boy is foolish, and I fear not him. Look, how thou dream'st! I say again, give out That Anne, my queen, is sick and like to die. About it! for it stands me much upon To stop all hopes whose growth may damage me.
[Catesby hurries forth


I must be married to my brother's daughter, Or else my kingdom stands on brittle glass... Murder her brothers, and then marry her! Uncertain way of gain! But I am in So far in blood that sin will pluck on sin: Tear-falling pity dwells not in this eye. Re-enter Page with TrRREL


Is thy name Tyrrel ? Tyrrel. James Tyrrel, and your most obedient subject. King Richard. Art thou, indeed ? Tyrrel. Prove me, my gracious lord. King Richard. Dar'st thou resolve to kill a friend of mine ? Tyrrel. Please you, I had rather kill two enemies. King Richard. Why, there thou hast it: two deep enemies, Foes to my rest and my sweet sleep's disturbers, 70 Are they that I would have thee deal upon:




Tyrrel, I mean those bastards in the Tower. Tyrrel. Let me have open means to come to them, And soon I'll rid you from the fear of them. King Richard. Thou sing'st sweet music. Hark, come hither, Tyrrel: Go, by this token: rise, and lend thine ear: ^whispers* There is no more but so: say it is done, And I will love thee, and prefer thee for it. Tyrrel. I will dispatch it straight. [goes


80 Buckingham. My lord, I have considered in my mind The late request that you did sound me in. King Richard. Well, let that rest. Dorset is fled to Richmond. Buckingham. I hear the news, my lord. King Richard. Stanley, he is your wife's son: look unto it. Buckingham. My lord, I claim the gift, my due by promise, For which your honour and your faith is pawned Th'earldom of Hereford and the movables Which you have promised I shall possess. King Richard. Stanley, look to your wife: if she convey 90 Letters to Richmond, you shall answer it. Buckingham. What says your highness to my just request ? King Richard. I do remember me, Henry the Sixth Did prophesy that Richmond should be king, When Richmond was a little peevish bey. A king! perhaps




Buckingham. My lord! King Richard. How chance the prophet could not at that time Have told me, I being by, that I should kill him ? Buckingham. My lord, your promise for the earldom King Richard. Richmond! When last I was at Exeter, ioo The mayor in courtesy showed me the castle, And called it Rougemont: at which name I started, Because a bard of Ireland told me once I should not live long after I saw Richmond. Buckingham. My lord! King Richard. Ay, what's o'clock ? Buckingham. I am thus bold to put your grace in mind Of what you promised me. King Richard. Well, but what's o'clock ? Buckingham. Upon the stroke of ten. King Richard. Well, let it strike. Buckingham. Why let it strike ? no King Richard. Because that, like a Jack, thou keep'st the stroke Betwixt thy begging and my meditation. I am not in the giving vein to-day. Buckingham. May it please you to resolve me in my suit ? King Richard. Thou troublest me, I am not in the vein. [goes Buckingham. And is it thus ? repays he my deep service With such contempt? made I him king for this? O, let me think on Hastings, and be gone To Brecknock, while my fearful head is on! [goes

98 [4. 3.]

RICHARD THE THIRD The same, later '''Enter TTRREL'




Tyrrel. The tyrannous and bloody act is done, The most arch deed of piteous massacre That ever yet this land was guilty of. Dighton and Forrest, whom I did suborn T o do this piece of ruthless butchery, Albeit they were fleshed villains, bloody dogs, Melting with tenderness and mild compassion, Wept like two children in their death's sad story. *O, thus,' quoth Dighton, 'lay the gentle babes': 'Thus, thus,' quoth Forrest, 'girdling one another Within their alabaster innocent arms: Their lips were four red roses on a stalk, Which in their summer beauty kissed each other. A book of prayers on their pillow lay; Which once,' quoth Forrest, 'almost changed my mind; But O! the devil'there the villain stopped; Whilst Dighton thus told on: 'We smothered The most replenished sweet work of Nature That from the prime creation e'er she framed.' Hence all o'er gone with conscience and remorse, They could not speak; and so I left them both, T o bear this tidings to the bloody king. And here he comes. Enter KING RICHARD All health, my sovereign lord! King Richard. Kind Tyrrel, am I happy in thy news ? TyrreL If to have done the thing you gave in charge Beget your happiness, be happy then, For it is done.




King Richard. But didst thou see them dead? Tyrrel. I did, my lord. King Richard. And buried, gentle Tyrrel? TyrreL The chaplain of the Tower hath. buried them; 3 But where, to say the truth, I do not know. King Richard. Come to me, Tyrrel, soon at after-supper, When thou shalt tell the process of their death. Meantime, but think how I may do thee good, And be inheritor of thy desire. Farewell till then. I humbly take my leave. [he goes Tyrrel. King Richard. The son of Clarence have I pent up close; His daughter meanly have I matched in marriage; The sons of Edward sleep in Abraham's bosom, And Anne my wife hath bid this world good night. 40 Now, for I know the Breton Richmond aims At young Elizabeth, my brother's daughter, And, by that knot, looks proudly on the crown, To her go I, a jolly thriving wooer. ' Enter RATCLIFFE' Ratcliffe. My lord! King Richard. Good or bad news, that thou com'st in so bluntly? Ratcliffe. Bad news, my lord: Morton is fled to Richmond; And Buckingham, backed with the hardy Welshmen, Is in the field, and still his power increaseth. King Richard. Ely with Richmond troubles me more near 50 Than Buckingham and his rash-levied strength.




Come, I have learned that fearful commenting Is leaden servitor to dull delay; Delay leads impotent and snail-paced beggary: Then fiery expedition be my wing, Jove's Mercury, and herald for a king! Go, muster men: my counsel is my shield; We must be brief when traitors brave the field.
[they go

[4. 4.]

Before the palace 'Enter old QUEEN MARGARET*

Qgeen Margaret. So now prosperity begins to mellow And drop into the rotten mouth of death. Here in these confines slily have I lurked, To watch the waning of mine enemies. A dire induction am I witness to, And will to France, hoping the consequence Will prove as bitter, black, and tragical. Withdraw thee, wretched Margaret: who comes here ? Enter >UEEN ELIZABETH and the DUCHESS OF TORK Qyeen Elizabeth. Ah, my poor princes! ah, my tender babes! 10 My unblown flowers, new-appearing sweets! If yet your gentle souls fly in the air And be not fixed in doom perpetual, Hover about me with your airy wings And hear your mother's lamentation! ($>jeen Margaret. Hover about her; say, that right for right Hath dimmed your infant morn to aged night. Duchess. So many miseries have crazed my voice,




That my woe-wearied tongue is still and mute. Edward Plantagenet, why art thou dead ? (Jtyeen Margaret. Plantagenet doth quit Plantagenet, 20 Edward for Edward pays a dying debt. S^een Elizabeth. Wilt thou, O God, fly from such gentle lambs, And throw them in the entrails of the wolf? When didst thou sleep when such a deed was done? {filyeen Margaret. When holy Harry died, and my sweet son. Duchess. Dead life, blind sight, poor mortal living ghost, Woe's scene, world's shame, grave's due by life usurped, Brief abstract and record of tedious days, Rest thy unrest on England's lawful earth, Unlawfully made drunk with innocent blood! 30

Qyeen Elizabeth. Ah, that thou wouldst as soon afford a grave As thou canst yield a melancholy seat! Then would I hide my bones, not rest them here. Ah, who hath any cause to mourn but we? [sits down by her Qyeen Margaret, [advancing] If ancient sorrow be most reverend, Give mine the benefit ef seniory, And let my griefs frown on the upper hand. If sorrow can admit society, [sits down with them Tell o'er your woes again by viewing mine: I had an Edward, till a Richard killed him; 40 I had a Harry, till a Richard killed him: Thou hadst an Edward, till a Richard killed him; Thou hadst a Richard, till a Richard killed him.




Duchess. I had a Richard too, and thou didst kill him; I had a Rutland too, thou holp'st to kill him. Qyeen Margaret. Thou hadst a Clarence too, and Richard killed him. From forth the kennel of thy womb hath crept A hell-hound that doth hunt us all to death: That dog, that had his teeth before his eyes, 50 To worry lambs and lap their gentle blood; That foul defacer of God's handiwork; That excellent grand tyrant of the earth, That reigns in galled eyes of weeping souls Thy womb let loose, to chase us to our graves. O upright, just, and true-disposing God, How do I thank thee, that this carnal cur Preys on the issue of his mother's body, And makes her pew-fellow with others' moan! Duchess. O Harry's wife, triumph not in my woes! 60 God witness with me, I have wept for thine. Qjteen Margaret. Bear with me; I am hungry for revenge, And now I cloy me with beholding it. Thy Edward he is dead, that killed my Edward; Thy other Edward dead, to quit my Edward; Young York he is but boot, because both they Matched not the high perfection of my loss: Thy Clarence he is dead that stabbed my Edward; And the beholders of this frantic play, Th'adulterate Hastings, Rivers, Vaughan, Grey, 70 Untimely smothered in their dusky graves. Richard yet lives, hell's black intelligencer, Only reserved their factor, to buy souls And send them thither: but at hand, at hand, Ensues his piteous and unpitied end:




Earth gapes, hell burns, fiends roar, saints pray, T o have him suddenly conveyed from hence: Cancel his bond of life, dear God, I plead, That I may live and say 'The dog is dead!' Qgeen Elizabeth. O, thou didst prophesy the time would come That I should wish for thee to help me curse 80 That bottled spider, that foul bunch-backed toad! Qgeen Margaret. I called thee then vain flourish of my fortune; I called thee then poor shadow, painted queen, The presentation of but what I was; The flattering index of a direful pageant; One heaved a-high, to be hurled down below; A mother only mocked with two fair babes; A dream of what thou wast, a garish flag, To be the aim of every dangerous shot; A sign of dignity, a breath, a bubble; 90 A queen in jest, only to fill the scene. Where is thy husband now? where be thy brothers? Where be thy two sons? wherein dost thou joy? Who sues, and kneels and says, ' God save the queen' ? Where be the bending peers that flattered thee? Where be the thronging troops that followed thee? Decline all this, and see what now thou art: For happy wife, a most distressed widow; For joyful mother, one that wails the name; For queen, a very caitiff crowned with care; 100 For one being sued to, one that humbly sues; For she that scorned at me, now scorned of me; For she being feared of all, now fearing one; For she commanding all, obeyed of none. Thus hath the course of Justice whirled about, And left thee but a very prey to time;




Having no more but thought of what thou wast, T o torture thee the more, being what thou art. Thou didst usurp my place, and dost thou not n o Usurp the just proportion of my sorrow? Now thy proud neck bears half my burthened yoke; From which even here I slip my weary head, And leave the burthen of it allon thee. Farewell, York's wife, and queen of sad mischance: These English woes shall make me smile in France. Queen Elizabeth. O thou well skilled in curses, stay awhile, And teach me how to curse mine enemies! Qjeen Margaret. Forbear to sleep the nights, and fast the days; Compare dead happiness with living woe; 120 Think that thy babes were sweeter than they were, And he that slew them fouler than he is: Bett'ring thy loss makes the bad causer worse: Revolving this will teach thee how to curse. Queen Elizabeth. My words are dull; O, quicken them with thine! Qj/een Margaret. Thy woes will make them sharp and pierce like mine. [she goes Duchess. Why should calamity be full of words? Qjeen Elizabeth. Windy attorneys to their client woes, Airy succeeders of intestate joys, Poor breathing orators of miseries! 130 Let them have scope: though what they will impart Help nothing else, yet do they ease the heart. Duchess. If so, then be not tongue-tied: go with me, And in the breath of bitter words let's smother My damned son, that thy two sweet sons smothered. The trumpet sounds: be copious in exclaims.




' Enter KING RICHARD and his train*, marching with drums and trumpets King Richard. Who intercepts me in my expedition? Duchess. O, she that might have intercepted thee, By strangling thee in her accursed womb, From all the slaughters, wretch, that thou hast done! >$een Elizabeth. Hid'st thou that forehead with. 140 a golden crown, Where should be branded, if that right were right, The slaughter of the prince that owed that crown, And the dire death of my poor sons and brothers ? Tell me, thou villain slave, where are my children ? Duchess. Thou toad, thou toad, where is thy brother Clarence? And little Ned Plantagenet, his son? Qyeen Elizabeth. Where is the gentle Rivers, Vaughan, Grey? Duchess. Where is kind Hastings ? King Richard. A flourish, trumpets! strike alarum, drums! 150 Let not the heavens hear these tell-tale women Rail on the Lord's anointed: strike, I say! ['Flourish. Alarums' Either be patient, and entreat me fair, Or with the clamorous report of war Thus will I drown your exclamations. Duchess. Art thou my son ? King Richard. Ay, I thank God, my father, and yourself. Duchess. Then patiently hear my impatience. King Richard. Madam, I have a touch of your condition, That cannot brook the accent of reproof.




160 Duchess. O, let me speak! King Richard. Do then; but I'll not hear. Duchess. I will be mild and gentle in my words. King Richard. And brief, good mother, for I am in haste. Duchess. Art thou so hasty? I have stayed for thee, God knows, in torment and in agony. King Richard. And came I not at last to comfort you ? Duchess. No, by the holy rood, thou know'st it well, Thou cam'st on earth to make the earth my hell. A grievous burthen was thy birth to me; Tetchy and wayward was thy infancy; 170 Thy school-days frightful, desp'rate, wild, and furious; Thy prime of manhood daring, bold, and venturous; Thy age confirmed, proud, subtle, sly and bloody, More mild but yet more harmfulkind in hatred. What comfortable hour canst thou name. That ever graced me with thy company ? King Richard. Faith, none, but Humphrey Hour, that called your grace T o breakfast once forth of my company. If I be so disgracious in your eye, Let me march on, and not offend you, madam. 180 Strike up the drum. Duchess. I prithee, hear me speak. King Richard. You speak too bitterly. Duchess. Hear me a word; For I shall never speak to thee again. King Richard. So. Duchess. Either thou wilt die, by God's just ordinance, Ere from this war thou turn a conqueror, Or I with grief and extreme age shall perish And never more behold thy face again.




Therefore take with thee my most grievous curse, Which, in the day of battle, tire thee more Than all the complete armour that thou wear'st! My prayers on the adverse party fight; And there the little souls of Edward's children Whisper the spirits of thine enemies And promise them success and victory. Bloody thou art, bloody will be thy end; Shame serves thy life and doth thy death attend.
[she goes


Queen Elizabeth. Though far more cause, yet much less spirit to curse Abides in me; I say amen to her. King Richard. Stay, madam; I must talk a word with you. [draws her aside Qjieen Elizabeth. I have no moe sons of the 200 royal blood For thee to slaughter: for my daughters, Richard, They shall be praying nuns, not weeping queens; And therefore level not to hit their lives. King Richard. You have a daughter called Elizabeth, Virtuous and fair, royal and gracious. Qyeen Elizabeth. And must she die for this ? O, let her live, And I'll corrupt her manners, stain her beauty, Slander myself as false to Edward's bed, Throw over her the veil of infamy: So she may live unscarred of bleeding slaughter, 210 I will confess she was not Edward's daughter. King Richard. Wrong not her birth, she is a royal princess. Queen Elizabeth. T o save her life, I'll say she is not so. King Richard. Her life is safest only in her birth.




Qyeen Elizabeth. And only in that safety died her brothers. King Richard. No, at their births good stars were opposite. Qyeen Elizabeth. No, to their lives ill friends were contrary. King Richard. All unavoided is the doom of destiny. Slyeen Elizabeth. True, when avoided grace makes destiny: 220 My babes were destined to a fairer death, If grace had blessed thee with a fairer life. King Richard. You speak as if that I had slain my cousins! Elizabeth. Cousins indeed, and by their uncle cozened Of comfort, kingdom, kindred, freedom, life. Whose hand soever lanced their tender hearts, T h y head, all indirectly, gave direction: No doubt the murd'rous knife was dull and blunt Till it was whetted on thy stone-hard heart T o revel in the entrails of my lambs. 230 But that still use of grief makes wild grief tame, My tongue should to thy ears not name my boys Till that my nails were anchored in thine eyes; And I, in such a desp'rate bay of death, Like a poor bark, of sails and tackling reft, Rush all to pieces on thy rocky bosom. King Richard. Madam, so thrive I in my enterprise And dangerous success of bloody wars, As I intend more good to you and yours Than ever you or yours by me were harmed! 240 Queen Elizabeth. What good is covered with the face of heaven, T o be discovered, that can do me good ?




King Richard. Tli'advancenient of your children, gentle lady. Qyeen Elizabeth. U p to some scaffold, there to lose their heads ? King Richard. Unto the dignity and height of fortune, The high imperial type of this earth's glory. Qyeen Elizabeth. Flatter my sorrow with report of it; Tell me what state, what dignity, what honour, Canst thou demise to any child of mine ? King Richard. Even all I have; ay, and myself and all, Will I withal endow a child of thine; 250 So in the Lethe of thy angry soul Thou drown the sad remembrance of those wrongs Which thou supposest I have done to thee. Slueen Elizabeth. Be brief, lest that the process of thy kindness Last longer telling than thy kindness' date. King Richard. Then know, that from my soul I love thy daughter. Queen Elizabeth. My daughter's mother thinks it with her soul. King Richard. What do you think ? Qyeen Elizabeth. That thou dost love my daughter from thy soul: So from thy soul's love didst thou love her brothers; 260 And from my heart's love I do thank thee for it. King Richard. Be not so hasty to confound my meaning: I mean that with my soul I love thy daughter, And do intend to make her Queen of England. Qyeen Elizabeth. Well then, who dost thou mean shall be her king?
R. Ill - I O




King Richard. Even he that makes her queen: who else should be ?
Queen Elizabeth. What, thou ? King Richard. Even so: how think you of it ? Qyeen Elizabeth. How canst thou woo her ? King Richard. That would I learn of you, 270 As one being best acquainted with her humour. Queen Elizabeth. And wilt thou learn of me? King Richard. With all my heart. Qj/een Elizabeth. Send to her, by the man that slew her brothers, A pair of bleeding hearts; thereon engrave 'Edward' and 'York'; then haply will she weep: Therefore present to heras sometimes Margaret Did to thy father, steeped in Rutland's blood A handkerchief; which, say to her, did drain The purple sap from her sweet brother's body, And bid her wipe her weeping eyes withal. 280 If this inducement move her not to love, Send her a letter of thy noble deeds; Tell her thou mad'st away her uncle Clarence, Her uncle Rivers; ayand for her sake Mad'st quick conveyance with her good aunt Anne. King Richard. You mock me, madam; this is not the way To win your daughter. Qjeen Elizabeth. There is no other way; Unless thou couldst put on some other shape, And not be Richard that hath done all this. King Richard. Say that I did all this for love of her. 290 Queen Elizabeth. Nay, then indeed she cannot choose but hate thee, Having bought love with such a bloody spoil.



King Richard. Look what is done cannot be now amended: Men shall deal unadvisedly sometimes, Which after-hours gives leisure to repent. If I did take the kingdom from your sons, To make amends I'll give it to your daughter. If I have killed the issue of your womb, T o quicken your increase I will beget Mine issue of your blood upon your daughter: A grandam's name is little less in love Than is the doting title of a mother; They are as children but one step below, Even of your mettle, of your very blood; Of all one pain, save for a night of groans Endured of her, for whom you bid like sorrow. Your children were vexation to your youth, But mine shall be a comfort to your age. The loss you have is but a son being king, And by that loss your daughter is made queen. I cannot make you what amends I would, Therefore accept such kindness as I can. Dorset your son, that with a fearful soul Leads discontented steps in foreign soil, This fair alliance quickly shall call home To high promotions and great dignity: The king, that calls your beauteous daughter wife, Familiarly shall call thy Dorset brother; Again shall you be mother to a king, And all the ruins of distressful times Repaired with double riches of content. What! we have many goodly days to see: The liquid drops of tears that you have shed Shall come again, transformed to orient pearl, Advantaging their loan with interest







Of ten times double gain of happiness. Go, then, my mother, to thy daughter go; Make bold her bashful years with your experience; Prepare her ears to hear a wooer's tale; Put in her tender heart th'aspiring flame 330 Of golden sovereignty; acquaint the princess With the sweet silent hours of marriage joys: And when this arm of mine hath chastised The petty rebel, dull-brained Buckingham, Bound with triumphant garlands will I come And lead thy daughter to a conqueror's bed; To whom I will retail my conquest won, And she shall be sole victoress, Caesar's Caesar. Queen Elizabeth. What were I best to say? her father's brother Would be her lord? or shall I say her uncle? 340 Or he that slew her brothers and her uncles? Under what title shall I woo for thee, That God, the law, my honour, and her love, Can make seem pleasing to her tender years ? King Richard. Infer fair England's peace by this alliance. >yeen Elizabeth. Which she shall purchase with stilllasting war. King Richard. Tell her the king, that may command, entreats. Qyeen Elizabeth. That at her hands which the king's King forbids. King Richard. Say she shall be a high and mighty queen. flueen Elizabeth. To vail the title, as her mother doth. 350 King Richard. Say I will love her everlastingly. Qjeen Elizabeth. But how long shall that title 'ever' last?




King Richard. Sweetly in force unto her fair life's end. Qyeen Elizabeth. But how long fairly shall her sweet life last? King Richard. As long as heaven and nature lengthens it. Qgeen Elizabeth. As long as hell and Richard likes of it. King Richard. Say, I, her sovereign, am her subject love. >jfeen Elizabeth. But she, your subject, loathes such sovereignty. King Richard. Be eloquent in my behalf to her. Qgeen Elizabeth. An honest tale speeds best being plainly told. 360 King Richard. Then plainly to her tell my loving tale. Qgeen Elizabeth. Plain and not honest is too harsh a style. King Richard. Your reasons are too shallow and too quick. Queen Elizabeth. O no, my reasons are too deep and dead; Too deep and dead, poor infants, in their graves. King Richard. Harp not on that string, madam; that is past. Qyeen Elizabeth. Harp on it still shall I till heartstrings break. King Richard. Now, by my George, my garter, and my crown lgeen Elizabeth. Profaned, dishonoured, and the third usurped. King Richard. I swear >jeen Elizabeth. By nothing; for this is no oath:





370 Thy George, profaned, hath lost his lordly honour; Thy garter, blemished, pawned his knightly virtue; Thy crown, usurped, disgraced his kingly glory. If something thou wouldst swear to be believed, Swear then by something that thou hast not wronged. King Richard. Then, by my self Qyeen Elizabeth. Thy self is self-misused. King Richard. Now, by the world >jfeen Elizabeth. 'Tis full of thy foul wrongs. King Richard. My father's death Qyeen Elizabeth. Thy life hath it dishonoured. King Richard. Why then, by God Qyeen Elizabeth. God's wrong is most of all. If thou didst fear to break an oath with Him, 380 The unity the king my husband made Thou hadst not broken, nor my brothers died: If thou hadst feared to break an oath by Him, Th'imperial metal, circling now thy head, Had graced the tender temples of my child, And both the princes had been breathing here, Which now, two tender bedfellows for dust, Thy broken faith hath made the prey for worms. What canst thou swear by now ? King Richard. The time to come. Qjfeen Elizabeth. That thou hast wronged in the time o'er past; 390 For I myself have many tears to wash Hereafter time, for time past wronged by thee. The children live whose fathers thou hast slaughtered, Ungoverned youth, to wail it in their age; The parents live whose children thou hast butchered, Old barren plants, to wail it with their age. Swear not by time to come; for that thou hast Misused ere used, by times ill-used o'erpast.




King Richard. As I intend to prosper and repent, So thrive I in my dangerous affairs Of hostile arms! myself myself confound! 400 Heaven and fortune bar me happy hours! Day, yield me not thy light; nor, night, thy rest! Be opposite, all planets of good luck, To my proceeding!if, with dear heart's love, Immaculate devotion, holy thoughts, I tender not thy beauteous princely daughter! In her consists my happiness and thine; Without her, follows to myself and thee, Herself, the land, and many a Christian soul, Death, desolation, ruin, and decay: 410 It cannot be avoided but by this; It will not be avoided but by this. Therefore, dear motherI must call you so Be the attorney of my love to her; Plead what I will be, not what I have been Not my deserts, but what I will deserve; Urge the necessity and state of times, And be not peevish-fond in great designs. Qyeen Elizabeth. Shall I be tempted of the devil thus ? King Richard. Ay, if the devil tempt you to do good. 420 >yeen Elizabeth. Shall I forget myself to be myself? King Richard. Ay, if yourself's remembrance wrong yourself. 9lyeen Elizabeth. Yet thou didst kill my children. King Richard. But in your daughter's womb I bury them: Where in that nest of spicery they will breed Selves of themselves, to your recomforture. Qyeen Elizabeth. Shall I go win my daughter to thy will? King Richard. And be a happy mother by the deed.




Queen Elizabeth. I go. Write to me very shortly, 430 And you shall understand from me her mind. King Richard. Bear her my true love's kiss [kissing her]; and so, farewell. [she goes Relenting fool, and shallow-changing woman!

Enter RATCLIFFE'; CATESBT following

How now! what news? Ratcliffe. Most mighty sovereign, on the western coast Rideth a puissant navy; to our shores Throng many doubtful hollow-hearted friends, Unarmed, and unresolved to beat them back: 'Tis thought that Richmond is their admiral; And there they hull, expecting but the aid 440 Of Buckingham to welcome them ashore. King Richard. Some light-foot friend post to the Duke of Norfolk: Ratcliffe, thyselfor Catesby; where is he? Catesby. Here, my good lord. King Richard. Catesby, fly to the duke. Catesby. I will, my lord, with all convenient haste. King Richard. Ratcliffe, come hither! post to Salisbury: When thou comest thither[to Catesby] Dull unmindful villain, Why stay'st thou here, and go'st not to the duke? Catesby. First, mighty liege, tell me your highness' pleasure, What from your grace I shall deliver to him. 450 King Richard. O, true, good Catesby: bid him levy straight The greatest strength and power that he can make, And meet me suddenly at Salisbury.



[he goes

Catesby. I go.

Ratcliffe. What may it please you, shall I do at Salisbury? King Richard. Why, what wouldst thou do there before I go? Ratcliffe. Your highness told me I should post before. King Richard. My mind is changed. ' Enter LORD STANLET* Stanley, what news with you ? Stanley. None good, my liege, to please you with. the hearing; Nor none so bad, but well may be reported. King Richard. Hoyday, a riddle! neither good 460 nor bad! What need'st thou run so many miles about, When thou mayest tell thy tale the nearest way? Once more, what news ? Stanley. Richmond is on the seas. King Richard. There let him sink, and be the seas on him! White-livered runagate, what doth he there? Stanley. I know not, mighty sovereign, but by guess. King Richard. Well, as you guess ? Stanley. Stirred up by Dorset, Buckingham, and Morton, He makes for England, here to claim the crown. King Richard. Is the chair empty? is the 470 sword unswayed ? Is the king dead ? the empire unpossessed ? What heir of York is there alive but we ? And who is England's king but great York's heir? Then, tell me, what makes he upon the seas ?




Stanley. Unless for that, my liege, I cannot guess. King Richard. Unless for that he comes to be your liege, You cannot guess wherefore the Welshman comes. Thou wilt revolt and fly to him, I fear. Stanley. No, my good lord; therefore mistrust me not. 480 King Richard. Where is thy power then to beat him back? Where be thy tenants and thy followers ? Are they not now upon the western shore, Safe-conducting the rebels from their ships ? Stanley. No, my good lord, my friends are in the north. King Richard. Cold friends to me: what do they in the north, When they should serve their sovereign in the west ? Stanley. They have not been commanded, mighty king: Pleaseth your majesty to give me leave, I'll muster up my friends, and meet your grace 490 Where and what time your majesty shall please. King Richard. Ay, ay, thou wouldst be gone to join with Richmond: But I'll not trust thee. Stanley. Most mighty sovereign, You have no cause to hold my friendship doubtful: I never was nor never will be false. King Richard. Go then, and muster men; but, leave behind Your son, George Stanley: look your heart be firm, Or else his head's assurance is but frail. Stanley. So deal with him as I prove true to you.



RICHARD THE THIRD ' Enter a Messenger*


Messenger. My gracious sovereign, now in Devonshire, As I by friends am well advertised, Sir Edward Courtney, and the haughty prelate, Bishop of Exeter, his elder brother, With many moe confederates, are in arms. 'i Enter another Messenger* 2 Messenger. In Kent, my liege, the Guildfords are in arms; And every hour more competitors Flock to the rebels and their power grows strong.


Enter another Messenger*

3 Messenger. My lord, the army of great Buckingham King Richard. Out on you, owls! nothing but songs of death ? [he strikes him There, take thou that, till thou bring better news. 3 Messenger. The news I have to tell your majesty 510 Is that, by sudden floods and fall of waters, Buckingham's army is dispersed and scattered; And he himself wand'red away alone, No man knows whither. King Richard. I cry thee mercy: There is my purse to cure that blow of thine. Hath any well-advised friend proclaimed Reward to him that brings the traitor in ? 3 Messenger. Such proclamation hath been made, my lord. 'Enter another Messenger* 4 Messenger. Sir Thomas Lovel and Lord Marquis Dorset,




520 'Tis said, my liege, in Yorkshire are in arms. But this good comfort bring I to your highness, The Breton navy is dispersed by tempest: Richmond, in Dorsetshire, sent out a boat Unto the shore, to ask those on the banks If they were his assistants, yea or no; Who answered him, they came from Buckingham Upon his party: he, mistrusting them, Hoised sail and made his course again for Brittany. King Richard. March on, march on, since we are up in arms; 530 If not to fight with foreign enemies, Yet to beat down these rebels here at home.


Cateshy. My liege, the Duke of Buckingham is taken; That is the best news: that the Earl of Richmond Is with a mighty power landed at Milford Is colder tidings, yet they must be told. King Richard. Away towards Salisbury! While we reason here, A royal battle might be won and lost: Some one take order Buckingham be brought T o Salisbury; the rest march on with me.

\a flourish as they go

4-5.1 [4.5.]







a priest Stanley. Sir Christopher, tell Richmond this from me: That in the sty of the most deadly boar My son George Stanley is franked up in hold: If I revolt, off goes young George's head; The fear of that holds off my present aid. So, get thee gone; commend me to thy lord. Withal say that the queen hath heartily consented He should espouse Elizabeth her daughter. But, tell me, where is priricely Richmond now ? Christopher. At Pembroke, or at Ha'rford-west, 10 in Wales. Stanley. What men of name resort to him? Christopher. Sir Walter Herbert, a renowned soldier; Sir Gilbert Talbot, Sir William Stanley, Oxford, redoubted Pembroke, Sir James Blunt, And Rice ap Thomas, with a valiant crew, And many other of great name and worth: And towards London do they bend their power, If by the way they be not fought withal. Stanley. Well, hie thee to thy lord; I kiss his hand: My letter will resolve him of my mind. 20 Farewell. [they go





Salisbury. An open place

Enter a Sheriffl with halberds'1, leading BUCKINGHAM l to execution' Buckingham. Will not King Richard let me speak with him ? Sheriff. No, my good lord; therefore be patient. Buckingham. Hastings, and Edward's children, Grey and Rivers, Holy King Henry, and thy fair son Edward, Vaughan, and all that have miscarried By underhand corrupted foul injustice, If that your- moody discontented souls Do through the clouds behold this present hour, Even for revenge mock my destruction! ' 10 This is All-Souls' day, fellow, is it not? Sheriff. It is, my lord. Buckingham. Why, then All-Souls' day is mjr body's doomsday. This is the day which in King Edward's time I wished might fall on me when I was found False to his children and his wife's allies; This is the day wherein I wished to fall By the false faith of him whom most I trusted; This, this All-Souls' day to my fearful soul Is the determined respite of my wrongs: 20 That high All-Seer which I dallied with Hath turned my feigned prayer on my head, And given in earnest what I begged in jest. Thus doth He force the swords of wicked men To turn their own points in their masters' bosoms: Thus Margaret's curse falls heavy on my neck; 'When he,' quoth she, 'shall split thy heart with sorrow,



Remember Margaret was a prophetess.' Come, lead me, officers, to the block of shame; Wrong hath but wrong, and blame the due of blame.
[they pass on


The camp near Tamzaorth

Enter RICHMOND, OXFORD, BLUNT, HERBERT, and others, with drum and colours'1

Richmond. Fellows in arms, and my most loving friends, Bruised underneath the yoke of tyranny, Thus far into the bowels of the land Have we marched on without impediment; And here receive we from our father Stanley Lines of fair comfort and encouragement. The wretched, bloody, and usurping boar, That spoils your summer fields and fruitful vines, Swills your warm blood like wash, and makes his trough 10 In your embowelled bosomsthis foul swine Is now even in the centre of this isle, Near to the town of Leicester, as we learn. From Tamworth thither is but one day's march. In God's name, cheerly on, courageous friends, T o reap the harvest of perpetual peace By this one bloody trial of sharp war. Oxford. Every man's conscience is a thousand men, T o fight against this guilty homicide. Herbert. I doubt not but his friends will turn to us. 20 Blunt. He hath no friends but what are friends for fear, Which in his dearest need will fly from him.




Richmond. All for our vantage. Then, in God's name, march: True hope is swift, and flies with swallow's wings; Kings it makes gods, and meaner creatures kings. [they march away

[5. 3.]

Bosworth Field

'Enter KING RICHARD in arms with NORFOLK', the EARL OF SURRET, and others King Richard. Here pitch our tent, even here in Bosworth field. My Lord of Surrey, why look you so sad? Surrey. My heart is ten times lighter than my looks. King Richard. My Lord of Norfolk, Norfolk. Here, most gracious liege. King Richard. Norfolk, we must have knocks, ha? must we not ? Norfolk. We must both give and take, my loving lord. King Richard. U p with my tent! Here will I lie to-night But where to-morrow? Well, all's one for that. Who hath descried the number of the traitors? 10 Norfolk. Six or seven thousand is their utmost power. King Richard. Why, our battalia trebles that account: Besides, the king's name is a tower of strength, Which they upon the adverse faction want. Up with the tent! Come, noble gentlemen, Let us survey the vantage of the ground. Call for some men of sound direction:




Let's lack no discipline, make no delay; For, lords, to-morrow is a busy day.
[they depart to survey the ground the while soldiers pitch the royal tent Enter, on the other side of the field, RICHMOND, SIR WILLIAM BRANDON, OXFORD, and others. Soldiers pitch Richmond's tent Richmond. The weary sun hath made a golden set, And by the bright tract of his fiery car Gives token of a goodly day to-morrow. Sir William Brandon, you shall bear my standard. Give me some ink and paper in my tent: I'll draw the form and model of our battle, Limit each leader to his several charge, And part in just proportion our small power. My Lord of Oxford, you, Sir William Brandon, And you, Sir Walter Herbert, stay with me. The Earl of Pembroke keeps his regiment: Good Captain Blunt, bear my good-night to him, And by the second hour in the morning Desire the earl to see me in my tent: Yet one thing more, good captain, do for me Where is Lord Stanley quartered, do you know? Blunt. Unless I have mista'en his colours much, Which well I am assured I have not done, His regiment lies half a mile at least South from the mighty power of the king. Richmond. If without peril it be possible, Sweet Blunt, make some good means to speak with him, And give him from me this most needful note. Blunt. Upon my life, my lord, I'll undertake it; And so, God give you quiet rest to-night! 20






Richmond. Good night, good Captain Blunt. Come, gentlemen, Let us consult upon to-morrow's business: In to my tent! the dew is raw and cold. ['they withdraw into the tent'' Enter, to his tent, KING RICHARD, NORFOLK, RATCLIFFE, CATESBT, and others King Richard. What is't o'clock? Catesby. It's supper-time, my lord; It's nine o'clock. I will not sup to-night. King Richard. Give me some ink and paper. 50 What, is my beaver easier than it was ? And all my armour laid into my tent ? Catesby. It is, my liege; and all things are in readiness. King Richard. Good Norfolk, hie thee to thy charge; Use careful watch, choose trusty sentinels. Norfolk. I go, my lord. King Richard. Stir with the lark to-morrow, gentle Norfolk. [he goes Norfolk. I warrant you, my lord. King Richard. Catesby! Catesby. My lord? Send out a pursuivant-at-arms King Richard. 5o To Stanley's regiment; bid him bring his power Before sunrising, lest his son George fall [Catesby goes Into the blind cave of eternal night. Fill me a bowl of wine. Give me a watch. Saddle white Surrey for the field to-morrow. Look that my staves be sound, and not too heavy. Ratcliffe! Ratcliffe. My lord?



King Richard. Saw'st thou the melancholy Lord Northumberland ? Rate/if e. Thomas the Earl of Surrey and himself, Much about cock-shut time, from troop to troop 70 Went through the army, cheering up the soldiers. King Richard. So, I am satisfied. A bowl of wine: I have not that alacrity of spirit Nor cheer of mind that I was wont to have. Set it down. Is ink and paper ready? Ratcliffe. It is, my lord. Bid my guard watch. Leave me. King Richard. Ratcliffe, about the mid of night come to my tent And help to arm me. Leave me, I say. [Ratcliffe goes; Richard withdraws into his tent Enter STANLEY 'to RICHMOND in his tent\ Lords and others attending Stanley. Fortune and victory sit on thy helm! Richmond. All comfort that the dark night 80 can afford Be to thy person, noble father-in-law! Tell me, how fares our loving mother ? Stanley. I, by attorney, bless thee from thy mother, Who prays continually for Richmond's good: So much for that. The silent hours steal on, And flaky darkness breaks within the east. In brief, for so the season bids us be, Prepare thy battle early in the morning, And put thy fortune to th'arbitrement Of bloody strokes and mortal-staring war. 90 I, as I maythat which I would I cannot With best advantage will deceive the time, And aid thee in this doubtful shock of arms:




But on thy side I may not be too forward, Lest, being seen, thy brother, tender George, Be executed in his father's sight. Farewell: the leisure and the fearful time Cuts off the ceremonious vows of love And ample interchange of sweet discourse 100 Which so long sund'red friends should dwell upon. God give us leisure for these rites of love! Once more, adieu: be valiant, and speed well! Richmond. Good lords, conduct him to his regiment: I'll strive with troubled thoughts to take a nap, Lest leaden slumber peise me down to-morrow, When I should mount with wings of victory: Once more, good night, kind lords and gentlemen.
[they leave; Richmond kneels

O Thou, whose captain I account myself, Look on my forces with a gracious eye; n o Put in their hands thy bruising irons of wrath, That they may crush down with a heavy fall Th'usurping helmets of our adversaries! Make us thy ministers of chastisement, That we may praise thee in the victory! To thee I do commend my watchful soul, Ere I let fall the windows of mine eyes: Sleeping and waking, O, defend me still! ['sleeps' 'The Ghost of PRINCE EDWARD, son to Henry the Sixth', appears between the tents Ghost. [lto Richard'] Let me sit heavy on thy soul to-morrow! Think how thou stab'st me in my prime of youth 120 At Tewkesbury: despair therefore, and die!




['to Richmond'] Be cheerful, Richmond; for the wronged souls Of butchered princes fight in thy behalf: King Henry's issue, Richmond, comforts thee. [vanishes *The Ghost O/HENRT THE SIXTH* appears Ghost, [to Richard] When I was mortal, my anointed body By thee was punched full of deadly holes: Think on the Tower and me: despair, and die! Harry the Sixth bids thee despair and die! [lto Richmond'] Virtuous and holy, be thou conqueror! Harry, that prophesied thou shouldst be ting, Doth comfort thee in thy sleep: live and flourish! 130 {vanishes i The Ghost of CLARENCE* appears Ghost, [to Richard] Let me sit heavy on thy soul to-morrow! I that was washed to death with fulsome wine, Poor Clarence, by thy guile betrayed to death. To-morrow in the battle think on me, And fall thy edgeless sword: despair, and die! ['to Richmond'] Thou offspring of the house of Lancaster, The wronged heirs of York do pray for thee: Good angels guard thy battle! live, and flourish! [vanishes l The Ghosts of RIVERS, GREY, and FAUGHAN' appear Ghost of Rivers, [to Richard] Let me sit heavy on thy soul to-morrow, Rivers, that died at Pomfret! Despair, and die! 140
R. I l l - I I




Ghost of Grey, [to Richard] Think upon Grey, and let thy soul despair! Ghost of Vaughan. [to Richard] Think upon Vaughan, and, with guilty fear, Let fall thy lance: despair, and die! ''All to Richmond'' Awake, and think our wrongs in Richard's bosom Will conquer him! awake, and win the day! [they vanish 'The Ghost of LORD HASTINGS' appears Ghost, [to Richard] Bloody and guilty, guiltily awake, And in a bloody battle end thy days! Think on Lord Hastings: despair, and die! ['to Richmond'] Quiet untroubled soul, awake, awake! 150 Arm, fight, and conquer, for fair England's sake! [vanishes *The Ghosts of the two young Princes'1 appear Ghosts, [to Richard] Dream on thy cousins smothered in the Tower: Let us be lead within thy bosom, Richard, And weigh thee down to ruin, shame, and death! Thy nephews' souls bid thee despair and die! ['to Richmond'] Sleep, Richmond, sleep in peace, and wake in joy; Good art gels guard thee from the boar's annoy! Live, and beget a happy race of kings! Edward's unhappy sons do bid thee flourish. [they vanish 'The Ghost ofJNNE his wife' appears Ghost, ['to Richard'] Richard, thy wife, that wretched Anne thy wife,




That never slept a quiet hour with thee, 160 Now fills thy sleep with perturbations: To-morrow in the battle think on me, And fall thy edgeless sword: despair, and die! ['to Richmond'] Thou quiet soul, sleep thou a quiet sleep: Dream of success and happy victory! Thy adversary's wife doth pray for thee. [vanishes 'The Ghost of BUCKINGHAM' appears Ghost, ['to Richard'] The first was I that helped thee to the crown; The last was I that felt thy tyranny: O, in the battle think on Buckingham, And die in terror of thy guiltiness! 170 Dream on, dream on, of bloody deeds and death: Fainting, despair; despairing, yield thy breath! ['to Richmond'] I died for hope ere I could lend thee aid: But cheer thy heart, and be thou not dismayed: God and good angels fight on Richmond's side; And Richard falls in height of all his pride, [vanishes King'Richard starts out of his dream* King Richard. Give me another horse! bind up my wounds! Have mercy, Jesu!Soft, I did but dream. O coward conscience, how dost thou afflict me! The lights burn blue. It is now dead midnight. 180 Cold fearful drops stand on my trembling flesh. What do I fear? myself? there's none else by. Richard loves Richard; that is, I am I. Is there a murderer here? Noyes, I am: Then fly. What, from myself? Great reason why Lest I revenge. Myself upon myself?




Alack, I love myself. For any good That I myself have done unto myself? O, no! Alas, I rather hate myself 190 For hateful deeds committed by myself! I am a villain: yet I lie, I am not. Fool, of thyself speak well: fool, do not flatter. My conscience hath a thousand several tongues, And every tongue brings in a several tale, And every tale condemns me for a villain. Perjury, perjury, in the high'st degree; Murder, stern murder, in the dir'st degree; All several sins, all used in each degree, Throng to the bar, crying all 'Guilty! guilty!'. 200 I shall despair. There is no creature loves me; And if I die, no soul will pity me: Nay, wherefore should they, since that I myself Find in myself no pity to myself? Methought the souls of all that I had murdered Came to my tent, and every one did threat To-morrow's vengeance on the head of Richard.

comes to the tent

Ratcliffe. My lord! King Richard. Zounds! who is there? Ratcliffe. My lord; 'tis I. The early village cock 210 Hath twice done salutation to the morn; Your friends are up, and buckle on their armour. King Richard. O Ratcliffe, I have dreamed a fearful dream! What thinkest thou, will all our friends prove true ? Ratcliffe. No doubt, my lord. King Richard. Ratcliffe, I fear, I fear Ratcliffe. Nay, good my lord, be not afraid of shadows.




King Richard. By the apostle Paul, shadows to-night Have struck more terror to the soul of Richard Than can the substance of ten thousand soldiers Armed in proof, and led by shallow Richmond. 'Tis not yet near day. Come, go with me; 220 Under our tents I'll play the eaves-dropper, [they go T o hear if any mean to shrink from me. 'Enter the Lords to RICHMOND, sitting in his tent* Lords. Good morrow, Richmond! Richmond. Cry mercy, lords and watchful gentlemen, That you have ta'en a tardy sluggard here! Lords. How have you slept, my lord ? Richmond. The sweetest sleep and fairestboding dreams That ever ent'red in a drowsy head Have I since your departure had, my lords. Methought their souls whose bodies Richard murdered 230 Came to my tent and cried on victory: I promise you my soul is very jocund In the remembrance of so fair a dream. How far into the morning is it, lords ? Lords. Upon the stroke of four. Richmond. Why, then 'tis time to arm and give direction. His oration to his soldiers', who gather about the tent More than I have said, loving countrymen, The leisure and enforcement of the time Forbids to dwell upon: yet remember this, God and our good cause fight upon our side; 240 The prayers of holy saints and wronged souls, Like high-reared bulwarks, stand before our faces. Richard except, those whom we fight against




Had rather have us win than him they follow: For what is he they follow? truly, gentlemen, A bloody tyrant and a homicide; One raised in blood, and one in blood established; One that made means to come by what he hath, And slaughtered those that were the means to help him; 250 A base foul stone, made precious by the foil Of England's chair, where he is falsely set; One that hath ever been God's enemy. Then, if you fight against God's enemy, God will in justice ward you as his soldiers; If you do sweat to put a tyrant down, You sleep in peace, the tyrant being slain; If you do fight against your country's foes, Your country's fat shall pay your pains the hire; If you do fight in safeguard of your wives, 260 Your wives shall welcome home the conquerors; If you do free your children from the sword, Your children's children quits it in your age. Then, in the name of God and all these rights, Advance your standards, draw your willing swords. For me, the ransom of my bold attempt Shall be this cold corpse on the earth's cold face; But if I thrive, the gain of my attempt The least of you shall share his part thereof. Sound drums and trumpets bold and cheerfully; 270 God and Saint George! Richmond and victory! [they march azvay

returns with RATCLIFFE

King Richard. What said Northumberland as touching Richmond ? Ratcliffe. That he was never trained up in arms.




King Richard. He said the truth: and what said Surrey then ? Ratcliffe. He smiled and said 'The better for our purpose.' King Richard. He was in the right; and so indeed it is. {'clock strikes* Tell the clock there. Give me a calendar. Who saw the sun to-day ? Ratcliffe. Not I, my lord. King Richard. Then he disdains to shine; for by the book He should have braved the east an hour ago: A black day will it be to somebody. 280 Ratcliffe! Ratcliffe. My lord? King Richard. The sun will not be seen to-day; The sky doth frown and lour upon our army. I would these dewy tears were from the ground. Not shine to-day! Why, what is that to me. More than to Richmond ? for the selfsame heaven That frowns on me looks sadly upon him.

enters in haste

Norfolk. Arm, arm, my lord; the foe vaunts in the field. King Richard. Come, bustle, bustle. Caparison my horse. Call up Lord Stanley, bid him bring his power: 290 I will lead forth my soldiers to the plain, And thus my battle shall be ordered: My foreward shall be drawn out all in length, Consisting equally of horse and foot; Our archers shall be placed in the midst: John Duke of Norfolk, Thomas Earl of Surrey, Shall have the leading of this foot and horse.




They thus directed, we will follow In the main battle, whose puissance on either side 300 Shall be well winged with our chiefest horse. This, and Saint George to boot! What think'st thou, Norfolk? Norfolk. A good direction, warlike sovereign. This found I on my tent this morning. [he shows him a paper King Richard, [reads] 'Jockey of Norfolk, be not too bold, For Dickon thy master is bought and sold.' A thing devised by the enemy. Go, gentlemen, every man unto his charge: Let not our babbling dreams affright our souls: Conscience is but a word that cowards use, 310 Devised at first to keep the strong in awe: Our strong arms be our conscience, swords our law. March on, join bravely, let us to it pell-mell; If not to heaven, then hand in hand to hell. 'His oration to his army* What shall I say more than I have inferred? Remember whom you are to cope withal A sort of vagabonds, rascals, and runaways, A scum of Bretons, and base lackey peasants, Whom their o'er-cloyed country vomits forth T o desperate ventures and assured destruction. 320 You sleeping safe, they bring to you unrest; You having lands, and blest with beauteous wives, They would distrain the one, distain the other. And who doth lead them but a paltry fellow, Long kept in Bretagne at our mother's cost? A milksop, one that never in his life Felt so much cold as over shoes in snow?




Let's whip these stragglers o'er the seas again, Lash hence these overweening rags of France, These famished beggars, weary of their lives, Who, but for dreaming on this fond exploit, 330 For want of means, poor rats, had hanged themselves. If we be conquered, let men conquer us, And not these bastard Bretons, whom our fathers Have in their own land beaten, bobbed, and thumped, And in record left them the heirs of shame. Shall these enjoy our lands? lie with our wives? Ravish our daughters? ['drum afar off'] Hark! I hear their drum. Fight, gentlemen of England! fight, bold yeomen! Draw, archers, draw your arrows to the head! Spur your proud horses hard, and ride in blood 340 Amaze the welkin with your broken staves! Enter a Messenger* What says Lord Stanley ? will he bring his power ? Messenger. My lord, he doth deny to come. King Richard. Off with his son George's head! Norfolk. My lord, the enemy is past the marsh: After the battle let George Stanley die. King Richard. A thousand hearts are great within my bosom: Advance our standards, set upon our foes; Our ancient word of courage, fair Saint George, Inspire us with the spleen of fiery dragons! 350 Upon them! Victory sits on our helms, [they charge [5.4.] 'Alarum: excursions'*. Re-enter NORFOLK/ andforces fighting; to him CATESBr Catesby. Rescue, my Lord of Norfolk, rescue, rescue! The king enacts more wonders than a man,




Daring and opposite to every danger: His horse is slain, and all on foot he lights, Seeking for Richmond in the throat of death. Rescue, fair lord, or else the day is lost!

Alarums. Enter RICHARD'

King Richard. A horse! a horse! my kingdom for a horse! Catesby. Withdraw, my lord; I'll help you to a horse. King Richard. Slave, I have set my life upon a cast, 10 And I will stand the hazard of the die. I think there be six Richmonds in the field; Five have I slain to-day instead of him. A horse! a horse! my kingdom for a horse! [they pass on [5. 5.] ' Alarum. Enter RICHARD with RICHMOND; they fight; RICHARD is slain* A retreat is sounded; then with a flourish re-enter RICHMOND, and STANLEY 'bearing the crown, with divers other lords' Richmond. God and your arms be praised, victorious friends! The day is ours; the bloody dog is dead. Stanley. Courageous Richmond, well hast thou acquit thee. Lo, here, this long usurped royalty From the dead temples of this bloody wretch Have I plucked off, to grace thy brows withal: Wear it, enjoy it, and make much of it. Richmond. Great God of heaven, say Amen to all! But, tell me, is thy young George Stanley living? 10 Stanley. He is, my lord and safe in Leicester town; Whither, if it please you, we may now withdraw us.




Richmond. What men of name are slain on either side? Stanley. John Duke of Norfolk, Walter Lord Ferrers, Sir Robert Brakenbury, and Sir William Brandon. Richmond. Inter their bodies as becomes their births: Proclaim a pardon to the soldiers fled That in submission will return to us: And then, as we have ta'en the sacrament, We will unite the white rose and the red. Smile heaven upon this fair conjunction, 20 That long have frowned upon their enmity! What traitor hears me, and says not Amen ? England hath long been mad, and scarred herself; The brother blindly shed the brother's blood, The father rashly slaughtered his own son, The son, compelled, been butcher to the sire: All that divided York and Lancaster Divided in their dire division, O, now let Richmond and Elizabeth, The true succeeders of each royal house, 30 By God's fair ordinance conjoin together! And let their heirs, God if his will be so, Enrich the time to come with smooth-faced peace, With smiling plenty and fair prosperous days! Abate the edge of traitors, gracious Lord, That would reduce these bloody days again, And make poor England weep in streams of blood! Let them not live to taste this land's increase That would with treason wound this fair land's peace! Now civil wounds are stopped, Peace lives again: 40 That she may long live here, God say Amen! [they go



Six quartos of Richard III were printed before the play appeared in the First Folio (1623), viz. Q 1 (1597), Q 2 (1598), S 3 (1602), Q 4 (1605), S 5 (1612), and Q 6 (1622); and such is the complexity of the situation that a modern editor cannot afford to ignore any one of these seven texts entirely, though the two principals are of course Q 1 and F I. By the end of last century we had come to know a good deal about F 1. P. A. Daniel, for example, claimed that the bulk of it was printed from a copy of Q 6 which had been extensively, though by no means thoroughly, corrected and supplemented from a playhouse manuscript,1 while Alexander Schmidt proved that two portions of it, viz. 3. 1. 1-164 and everything after 5. 3. 47, together amounting to over 520 lines or about a sixth of the whole, were printed from a copy of Q 3, which had served as a prompt-book in the theatre.* Yet while the copy for Q 1 remained undefined, editors were left at sixes and sevens, since though some 200 lines shorter than F. and differing from it in almost every line, the Quarto text was on the whole so respectable that it Introduction to the Griggs facsimile of Richard III (Q 1), 1883. The proof of Daniel's theory was actually first provided by Greg (see my note on 4. 4. 365-6). Cf. also
Alice Walker, First Folio Textual Problems, 1953, pp. 13 fF. * Shakespeare Jahrbuch (1880), XV, 307, criticizing an earlier article (vii, 130) by Delius, who found in F the authentic text and in Q 1 a very careless, unauthorized transcript.

RICHARD III, 1597 AND 1623 141

seemed the better of the two in the eyes of many. Thus Aldis Wright adopted it as his basis in the classical Cambridge Shakespeare (1864); so did Her ford in The Eversley (1900) and M. R. Ridley in The New Temple (193 5).1 The F. text, on the other hand, was the choice of W. J. Craig in The Oxford Shakespeare (1904) and of Hamilton Thompson in The Arden (1907). Needless to say all these editors, except Ridley, freely helped themselves to such readings from the alternative text as took their fancy. During the present generation, however, the secret of Q 1 has been penetrated; mainly owing to work, Sir Walter Greg's in particular, on the Bad Quartos of other texts. In 1930 Sir Edmund Chambers, observing that the circumstances of its publication give no hint of irregularity, suggested that the printer's copy was a stage version carelessly transcribed by the book-holder of the Chamberlain's men, who being familiar with the play, which he had prompted, often allowed himself to follow the purport of the text rather than the actual words before him, 'thus vulgarizing the style, and producing in a minor degree the features of a reported text'. 2 In 1936 Professor D. L. Patrick went a step further, when he advanced the theory that the copy was a memorial reconstruction of a stage version by the players of the company, including their prompter, who 'unquestionably had a good deal to do with the making of the quarto text', and suggested that in fact it was an authorized, though not an authentic, prompt-book prepared for the enforced provincial tour of the Chamberlain's men in the summer of 1597, when the While Mr Ridley's text is 'verbally that of Q 1 *, lie essays valiantly to make the best of both worlds by means of his brackets.
* William Shakespeare, 1930, i. 298-300.



London theatres were closed by authority.1 The thesis, temperately argued and exhaustively documented, was too reasonable for serious challenge; and has since been driven home by Greg, who, accepting the 1597 tour as a likely occasion, suggested in turn that the company were compelled to reconstruct the text 'by an effort of communal memory', because they had lost the promptbook or left it behind in London. At the same time he raised and dealt with a number of outstanding points.* Thus Q 1, though degraded to the rank of Bad Quartos, holds a position of its own, if in some ways similar to that of the Pied Bull Lear, while whatever may be true of the latter, the Quarto of Richard III is important as presenting us with a text derived from the memories of Shakespeare's company. Its comparative excellence, for instance, affords a remarkable testimony to the fidelity with which his fellow-actors spoke his lines, and the fact that it runs to over 3400 lines, i.e. only about 100 fewer than the F. Hamlet, effectually disposes of the theory that all his plays were limited to a 'two hours' traffic of the stage'.3 With this explanation of Q 1 by Chambers and Patrick and the earlier explanation of F. by Schmidt and Daniel, a modern editor now knows more or less where he stands, though he knows also that the task before him is an extremely difficult and complicated one. For do what he will he can never entirely escape the pervading influence of the reported text. When dealing with 3. 1. 1-164 and the last 358 lines of the
1 The Textual History of 'Richard IIP, 1936, pp. 33, 147 ff. Actually the idea that Q 1 was an actor's perversion of the genuine text had been advanced by Alexander Schmidt in 1880. * The Editorial Problem in Shakespeare, 1942, pp. 77 fF. 3 v. Alfred Hart, Shakespeare and the Homilies, 1934, pp. 96 ff.

RICHARD III, 1 5 9 7 AND 1623 143 play, which were printed from Q 3 in the F., he has
indeed nothing else to go upon; and here, in so far as Q 3 is a mere reprint of Q 2, which is in its turn a reprint of Q 1, this last text must be his basis, since Q 3 is of course corrupted by misprints, both its own and those it has taken over from Q 2. For these two sections, then, he must be content with what the players remembered of the play in 1597. Yet even so his course is not altogether clear. In the first place the copy of Q 3 used by Jaggard in 1623 came from the theatre, since it transmits to F. a few additional stage-directions evidently supplied by the prompter, and these are of course of editorial interest. And in the second place all copies of Q 3 bear the words 'Newly augmented' on the title-page and that this (though 'augmented' is absurd) was not simply an empty publisher's puff, as previous investigators seem to have assumed, is proved by the appearance for the first time in this text of the Ghosts of 5. 3 in the chronological order of their deaths, by the correction of speech-prefixes at 3.4. 6; 3. 5. 51; and 5. 3.139; and by the tidying up and filling out of the stage-directions generally, including the addition ofC/a. azvaketh, at I. 4. 160. At first sight, it seems unlikely that these changes imply reference to a playhouse manuscript, or that the copy of Cj 2 used had been touched up by a prompter. Yet there is even stronger evidence that the copy of Q 1 used for the printing of Q 2 had been corrected in similar fashion. For it is in Q 2 that we first find a couple of lines at 1.1.101-2 and the famous reading ' I am F at 5. 3.183 * in place of the nonsensical' I and I ' of Q r. Neither of these can with probability be credited to a compositor's mother wit. They must be corrections either, as Pollard conjectured, in sheets of Q 1 which do not happen to have 1 I owe this point to the Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge.



survived in any extant example, or by someone in touch with Shakespeare's draft. It looks after all as if some understanding existed between the company and Andrew Wise, the publisher of Qq I, 2 and 3. Finally, Mr Maxwell has called my attention to three variants in the Q 3 portions of the text where the F. readings seem so much better than those of Q 3 that they make us wonder whether there may not after all be a manuscript of some sort, perhaps a much tattered leaf or so, behind F. at this point.1 The variants are: 3. 1. 9 'No' (F.), 'Nor' (Q); 5. 3. 202 'Nay,' (F.), 'And' (Q); 5. 3. 232 'my Heart' (F.), 'mysoule' (Q). The 'Nay' at 5. 3. 202 is indeed so compelling that I have printed it in my text, however it be explained. It should be noted, moreover, that the Q 'And' looks as if it had been caught from the previous line, while 'my soule' in line 232 might well have been echoed either by the reporter or the compositor from' their soules' in line 230. Turning to the portions of F. not printed from Q 3 we are here faced with the influence of Q 6, which, though corrected and supplemented from the playhouse manuscript before it served as copy for F., transmitted a number of misprints to that final edition, its own as well as those it inherited from earlier Qq. When therefore we find F. agreeing with Q 6 as against Q 1, the presumption is that Q 1 gives us the more correct reading. Thus both for those passages which F. derives from Q 3, and also elsewhere whenever F. is found to agree with Q 6, Q 1, despite its origin, is our best available text. On the other hand, as Greg puts it, 'whenever F. differs from Q 6 [in that part of the text which was not printed from Q 3] and there is no reason to suspect an error of the corrector or compositor, it must be taken to reproduce the manu1 Miss Walker {pp. cit. p. 28) conjectures that the opening leaves of the manuscript were damaged. Cf. infra, p. 167.

RICHARD 111, I 5 9 7 A N D 1 6 2 3


script and preserve the words of the author*. He also points out that the elaborate stage-directions, the variation in speakers' names, and one or two other features of F. in those portions dependent upon the manuscript, indicate that the manuscript itself must have been either the author's original draft or closely related to it.1 When, however, he claims that the manuscript had also served as prompt-copy in performance, I can follow him as little as I could with similar claims in regard to the copies for the F. Henry VI plays. Finally, he notes, readings in which F. agrees with both Q 6 and Q 1, 'instead of being the best authenticated, are just the most vulnerable to criticism and open to emendation'.* Except in the point he makes about the prompt-book, my own scrutiny of the text for the present edition has discovered nothing which conflicts with these general conclusions, though I find only too many reasons to suspect corruption in F., some of which must I think derive from the manuscript. Turning then from principles to their application, I begin by considering:

In plays for which two good texts exist it is generally easy to decide when a line or part of a line has been omitted from one of them. Even in single-text plays a break in the sense will often show it. And in Richard III ako the sense of the context makes it pretty clear that the following, derived from Q 1, have been overlooked in F.:
1. 2. 20a To take Is not to give. 1. 2. 225 Sirs, take up the corse. 1 The Editorial Problem, pp. 87-8. See also Alice Walker, op. cit. pp. 18-19, who, I note, agrees that the manuscript was not used as prompt-copy. a Greg, p. 88.
R. H I - 1 2



z. 4.237 And charged us from his soul to love each other. 2.2. 84-5 . .and so do Ij I for an Edward -weep.... 4.4. 39 Tell o'er your woes again by viewing mine. 5.3.212-14 K. Richard. O Ratcliffe, I have dreamed a fearful dream! What thinkest thouwill all our friends prove true? Ratcliffe. No doubt, my lord. T h e following five lines found in Q 1 but absent from F . are of more doubtful authority because not essential to the context: 1.3.114 Tell him, and spare not: look what I have said a. 2.145 With all our hearts. 3. 3.1* Ratcliffe. Come, bring forth the prisoners, 3.4. 58* Stanley. I pray God he be not, I say. 3. 7.43 Buckingham. No, by my troth, my Lord. Alexander prints the first only; I give the first, the second, and the last, the benefit of the doubt, because, though all but one are incomplete lines, they are metrical and add something to the context, if not absolutely necessary to it; and reject the other two as tmmetrical and superfluous, though Patrick considers that 3 . 3 . 1 * provides Q 1 with an opening to the scene *more interesting to the audience and more effective dramatically' than F. 1 Finally, there is the problem of I . 3. 68-9, which should I think be considered under this head. The Queen, explaining to Gloucester why they have been sent for to the King's bedside, declares The king, on his own royal disposition And not provoked by any suitor else Aiming, belike, at your interior hatred, That in your outward action shows itself Against my children, brothers, and myself, Makes him to send that he may learn the ground. 1 Op. cit. pp. 137-8.

RICHARD III, I 5 9 7 AND 1623 H7

Thus abruptly ends the speech in F., which Alexander follows. But, since we are left in the dark what 'ground' alludes to, Malone was surely right in surmising a line lost here; and Pope was surely right too in his belief that Q I'S expansion of F.'s last line into Makes him to send that thereby he may gather The ground of your ill-will and to remove it supplies the words for the necessary restoration, even though they stand in need of some rearrangement. He therefore printed Makes him to send that he may learn the ground Of your ill-will, and thereby to remove it which appears to round off the speech perfectly.
I N C O R R E C T OR M I S L E A D I N G P R E F I X E S IN F. 1

F.'s prefixes appear preferable to Q i ' s at 1. 3. 7, 30, 54; 1.4. 164, 168, 172, 234, 240, 247, 249; 2. 2. 3, 5; 2. 3. 3 etseq. (v. notes); 3.4. 6, 93; 3. 5. 22; 3. 7. 222; 5. 2. 17, 19, 20; 5. 3. 3, 139. On the other hand, Q i ' s are I think definitely preferable to F.'s at: 1.3. 304, which Q 1 gives to Hastings, and F. to Buckingham, although he has shown himself utterly contemptuous of Margaret's invective in 1. 296. 1. 3. 309, which Q I gives to >j. (i.e. Queen Elizabeth) and F. to Mar. (i.e. Queen Margaret) by a still more palpable error, though one perhaps due to Shakespeare's neglecting to make a clear distinction in the manuscript between the two Queens. 2. 1. 82, which Q 1 gives to Rivers and F. to the King, who is surely less likely to express himself thus at this point. See Alice Walker, op. at. p. 33, for the F. compositors' prefixes.





2. 4. 36, which Q 1 gives to the kindly old archbishop (cf. his speech in 1. 21) and F. to the Duchess of York, a mistake explicable enough in a dialogue in which three Yorks (Prince, Duchess, and archbishop) take part.1 In all but the first of these the context makes it quite clear that g i ' s prefixes are right, and Alexander accepts them. But he does not accept, understandably enough, a prefix which first appeared (perhaps by accident) in Q 2, though to my mind it is no less obviously correct, and was accepted as such by Aldis Wright, W. J. Craig, and Herford. I refer to 4. 1. 90 which both Q 1 and F. give to Dorset, I believe simply because the player of that part has only one other line to speak in the whole scene. Anyhow it must have been his in the prompt-book though when seen in its context thus: 88 Queen Elizabeth. Poor heart, adieu! I pity thy complaining. 89 Anne. No more than with my soul I mourn for yours. 90 Dorset. Farewell, thou woeful welcomer of glory! 91 Anne. Adieu, poor soul, that tak'st thy leave of it it is surely impossible to deny that 1. 90 rightly belongs to Queen Elizabeth whom Anne addresses in 1. 91. If then Dors, stood in the manuscript, as seems to follow from the fact that the collating scribe deleted the >jf. of Q 6 in its favour, we must suppose that it was one of those prompter's jottings that occasionally occur in Shakespeare's manuscripts.2 Another incorrect prefix in both Q 1 and F. is discussed in 1. 3. 273, n. Prefixes in Shakespeare's hand are, however, more likely to mislead through lack of uniformity than through sheer inaccuracy. A striking instance of this, unless 1 In addition to these I follow Q 1 with more hesitation at r. 4. 87, 90, 166. a See my edition of 3 Henry VI, p. 118, n. 3.



1597 AND 1623


I am mistaken, is afforded by the Keeper-Brakenbury problem of 1.4. The scene is headed Enter Clarence and Keeper in F., and their speeches are prefixed Keep. and Cla. accordingly for seventy-six lines, which, conclude as follows: Keeper, I prythee sit by me a-while, My Soule is heavy, and I faine would sleepe. Keep. I will my Lord. God giue your Grace good rest. Enter Brakenbury the Lieutenant. Bra. Sorrow breakes Seasons, and reposing houres, After this Brakenbury has three speeches all prefixed Bra. until his exit at 1. 100. Thus the 'Keeper' and Brakenbury, the 'Lieutenant', appear as distinct persons in F., and many editors, including Alexander, take them as such, on the assumption that the titles denote a difference of rank. The assumption, though natural, is by no means indisputable, in view of the fact that More describes Brakenbury in one place as Constable, and in another as Keeper, of the Tower. 1 And the players clearly took the two as one, since Q 1 heads the scene Enter Clarence, Brokenbury and omits the second entry at 1. 75. Now the saving of small parts is undeniably a feature of Q 1, and Patrick conjectured that here the players departed from Shakespeare's intention for that purpose? Yet the introduction of a keeper, i.e. warder, as well as Brakenbury, is so undesirable from the theatrical, and so superfluous from the dramatic, point of view, that we may well ask how Shakespeare, essentially a man of the theatre, can have made himself responsible for it. We may ask too why, if they were meant to be two persons, one the superior officer of the other, no word of any kind passes between them as Brakenbury enters at 1. 75. On the contrary, the
1 8

History of Richard the Third (ed. Lumby), pp. 81, 119. Op. cit. p . 21.





'Keeper' having promised to sit by Clarence, apparently sits on silently without exit, while the 'Lieutenant' begins his little moralizing speech upon the sleep of princes, abruptly and without preface, for all the world as if he too had been sitting by Clarence. Everything is explained, however, if we suppose that at this point the manuscript behind F. consisted of leaves of Shakespeare's draft, in which 11. 76-283 represent the scene as originally composed, a scene that opened with Brakenbury entering to find Clarence sleeping or, more probably with Brakenbury 'discovered' sitting by him; while 11. 1-75, which comprise Clarence's dream, represent an afterthought written on a separate leaf and perhaps written when Shakespeare was not at the theatre and so without the manuscript play-book to remind him of the 'Keeper's' name.1 In a word, I think Q 1 here gives us what Shakespeare intended.

In addition to the foregoing and to variants dealt with below arising from alterations made in 1623 for the sake of decorum, there remain two groups where the readings of Q 1 are in my opinion better than those ofF. (a) Q 1 readings preferred to F. ( < Q 6) As already stated when F. agrees against Q 1 with Q 6, the Q i reading should normally be followed. Instances of the kind will be found at: 1.1.65,71,124; 1. 2. 235; 1. 3.17, 321; 1. 4.13, 22, 101, 166, 239, 275> 3- 2 - 9 ; 3- 5- 2O> 65> 73 3 - 6 - I 2 > 3- 7- 20> 4 125; 4. 3. 5, 13; 4. 4. 112, 118, 200, 239, 269, 2 75> 347> 365-6, 393, 508, 535. Several of these are 1 Miss Walker observes to me that 'Brakenbury' is not named by F. in 4. 1.



I 5 9 7 AND 1623


complicated by misreporting or misprints in Q 1 and/or misprints or miscorrection in F. The following examples illustrate the process of degradation in some of its various forms; what I take as the true readings being starred, z. 1.6$t Q 1 "That tempers him to this extremity Q 6 That tempts him to this extremity F. That tempts him to this harsh extremity Alexander follows Q 1.
1.1. 71:

Q1 Q6 F. Capell Alexander

There Is no man Is securde There is no man secur'd There is no man secure There's no man is secure There is no man is secure

Q i and you my nohle Lo: Q 6 and you my noble Lord F. and yours my gracious Lord. Alexander *and you, my gracious lords. 3- 5- 6 5 : Q 1 *in this cause Q6 in this ease F. in this case Alexander follows Q 1. 3- 5> 73' Q 1 *meetst aduantage Q 6 meetest aduantage F. meetest vantage Alexander follows Q 1. 4.3 5 Q 1 this ruthles peece of butcherie Q 6 this ruthfull peece of butchery F. this peece of ruthfull Butchery Pope *this piece of ruthless butchery Alexander follows F.

i?2 4.4.112:

T H E COPY FOR Q1 Q6 F. Alexander Q1 Q6 F. Alexander weary neck -wearied necke wearied head *weary head *tidings, yet newes, yet Newes, but yet tidings, but yet

In 1.1. 65 where Q 1 gives the true reading, a misprint in Q 6 (inherited from Q 2) is 'corrected' by F. In 1. I. 71 Q 1 expands, I conjecture, 'there's' and misreports or misprints 'secure' as 'securde'; Q6 (following Q 4) omits the second 'is'; and F. also omits it, while rectifying the misprint 'securde' in. Qx. In I. 3. 321 Q 1 prints 'Lords' as 'Lo:' for short; Q6 (following Q 3) takes the word as a singular; and F., which restores 'gracious' from the manuscript emends 'you' to 'yours' apparently in an attempt to make sense of the result. In 3. 5. 66, Q 6 having misprinted 'cause' as 'ease', 'ease' is in turn 'corrected' to 'case' by F. In 3. 5. 74 and 4. 3. 5 the process is obvious, F.'s placing of'peece' in the latter being justified when we remember that the word meant 'masterpiece'.
(&) Oder Q 1 readings preferred to F.

I reckon that Q 1 is to be preferred to F. in some thirty-five readings (apart from prefixes) which are not traceable in F. to Q 6. All are recorded in the notes and most are trivialities or misprints of a type to which compositors were commonly prone at that period. A few, however, deserve a word of explanation. At 1.1. 26, for example, Q 1 prints 'spie' and F. 'see', while at 1.1.133 Qx prints 'prey' and F. 'play'. In both cases ) 1 (which Alexander follows) is

RICHARD III, I 5 9 7 AND 1623 153

so manifestly superior that it is difficult to believe it incorrect, inasmuch as 'spy' gives just the sense of stealthy observation which the context demands, and 'prey' is even more essential to the sense. In both cases too the F. readings may, I suggest, be put down to the same cause, the miscorrection of a literal misprint: for omit the p in 'spie' and the resulting 'sie' would almost inevitably be corrected to 'see', while 'prey' (spelt 'pray'; cf. 4. 4. 57, Ant. & C/eo. 3. 13. 199) might well be set up as 'ptay' (t and r being type similar in appearance and thus often interchanged by printers1) and if so would easily be 'corrected' t o ' play'. The F.'earth' for 'death' (2.4.65) is probably a correction too. Other even more palpable errors of F. were evidently corrected in Q 1, i.e. (we may assume) in the promptbook, by someone familiar with the chronicles. For instance the F. 'Dorset' in 2. 1. 7, which Shakespeare must have written in a moment of aberration appears correctly as 'Hastings' in g i ; the F. 'London' in 2.2.142 and 154 rightly becomes 'Ludlow';* and line 2. 1. 67 in F. Of you, Lord Woodeville and Lord Scales of you is deleted, because 'Woodeville' and 'Scales' are both titles of Rivers, who has already been mentioned in 1. 66. This last instance exemplified the usual vagueness about names on Shakespeare's part and a surprising knowledge of the chronicles on the part of his prompter, a knowledge which is also strikingly shown at 3. 2. 93, where Q gives us the stage-direction Enter Hastin. a Pursuivant, although F. has no hint anywhere that in

E.g. note the misprints in F. Ant. & Cleo. 1. 3. 25

'fitst' (first), 2. 3. 3 'ptayers' (prayers), 2. 5. 52 'Bur' (But), 2. 7. 9 'greatet' (greater), 2. 7. n o 'beate' (bear), 4. 6. 20 'mote' (more), 4. 12. 3 "ris' ('tis), etc. * A similar error at 3. 2. 82 is overlooked in Q 1.



More, Hall, and Holinshed the officer Lord Hastings talks with on his way to the Tower bore the same name as himself. Alexander (SA.'s Henry VI, etc., p. 160) holds that Q i here 'preserves what stood in the original manuscript' and so adopts its S.D. together with the words 'Well met, Hastings' (Q i) in place of 'How now, sirrah' (F.) in his Tudor text, while Miss Walker {First Folio Problems, p. 30) concurring in this, suggests that the F. readings are due to 'editorial interference'. If the introduction of the pursuivant's name had any dramatic point, one might agree. It has none whatever and merely puzzles the reader (ignorant of More) in Alexander's text, as Shakespeare's audience would assuredly have been puzzled had they heard Hastings calling another man by his own name without any sort of explanation.1 One must, I think, conclude therefore that Shakespeare either overlooked the point in More or (more probably) rejected it as overcomplicating an already sufficiently complicated dramatic situation.

Greg observes, it will be remembered, that readings common to F. and Q 1 are specially open to suspicion in this text. Now there are two very obvious ways in which a text like Q 1 is likely to contaminate the verse of a dramatist: (i) by expanding his contractions in the supposed interest of literary decorum, an error into which someone preparing a reported text for press might well fall; and (ii) by the inclusion of those little connectives, such as ' O ' , etc., to which all actors are prone.2 The following variants exhibit the expansion See my notes at 3. 2. 93, 95. * See Greg, Alcazar and Orlando, pp. 316-18, and my Manuscript of Shakespeare's 'Hamlet', pp. 78-9.


I 5 9 7 AND 1623


process at work: 1.3.184 (F. *ere', Q i 'euer'); 2.2.74, 75 (F 'he's', Q 1 <iie is')> 2.2.154 (F 'wee'l, Q l 'we will'); 2.4.31 (F. 'prythee', Qt 'pray thee'); 2.4. 35 (F. 'parlous', Q 1 'perilous') and there are further instances in which the copy for F. has clearly been corrected. Others which were I think overlooked in 1623 will be found in the notes below.1 Similarly little actors' connectives are revealed in the following variants: 1.2.141 (F. 'He liues', Qx 'Go to, he liues'); 1.2.187 (F. 'That was', Q 1 'Tush, that was'); 1.4. 90 (F. "Tis better (Sir)', Q 1 'O Sir, it is better')and so on.* In these instances the F. collator must have removed the connectives from the Q 6 copy. Yet he undoubtedly overlooked a number of others. Nor do simple and trivial errors of this kind by any means exhaust the possibilities of the deep-seated disease of the text before us. 'Conservatism', Miss Walker writes, 'in the editing of this play is no virtue'. The situation, indeed, invites emendation on a quite unusually large scale.3 And, though emendation must always be both perilous and tentative, the regularity of Shakespeare's verse at this period, the verbal patterns into which it falls, and its 'highly mannered rhetorical style', all help us to detect corruption when it exists and at times to cure it with some assurance. I have indeed ventured as stated
At 1.1. 715 3 . 1 . 79, 118, 154; cf. 4 . 4 . 39. Patrick, op. cit. p . 92, lists twenty-six examples of the kind. 3 Miss Walker, op. cit. pp. 23-5, estimates that there may be some 140 errors common to F . and Q 6; the number being derived from an ingenious calculation, worked out by Sir Walter Greg, based on the number of errors originating in Q 2-6 which escaped correction in F . And she suspects, she tells me, another 150 errors common to F . and Q 3.
3 1



above,1 to print over sixty emendations. A fair proportion are gleaned from eighteenth- or early nineteenthcentury editors, Pope being a specially fruitful source: four come from The Oxford Shakespeare edited by Craig; and some twenty-two are here proposed for the first time. Taking the list as a whole, I owe six to Miss Alice Walker, who hearing I was editing this play, generously placed at my disposal a number of conjectures she had made when working on the text some years ago, and had then discussed in principle with Sir Walter Greg. Another eight, mostly rather obvious, are my own. And the remaining eight belong to M r J. C. Maxwell, who coming last into the field naturally found less that seemed to cry out for reformation, though what I think is the plum of the collection, the emendation which restores the F. linearrangement at 1.4. 256-67, stands to his credit.* It should be added that neither of my kind helpers is to be held accountable for the emendations suggested by the other or by me. Here is a list of them, a justification for each item being given in the notes below: 1.1.49 (J.D.W.<Pope) om. C O\ 1.1. 84 Q.D.W.<Dyce) om. T . 1.1. 95 (J.C.M.< Marshall) 'kin' for 'kindred'. 1.1.103 (J.D.W.) om. 'and withalT. 1.1.112 (J.D.W.) 'nearer' for 'deeper*. 1. 2.15-16 (A.W.) Transpose lines. 1. 2. 27 (A.W.<Blackstone) 'life' for 'death*. 1. 2. 28 (J.D.W. after Cibber) Line reworded. 1. 2. 79-80 (A.W.< Spedding) 'Of... accuse1 for 'For ...curse'. 1. 2.120 (A.W.) 'of that' for 'and most'. 1 See Introduction, p. viii. a To save space their contributions both here and in my notes are labelled 'A.W.' and 'J.C.M.' respectively, while I hope to be pardoned if I use the ugly abbreviation 'Al.* to denote Professor Alexander.

RICHARD 111, I 5 9 7 AND 1623 157

1.3. 68-9 1. 3. 155 1. 3. 273 1. 3. 313 1. 4. 26 1. 4. 228 1.4. 242 1. 4. 256-67 2. 1. 56 2. 1. 67 2. 1. 67-8 2. 2. 39 2. 4. 13 2.4. 63 3. 1. 39 (J.D.W.< Pope) A line added. (Craig < Heath) 'As* for 'A'. (A.W.) Transfer from 'Buck.' to 'Glouc.'. (A.W.< Pope) om. 'as*. (J.D.W.<Kinnear) 'ingots' for 'anchors'. (A.W.< Becket) Punct. (A.W.< Pope) om. 'Right*. (J.C.M.) Tyrwhitt's arrangement revoked. (A.W.< Pope) om. 'or in my rage'. (J.C.M.) 'Lord Dorset' for 'of Dorset'. (A.W.) Lines transposed. (J.C.M.) 'mark' for 'make'. (J.C.M.) 'ill' for 'great'. Q.C.M.) 'to' for 'against*. (J.D.W.<Taylor) o. 'O*. (J.C.M.) om. 'Anon*.

3. r. 52
3. 3. 3. 3. 3. 1. 113-14 1. 118 1. 121 1.150 1. 157-8

(J.C.M.) om. 'And'.

(J.C.M. <Lettsom) 'give't'for 'giue And'. (Craig<Pope) 'you'll' for 'you will'. (J.D.W. <Hanmer) 'I'd' for ' I ' . (J.D.W.) 'we' for T . (J.C.M. < Pope) om. 'hither' and rearrange lines. (J.D.W. < Pope) Transpose the words William Lord'. (A.W.<Pope) om. 'Now*. (J.D.W.) Follow Q<Malone, but om. 'My lord'. (J.D.W. < Pope) 'ne'er' for 'neuer*. (A.W. < Johnson) Punct. (A.W. < Pope) om. 'that ever lived' (following). (A.W. < Keightley) 'hear' for 'heard*. (J.C.M.< Pope) om. 'Now'. (Craig<Pope) 'stone' for 'stones'. (A.W.<Ferrers) 'somade' for 'so mad*. (J.D.W.< Collier) om. 'what's the news?'. (A.W. after Pope) om. 'But' and rearrange. (J.D.W.) om. 'well'. (J.D.W. <Daniel) 'plead* for 'pray*.

3.1.162 3.1. 191 3. 2. 77 3.4. 51 3. 4. 64 3.5.33 3. 5. 55 3. 7. 58 3. 7. 224 4. r. 75 4. 2.45 4. 2. 68 4. 2. 84 4.4. 77

158 4.4. 216 4.4. 271 5. 2. 8 5. 3.186 5. 3.187 5. 3. 209 5. 3. 213 5.'3; 214 5. 3. 269 5. 3. 304 5. 3. 322 5.4. 3 5. 5. 27 5. 5. 28 5. 5. 32




(A.W.< Pope) 'No* for ' L o \ (A.W.< Pope) om. 'Madam'. (J.D.W. < Cap.) 'spoils' for 'spoyl'd'. (J.D.W. <Capell) om. 'What?'. (J.C.M.) om. 'Wherefore?'. (J.D.W.< A.H.T.) om. 'Ratcliffe*. (J.D.W.) Rearrange. (J.D.W. < Pope) om. ' 0 \ (J.D.W.< Staunton) 'bold' for 'boldly*. (Craig< Capell) 'too' for 'so'. (J.D.W.<Warburton and Marshall) 'distrain' for 'restrain'. (J.C.M.<Q8+Tyrwhitt) 'and' for 'an*. (J.C.M. < Johnson) 'that' for 'this'. (J.D.W.) 'this' for 'their'. (J.C.M.) 'his' for 'thy'. BOWDLERISM IN F .

One source of corruption in F. remains to be considered, viz. alterations made in 1623 in deference to the censor or to the supposed susceptibilities of the reader. Patent examples of this may be seen in the following parallels: 1.4.189-91: F. I charge you, as you hope for any goodneffe, That you depart, and lay no hands on me. Q 1. I charge you as you hope to haue redemption, By Chrifts deare bloud fhed for our grievous linnes, That you depart and lay no hands on me.
3. 7. 219-20:

F. \_Buck.~\ Come Citizens, we will entreat no more. Exeunt. Q 1. '[Buck.'] Come Citizens, zounds ile entreat no more. Glo. O do not fweare my Lord of Buckingham. Here the F. text had been clearly altered to meet criticism on the score of blasphemy. It may be assumed



1597 AND 1623


too that the Murderers in 1.4 have been deprived of oaths for the same reason, though (in view of Q I'S tendency to vulgarization) how many is a nice question which like Professor Alexander I solve by accepting a selection only. The deletion again of a longer passage, some twenty lines, towards the end of 4. 2 we may probably put down to the influence, direct or indirect, of the censor on the political side. The lines in question, which comprise the famous 'clock' passage at 4. 2. 96 114, are not, Patrick has shown, a piece of actors' gag introduced into Q, as some conjecture, but have been cut out of the copy from which F. was printed, seeing that they refer to matter in two separate passages of Holinshed, while Richard's line (115) Thou troublest me, I am nofin the vein, which appears in both F. and Q, is undeniably connected with 1. 113, I am not in the giving vein today, which appears in Q 1 only.1 Patrick was unable to explain the cut; but a year later W. J. Griffin and R. B. McKerrow pointed out that the deleted lines might well have been considered dangerous at the time when F. was published, since the reference to an unlucky castle at Richmond (11. 100-4) would have sounded inauspiciously in the ears of King James who possessed a palace of that name, while a Buckingham whose demands upon his sovereign were repeated like strokes of a clock might seem to reflect upon James's favourite, who like 'his predecessor in the title was ambitious, grasping and importunate', and whose monopolies Parliament had actually attempted to curtail in 1621.*

Patrick, op. ctt. p. 143.

Review of English Studies, 1937, xiii. 329-32.



P.S. Shortly before dispatching this volume to the printers I had the privilege of reading in proof the chapter on Richard III in Miss Alice Walker's forthcoming book on First Folio Problems: six plays ('Shakespeare Problems Series', Cambridge University Press). Beyond adding a reference or two in the notes and footnotes, I have not been able to avail myself of her conclusions, though I do not find any serious differences between us, except in regard to Tyrwhitt's rearrangement of 1.4. 256-67 and the name of the pursuivant at 3. 2. 93, on which two points I remain unpersuaded. But the chapter carries forward our knowledge of the F. text in three important directions by offering (i) a plausible hypothesis to explain why two Qq (Q 3 and Q 6) were used in preparing the copy, (ii) an examination of the aims and accuracy of the collator who prepared the copy, and (iii) an illuminating discussion of the work of the two compositors who printed the text, distinguishing the stints for which either was responsible, and determining their respective merits or demerits as craftsmen. Clearly much of the F. corruption which cannot be put down to Q contamination may be attributed to compositor B, whom she proves to have been the more careless of the two, and who set up 1.1.1 to 1. 3.1-126; 1. 3. 257 to 3.1.19; 4. 3. 3 to 4.4. 431; and 4.4. 535 to the end.

All significant departures from the Folio text are recorded, followed in brackets by the name of the text or critic originating the reading. Line-numeration for references to plays not yet in this edition is that found in Bartlett's Concordance, 1894, and the Globe Shakespeare. F. stands for the First Folio (1623), F 2, 3, etc., for the later Folios (1632, 1663, etc.); Q 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 for the successive Quartos of 1597, 1598, 1602, 1605, 1612, and 1622; S.D. for stage-direction; Sh. for Shakespeare and Shakespearian; G. for glossary. Common words (e.g. prot>.=probably; sp.=spelling; mispr.=misprint; misc.=printer's miscorrection), as well as the names ofcharacters and editors, are also abbreviated when convenient. 'Edd.' = 'most mod. edd.' The following is a list of abridged titles, etc., cited: Abbott=^/ Sh. Grammar, by E. A. Abbott, 1886; A.H.T.=the ed. by A. Hamilton Thompson in The Arden Sh. 1907; Al.=the ed. by Peter Alexander in The Tudor Sh. (Collins), 1951; Al., SL's H. FI= Sh.'s 'Henry W and 'RichardIIP by Peter Alexander, 1929; A.W.=Miss Alice Walker; A.W. First F. Prob. = First Folio Textual Problems, by Alice Walker, 1953; B.C.P. = The Book of Common Prayer-, Camb. = The Cambridge Sh. (2nd ed. 1892); Cap. - the ed. of Sh. by Edward Capell, 1768; Chambers, Wm. Sh.-= William Sh., Facts and Problems, by E. K. Chambers, 1930; Chambers, Eliz. St. = The Elizabethan Stage, byE.K.Chambers, 1923; Churchill=G.B.Churchill, Richard III up to Sh., Berlin, 1900; Craig =The Oxford Sh., ed. by W. J. Craig; Daniel =J TimeAnalysis of Sh.'s Plays, by P. A. Daniel, New Sh. Soc. Trans. 1877-9; Franz =Die Sprache Shakespeares (4th ed.) by W. Franz, 1939; Fiench=Shakespeareana
R. I l l - 1 3



Genealogica, by G. R. French, 1869; Furness = the ed. in Variorum Sh., by H. H. Furness, 1908; G.M.=the ed. by George Macdonald ('The Warwick Sh.') 1896; Grafton, i543=Hardyng (q.v.); Grafton, 1 5 6 9 = ^ Chronicle at Large, 1569, by Richard Grafton [reprint of 1809 cited]; Greene [plays cited from Robert Greene, Plays and Poems, ed. J. C. Collins, 1905; other writings from his Works, ed. A. B. Grosart, 1881-6]; Greg, Ed. Prob. = The Editorial Problem in Sh., by W. W. Greg (ed. ii) 1951; Hall = 7%* Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lancastre and Yorke, by Edward Hall, 1548-50 [reprint of 1809 cited]; Han.=the ed. of Sh., by Th. Hanmer, 1743-4; Hardyng=The Chronicle of Iohn Hardyng.. .with A Continuacion of the storie in prose [by Richard Grafton], 1543 [reprint of 1812 cited]; Herford = the ed. by C. H. Herford ('Eversley Sh.'), 1900; Hoi. = The Chronicles of Englande, Scotlande, and Irelande*, by Raphael Holinshed (unless otherwise stated cited from vol. iii, 2nd ed., 1587); J. = the ed. of Sh. by Samuel Johnson, 1765; J.C.M. = Mr J. C. Maxwell; Kyd = The Works of Thomas Kyd, ed. by F. S. Boas, 1901; Law = ''Richard III: its composition', by R. A. Law, PMLA. (1945), vol. 60; KingLeir, cited from Malone Society Reprint, 1907; Lyly = The Works of John Lyly, ed. by R. W. Bond, 1902; Mai.=James Boswell's Variorum ed. of Malone''s Sh., 1821; Marshall=The Henry Irving Sh., ed. by F. A. Marshall and others, 1888-90; Mirror=The Mirror for Magistrates, 1559 71, ed. by L. B. Campbell, 1938; M.L.N.=Modern Language Notes; More = Sir Thomas More's History of King Richard the Third, written c. 1513, and printed in 1557 [cited from the ed. by J. R. Lumby, 1883]; MSH.-The MS. of Sh.'s 'Hamlet', by J. Dover
Wilson, 1934; N a s h e = r ^ Works of Thomas Nashe, ed. by R. B. McKerrow, 1 9 0 4 - 1 0 ; N b l 5 5 V



Biblical Knowledge, by Richmond Noble, 1935; O.D.E.P. = The Oxford Dictionary ofEnglish Proverbs; O.lL.T). = The Oxford English Dictionary, Onions = A Sh. Glossary, by C. T . Onions, 1919; P.=the ed. of Sh.: Twenty-Three Plays, by T . M . Parrott, 1938; Patrick = The Textual History of 'Richard IIP, by D. L. Patrick, Stanford Univ., 1936; Peele=rA? Works of George Peele, ed. by A. H. Bullen, 1888; Volydoie=Jnglica Historia, 1555, by Polydore Vergil [cited from a mid-16th c. Engl. translation in MS., ed. by H . Ellis, Camden Soc. 1844]; Pope=the ed. of Sh. by Alexander Pope, 1723-5; R.E.S. = The Review of English Studies; Rowe=the ed. of Sh. by Nicholas Rowe, 1709-10; Sackville's Induction cited from Mirror (q.v.); Schmidt= Sh. Lexicon, by Alexander Schmidt, 3rd ed., 1902; Schucking = Character Problems in Sh.'s Plays by L. L. Schucking, 1922; S.-Giles =Sh.'s Heraldry, by C. W. Scott-Giles, 1950; Sh. Eng.=Sh.'s England, 1916; Sh.'s Hand= Sh.'s Hand in the Play of Sir Thomas More, by A. W. Pollard, etc. 1923; Sh. >j(art.=Shakespeare Quarterly, in (Oct.

1952), pp. 299-306, 'Sh.'s R. Ill and The True

Tragedy''; Sh. Survey=Sh. Survey, ed. by Allardyce Nicoll; Steev. = the ed. of J.'s Sh. by G. Steevens, 1773 5 Stone = Sh.'s Holinshed, by W. G. Boswell-Stone, 1896; S u g d e n = ^ Topographical Diet, to Sh., by E. H. Sugden, 1925; Theob.=the ed. of Sh. by L. Theobald, 1733; Thomson *=Sh. and the Classics, by J. A. K. Thomson, 1952; Tilley= D ict. of Proverbs, by M. P. Tilley, 1950; Tillyard = Sh.'s History Plays, by E. M. W. Tillyard, 1944; T.R.<=The Troublesome Raigne of King Iohn, 1591 [cited from Furnivall's facsimile, 1888]; T.T. = The True Tragedie of Richard the Third, 1594 [cited from Mai. Soc. Rep. ed. W. W. Greg, 1929]; Wright=the ed. by Aldis Wright ('Clarendon Sh.'), 1880.



Lineation. The F. text contains a good deal of irregular lineation, but nearly all of it can be explained as due to the occurrence of lines overlong for the width of the column, especially at the beginning of speeches (v. R.E.S., n.s., ii. 543). Punctuation. Though without subtleties suggestive of the author's hand, the F. punctuation gives rise to few difficulties. Some eight readings alone seem to exhibit a misunderstanding of the text, see notes at 1. 3. 351; I. 4. 186-7,. 228; 2. 2. 86-7; 3. 4. 64; 3. 5. 7-8; 4- 4- 37-8; 5 . 3 . 9155. 5. 27-9. Acts and Scenes. The Q texts are undivided, but an attempt was made to introduce acts and scenes into F. Of these the act-divisions have been accepted by editors together with the scene divisions of the first two acts. After this it has been found necessary to add three new scenes to Act 3; to make two scenes out of F 4. 2; to end F 5. 2 at 1. 24; and to split the remainder into three scenes. Stage-directions. For an illuminating table of the directions in Q and F. see Greg, Ed. Prob. pp. 171-2. A large number of those peculiar to F. clearly derive from the author's manuscript and are of special interest as being, like those in 2 and 3 Henry VI, both more detailed and more 'literary' than the S.D.S found in the later plays of Sh. Cf. the note on Stage-directions on p. 119 of 2 Henry VI and such S.D.s below as 'She looks scornfully at him' (r. 2. 170), 'He lays his breast open, she offers at it with his sword' (1. 2. 178), 'They all start' (2. 1. 80), 'Enter the Queen with her hair about her ears, Rivers and Dorset after her' (2. 2. 33), 'Enter Richard, and Buckingham, in rotten armour, marvellous ill-favoured' (3. 5 head), 'Enter Buckingham with Halberds, led to execution' (5. 1 head).



Names of the Characters. First given, imperfectly, by Rowe. For Tressel and Berkeley see the note on I. 2. 221. Brakenbury is first mentioned by the sources in connexion with the murder of the Princes; cf. Introd. p. xxxii. Stanley is sometimes called 'Lord Stanley' and sometimes 'Derby' or 'Lord of Derby' in F. It seemed best to prefix his speeches 'Stanley' throughout. Title (see p. 5). As printed in F. at the beginning of the play. I. I Material. Hints for Ric.'s soliloquy (1-41), and for much of the rest of the sc, were furnished by More's 'Description of Richard the third' (pp. 5-7). I quote from Hoi. (p. 712), which reproduces More almost verbatim: 'Richard the third sonne [of Richard of York], of whome we now intreat, was in wit and courage equall with either of them [i.e. Ed. IV and George of Clarence], in bodie and prowesse farr vnder them both, litle of stature, ill featured of limmes, crooke backed, his left shoulder much higher than his right, hard fauored of visage, and such as is in states [i.e. persons of rank] called warlie [warlike], in other men otherwise; he was malicious, wrathfull, enuious, and from afore his birth euer froward. It is for truth reported, that the duchesse his mother had so much adoo in his trauell, that she could not be deliuered of him vncut, and that he came into the world with the feet forward, as men be borne outward [i.e. as men are carried out for burial], and (as the fame runneth also) not vntoothed, whether men of hatred report aboue the truth, or else that nature changed hir course in his beginning, which in the course of his life manie things vnnaturallie committed. So that the full confluence of these qualities, with the defects of fauour and amiable proportion, gaue proofe to this rule of
physiognomie: Distortum <vultum sequitur distorsio morum.

['So that.. .morum' is added by Hoi.]




'None euill captelne was he in the warre, as to which his disposition was more meetly than for peace. Sundrie victories had he, & sometimes ouerthrowes; but neuer on default, as for his owne person, either of hardinesse or politike order. Free was he called of dispense, and somewhat aboue his power liberall: with large gifts, he gat him vnstedfast freendship, for which he was faine to pill and spoile in other places, and get him stedfast hatred. He was dose and secret, a deepe dissembler, lowlie of countenance, arrogant of heart, outwardlie companiable where he inwardlie hated, not letting to kisse whome he thought to kill: despitious and cruell, not for euill will alway, but ofter for ambition, and either for the suertie or increase of his estate. 'Friend and fo was much what indifferent, where his aduantage grew, he spared no mans death whose life withstoode his purpose. He slue with his owne hands King Henrie the sixt, being prisoner in the Tower, as men constantlie said, and that without commandement or knowledge of the king, which would vndoubtedlie (if he had intended that thing) haue appointed that butcherlie office to some other than his owne borne brother. Some wise men also weene that his drift, couertlie conueied, lacked not in helping foorth his brother of Clarence to his death; which he resisted openlie, howbeit somewhat (as men deemed) more faintlie than he that were hartilie minded to his wealth [i.e. more feebly than one solicitous for his well-being]. 'And they that thus deeme, thinke that he long time in King Edwards life forethought to be king; in case that the king his brother (whose life he looked that euill diet should shorten) should happen to deceasse (as in deed he did) while his children were yoong. And they deeme, that for this intent he was glad of his brothers death the duke of Clarence, whose life must needs have hindered him so intending, whether the same duke of Clarence had kept him true to his nephue the yoong king, or enterprised to be king himselfe. But of all this point is there no certeintie, and who so diuineth vpon coniectures, maie as well shoot too farre as too short.'




On this last point cf. Mirror (Clar., 11. 330-4): For this I -was commaunded to the tower, The king my brother was so cruel-harted: And whan my brother Richard saw the hower Was cum, for which his hart so sore had smarted, He thought it best take the time before it parted. Other loans or echoes from the sources in this scene are cited below; see esp., for the prophecy about the letter G, note 11.32-40 (cf. In trod, p.xxv); for the (inferred) imprisonment of Hastings, note 11. 66-8; and for Shore's wife and Hastings, notes 11. 72-7, 94. Most of the crimes mentioned by Hol.(<More), together with the details of Richard's monstrous birth, are now regarded as unhistorical and part of the Tudor legend.

Text. A.W. thinks 'the text of this scene very corrupt' and notes Greg's suspicion that 'the MS. was none too well preserved'. Cf. p. 144, and n. 2. S.D. Loc. (Cap.) Entry (F.). 1. Now i.e. after the battle of Tewkesbury. the winter Cf. Sidney, Ast. tff Stella, 69, 'Gone is the winter of my miserie' [Steev.] 2. sun F. >q 'Son' 'fonne'. A quibble (Ed. IV being Rich, of York's son), but referring esp. to the Yorkist badge of the sun-in-splendour, prob. adopted because it had been Ric. II's (v. R. II, Introd. p. xii), but traced by Hoi. to the vision of three suns at Mortimer's Cross (cf. 3 H. VI 2. I. 25-40). See S.-Giles, pp. 141-3, 172-4. 6. bruisid arms Cf. Lucr. n o . 9-15. Grim-visaged. . . looking-glass Cf. V.A. 103-8. Both echo Campaspe 2. 2. [Lyly, ii. 330], 'Is the warlike sound of drum and trump turned to the soft noise of lyre and lute ? the neighing of barbed steeds, whose loudness fills the air with terror... converted td delicate tunes, and amorous glances?' [Reed]. With




'grim-visaged' cf. Sackville's Induction, 386-7, 'Warre.. .with visage grym'. 12-13. He.. Jute i.e. he (the warrior) dances to the accompaniment of the pleasantly lascivious lute. Prob. alluding to the amorous Ed. IV (cf. 11. 72-3, 9) ) I4ff. not shaped etc. For Ric.'s attitude to his deformity, v. Lamb cited Introd. p. xxxviii. sportive v. G. 15. amorous Cf. 'lascivious' (1. 13). Both 'glass' and 'lute' produce 'the effects characterized by the adjectives' (Furness). 17. wanton ambling nymph Cf. Ham., 3.1.147 'You jig, you amble', etc. wanton F. 'wonton'. 18. curtailed.. .proportion Cf. 'defects of. ..proportion' {Mat. above). 19. feature v. G. dissembling i.e. hiding my real greatness under a deceptive appearance. Cf. 2. 1. 8 and G. Critics, forgetting Ric.'s true opinion of himself, have set aside this most obvious sense of the word. 20. Deformed, unfinished Cf. 3 H. VI, 5. 6. 51. 21. made up=completed (cf. Tim. 5. 1. 101, Cymb. 4. 2. 109), with a quibble on the tailoring sense, continued in 'unfashionable'. See G. 'lamely'. 22. lamely and unfashionable Idiom of the extended suffix. Cf. 3. 4. 48; 5. 1. 36; Oth. 3. 4. 79; R. II, 1. 3. 3; Abbott, 397. 24. piping v. G. and cf. Ado, 2. 3. 13-15. 26. spy (Qq) F. 'fee'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 153 and 1. 133, n. 'Spy' implies stealthy observation. 27. descant v. G. and 1 T.R. xiii, 144, 'Fetch in the man to descant of this show'. 28-31. since etc. Cf. Bacon, Essay 44, 'Of Deformity': 'Deformed persons are commonly even with Nature. For as Nature hath done ill by them; so doe they by Nature: Being for the most part (as the




Scripture saith) voidof'NaturalI Affection; And so they have their Revenge of Nature' [Wright]. See also passage about Nature in Mat. above. 29. tvell-spoken days i.e. time in which soft words have replaced hard knocks. 32. inductions dangerous 'beginnings of mischief (Wright) v. G. 'induction' and 'danger'. Cf. 4. 4. 5; 1 H. IF, 3. 1. 2. A quibble, continuing 'plots'. Q 'inductious dangerous' v.R.E.S. io.42,xviii, 31617; 1946, xxii, 53. 3 2-40. Plots... shall be The c G ' prophecy comes, not from More, but Polydore (p. 167), whence it passed to Grafton, 1543, Hall, and Hoi. (703/1), who record it with Clarence's death under the seventeenth year of Ed. IV. But Sh. prob. took it from Mirror (v. Introd. p. xxv). 36. true and just i.e. 'unsuspicious of foul play' (Wright). 41. Dive.. .my soul Cf. Greene, Bacon, 941 ' T o diue into the center of my heart'. S.D. (after F.). For Brakenbury v. p. 165. 45. the Tower (Q) F.+edd. 'th' Tower' Compositor's elision, due to length of line. 49. Belike (Pope) F. >q. ' O belike' v. Note on Copy, p. 155. 50. nezv-christ'n/d Dramatic irony. Echoes Mirror (v. Introd. p. xxvi). 52. for (Qq) F. 'but'prob. misprint by attraction with 'But' in 1. 51. 61. Hath(F.). g q ' H a u e ' . Cf. Franz, 156. 62. Why> this it is Again at Gent. 5. 2. 49; Ant. 2. 7. n . 63-5. '77/ not...extremity Hall (326) attributes the K.'s disquiet at the ' G ' prophecy to 'the Quene or her bloud which were euer mistrusting and priuely barkynge at the kynges lignage'. Hoi. (703) adopts




Hall's words but relates them to Ckr.'s projected marriage with, the Duch. of Burgundy, she F. 'fhee.' 65. tempers.. .extremity (Q 1) F. ( < Q 6,+misc.) 'tempts him to this harsh Extremity', v. Note on Copy, p. 151. For the image cf. Mirror (Clar. 11. 341-2): 'This made him [Richard] plye the while the waxe was soft I To find a meane to bring me to an ende'. 66-8. Was it not... Tower This incident was inferred from More's account (50; Hoi. 723) of Hast.'s meeting with a Pursuivant outside the Tower in which he recalls an encounter at the same place earlier. Cf. 3. 2. 93-105 and 3. 2. Mat. 66. good.. .worship As one might speak of an alderman. 67. Woodeville (Cap.) F . 'Woodeulle'. q 'Wooduile'. 71. there' secure (Ca*p. Camb.) v. Note on Copy, p. 151. See Walton, R.E.S. May '59, p. 13 i,n.3 72-7. heralds.. .liberty Cf. Hoi. 729/1. For a 'description' of Jane Shore, wife of a goldsmith, mistress of Ed. IV, and later of Hastings, v. More (54), Hoi. (725), who note: 'For manie that had highlie offended, she obteined pardon'. Cf. 1. 94, n. 75. for his delivery (Qq) F. (+some) 'for her delivery'. The 'her', caught perhaps from 'her deity' (1. 76), is sometimes explained as 'deliverance by her means', which seems not only 'strained and awkward' (A.H.T.) but comically ambiguous. 77. Lord Chamberlain i.e. Hastings. Cf. 2. I. 134. 80. men i.e. servants. 81. jealous suspicious-natured (i.e. of him, Ric). o'erworn widow i.e. the Queen. 82. dubbed.. .gentlewomen A double sneer: (1) The Queen and her kindred were indeed exalted in rank by her marriage, but were already gentlefolk, though Ric. pretends they came of yeoman or peasant



stock; (2) Jane Shore was no gentlewoman, but it is Ric.'s cue to lump brother Edward's two women together as 'gossips' or cronies. 83. our (F.) i.e. belonging to the House of York. Qq 'this'which may be right; note 'our' in 1. 82. 84. Beseech (Dyce, ed. ii) F. >q ' I befeech'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 155. 87. his (Qq) F. 'your'prob. caught from 1. 88; cf. 1. 75, n. 88. an't (Pope + edd.) F. Qq 'and'. 92. jealious (F.) Qq+edd. 'iealous'. The metre requires a trisyllable. 94. a.. .pleasing tongue Cf. More, 54; Hoi. 725/1:
For a proper wit had she, and could both read well and write, merrie in companie, readie and quicke of answer, neither mute nor full of bable, sometime tawnting without displeasure, and not without disport.

95. kin (Marshall; J.C.M.) Cf. the reverse error in 3. 7. 212. F. Qq (+edd.) 'Kindred'echoes 1. 72. 101-2. What.. .betray me? (Q 2, F.) Cf. p. 143, Pollard {Companion to Sh. Stud. 1934, p. 278), Greg, p. 87, n. 4; and (for another explanation) R.E.S. xviii (1942), pp. 315-16. 103. me: (J.D.W.) F. Qq 'me, and withalT. 105. We know etc. A.W. suspects corruption. Seymour (1805) conj. 'We're the King's subjects, and we will obey', which would add much point to Glouc.'s reply; but J.C.M. suggests that it would be better to give such a line to Brack, thus completing the pattern. I am tempted to read: Clar. We know thy charge, Brakenbury, and will obey. Brak. We're the King's subjects, and we should obey. Glouc. We are the queen's abjects, and must obey. Cf. Lyly, Campaspe, 1.1. 75, 'be not as abjects of war but as subjects of Alexander'.




109. widow Of Sir John Grey. 112. nearer (J.D.W.) F. Qq+edd. 'deeper' echoing 'deep' (1. i n ) . The idiom 'touch near' (v. G. 'near') occurs nine times elsew. in Sh. (e.g. 2. 3. 26; 2. 4. 24 below); 'touch deep' once. 115. or else (F.+edd.) Stress 'lie for you' with a feminine ending, and no emendation is needed (J.C.M.). lie for = (a) go to prison for, (J>) tell lies about. 116. patience.. .perforce Proverb. Of. Rom. 1. 5. 91; Tilley, p. m . Farewell (F. Qq) Hanmer om., prob. rightly. S.D. F. 'Exit. Clar.' 117. return. 118. Clarence, (F; Al. punct.) Most edd. read 'return' and 'Clarence!' 121. S.D. (F.) 124. the open (Q) F . ( < Q 6) 'this open'. 127-8. them.. .the cause Cf. 11. 66-9, and notes. 132. eagles.. .mewed v. G. 'mew'. 133. prey (Qq) F.'play'. Cf. Note on Copy, p.153 and above 1. 26, n. Hastings implies that the Woodvilles were free to strike down their victims at will. 137. his physicians etc. Stone (343, n. 2) cites Hoi. 708/2, 'there was little hope of recouerie in the cunning of his physicians'a point not in Hall. 138. Saint John (F.) Q 'Saint Paul'. Cf. Introd. p. xx and 3. 4. 75, n. 139. an evil diet Echoing More (7), Hoi. (712/2), V. I. I Mat. and G. 'diet'. 142. Where is he, (F.) Qq 'What is he'. 144. S.D. F. 'exit Haftings'. 146. with post-horse by express; v. G. A characteristic touch of blasphemy; cf. 2 Kings ii. 11. Collier conj. 'with post haste'. 153. Warwick's youngest daughter Lady Anne, widow of Edward, Prince of Wales. Cf. 5 H. VI, 3. 3. 242; 4. I. 118; and 4. I. Mat.




154. father i.e. her father-in-law, Henry V I . 158. another.. .intent Thus Sh. palms off on the audience a highly effective scene which 'does not advance the action, i.e. the career of R i c , in the least' (Herford). 160. / run.. .market i.e. I count my chickens before they are hatched. Cf. Tilley, M 649. 162. gains cf. 'market' (1. 160). S.D. F. 'Exit'.
I. 2 Material. While the action of this sc. is fictitious some of its details are not, viz. (i) Anne's parentage and former husband (Hoi. 751/1), (ii) H. VI's funeral. Hoi. (690/2) relates that on 22 May 1471 H. VI's body was taken from the Tower 'with billes and glaues' to St Paul's where it rested for a day, then to Blackfriars, and thence by boat to 'the monasterie of Chertseie' where it was buried. Hoi. takes this from Hall (303) but adds that the corpse was seen to bleed both at St Paul's and at Blackfriars. Cf. 11. 55-6, and n.

S.D. Loc. No change needed. Entry (F.) + 'attended.. .Berkeley' (Alexander). 'Halberds'= halberdiers. Cf. 'billes and glaues' (Mat.), which Hoi. implies is not fit pomp for a royal funeral. N.B. In 3. 3. 'halberds' accompany traitors to the scaffold. 1. Set...load Cf. 2 T.R. vi. 1 'Set downe, set downe the load not worth your pain'.
3. obsequiously v. G .

5. key-cold Cf. Lucr. 1774 and Tilley, K 23. 8. Be it lawful etc. It was not lawful for Protestants to invoke the Saints (v. B.C.P. Article xxii). She assumes H. VI had been canonized. Cf. 4. I. 70; 4. 4. 25; 5. 1. 4; Introd. to 3 H. VI, p. xxxv. 10. slaughtered (F.) Qq'flaughtered'. For this and similar elisions v. H . T . Price, English Institute Essays, *947 (Columbia Univ. 1948), pp. 147 ff.




12. windows.. .life i.e. the wounds. Alluding to the custom of opening the windows (v. G.) to allow a dying soul to pass. Cf. K. John 5. 7. 29 [G.M.]. 14. O cursed...these holes (F.) Q. + Camb. *Curft.. .thefe fatal holes'which Al. reads. 15. Cursed the blood etc. A line not in Qq and therefore added to the copy for F. (i.e. Q 6 corrected). Printed in F. as 1. 16, but clearly, I think, as A.W. (First F. Prob. p. 32) conj., inserted by the compositor at the wrong place. 19. to wolves, to spiders (F.) Q + Camb. 'to adders, Ipiders'. Ric. is called a wolf in Mirror (Clar. 1. 360). 21. abortive v. G. 22. Prodigious, v. G. 25. unhappiness v. G. 27-8. More miserable...thee (A.W. + J.D.W.). Qq 1-6 print: As miserable by the death of him, As I am made by my poore Lord and thee. which F. gives as: More miserable by the death of him Than I am made by my young Lord and thee. Clearly an instance of incomplete correction (cf. pp. 151 52), since the sense is absurd. Any wife of such a monster would be happy, not miserable, at his death, while it is not Prince Edward and King Henry who make Anne miserable but their death. Fortunately, we can check this actor's muddle by her own report of the words, spoken as if to Richard, at 4 . 1 . 7 6 - 7 : More miserable by the life of thee Than thou hast made me by my dear lord's death where be it noted Qq again read 'death' for 'life', though here the F. collator has spotted it. T h e conj. 'life' for 'death' (A.W.<Blackstone) in 1. 27 above




must therefore be correct, and I claim that my rewording of 1. 28, if not exactly what Sh. wrote, comes much nearer it than F. Both emendations, indeed, as I discovered after drafting this note, were virtually anticipated by Colley Cibber who in his 1700 perversion of the play (v. St Hist. p. xlviii) gives (for 2.1.27-8): More miserable by the life of him Than I am now by Edward's death and thine. It is tempting to read 'thine' likewise in 1. 28 above; but'thee'addressed to Henry's corpse implies his death. 32. S.D. F. 'Enter Richard Duke of Glofter'. 39. stand (Q) F.'Stand'ft'. 47-8. Thou hadst...not have Cf. Matt. x. 28 [Noble]. 54. pattern v. G. 56. bleed Hoi. app. invents this (v. Mat.) but does not, like Sh., associate it with the presence of the murderer. Cf. Caes. 3. 2. 190, n. (i). 59. empty.. .dwells The effect of death ace. to the old physiology; cf. Caes. 2. 1. 289-90, n. 60. deeds (F.) >q 'deed'. She refers to both murders. 61. Provokes Cf. Franz, 155. deluge Monstrous sin had provoked the first deluge. 63. O earth.. .revenge Cf. Gen. iv, 11 [Noble]. 65. gape.. .quick Cf. Numb. xvi. 30-3. 70. no law (Qq + J.C.M.) F. 'nor law'. 71. No beast.. .pity Cf. Caes. 3. 2. 105-6, n.5 Sh. Survey, ii. 36-7, 42, n. 3. 77. By circumstance by detailed argument. 78. diffused infection.. .man 'The play upon words was more aimed at...than their appropriateness' (Wright). a man (Qq) F. 'man' Prob. compositor's omission.




79-80. Of.. .accuse (Spedding; A.W.) F. 'Of... curse' Qq Most edd. 'For.. .curse'. As Miss Walker notes (p. 26),' "curse this cursed self" foozles Anne's return in the verbal game which starts with Ric.'s "acquit" in 1. 77 and is carried on with the "accuse" and "excuse" interchange until 1. 88'. The collator corrected Q 6 'For', but overlooked its 'curse'. 102. hedgehog v. G. Alludes also to Ric.'s hunchback and to his badge; cf. 1. 3. 228, n. 120. of that accursed effect (A.W.) Q F+most edd. 'and most accurft effect'which is clearly corrupt. Edwards (apud Camb.) conj. 'of that most curs'd effect' and Hanmer 'and most accursed th' effect'. 136. reasonable A.W. conj. 'natural', because the rules of the game require Anne to counter his' unnatural'. 138. thee{Qq) F.'the'. 144. S.D. (F.). 145. Would it.. .poison Cf. Tillev, v. 28 'to spit one's venom'. 147. poison.. .toad Cf. 3 H. VI, 2. 2. 138, and n. 149. infected Cf. L.L.L. 2. 1. 228; 5. 2. 420. 151. at once=once and for all. Cf. Maxwell in M.L.R. vol. xlix. 154. Shamed...aspects (F.) shamed their glances, i.e. made me ashamed to look up. Qq read 'afpect'. 155-66. These eyes.. .weeping (F.) Qq omit. 15 5-62. These eyes... cheeks This account does not tally with that in 3 H. VI (1. 3; 1. 4; 2. 1), though Ric.'s inability to weep is common to both versions {3 H. VI, 2. 1. 79-86). 160. weep F. 'weepe:'. 163. Like trees... rain Cf. Titus, 3. 1. 111-13. rain(Al.)-F. 'raine.'. 166. blind with weeping Cf. Titus, 2. 4. 52; 3. 1. 2705 5- 3- 49170. S.D. (F.). 178. S.D. (F.). 182. S.D. (F.) v. G.'fall'.




195. was man (Q) F. ( < Q 6) *man was*. 202. To take.. .give (Q) i.e. ' I take the ring but give no pledge of troth in return' (G.M.). See the Marriage Service in B.C.P. F. omits, together with the prefix for 1. 201; cf. Note on Copy, p. 145. S.D. (F.). 203. Look hozo=]xist as (v. G. 'look'). 204. thy breast.. .my poor heart. The stock protestation of lovers. Cf. Tilley, L 565 'the lover is not where he lives but where he loves'; V.A. 5 80-2; L.L.L. 5. 2. 812; Son. 22. 5-7. Derived from Matt. vi. 21 'where your treasure is there will your heart be also'. 212. Crosby House (F.) Qq 'Crosbie place'. Cf. 'Place' (1. 3. 345), and 'House' (3. 1. 190). Both names current. More, whose daughter Margaret .Roper lived there after his death, calls it 'Crosbies place in Bishops gates strete wher the protectour kept his household' (43). 217. unknown i.e. secret. Actually 'unknown' to Sh.! Cf. x. 1. 158, n., and Merch. 5. 1. 279-80, n. 221. Tressel and Berkeley Not spoken of elsewhere. French (251) thinks 'Tressel' (F.) Qq "TressilT, an error for 'Trussil', the name of a Warwickshire family. If so, both names occur as small parts in Marlowe's Ed. II (5. 1), a Pembroke man's play, in which Sh. perhaps acted, and from which I conj. he borrowed them. 222. 'Tis more etc. i.e. 'to fare well is more' etc. 224. S.D. F. 'Exit two with Anne'. 225. Sirs.. .corse (Q) F.omits. Cf.p. 145. Perhaps 'Sirs' is a player's addition. 226. Whitefriars (F., Qq) The Carmelite priory. Perhaps an error in reporting (F. < Q 6) since Hoi. (v. Mat.) reads 'Blackfriars'. S.D. F. 'Exit Coarfe'.




227-8. Was...toon? A stock formula, first popularized by Greene; cf. Titus, 2. 1. 82-3, n.; 1 H. VI, 5- 3- 78-9, n. 230. What! I that etc. Cf. Berowne in L.L.L. 3. 1. 172 ff. # . 233. my hatred (F.) i.e. for the whole Lancastrian house. Qq 'her hatred'. 235. withal (F < Q 6 'with all') Q 'at all'. 238. Rat The modern 'eh?' Cf. 1. 3. 234. Here a chuckle. 240. three months The hist, battle of Tewkesbury was 4 May 1471 and the corpse reached Chertsey on the 23rd. 242-3. A sweeter.. .nature Cf. Hoi. 688/2, 'a faire and well proportioned young gentleman'. 244. royal .i.e. nobie, generous in every way. Cf. G. and Caes. G. 247. cropped.. .prime The image recurs at 1 H. IV, 5. 4. 72-3. Cf. 3 H. VI, Introd. p. xii. 250. halts (F.) Qo/halt'. 260. /=into.
Material. The references to historical (or unhlstorical) events in this long fictitious sc. will be most conveniently dealt with as they occur. See notes on 11. 15, 20-9, 42 if.,

S.D. Loc. (after Theob.) Entry (F.). 5. eyes (F.) Qq 'words'. For 'quick eyes' cf. V.A. 140; Rom. 3. 5. 222. 6. If he.. .on me Repeated by F. in passing from one page to the next. 7. No other harm F. assigns to 'Gray'; Q I to 'Ry'=Rivers.
15. determined, not concluded settled, though not

yet actually decreed. Ace. to More (23) and Hoi.




(716/2) Ric. was first made Protector at a Council meeting after Ed. V's arrival in London from Ludlow (3. 1 below); and Mirror ('Richard', 11. 15-16) seems to agree with this on p. 360. But in T.T., as in R. Ill, he is nominated as such before Ed. I V's death; cf. Polydore (171) who relates that Ed. IV 'made his will, wherin he constitutyd his soones his heyres, whom he commyttyd to the tuytion of Rycherd his brother, duke of Glocester;' and Mirror, p. 383 ('Shore's Wife', 1. 293), which implies that Ric. became Protector upon Ed. I V's death. Cf. SL $jjart. pp. 302-3. 16. S.D. (after F.); v. Names of the Characters, p. 165. 17. come the lords (Q) F. 'comes the L o r d ' < ) 6 'comes the Lords'. Cf. p. 150. 20-9. The Countess Richmond etc. Margaret, wife of Lord Stanley, Earl of Derby, but widow of Edmund Tudor, and thus mother of Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond (H. VII), is here spoken of to remind the audience of her son's claim to the throne and of his coming victory at Bosworth. But the allusion is hardly explicit enough to be understood except by readers of the chronicles. Cf. Introd. p. xliv. 24. arrogance i.e. in aspiring to the crown for her son. 269. The envious . . . malice There seems no suggestion in the chron. for these lines. 30. Saw you etc. F . assigns to 'Qu.'; Q 1 to 'Ry.' 37. your brothers Cf. 1. 67; 3. 1. 6, 12; 4. 4. 381. Her son Grey is evidently taken to be her brother by Sh., as he is in T.T.\ Rivers is her only brother. Cf. Sh. Quart, p. 302. 41. S.D. (Camb.) F. 'Enter Richmond'. 42 ff. They do me wrong etc. This and Ric.'s later speeches reflect More (12-14), and Hoi. (714)




which describe his secret attempts to 'kindle' enmity against the Queen and her family after Ed. IV's death; the same arguments are used. 49. apish courtesy Cf. L.L.L. 5. 2. 325, K. John, 5. 2. 131; A.T.L. 2. 5. 25. 53. With (F.) Qq 'By'. Cf. Schmidt 'with' {ad. 54. To whom etc. F. assigns to 'Grey'; Q 1 to' Ry.' whom (Qq + edd.) F.+Al. 'who'. 63-8. The send i.e. 'the fact that the king guesses at your hatred makes him send' (Abbott 376). Cf. Introd. p. xxxvi. 68-9. that.. .remove it (Pope). F. (+A1.) 'that he may learn the ground'. Q 'that thereby he may gather | the ground of your ill will and to remove it'. Cf. Note on the Copy, p. 146-7. 71. wrens.. .perch Cf. 1. 1. 132-3. 72. Jack.. .gentleman Prov. expression, cf. Tilley, J2-5. 77. / have need of i.e. I am in distress through. 802. promotions etc. Cf. 1. 1. 82. 89. draw.. .suspects involve me in these vile suspicions. For 'suspect' (sb.), a favourite word with Greene, cf. 3. 5. 32; 2 H. VI, 1. 3. 134, n. 90. deny.. .not Cf. the double negatives in 11. 13, 60. 97. lay on attribute to. 102. Iwisv. G. a n d ^ . fcf C. 1. 3.11, n. n o . S.D. (F. + Camb.'behind'). i n . God I beseech him (F.) Qq 'God I befeech thee'. Cf. 1. 212 and 5. 5. 32. 114. Tell.. .said (>) F. omits. look what = whatever (v. G.). 117. pains v. G. 118. I do remember (F.) Qq ' I remember*. N.B. 'devil' is usually monosyllabic in Sh.




125. royalise Not again in Sh. Common in Peele and Greene. 128-30. factious.. .slain? Conflicts with 3 H. FI, 3. 2. 1-7, where Ed. IV calls him 'Sir Richard Grey* and says he fell fighting for the Yorkists; but agrees with Hoi. (726/1) who calls him 'John Greie an esquier, whome King Henrie made Knight vpon the field' of St Albans, where he fell. Hoi. (668/1) leaves his "faction" doubtful. For 'battle' v. G. 135-6. Clarence.. .forswore himself Cf. 3 H. FI, 5.1. 81-106. 142. childish-foolish The hyphen is Theob.'s. 143. Hie (Q) F. 'High'a spelling found in Lucr. 1334. 144. cacodemon v. G. The word occurs in the Colloquies of Erasmus (cf. Thomson p. 96). See also Nashe, i. 376. 36. 155. As little (Heath; Dyce) F. Qq (+edd.) 'A little*. "'As" is wanted for the rhetoric' (A.W.). 157. S.D. (Cap.) 158-9. pirates.. .filled Cf. 2 H. FI, 1.1. 22off. 160. of(Q) F.'off'. 161-2. If not.. .rebels i.e. 'If you bow not as subjects because I am queen, at least you quake because you have deposed me' (P.). Cf. Introd. p. xxxvi. 163. gentle villain This sarcastic comment upon his 'pitiful' heart (1. 141) and his contempt for the Woodville 'Jacks' (11. 70-3) is a kind of double oxymoron, since 'gentle' {a) well-born, (J>) kindly, and 'villain' = () peasant, (j>) scoundrel. 164. what mak'st thouvthzt are you doing. In reply she takes' 'mak'st' in its ord. sense. 165. But.. .marred I come merely to make recital of your crimes. The 'make-mar' anthithesis was prov. Cf. Tilley, M48, and L.L.L. 4. 3. 188, etc.
R. I l l - 1 4




167. banishid Not ace. to the chron. or 3 H. FI, $ 7' 38-41. Actually she went to France in 1475 and died there in 1482, a year before Ed. IV's death. 174-81. The curse,. .deed At 3 H. FI, 1.4. m f f . York rails, but does not curse. 178. faultless v. G. pretty Cf. 'babe' (1.183). For

Rut.'s real age v.3H.FI,i.$.


185. Tyrants v. G. 'tyranny'. 187. Northumberland.. At. Cf. 3 H. FI, 1.4.172. 188. What! Cf. 2 H.FI. 1. 1. 76, n. 194. Should all.. .for could all not quite pay for. I97ff. Though etc. Every curse is fulfilled; each victim recalls the curse when his hour comes; and in 4. 4. Marg. returns to exult in-the vengeance she has called down [G.M.]. Cf. Introd. p. xlii. 197. by surfeit Cf. 1.1.139 and Mirror (Clarence, 11. 3378) 'For though the king within a while had died, I As nedes he must he surfayted so oft'. 199-200. thy...our 'thy' is contemptuous; 'our' royal. 206. stalled Cf. Greene, Bacon, 182, *A frier newly stalde in Brazennose'. 215. hagwitch. 219. them i.e. heaven. Plur. cf. R. II, 1.2.6-7, n. 228. hog Allusion to Ric.'s badge, the white boar. Cf. 1. 2. 102; 3. 2. 11, etc. 230. slave of nature 'mean and contemptible by nature' (Schmidt). Cf. Cymb. 5. 2. 5. 234. Ha?=eh.i what did you say? Cf. 1. 2. 238; 5- 3- 5241. vain flourish 'empty show' (G.M.). 242. bottled (a) 'swollen with venom' (Wright), (b) 'hunchbacked' (Herford). Cf. 4.4. 81, and G. 251. do me duty do obeisance to me. 256. Yourfire-newstamp etc. Sir Thomas Grey, the Qu.'s eldest son, had only been created Earl of




Dorset in 1475, eight years earlier (Hoi. 702). stamp v. G. 259-60. They.. .pieces. A matter of common observation in days when eminence in the state depended upon the monarch's favour. Cf. the prov. ' T h e highest climbers have the greatest falls' (Tilley, C 414). 264. Our aery i.e. the eagle brood of the House of York. Cf. 3 H. VI, 2. 1. 9 1 ; 5. 2. 12; and Ezek. xvii. 3. York. Cf.SH. VI,2. 1.91; 5 . 2 . 1 2 ; and Ezek. xvii. 3. 265. scorns the sun Because eagle-sighted. 267. my son Quibbling on 'sun'. 273. Peace etc. (A.W.) F. Qq (+edd.) assign to l Buck.\ which 'cannot be right in view of Marg.'s 11. 274-6 and 2 8 0 - 4 ' (A.W.), whereas the former are more apt to Glouc. than to 'Riv.' to whom Lettsom assigned the speech. 277. My charity.. .shame 'Outrage is the only charity shown me, and a life of shame is all the life permitted me' (Hudson, ap. Furness). 280. princely This epithet, a favourite with Greene, Peele and Marlowe, occurs thirteen times in R. III. 285-6. curses never pass.. .air Cf. Tilley, C 924. 'Curses return upon the heads of those that curse.' 287. / will not think ' I am determined not to think' (J.C.M.). 288. awake God's.. .peace rouse God from h i s . . . peace. Cf. R. II, 1. 3. 132; Ps. xliv. 23; lxxviii. 65. gentle-sleeping Theob.'s hyphen. 289. S.D. (J.D.W.). Cf. 1. 295. 290. Look when%.% soon as (v. G.). 303. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 304. My hair etc. Q gives to Hast.; F . to Buc. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 147. an end (F.) Q 'on end'. Cf. Earn. 1. 5. 19 and Franz. 2 3 8 .



1.3. Mar.Q).

309. / never etc. Q gives to >jf.; F . to

Cf. Note on Copy, p. 147. 313. for (Pope: A.W.) Q.F. (+edd.) 'as for'. Cf. p. 155,157. 316-17. us Such backing of Ric. seems inappropriate to Riv. except as bitter sarcasm. Poss. the speech belongs to Buck. us! (Al.) F. 'vs.'. 318. S.D. (F.)after this line; S. Walker first suggested aside at 'ever'. 319. S.D.(F.). 321. you...lords (Al.) F. 'yours my gracious Lord'; Q 1 'you my noble Lo:'; Q 6 'you my noble Lord'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 151. 324. I do., .brawl Cf. Tilley, C579, 'Complain to prevent complaint'. 327. whom (Q 1) F . 'who'. Euphony requires

S [A.W.].
329. Namely v. G. 335. do.. .evil Cf. Matt. v. 44, and Luke vi. 27. 337. old odd ends stale and ill-assorted scraps. Cf. Ado, 1. 1. 268-71. 338. S.D. (F.). 342, 350, 356. F. prefixes lFil* 344. S.D. (Cap.) 351. Talkers... doers Cf. Tilley, T64. doers: be assured (Camb. < F 4) F. ( < Q 6) 'doers, be aflured'. 353. drop millstones Cf. Troil. 1. 2. 158; Tilley, M967. r.4
Material. Hoi. (703/1) relates that Ed. IV took 'such displeasure* with Clar. 'that finallie the duke was cast into the Tower and therewith adiudged for a traitor, and priuilie drowned in a butt of malmesie'. For the rest, the scene is invented, being based partly on the account of the murder




of the Princes in Hoi. 735/1* perhaps via Mirror or T.T. (v. 1. 96, n.)> while it is related in some way to the dialogue between Leir and the Murderer in King Leir, 11.1452-1755, which is also related to 4. 4. 367-8, v. note. Cf. Introd. p. xxxiij and Law, PMLA. xxvii. 123-33.

S.D. Loc. (edd.) Entry (most edd. except Al.) F.; Al. 'Enter Clarence and Keeper' Q 'Enter Clarence, Brokenbury'. Cf. 1. 75 S.D. and Note on Copy, p. 149. 1. Why looks.. .heavily Cf. 2 H. FI, 1. 2 . 1 . 5-6. Note the word play. 9. Methoughts (F., Q) Again at 1. 24. Probably the actor's form. Cf. 'methought', Jl. 18, 21, 36, 45, 58; 5. 3. 204, 230, and all but twice elsew. in Sh. 10. Burgundy i.e. the Low Countries. The only reference in the play to the marriage of Margaret, sister of Ed. IV, Clar. and Ric, to the Duke of Burgundy. But cf. 5. 3. 324, n. 13. Upon the hatches Cf. 2 H. FI, 3. 2. 103. thence (Q) F.<Q 6 'there'. 19. thought (Q, F.) Pope 'sought*poss. right, since 'thought' echoes 'Methought' (1. 18). 22. waters (Q) F.(<> 6) 'water'. Cf. Rev. i. 15. 22-3. mine ears.. .mine eyes (F.<Q 6) Q i(+Al.) 'my eies' As 'mine' before a vowel is more normal in Sh. we may prob. assume that Q 6 happens to be correct here. Cf. 4. 1. 82, n. 24-33. a thousand.. .wracks etc. Poss. suggested by tales of the enormous losses of the Spanish Armada, 1588. Cf. also the Treasure of Mammon, F.Q. 11. vii. 4, 5, which includes 'great ingowes'. 26. ingots (Kinnear; J.D.W.) F., Qq. 'Anchors' | 'anchors'. 'Ingots is far more apt to the context and 'anchors' may have passed muster with the corrector since 'ch' and 'g' are not unlike in secretary hand. A.W. tells me McKerrow thought 'ouches' likely and




J.C.M. notes a parallel to this in Spenser F.Q. HI. iv. 23. But cf. 'ingowes' in last note. 29-31. skulls.. .gems Cf. Temp. 1. 2. 401-2. 323. wooed.. .mocked The gems in the skulls seemed to glance around like a capricious lover. Cf. Rom. 1. 4. 100 ff. 39. vastv.G. 41. #"A (F.) Qq 'Which' Cf. Franz, 335. 45. /<W the Styx. 46. /><^/J Cf. Jen. vi. 298-9; Inferno iii. 109-105 Mirror, 'The Induction'. Cf. Introd. p. xxviii. 49. father-in-law v. G. 50. /7ry Cf. 3 H. FI, 5.1.103 ff. 53. A shadow Ed., Prince of Wales. 58. methought (F) Q 1-6 'me thoughts'. Cf. 11. 9, 24. 66. .>#, J T ^ r (F.) Q. 'Brokenbury'. 68. requits (F.) >q.+all edd. 'requites'. See G. 69-72. O God... children (F.) Qq omit. 75. S.D. (J.) F.; Al. 'Enter Brakenbury the Lieutenant.' Cf. Note on Copy, p. 149. 76-83. Sorrow.. .fame Very different verse from the preceding; but on Sh.'s favourite theme of the cares that wait upon a crown. 80. for unfelt imaginations i.e. instead of the pleasures, etc., which the world imagines they enjoy but which they never feel. 83. S.D. (F.) Edd. add lthe\ 85-7. how cam'st.. .legs Prov. Cf. Tilley, L191. 87. / would speak etc. (As Mal.+edd.) F. assigns to *z Mur.' Q to 'Exec' (= 1 Mur.) Clearly belongs to the man who spoke 1. 84. 90. 'Tis better, etc. (Qi) F. gives to ' l \ 91. S.D. F. 'Reads'. 96. There lies etc. As the body is to be dragged off later the use of the inner stage is not required. and there He deposits the keys, e.g. on a table, to




avoid personal contact with the men. Cf. Mirror (p. 363 'Richard', 1. 85) 'the Keyes he rendered, but partaker would not be | Of that flatigious facte'; and T.T. 11.1204-5. 'A [=ah] here with teares I deliuer you the Keyes, and so far well maister Terrell.' 100. fare. F. 'Far' (Not in Q). A Sh. spelling. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 101. / (Q 1) F . ( < 6) 'we'. 109. remorse v . G . 119. passionate v . G . 122. Faith, some (Qq+Al.) F. 'Some' Cf. p. 155. 126. Zounds (Qq+Al.) F. 'Come' Cf. p. 159. 134. with it After this Q 1 prints 'it is a dangerous thing'which some may feel is required as a general proposition, what follows being particular examples. 138. shamefaced v . G . 143. live well enjoy life. Cf. 'good life', Tw. Nt. 2. 3. 38. 145. }Tis (F.) Qq 'Zounds it is' AI. 'Zounds, 'tis'. 147. Take the devil i.e. Arrest your devil of a conscience (where he lurks). 155. throw.. .into (F.) Qq+edd. 'chop.. .in'. 160. Q 3 gives S.D. 'Cla. awaketh'. Cf. p. 143. 164, 168. F. assigns to ' 1 ' ; Q 1 to ' 2 ' . 166. Nor...loyal (Q 1) F . ( < 6 ) assigns to V [Murderer]. 172. To, to, to(F.) Qq assigns to'Am.'[=both]. Ditto in 11. 234, 240. 183. Cf. Nobody &f Somebody (before 1606) 'Art thou call'd forth amongst a thousand men' [Steev.j. The commas are G.M.'s. 184. quest.. .verdict Cf. Mirror, 'Clarence*, 11.3 512, 'And covertly within the tower they called J A quest to geve such verdite as they should'. 186-7. death?.. Jaw, (F 2+edd.) F., q 'death, . . .law?' 189-192. as you.. .sins (Qq) F. 'as you hope for any goodnefle' Cf. Note on Copy, p. 158.




193 F. What etc. Note the change from prose to verse and the elevation of the tone both socially and morally. 195. Erroneous v. G. 196. tables (Q) F. 'table'. Cf. Exod. xxxii. 15. The sing, in Meas. I. 2. 9 accords with its context. 199-200. for he holds.. .law Cf. Deut. xxxii. 35. 207. Unrip'st (F.) Past tense. 210. deary. G. 216. you, yet F. 'you yet,*. Cf. G. 'yet*. 221. gallant-springing Cf. 3 H. VI, 2. 6. 50; Spenser, Shep. Cal., Feb. 1. 52, 'That wouldest my springing youngth to spiP. [Mai.] 222. novice i.e. newly made Knight; cf. 5 H. VI, 2.2. 58-65. 228. hired, for meed go (Becket; A.W.) F.Qq+edd. 'hyred for meed, go'. 237. And charged.. .other (Qq) F. om. 239. think of(Q 1) F.(<> 6) 'think on*. 242. As snow etc. (Pope; A.W.) F. Qq 'Right, as snow'. See p. 155. Cf. Prov. xxvi. 1, 'As snow in summer, and as rain in harvest, so honour is not seemly for a fool', and Tilley S590 (which does not cite Prov. xxvi. 1). 1 Murd. quibbles on 'kind'=natural [Wright]. 244.-6. / / Cf. the different version at I. 1. 107if. One of Sh.'s 'episodic intensifications' (Schikking, pp. H3ff.). Cf. Macb. 1. 7. 54, n. labour my delivery Found in Kyd, Sp. Trag., 3. 7. 33; cf. Marlowe, Jew, 3. 3. 60 'labour thy admission' [A.H.T.] 247, 249. As F.; Qq assign 1. 247 to ' 2 ' , 1. 249 to V. 254-5. they that...deed Cf. R. II, 5. 6. 39-40; Tilley, K64.




256-67. What shall...pities

not? (J.C.M.) F.

text and arrangement, except for 11. 260-1 where F . reads Would not intreat for life, as you would begge Were you in my distresse and J.C.M. emends as I print. This makes sense, restores the metre; and, by preserving the F. order, not only avoids a transition from 'you' to 'thou' in the same speech, but shows Clar., repelled by the savagery of 1 Murd., turning in last appeal to the more humane 2 Murd., who in 1. 268 seems actually attempting to save him. Collier came near this solution but his conj. 'so pity me' after 'distress' (1. 261) does not convince, whereas J.C.M.'s 'Even so I beg' (1. 260) seems to me right in wording and position, while it is easy to imagine the eye of the F. collator passing from one clause ending in 'beg' to another. What the latter had to work upon in Q 6 was:
2. What fhall we doe? Cla. Relent, and faue your foules. 1. Relent, tis cowardly, and womanifh. Cla. Not to relent, is beaftly, fauage diuelifh. My friend I fpie fome pittie in your lookesj Oh if thy eye be not a flatterer, Come thou on my fide, and intreat for me, A begging Prince, what begger pitties not?

Adopting J.'s suggestion that the lines (25760) omitted in Qq were misplaced in F., Tyrwhitt (1766) and most later edd. read as follows:
Sec. Murd. What shall we do? Clar. Relent, and save your souls. First Murd. Relent! 'tis cowardly and womanish. Clar. Not to relent is beastly, savage, devilish. Which of you, if you were a prince's son, Being pent from liberty, as I am now,

NOTES If two such murderers as yourselves came to you, Would not entreat for life? My friend, I spy some pity in thy looks; O, if thine eye be not a flatterer, Come thou on my side, and entreat for me, As you would beg, were you in my distress A begging prince what beggar pities not?


262. 'tis ()+edd.) F. 'no: 'TV. The 'no' (accepted in 1954) is clearly compositorial. Relent! 'tis (Q2+J.C.M.) F. 'Relent, no! 'tis'. 269. S.D. (F.) 270. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Exit'. 271. A...dispatched Cf. T.T. 11. 1319-20. 'Tir. How now Myles Foreft, is this deed defpatcht? For. I fir, a bloodie deed we haue performed' [Churchill]. 272. like Pilate Cf. Matt, xxvii. 24. 273. S.D. F. 'Enter 1 Murtherer'. 274-5. How now been Verse in Q; prose in F. 275. By heavens (Q) F. (<> 6) 'By Heauen'. 278. S.D. F.'Exit'. 283. this i.e. murder. Cf. Tilley, M1315 S.D. .F. 'Exit'.
2. 1

Material. The scene opens as it were towards the end of the meeting at Ed. IV's deathbed, described in Hoi. (713-14 <More, 8-12), to which the King summons the two court factions, 'especially the Marquess of Dorset, the Queen's son, and Lord Hastings', in the hope of reconciling them. Whereupon, 'the lords recomforting him with as good words as they could, and answering for the time as they thought to stand with his pleasure, there in his presence, as by their words appeared, ech forgaue other, and ioined their hands togither; when (as it after appeared by their deeds) their hearts were farre asunder'. But the king's reception of the news of Clar.'s death (11. 86ff.)is based on an earlier passage in Hoi. (703/KHall 326) which relates that though 'consenting to his death, yet he much did both lament.. .& repent his sudden execution: insomuch




that, when anie person sued to him for the pardon of malefactors condemned to death, he would accustomablie saie & openlie speake: "Oh infortunate brother, for whose life not one would make sute"'. Hoi. dates this 1477 and Ed.'s death 1483. Note Rio not present at the deathbed in Hoi., though he is in T.T. Cf. SA. i^art. p. 300.

S.D. Loc. Camb. (after Cap.) Entry (after Cap.) F. includes' Wooduill' with Rivers though, they are the same person (cf. Note on Copy, p. 153), and Catesby, who does not speak. 5. more at peace (Cap.+edd.) F. 'more to peace' Q 'now in peace''At peace.. .to heaven' balances 'at peace on earth' in 1. 6. The F. comp. prob. anticipates the second 'to' in 1. 5. 7. Hastings and Rivers (Rowe +A1.) F. 'Dorfet and Riuers' Qq 'Riuers and Haftings'. For the slip 'Dorset' v. Note on Copy, p. 153. The prefix in 11.11, 16, etc. is correctly given as 'Haft.' 8. Dissemble v. G. 11. So thrive I, as I Again at 4. 4. 236, 399; cf. 2. 1. 16, 24; 2. 4. 71-2; 1 H. VI, 3. 1. 174; 2 H. VI, 5. 2.17. Elsewhere in Sh. only at Oth. 3.4. 126-8 I think. 28. S.D. (Cap.) 29. princely Cf. 1. 3. 280, n. 32. S.D. (Rowe). 32-5., Cf. 5. I. I2*F. For the syntax, v. Introd. p. xxxv. 39. God(Qq; edd.) F. 'heaven'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 158. 40. S.D. F. 'Embrace'. 45-6. Jndin...duke(F.) Q 'And in good time here comes the noble Duke'. It is difficult to believe that Q does not here give the orig. text and that Ratcliffe was not thrust into the F. as an afterthought (? a prompter's jotting) in order to give Ric. an attendant. Patrick (p. 26)




argues that he was cut out of Q to save a part. S.D. F. Enter Ratcliffe, and Glofter'. Q 'Enter Gloceft.' 47-8.! So friendly! 56. unwittingly (Q) F. 'Vnwillingly'. After this Qq F. (+edd.) have 'or in my rage', which Pope omits and Miss Walker conj. (I think rightly) an actor's addition, echoing 'in thy rage' (1. 2. 187). Our humble Christian Glouc. would never admit to flying into a rage. 58. By any (Qq) F.( +A1.) 'To any' Perhaps ' T o ' caught from 1. 59. 66. Lord Dorset (J.C.M.) F < Q 6 ' Lord Dorset' (J.C.M.), the ' o f caught from 1. 67. If 'Lord' was carelessly written 'L.' it might resemble the Q 6 'of. 67. Of you.. .of you. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 153. Both titles of Rivers. Furness traces the error to a hurried reading of Hall (347<Harding, 475): 'The gouernaunce of this younge Prince was committed too lord Antony Wooduile erle Ryuers and lord Scales', which suggests three separate persons. Note Hoi. omits 'lord Scales' in transcribing. F. prints this 1. after 1. 68; transposition conj. by Miss Walker (p. 32). 68. without desert without my deserving it. Cf. Gent. 2. 4. 57; Err. 3. 1. 112. 73. humility v. G. 80. S.D. (F.) 82. Who knows For prefix v. Note on Copy, p. 147. 93. Nearer...blood Cf. Macb. 2. 3. 140-1 and Tilley, K38 'The nearer in kin the less in kindness'. but not (Q 1) F. 'and not' (cf. 'and', 1. 92) Al. 'an not'. 95. S.D. F.'Enter Earle of Derby'. 99. requests Cf. Franz, 152. 100. The forfeit... life i.e. the forfeited life of my servant; 105-6. My brother... death Cf. Meas. 5.1.444-50.




105. was thought i.e. "never passed into action" (G.M.). 108. at (Q 1) F. 'and'. 113. When... down This incident is invented. Cf. 3 H. VI, 5. 4; 5. 5.

118. thirty. G.
124. the image etc. Cf. Gen. i. 27, and below, 4.4.51. 126. S.D. (after Furnivall). 129. The proudest ofyou all A Greene cliche*. 134. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Exeunt fome with K. & Queen.' Come, Hastings,...closet The duty of a Lord Chamberlain. 141. S.D. F. 'exeunt'.
2. 2

Material, (i) Both Clar.'s infant children (cf. 4. 2. 51-2, 53, nn.), Edward and Margaret, were beheaded when grown up, and thus 'died the verie surname of Plantagenet' (Hoi. 703). (ii) See Mat. 2. 1. ad fin. for the death of Ed. and Clar. (iii) Buck.'s advice (11. 120-7) is based on Hoi. 714 (<More, 14), who relates that Ric. persuades the Qu. to the same effect. T.T. also gives the initiative to Buck.

S.D. Loc. No change needed. Edd. shift the scene to 'the palace'. Entry (F.). 1. Good grandam etc. F. prefixes this 'Edw.* (v. Mat.) but his later speeches 'Boy'. 3. do you (Qq) F. 'you'. 3, 5. Q gives the first of these speeches to 'Boy', the second to 'Gerl.' 5-7. Why... alive? For the syntax, v. In trod, p. xxxvi and Abbott, 371. 18. Incapable v. G. 27-8. shape.. .vizor. ..vice See G. for the word play.




30. Tetfrom.. .deceit Cf. Tit. 2. 3.145; Rom. 1. 3. 68; Tilley, E198, 'To suck evil from the dug'. 33. S.D. (F.) 'her hair...ears' = the conventional dishevelment of bereavement, cf. Constance (K.J. 3. 4) and Ophelia {Ham. 4. 5). 38-9. scene.. .act Note the playhouse metaphors. 39. mark (J.C.M. conj.) Qq. F. 'make'which A.H.T. glosses 'make up, complete', citing Cymb. I. 4. 9, not a close parallel. 47-8. interest.. .title Note the legal metaphors. 47. / (Q 1) F. om. 50-1. images.. .mirrors Both words=likenesses, i.e. children. Cf. Son. 3. 9. 'thou art thy mother's glass'; Lucr. 1758-64. 61. overgo v. G., and 3 H. VI, 2. 5. 123. 67. to bring forth=in giving birth to. 68-70. All springs.. .world! For such hyperbole, v. Tit., Introd. p. lii. reduce Imperative, v. G. 69. governed.. .moon Like the ocean. 77-9. Was never etc. A Spenserism (F.Q. 1. ii. 23, II. 4-5, etc.), affected by Greene (e.g. Jas. IF, 11. 390I, 603). dear v. G. 81. Their.. .general Each has her own particular woes, I have the woes of all. 83. weep () i+edd.) F. 'weepes'. 84-5. and so.. .Edward weep F. omits. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 146. 86-7. distressed Pour (edd.) F. Miftreft: | Power' < Q 6 ( < Q 1) 'diftreft, | Powre'. 94. opposite with heaven Cf. Ham. I. 2. 92-101. 100. plant...throne Cf. R. II, 5. 1. 63-5. S.D.

101. Sister He fulfils the promise of I. I . 109 [Wright]. 105. S.D. (J.D.W.). Cf. Cor. 2. 1. 168, n. 109. S.D. Hanmer+most mod. edd. mark the aside




before 'Amen*. Al. puts it after, for surely the 'Amen' is uttered solemnly aloud. 117. rancour 'Harvest' (1. 116) suggested 'rankness', which suggested rancour or festering in turn [J.CJM.]. O.E.D. cites Camden, Remains, 1605, p. 207: 'Through the rancor of the poyson, the wound was iudged incurable.' Cf. 1. 125, K. John, 5. 2. 14. T h e image is that of an ulcerated wound swollen with the poison of hatred to bursting point, and recently dressed. hearts (>) F . 'hates' T h e Q is supported by 1 H. FI, 3. 1. 26 'envious malice of thy swelling heart' and Titus, 5. 3. 13. T h e F . 'hates' may be 'a compositor's error' (A.W.). 121. Ludlow in Shropshire, whither the Prince of Wales had been sent by Ed. IV to exercise authority over his Principality. Cf. Hoi. 714/1; More, 12. 124-40. Marry. . . And so say I Qq omit. Closely related to T.T., 11. 492-503 [Churchill, p . 505]. Cf. Patrick, p . 20, Greg. p . 8 1 , n., Sk. Quart. pp. 301-2. 127. the estate i.e. the Yorkist regime, green Cf. More, 87, "that grene world". But the extrametrical 'green and' looks like an actor's anticipation of'green' in 1. 135. 128. tears...rein controls its own guiding-rein. Cf. Lear, 3. 1. 27. 132. / hope="I take it we are all agreed that. Cf.2.4. $"(J.C.M.). 142. Ludloto (gq) F. 'London'. Cf. 1. 154; 3. 2. 82, and Note on Copy, p. 153. As the name is correct in 1. 121, the error may be due to ' L ' written for 'Ludlow' in the manuscript. 145. With all our hearts (Q) F . (+A1.) omits. Q.'s prefix is^/.poss. a misprint ioxAmb. [Marshall]. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 146.




S.D.F.'Exeunt, j Manet Buckingham, and Richard'. 147. For God sake (F.; Al.) Q 'For Gods fake'.
151. consistory v. G .

154. Ludlow (Qq) F. 'London'. Cf. 1. 142, n. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

2.3. Material. Hoi. 721/2 (<More, 43) speaking of Ric.'s secret plan of the two councils, goes on 'Yet began there. . . some maner of muttering among the people as though all should not long be well, though they neither wist what they feared, nor wherefore: were it, that before such great things metis hearts of a secret instinct of nature misgive them; as the sea without wind siuelleth of himselfe sometime before a tempest'. Stone (353) notes that the italicized words are echoed in 11. 38-44 below but do not occur in Hall.

S.D. Loc. (edd.) Entry. (Cap.) F. 'Enter one Citizen at one doore, and another at the other'. 3. Hear. .. abroad? Q gives this to ' 1', after which it differs from F. in its assignments for most of the sc. 4. Seldom.. .better Prov. cf. Tilley, B332. 11. Woe. . . child Cf. Ecclesiastes x. 16, cited from the Vulgate in 'The duke of Buckingham's oration' advocating Ric.'s claims (Hoi. 730/1; More, 71). Cf. Tilley, W600. 12-15. In him...govern well J. supposed a line lost after 1. 12; Mai. one lost after 1. 13, but the passage is prob. one of those syntactical tangles to which Sh.'s early style was prone. Cf. Introd. p. xxxvi. Boswell paraphrases: 'We may hope well of his government under all circumstances: we may hope this of his council while he is in his nonage, and of himself in his riper years' [Mai. xix. 87]. Cf. Woodstock, 1. 1. 152 (ed. Rossiter) 'they guide the nonage King'. 16. Henry Trisyllabic. Cf. 4. 2. 92. 17. in Paris.. .old H. VI ascended the throne in 1422 at nine months old, as stated at 2 H. VI, 4. 9. 4

a. 3.



and 3 H. VI, 1. 1. 112, but was not 'crowned at Paris' until 1431 (cf. 1 H. VI, 4. 1. note on Mat.) 21. virtuous uncles Bedford and Gloucester. Cf. 1 H. VI. 31. we fear.. .well Cf. Tilley, W912, 'It is good to fear the worst'. 32-5. When clouds.. .dearth None of these four seeming proverbs occurs in Tilley. For the first, cf.' Son. 34. 1-4. 35. makes (F.) Q ( + edd.) 'make'. 38-44. Truly.. .storm Cf. Mat. above. 43. Ensuing ( Q i ; F. catchword on p. 184) F. (1. 1 of p. 185) 'Pursuing'. 46. sent.. .justices T o give evidence, I suppose, or serve on the jury in the court of the local J.P.S, or of the justices of assize. 47. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'. 2.4. Material. The main points of Hol.'s (715-16 < More, 15-20) account of the events in this scene are (i) Ric. and Buck, meet Rivers, in general charge of Ed. V, at Northampton, spend a friendly evening with him but arrest him next morning, (ii) They then proceed to Stony Stratford, a stage nearer London, where Ed. V was sleeping, bring him back to Northampton, give him a fresh retinue, arrest Grey and Vaughan, and dispatch them with Rivers to be executed at Pomfret. (iii) News of these arrests reaches the Qu. at Westminster the following night, whereupon she betakes herself 'with hir yoonger sonne and hir daughters . . . i n t o the sanctuarie, the abbats place', (iv) The archb. of York (Chancellor of England), having received the same night at Westminster similar news from Hastings, with the assurance that 'all shall be well', visited the Qu., pointed out that if any evil happened to the king, the young Duke of York must immediately be crowned in his stead, and left with her the Great Seal, the specific emblem and instrument of sovereignty, as an assurance.




S.D. hoc. (edd.) Entry (edd.) F. 'Enter Archbifhop, young Yorke, the Queene, and the DutchefTe.' Q 'Enter Cardinall, Dutches of Yorke, Qu., yong Yorke.' Q combines two archbishops in one, as perhaps did Sh.; cf. 3. 1. Mat. That the entries include three 'Yorks' (arch., prince, and duch.) is prob. the origin of the incorrect assignments by F. at 11. 21 and 36. Cf. p. 148. 1-2. Stony Stratford.. .Northampton (F.) Q reverses the names to accord with dramatic and topographical consistency, since S.S. is 14 miles nearer London than N.; and most edd. have followed. But F., as the metre shows, gives us what Sh. wrote, while it agrees with the hist, order of events (v. Mat. 2. 4.). 9. good(F.) Qq'young'. 'Good'is awkward with 'good' later in the line; on the other hand the Q 'young' may be an echo of 'young' in 1. 26. cousin v. G. 13. /// weeds.. .apace Cf. Tilley, W238, 'An ill weed grows apace'. ///(J.C.M. conj.) F. Q (+edd.) 'great''a reporter's antithesis to "small". The rhetorical pattern is chiastic'

21. And...madam Prefixed 'Car.' (Q 1), 'Yor.' (F.). See Note on Copy, p. 148. 28. gnaw. . .old Cf. 1. 1. Mat. 36. Good child For prefix v. Note on Copy, p. 148. 37. Pitchers Cf. Tilley, C363, 'Little pitchers have wide ears'. She seems to imply that the boy had overheard the remark from herself [G.M.]. Cf. 3. 1. 151-3. S.D.(F.). 42. Pomfret The mod. 'Pontefract'. 45. For what offence? F. and Qq assign to 'Arch' ('Car.') and the question comes naturally from a Lord Chancellor.




5 1 . jet (Qq) F . ' I u t t ' . T w o forms of the same word (v. O . E . D . 'jut* v. 2 ) ; ' j e t ' being that found (4 times) elsewhere in Sh., but ' j u t ' in this sense not.

63. Preposterous (Taylor ap. Camb.; J.D.W.) F. Cjq (+edd.) ' O prepoftorous'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 155. self to se/f (J.CM.<a. suggestion by A.W.) F. Qq (+edd.) 'felfeagainft felfe'. The change regularizes the metre; and 'againft' looks like reporting, since Q also reads 'bloud againft bloud' whereas the F. preposition is ' t o ' . 65. death (Qq+edd.) F. 'earth'. Cf. Son. 146,14, 'And Death once dead, there's no more dying then' [Cap.]. Seep. 153. 66. sanctuary i.e. the whole cathedral precincts. Cf. Stanley, Westminster Abbey (1868), pp. 360-9. 69. thither. . .goods The Arch, found the Qu. troubled with 'much heavinesse, rumble, hast, and businesse, cariage, and conueiance of hir stuffe into sanctuarie' (Hoi. 716/1). 73. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

Material. From Hoi. (716/2-72I/I<More, 22-41, together with the compact between Ric. and Buck., which comes from More's Latin version and is omitted by Hall). In Hoi. (1) the Mayor meets Ed. V at Hornsey, Ric. and the Council only when he reaches the city; (2) Hastings plays no part in these events; (3) most of the narrative is taken up with a long satirical disquisition by Buck, on Sanctuaries (cf. 11. 44-56 below), and by a still longer colloquy between the Qu. and the Card, which Sh. does not utilize. N.B. By a slip, which Hoi. repeats, More twice describes the Cardinal as arch, of York, instead of Canterbury. As Hall corrects this and Sh. speaks of Arch, of York in 2. 4 and Cardinal in 3. 1. it might be thought he has consulted Hall. But Daniel (p. 328, n.) and Stone



(p. 357, n.) doubt whether Sh. had 'more than one personage' in mind. Certainly the two prelates are one both in T.T. and in Q 1. S.D. Loc. (edd.) Entry (after F.) Edd. add 'Catesby' who appears in F. at 1. 150 S.D. and translate 'Lord Cardinall' as 'Cardinal Bourchier' though that name is not in Sh. (cf. Mat.). 1164. Printed from Q3. See Note on Copy, p. 140. 1. London .. >. chamber Cf. marginal heading 'London the kings especiall chamber' in Hoi. 729/2. 616. / want . . . none Reflects a conversation in Hoi. (715/2) at Stony Stratford in which Ed. V, when told that his uncle Rivers and his half-brothers Grey and Dorset had plotted treason, replies: 'What my brother Marquesse [Dorset] hath doone I cannot saie, but in good faith I dare well answer for mine Vncle Riuers and my brother here [Grey] that they be innocent.' 'Yea, my liege (quoth the duke of Buckingham) they haue kept their dealing in these matters farre fro the knowledge of your good Grace.' The language in T.T. is here even closer to that of Sh. 9-11. Nor more.. .heart Cf. I Sam. xvi. 7 'For man looketh on the outward appearance but the Lord looketh on the heart' [Noble]. 9. Nor (Q 1-6, +edd.) F. 'No'which seems to give better sense. Cf. Note on the Copy, p. 144. 29. have (Q 1, F.) Q 3 omits. 31-6. Fie.. .perforce Cf. Ric.'s words in Hoi. (717/1< More, 2 5; Hall, 352) sending the Card, to the Qu.
And if she be percase so obstinate.. .that neither his wise and faithfull aduertisement can not moue hir nor anie mans reason content hir: then shall w e . . .fetch him out of that prison.. .that all the world shall.. .perceiue that it was onelie malice, frowardnesses, or follie that caused hir to keepe him there.




39. Expect (Steev. conj.) F. Qq (+edd.) 'Anon expect'reporter's supplement [J.C.M.]. 3942. tut if. . .sanctuary! Though consenting to go, the Card, protested that if she refused God forbid that anie man should, for anie thing earthlie, enterprise to breake the immunitie & libertie of the sacred sanctuarie [Hoi. 717/2]. 40. in heaven (Q 1) F. (<Q 3) omit. 43. ^ ( 2 ) F . ( < Q 3 ) ' g r e a t \ 44-56. You are.. .tillnow Based on Buck.'s reply to the Card., in which he declared sanctuaries should only be used in reason which is not fullie so farre foorth as may serue to let vs of the fetching foorth of this noble man [the young duke]... in which he neither is nor can be a sanctuarie man... .And verelye, I haue often heard of sanctuarie men, but I neuer heard earst of sanctuarie children.. . .He can be no sanctuarie man, that neither hath wisdome to desire it, nor malice to deserue it. ...And he that taketh one out of sanctuarie to do him good, I saie plainlie, that he breaketh no sanctuarie (Hoi. 717/2-718/2). 44. senseless-obstinate Theob. supplies hyphen. 46. Weigh.. .this age Meaning debated. G.M. paraphrases (as virtually does A.H.T.), 'Look at the question broadly, as people do nowadays'. Sh. has in mind the contrast between weighing things in the gross, and weighing them by 'scruple' like an apothecary (cf. G. 'ceremonious', 'grossness'). with = against. Cf. Meas. 2. 2. 127 (J.C.M.). 52. Therefore (F 2) F. Qq (+edd.) 'And therefore' reporter's supplement [J.C.M.]. 56. ne'er (F.) Qq. 'neuer'. Cf. Note on Copy,

p. 155. 57. o'er-rule (F.) Qq 'ouerrule'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 155. 60. S.D. F. 'Exit Cardinall and Haftings'at 1. 59.
R. Ill 15




63. seems (Q 1) F. ( < Q 3) 'thinkft'. 68. I do.. .place i.e. I like the T . least of all places. For this ' o f cf. 2 H. VI, 1. 3. 162; Mad. 5. 8. 4. 69. Julius... build Cf. R. II, 5. 1. 2, n.; M.L.N., kiii. 228-33; P.M.L.J. lxiv. 916, 927, n. 82. 70. He did etc. Al. (<Steev.) assigns to'G/0.' But 'my lord' (1. 69) is Buck.; Glou. is 'uncle' to the P. elsewhere [J.C.M.]. 78. all-ending (Q 1) F. (<Q 3) 'ending'. 79. So wise.. .long Cf. Tilley, L384, 'Too soon wise to live long' and Greene, x. 238. ne'er (Pope; Ridley) F. Qq (+edd.) 'neuer'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 155. 81. without characters i.e. even without the help of written records. 82. S.D. (F 2) the formal Vice i.e. the stock Vice (v. G.) in morality plays. 83. / moralize... word ' I imply a double meaning in one phrase' (A.H.T.). The phrase is 'live long', which the young K. had overheard. But there is dramatic irony in Ric.'s 'moralizing', since the fame of these boys, whom he intends to leave unrecorded in history, would never die. 85. With what.. .wit i.e. ' W h a t . . .wit with'. 87. this (Q 1) F < 3 'his'. 88. lives in fame... in life Cf. Tit. In trod, pp. xxix, xlvii, 1. 1. 158, n. 94. S.D. (J.) Short.. .spring Cf. 1. 155, n.; Tilley, F774 'sharp frosts bite forward springs'. S.D. F. 'Enter young Yorke, Haftings, and Cardinall'. 96. loving (Q 1) F . < Q 3 'noble'. 97. dread (Qi) F . < g 3 'deare'. i n . My dagger.. .heart A double meaning here. 113-14. give't, Being (Lettsom conj.; J.C.M.) F. Qq 'giue, And being'. 118-19. light.. .weightier trivial.. .morevaluable.




118. you'll (Pope; Craig) F. >q 'you will*. Cf. p. 155. 120. heavy (Q 1) F . < Q 3 'waightie'. 121. I'd weigh (Hanmer; J.D.W.) F. >q ' I weigh' He means ' I shouldn't think much of it, even i f . . . ' A.W. (<Lettsom) conj. 'I'd wear' (which "picks up Glouc's last word and extends the range of the quibble". A.W.). 123. as (Q 1) F.<> 3 'as as'. 126-7. still...tear with him Noble cites Luke xiv. 27. 131. He thinks.. .shoulders A gibe at Ric.'s hunchback, alluding apparently to a saddle which an 'apebearer' {Wint. 4. 3. 92) wore upon his shoulders. Cf. Plaine Percevall (c. 1590) 'You [ a r e ] . . . thinking belike to ride vpon my crup shoulders ( = hunchback): I am no Ape Carrier' (ed. Petheram, i860, p. 20). Steev. cites Ulpian Fulwell, The First part of the eight liberale science, 1576, 'thou hast an excellent back to carry my lord's ape', and Mason 3 H. VI, 3.3.157-8. 132. sharp-provided keen and pregnant. Theob.'s hyphen. 136. will't (Pope) F. Qq 'wilt'. 141. needs (Q 1) F.(<) 3) omits. 148. fear i.e. fear for them. 149. soQ. C. M. i960). F < Q 3 'and'. The 1954 conj.'we'for'I'in 1.150 is withdrawn. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'A Senet. Exeunt Prince, Yorke, Haftings and Dorfet. Manet Richard, Buckingham, and Catesby'. N.B. 'Senet' and 'and Catesby' added to Q 3 in F. (v. Note on Copy, p. 143). For 'Sennet' v. G., and for 'Dorset' and 'Catesby' v. S.D. Entry at head of scene. 152. Incensid. v. G. 154. parlous (Mai., Camb., etc.) F. Qq 'perilous'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 155.




155. forward cf. 1. 94. 157-8. Well'.. .intend (Pope; J.C.M.) F . >q (+most edd.) read: Well, let them reft: Come hither Catesby, Thou art fworne as deepely to effect what we intend. The reporter added 'hither' and so upset the metre. 157. let them rest let them be; i.e. they're safe! Catesby. Hoi. (722/1<More, 44) writes that Catesby 'was a man well learned in the lawes of this land' who owed everything to Hastings and was very intimate with him, so that he trusted him implicitly. Cf. 3. 2. 22-4. 160. know'st(F.) Qq'knoweft'. 161. think'st (F.) Qq 'thinkeft'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 155. 162. Lord William Hastings (Pope) F. ( < Q 3) +edd. 'William Lord Haftings'. The order of the reported text was that in formal use and occurs at 3. 4. 27, but is here ruinous to the metre, as it is in Q at 1. 192 below. Cf. Note on the Copy, p. 155, foot. 164. in the seat royal Hall (375<Hardyng, 516), but not Hoi., writes that Ric. 'sate in the seate roial' after being proclaimed king [Wright]. But cf. 'regal seat' in 3 H. VI (v. 1. 1. 26, n.). 165. He for etc. From here down to 5. 3. 47 F. becomes again the substantive text. 167. think'st (F.) Qq 'thinkest'. 170. as it were far off, sound etc. Cf. Hoi. 722/1: he mooued Catesbie to prooue with some words cast out a farre off, whether he could thinke it possible to win the lord Hastings vnto their part [Stone, 362]. 176. icy-cold Camb. (<Ingleby conj.) supplies the hyphen; Al. (<F.) omits it. 179. divided councils Ric.'s object here is not made as clear as it is in Hoi. (v. 3. 4 Mat.) where we are told

3. i.



the councils were held one at the Tower and the other 'at Crosbies'. Hall (358) writes 'Baynardes Castle' for 'the Tower', but corrects the error on p. 359. 182-3. knot. . Jet blood v. G. for quibbles. 185. Give.. .kiss Cf. 1. 1. 72-7, n. and 3. 5. 31. 190. Crosby House (F.) g q 'Crosby place'. Cf.
I. 2. 212, n.

S.D. F. 'Exit Catesby'. 191. My lord (Pope; A.W.) F. >q 'Now, my Lord'. Actor's connective. Cf. A.W. First F. Prob. p. 27. 192. Lord Eastings (F.) Q 'William Lo: Haftings'. 193. something etc. He has not yet invented an excuse. Thus Sh. prepares us for the flagrantly trumpedup charge in More, which he uses in 3. 4.
194-6. look when I am king.. .possessed Hoi.

(721/2 < More, 42-3) writes that 'it was agreed' Ric. should have Buck.'s aid 'to make him king', and in return Buck, should have 'quiet possession of the earldome of Hereford, which he claimed as his inheritance.. . . Besides these requests.. . the protector, of his own mind, promised him a great quantitie of the kings treasure, and of his houshold stuffe'. Not in Hall. look when=as soon as (v. G.). 200. digest v. G. for quibble. S.D. F. 'Exeunt*.
3.2. Material. The 'facts' of this sc. are all taken from Hoi. (721/2-723/2 < More, 48-51), but rearranged and set in different circumstances. E.g. (i) Stanley's distrust of the two councils and the dream of the Boar are not there connected; (ii) Hoi. (More) doubts whether Catesby actually sounded Hastings, but tells us that he reported to Ric. and Buck, he had done so, together with Hastings' reply; (iii) Hastings' encounters on the way to the Tower are made much more of by More than by Sh., who ignores




the fact that the Pursuivant was also called Hastings and avails himself little of the ominous character of the incidents, which More underlines, and Hoi. made 'Foretokens of imminent misfortune'. S.D. Loc.1 Before... house' (Theob.) Entry (F.) 1. S.D. (after Cap.). 2. S.D. (Theob.). 5. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Enter Lord Haftings'. 10. certifies v. G. Found in Sh. again only in 1 H. VI (twice) and Merch. 2. 8. 10. 11. raz/d.. .helm Cf. Hoi. (723/1 <More, 48): so fearfull a dreame; in which him thought that a boare with his tuskes so rased them both by the heads, that the bloud ran about both their shoulders N.B. 'razed' here=lacerated; in Sh.=plucked (off). For 'boar' v. 1.3. 228, n. 13-14. And that... th'other Cf. Hoi. (722/1 <More, 44; Hall, 359): 'For while we (quoth he) talke of one matter in the tone place, little wot we wherof they talke in the other place'. 16-18. take horse divines In Hoi. (723/1 <More, 48) after the dream of the Boar, Stanley 'had his horsse readie, if the Lord Hastings would go with him, to ride yet so farre the same night, that they should be out of danger yer [=ere] daie'. 20-4. Bid.. .intelligence This follows Hoi. 723/1 closely again. 20. councils (gq+edd.) F. 'Councell'. 22. my good friend (F.) Qq 'my feruant'a significant difference. 26-30. And for his dreams.. .chase He is even more contemptuous in Hoi. 28. pursues (Al.) F. 'purfues,'. 34. S.D. F. 'Exit. I Enter Catesby*.




40. garland The word is More's (68,1. 32; v. Hoi. 729/1). 41. F. punct. 43-4. I'll have... Before Til see etc. Cf. 2 H. FI, I. 1. 124-5; 3 H- yj> T- I - 244560-8. ere a fortnight.. .Buckingham There seems nothing in the sources to suggest these vague threats. 70. S.D. (Rowe) upon the Bridge the heads of traitors stuck upon poles, were exposed above the north entrance of L. Bridge. There is no evidence that the head of Hastings was placed there. 71. S.D. (F.). 77. I hold.. .yours (J.D.W.) F. (+A1.) ' M y Lord, I hold my Life as deare as yours' Qq 'My Lo: I hould my life as deare as you doe yours'. The Q 'you doe' is necessary to the sense [Mai.], while I take ' M y Lord' as actor's connective. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 155, and 1. 72 which Q reports 'What my Lo: where is your boare-speare man?'. 82. London (F. >q.) A.H.T. 'Ludlow'which is possible; cf. notes 2. 2. 142, 154. 85. see (Al.) F. 'fee,'. 88. the day is spent i.e. 'it is getting late*. Cf. V.A. 717 'the night is spent'. At 1. 119 below dinner is still in prospect. 90. talked (Q 1 'talkt') F. (<Q6) 'talke'. 92. wear their hats 'keep their offices' (P.). 93. S.D. (F.) Q 'Enter Haftin. a Pursuiuant'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 153-4. And for the whole episode v. 3. 2. Mat. More closes his graphic account with these words (Hoi. 723/2): ' O good God, the blindnesse of our mortall nature, when he most feared, he was in good suretie; when he reckoned himself surest, he lost his life, and that within two houres after.' 94. S.D. (after F.). 95. sirrah? (F.) Qq (+A1.) 'Haftings'. Cf. 1.93, n.




105. S.D. (F.). 106. S.D. F. 'Exit Purfuiuant | Enter a Preeft.' 108. Sir John. v. G. 'Sir.' 109-10. exercise.. .Sabbath In conjunction these two words suggest a Puritan 'prophesying'. But v. G. 'exercise', and 11. n 3-14. n o . contentyou HereF.(+someedd.) prints 'Priejl. He wait vpon your Lordfhip'. As the speech is extrametrical and is repeated in 1. 121 where it completes the line, and as neither is found in Q, Maxwell conj. that its first appearance represents an erroneous insertion in Q 6 by the collator. Camb. and Craig omit the speech. S.D. (Q). F. omits ' h e . . .ear'. The episode of the Priest follows More (Hoi.) closely, but Sh. substitutes Buck, for 'a knight'. 113. no shriving work Cf. Ham. 5.2. 47. 120. Rowe's 'aside' And supper too i.e. And take your last meal too. Cf. 3 H. VI, 5. 5. 85, n. 121. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

3-3Material. Based on Hoi. (725/KMore, 55-6) or Hall (364), which also describe Ratcliffe as a knight 'whose seruice the protector speciallie vsed in that councell, and in the execution of such lawlesse enterprises, as a man that had beene long secret with him, hauing experience of the world, and a shrewd wit, short & rude in speech, rough & boisterous of behauiour, bold in mischiefe, as far from pitie as from all feare of God'. He was actually governor of Pomfret (=Pontefract); cf. French, p. 234.

S.D. hoc. (Theob.) Entry (Camb.) F . ' E n t e r . . . carrying the Nobles to death at Pomfret'. Cf. the 'halberds' in 1. 2 S.D. (head). 1. Before this Qq (+most edd. exc. Al.) read 'Rat/. Come bring foorth the prifoners'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 146.




3. For truth, i. loyalty A Peelean line. Cf. Tit. In trod. p. xxx, and nn. Much of this short scene might be Peek's. 14. Margaret's curse Cf. 1. 3. 1965". 16. standing by Echoes 1. 3. 210. 23. expiate Cf. G. and Son. 22. 4. 25. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

3-4Material. From Hoi. (721/2-723/i<More, 43-8) it appears that Ric. passes from one council to the other, coming late to the Tower (c. 9 a.m.) because he had been at the secret Crosby council, returning after a little to the latter and then revisiting the Tower (between 10 and 11 a.m.) in order to arrest Hastings. But the account is long and rambling and what happened does not seem to have been clear in Sh.'s mind, though he based the scene on Hoi.

S.D. Loc. (edd.) 'The sc. is laid in the great room in the upper story of the White Tower, which was formerly the Council Chamber' (Wright). Entry (after F.) I omit F.'s 'Enter' and 'Norfolke', who does not speak until 5. 3 where he first appears in the dialogue. Ratcliffe and Lovell are not of the council in Hoi., while Ratcliffe has just been seen at Pomfret in 3. 3. Q tries to remove this inconsistency by substituting Catesby, but he is supposed to be at the other council. As Wright notes, the difficulty cannot 'be removed without doing more violence to the text than an editor is justified in using' (Camb. note xv). 2. the coronation i.e. of Ed. V. 5. nomination v. G. 6. Q 1 gives this to 'Ryu.'; Q 3 to 'Bifh.'; F. to 'Ely.' 10. We know etc. Q. prefaces this with 'who I, my Lo:?\ 19. FII give my voice The Lord Chamberlain both




in Parliament and in the Council 'frequently served as the royal mouthpiece' (Chambers, Eliz. St. i, 38). 23. / have.. .sleeper Cf. Hoi. 722/2, 'Saieng merilie that he had beene a sleeper that daie'; T.T., 932, 'he hath bene a long sleeper to-day'. 28. / mean 'A weak unpoetical trick of Peek's' (Hart). Cf. 3. 5. 31; 4. 1. 19;+. 2.72; Tit. 3:1.203; 4. 2. 62; 1 H. VI, 5. 5. 20, n.; 3 H. VI, 3. 2. 58; 4 . 6 . 51. 31-3. My Lord.. .strawberries For Ely v. Introd. p. xii. Ely Palace stood in Holborn; but in 1578 passed into possession of Sir Ch. Hatton, and is now called Hatton Garden. The episode here serves to emphasize Ric.'s genial mood, and prevents him having to speak of the coronation. 34. S.D. F. 'Exit Bifliop'. 35. S.D. (Cap.). 41. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'. 45. S.D. F. 'Enter the Bifhop of Ely'. 46-7. Where strawberries F. prints as verse; but the speech is clearly prose. 48-53. His grace... heart 'One of the finest strokes of the play' (Hazlitt). 49. some conceit The little surprise he has for Hastings! 51. ne'er (Pope; J.D.W.) F. Qq (+edd.) 'neuer'. Cf. p. 154-5. 55. likelihood' (Q) F. 'livelihood'. 57. looks After this Q has ' Dar. [ = Derby] I pray God he be not, I say'. S.D. (J.D.W.) F . ' Enter Richard and Buckingham'. Cf. Hoi. (722/2): ' H e returned into the chamber . . . with a woonderfull soure angrie countenance, knitting the browes, frowning and fretting, and gnawing on his lips.' 64. offenders, (J.'s punct.; A.W.) F. (+edd.) 'Offendors, whofo'ere they be:'. 66-7. mine arm . .. witheredup Cf. jH.VI, 3. 2.156.




70. strumpet Shore She is dragged in so as to catch Hastings, who falls into the trap. 75. by saint Paul Cf. Introd. p. xx. 78. S.D. F. 'Exeunt. | Manet Louell and Ratcliffe, with the Lord Haftings.' 81. raze our helms (Al.) F. 'rowfe our Helmes'; Qq 'race his helme'; Rowe 'rase our helms'. The 'our' follows the source and not the play (cf. 3. 2. 11 and n.); 'rowfe' may be a misreading of 'raife', taken as 'roufe'cf. MSH. p. 108. 83. Three... stumble Cf. Hoi. (723/1):'In riding towards the T o w e r , . . . his horsse twise or thrise stumbled with him, almost to the falling'. For 'footcloth horse' v. G. and 2 H. VI, 4. 7. 42-3. 85. bear.. .slaughter-house Cf. 2 H. FI, 3. I. 212. 93. dispatch Cf. Rat. at 3. 3. 7. 93-4. Come, come, etc. Q 1 assigns to 'Cat.' the juke.. .head Follows Hoi. (<More) v. closely. 97. in air... looks 'on the airy foundation of men's friendly looks' (G.M.). 98-100. a drunken sailor.. .deep Cf. 2 H. IF, 3. 1. 18-21, and Prov. xxiii. 34 [Genevan version]: 'Thou shalt bee as one that sleepeth in the middes of the sea, and as he that sleepeth in the top of the mast' With this marginal comment 'Though drunkennes make them more insensible then beastes, yet can they not refrain'. [Thomas Carter, Sh. and Holy Scripture, 1905, p. 139, cited Furness.] 106. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

3-5Material. The situation of this sc. closely follows that described in Hoi. (723-4 < More 51) or Hall (362), while the imputations against Hastings are taken from 'the protectors proclamation' (Hoi. 724/KMore, 52).




S.D. hoc. (Theob.) Entry (F.) Cf. Hoi. 724/1 'harnessed in old ill faring briganders, such as no man should weene that they would vouchsafe to haue put vpon their backs, except that some sudden necessitie had constreined them.' 4. tvert (Qq) F. 'were'. The subjunct. 'thou were' is found in 16c. (v. O.E.D. 'be' 7. 2), but not I think elsew. in Sh. 5. the deep tragedian Compare what follows with Ham. 3. 2. 134; and it seems poss. that Buck, was expected to caricature the antics of a 'ham' actor (? Edward Alleyn) in 11. 14-21. 7. Tremble.. .straw Prov. Cf. Tilley, W5, citing Nashe, iii. 219, 'Vppon the least wagging of a straw to put them in feare where no feare is'; and V.A. 302. 7-8. straw, Intending deep suspicion: (edd.) F. 'Straw: Intending deepe fufpition,'. Cf. G. 'intend'. 13. S.D. (F.). 14. S.D. (J.D.W.<11. 6-9). 17. o'erlook inspect. 20. innocence ( g i ) F. (<Q 6) 'Innocencie*. 21. S.D. (F.). 22. Q assigns to 'Cat.' 27. Made . . . book Cf. Cor..5. 2. 14-15 [Wright]. 32. from free from attainders. G. suspects Cf. i . 3. 89, n. 33. covert'st sheltered the most successfully camouflaged. Buck, (acting impatience) retorts upon Ric.'s "plainest harmless" (1. 25). traitor. After this F. Qq (+edd.) print the hypermetrical 'That euer liued'an expansion by the player 'of what is implicit in " w a s " ' (A.W.). Pope omitted it. 34. Would... believe Cf. G. 'almost', and K. John, 4- 3- 4341-2. against...rashly i.e. act thus hastily and irregularly.



49-50. / never etc. F. gives to 'Buck.'; Qq continues to 'Mayor' and many edd. (including Al.) follow. But 1. 49 refers to 'attempts' in 1. 48 and must therefore be spoken by one of those threatened. 51-60. Yet had etc. By Q 1, 2 assigned to 'Dut.', Q 3 to 'Clo.', and Q 4, Q 6 to 'Glo.' 54. have Plur. by attraction from "friends". 55. hear (Keightley; A.W.) F. g q 'heard' which is 'ugly in construction and sound' (A.W.) after 'would' and 'had'. 65. cause ( Q i ) F. 'cafe'<>6 'eafe'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 151. 70. S.D. F. 'Exit Maior\ 73. your.. .time 'the most advantageous moment you can find' (G.M.). tneet'st advantage (Q 1) F. 'meetest vantage' <Q 6 'meetest aduantage'. Cf. p. 151.74. Infer=allege ;v.G. Sense found again at 3.7.12, twice in 3 H. VI, once in Timon, but not elsewh. in Sh. Frequent in Greene. 75. a citizen One Burdet, whom Hoi. (728/2 <More, 67) names without giving the circumstances, which came to Sh. either from Hall (369) or Grafton (ii. 107). Ace. to Stow {Annals, 1580, p. 680) he was a grocer in Cheapside, called Walker. Shops of all kinds had signs. 79-83. his hateful.. .prey Buck.'s speech (Hoi. 729/1) makes much of this. luxury v. G. 83. listed (Q) F. (+A1.)'lufted'. Q avoids repetition of 'lust' (1. 80) and implies the casual whims of a tyrant. 85-91. when that.. .father In Hoi. (727/2 <More, 63-5) Dr Shaw pronounces Ed. IV and Clar. bastards and 'by their favours' more resembling other men than the Duke of York (cf. 3.7.12-14, n 0 - York's



being abroad and 'the computation of the time' are added by Sh. and appear to be borrowed from the story of the Bastard's parentage in K. John or T.R. 86. insatiate Cf. 3. 7. 7; Hoi. 729/1, 'greedie appetite.. .insatiable'. 92-3. Tet. . .fives Cf. Hoi. 725/2<More 58. 94. play the orator A Greene cliche. Cf. 1 H. VI, 4. 1. 175, 2 H. VI, Introd. p. xxxv, foot. 97. Barnard's Castle v. G. 101. S.D. F. 'Exit Buckingham'. 102-3. doctor Shaw, . .Friar Penker Hoi. (725/2 <More 56-7) describes these as 'both doctors of diuinitie, both great preachers, both of more learning than vertue, of more fame than learning' and states that Ric. and Buck, took them, with Edmund Shaw the Mayor of London, into their confidence after the execution of Hastings. 103. S.D. (Cap.) /Vfcr(Cap.<Hol.)F.'Peuker\ 104. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 106. brats of Clarence Cf. 2. 2. Mat. 107. notice (Qq) F. (+edd.) 'order'prob. compositor's repetition of 1. 105. manner person (F.) Qq (+edd.) 'manner of perfon'. For the ellipsis of 'of v. O.E.D. 'manner 9'. 108. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

Material. Hoi. (724/1 < More, 52-3) states that the proclamation -was issued within two hours of Hastings's death 'and was so curiouslie indicted & so faire written in parchment in so well a set hand, and therewith of it selfe so long a processe, that euerie child might well perceiue that it was prepared before. For all the time, betweene his death and the proclaming, could scant haue sufficed vnto the bare writing alone, all had it bene but in paper and scribled foorth in hast at aduenture. So that vpon the




proclaming thereof one that was schoolemaister of Powles, of chance standing b y , . . . said vnto them that stood about him: Here is a gaie goodlie cast foule cast awaie for hast [=Here is a fine good rough draft shamefully spoilt through haste.]'. Italics mine. S.D. Loc. (Cap.) Entry (Q) F. 'Enter a Scrivener'. 2. a set handy. G. 3. in Paul's 'Proclamations were often read at St Paul's, either in the cathedral or at the Cross' (Sugden). In Hoi. (More) the document is evidently stuck up. sequel (F. Qq.) ? sequence. 7. precedent original draft, v. G . 10-12. Who not? Reflects More as cited in Introd. p. xxi. 10. Who is (F.) Q 1 'Whoes'. 12. who's (Q 1 'Whoes') F . ( < 6)+Al. ' w h o ' . 13. in thought silently. S.D. F.'Exit*. 3-7Material, (i) Buck.'s account of what happened at the Guildhall is based on the account of the events in Hoi. (728/KMore 66) with hints from Hoi. (726/7 < More, 59-66). (ii) The visit of the Mayor to Baynard's Castle also follows Hoi. (731<More, 74-7) with this difference, that, making comic capital out of the words 'with a byshop on every hand of him', which Grafton and Hall (372) add to Hoi. (v. Introd. pp. xiv, xvi), Shakespeare gives a 'holy exercise' as the reason for Ric.'s pretended reluctance to grant audience instead of the timidity which Hoi. (More) alleges, and which is glanced at in 11.-83-7. From 1. 95 onwards 'Sh. expands his authorities freely' (A.H.T.).

S.D. Loc. Theob.+edd. 'Baynard's Castle'. For the 'court-yard' v. 1. 55, n. Entry (after F.). 5. Lady Lucy Hoi. (726<More, 59-62) explains that the Duchess of Y., to prevent Ed. IV marrying Lady Grey, alleged he was contracted to Dame Elizabeth Lucy and, having gotten her with child, was 'her




husband before God', though when put on oath, Dame Lucy herself confessed 'they were neuer ensured' (i.e. formally betrothed). Dr Shaw and Buck, of course ignore this last point. 6. in France i.e. to the Lady Bona; v. 5 H. VI, 3.3. and below 1. 182, n. 7. insatiate (Q) F . 'vnfatiate'. Cf. 3. 5. 86. 8. his enforcement etc. Cf. 3. 5. 79-83, n. 12. infer Cf. 3. 5. 74, n. 12-14. your lineaments . . . mind Cf. Hoi. 727/2 < More 64; Hall, 368:
But the lord protector he [Dr Shaw] said the verie noble prince, the speciall paterne of knightlie prowesse, as well in all princelie behauior, as in the lineaments and fauour of his visage, represented the verie face of the noble duke his father.

That Sh. interprets 'knightlie prowesse' as referring to Ric.'s Scottish campaign shows a knowledge of earlier chapters of Hoi. or Hall. 17. humility v. G. 20-41. And when... came away The chron. closely followed here, except that in them Buck, after one failure 'rehersed.. .the same matter againe in other order and other words' with no better success. 20. mine (Q 1) F . ( < Q 6) 'my'. 25. statuas (Steev. from Reed) F . Q 'Statues'. Cf. O.E.D. 'statua' and Caes. 2. 2. 76, n. breathing stones Cf. Hoi. 7 2 8 / K M o r e , 66, 'they stood as they had beene turned into stones for woonder of this shamefull sermon'. 33. in..:himself 'on i i s own responsibility' (G.M.). 40. wisdoms (Q 1) F. (<) 6) 'wifdome'. 42. What...they! (Camb.) F . ' W h a t . . .they,' Al. 'What,...they?'.




43. No., .lord F. and Al. omit. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 146. 45. intend Cf. 3. 5. 8. 48. between.. .churchmen Cf. 3. 7. Mat, 49. make (F.) Qq 'build'. N.B. Q 1 catches at the wrong metaphor; v. G. 'ground'. 51. the maid's part etc. Cf. Tilley, M34, 'Maids say nay and take it'; O.D.E.P. p. 397; and Ovid, Amoves, 1. v. 15-16, 'quae cum ita pugnaret, tamquam quae vincere nollet, | victa est'. 5 2-3. if you. . . myself 'if you play your part as well as I can pky mine' (G.M.). 54. we'll (Qq 'week') F. (+A1.)'we\ F. makes improb., if not imposs., grammar. 55. to the leads In More Ric. 'stood aboue in a gallerie'. S.D. F. 'Enter the Maior, and Citizens'. 56. dance attendance 'wait to be admitted' (Wright). Cf. H. Fill, 5. 2. 31. 57. S.D. F. 'Enter Catesby'. 58. Catesby (Pope; J.C.M.) F.+Al. 'Now Catesby'. Q 1 'Here corns his feruant: how now Catesby'. The collator should have deleted 'now' as well as the rest. Cf. 1. 83, n. 70. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 72. lolling F. Qq 'lulling'a variant sp. With 'love-bed', cf. 'day-bed' Tw. Nt. 2. 5. 48. 77. watchful v. G. and 5. 3. 115. 82. Here.. .again (F. not Qq) Poss. a S.D. which has slipped into the text; cf. 'Ring the bell' F. Macb. 2. 3. 80. Omit it, andI.83 (without'How now') would complete the rest of 1.82. YetitsechoinQatl. 58suggests it was spoken on the stage. S.D. F. 'Enter Catesby'. 83. Now (F.) Q 'How now'. Here 'Now' seems more apt than in 1. 58. But v. last note. 84. He wonders Edd. read 'My lord'( < Qq) at beg. of Cat.'s speech to complete 1. 83. Cf. 1. 82, n.




91. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 93. 'tis much v. G. 'much*. 94. zealous v. G. S.D. F. 'Enter Richard aloft, between two Bifhops.' 98-9. Qq omit. 99. ornaments 'Includes the attendant bishops' (Wright). 108. But leaving this A Greene cliche; cf. Friar Bacon, 830, Orlando (frequent), Works, iv. 64, 89,172, 187, etc. See also 1 T.R. ix. 15. 118. majestical Cf. H. F, 4. I. 263. 120. due F. 'Deaw'. 125. her (Pope<Q 1) F. ( < Q 6) 'his'. 126. Her (Pope<Qi) F . ( < Q 6 ) 'His'. 127. Her (Pope) F. 'His'. Q om. 1. 127. I conj. that ' H e r ' was prob. altered to 'His' in 11. 126, 127 by the compositor to accord with F. ( < Q 6) 'his', overlooked by corrector in 1. 125. 127. Her.. .plants Mai. cites Dr Shaw's text, 'Bastard slips shall neuer take deep root', Wisdom iv. 3 (Hoi. 727 <More, 64). 133-6. Not as.. .own For construction, v. In trod, p. xxxvi. 144-53. If'not.. .answeryou Qqomit. 158. ripe v. G. revenue v. G. 166. much... there need ' I much need the ability requisite to give you help, if help were needed' (J.). 168. stealing hours Cf. 5. 3. 85; Son. 104, 10. 175. the respects.. .trivial the considerations you urge are at once over subtle and unimportant. 180. Tour mother etc. Cf. 1. 5, n. 182. Bona.. .France The chron. differ. In Hoi. (667) she is sister of the French queen, in Hoi. (726<More, 58) daughter of the Spanish king; in Hardyng (502) alone sister to the French king. 183. petitioner Cf. 3 H. VI, 3. 3.




185. A.. .widow Cf. 1. 1. 81, 110, n. 187. purchase, v. G. 188. Seduced.. .degree Abstract for concrete; v. G. 'pitch', 'degree'. 189. bigamy Alluding to his previous contracts; but marriage with a widow was bigamy ace. to canon law [Wright]; and his mother actually charged Ed. IV with this crime ace. to Hoi. 726/2 <More 60. 193. to some alive i.e. his mother. Cf. 3.5. 8591,11. 196. benefit v. G. dignity v. G.; 2 H. VI, 3. 1. 338, n. 198. draw forth v. G. 200. true-deriv/d. Theob.'s hyphen. 211. effeminate remorse tender pity. Cf. I. 2. 156. 212. kindred (Y.) Q 'kin'. Cf. 1. 1. 95, n. 214. whe'er (Theob.) 219. Zounds! I'll (gq) F. 'we will'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 158. 220. O, do.. .Buckingham. (Qq) F. omits, Cf. Note on Copy, p. 158. S.D. (J.D.W.) F.'Exeunt' but not 'omnes', since Glouc. and Cat. keep it up. 222. If.. .rue it Q 1 gives to 'Ano.' 224. stone (Pope; Craig) F. Qq 'ftones'. The plur. in Lear 5. 3. 257 and Hoi. (cited 1. 25 above) is used with a plur. subject. Here 'the sing, is much more idiomatic' (A.W.). 226. S.D. F. 'Enter Buckingham, and the reft.' 229. whe'er (Steev.) F. 'where', no, F. 'no.'. 233. Tour mere enforcement 'the simple fact that you have compelled me' (G.M.). acquittance A verb of Greene's coinage (cf. Works, viii. 16). O.E.D. gives one more instance only {Paston Letters). 247. cousin (Pope<Q 1) F . 'coufins'. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.




4.1. Material. Contents of the sc. imaginary, except for references to Ric.'s coronation and to Richmond (v. notes).

S.D. Loc. (Theob.) Entry (after Camb.) F. 'Enter the Queene, Anne Duchefle of Gloucefter, the Duchefle of Yorke, and Marqueffe Dorset'. 1. niece v. G. 2. Led in Cf. K. Joh'n, 2. 1. 236. 4. princes (Theob.) F. Qq 'Prince', cf. 1. 10. 10. gratulate Favourite word with Peele and Greene. Cf. Tit. 1.1. 221; Looking glass for London, 1- 5311. S.D. F.'Enter the Lieutenant'. 18-19. The King...Protector In T.T. (1. 1271) Ed. V. is similarly taken aback when, catching sight of Tyrrel in the Tower, he is told the man is one 'appointed by the king' to assist Brakenbury [Skottowe]. Cf. Sh. Qyart. pp. 303-4. 26. take.. .thee i.e. take on your office. 27. ;V=office. 28. S.D. F. 'Exit Lieutenant. | Enter Stanley.' 32-3. to Westminster etc. The coronation is described in Hoi. 733-4 (<Hall, 376; not More). 34-6.\ (Al.<F.) Most edd. divide like Q 'heart | M a y . . .swoon | With'. 34. lace i.e. of the bodice or stays. Cf. Wint. 3. 2. 172; Ant. 1. 3. 7 1 . 36. dead-killing Cf. Lucr. 540 'a cockatrice' deadkilling eye'. 42. outstrip Continues the image in 'dogs'. go cross v. G. 'cross (adv.)'. 43. Richmond After Tewkesbury he had been sent to Brittany. Cf. 3 H. VI, 4. 6. 92-102. In Hoi. (743) Dorset goes with the Qu. into sanctuary, joins Buck.'s rebellion, and later escapes to Brittany.




46-7. Margaret's curse Cf. I. 3. 209, echoed in 50. my son i.e. his stepson Richmond. Cf. I. 3.
20-9, n.

53. ill-dispersing v. G. Theob.'s hyphen. 54. the bed of death 'i.e. the birth-place of death' (Schmidt). 55-6. A cockatrice.. .murderer Cf. Lucr. 540 (cited 1. 36, n.). 59-61. that the inclusive.. .brains 'She seems to allude to the ancient mode of punishing a regicide. . . by placing a crown of iron, heated red-hot, upon his head' (Steev.). v. G. 'verge', 'round'. 66. No? Why, when (J.D.W.) F. 'No: why? When'. Al. 'No, why? When'. 70. followed (J.D.W.) F. 'follow'd:'. 73. so old a widow she feels she had been a widow many years, so slowly has the time passed since he died. 75. somade (Ferrers; A.W.) Q 'fo madde,' F. (edd.) 'fo mad,' Q 6 'fo badde'. Despite F.'s correction of Q 6, Ferrers's conj. is surely correct. [A.W.] 76. life (F.) Q 'death'. Cf. 1. 2. 27-8, n. 82. mine F.(<Q 6) Q 1 (Al.) 'my'. But here Q 6 prob. tallies with the MS.; 'mine' is more normal and the collator corrected the previous word [Maxwell]. 84. golden.. .sleep Cf. Caes. 2. 1. 230, n; Tit. 2. 3. 26, n.; Peele, Garter, 422, 'her golden sleep'. 85. his timorous dreams After the murder of the Princes, Hoi. (73 5/2<More 85) writes, King Ric. 'neuer thought himself sure' and 'tooke ill rest a nights, laie long waking and musing. . .rather slumbered than slept, troubled with fearefull dreames, suddenlie sometime start vp, lept out of his bed, and ran about the chamber'. Cf. 4. 2. 70, the dreams in 5-3-, and Macbeth passim.
R. Ill 16



90. Farewell.. .glory/ (so Qq) F. gives to 'Dors,' Cf. Note on Copy, p. 148. 96. Eighty Actually sixty-eight at this date and lived for another twelve years [Wright]. 98-104. Q. Eliz. Stay. . .farewell Qq omit. 104. sorrow (Rowe) F. 'Sorrowes'. The sing, personifies. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'. 4.2. Material. Based on incidents in Hoi. or Hall, rearranged and often differently interpreted: e.g. (i) they attribute the breach between Ric. and Buck. (11. 1-31, 80-119) to Ric.'s refusal to grant him the Hereford title and property (Hoi. 736/1 <More, 87; Hall, 382) not to Buck.'s refusal to assent to the murder of the Princes, though Buck, tells Morton later that he 'neuer agreed nor condescended* to that crime (Hoi. 739/2<Hall, 387; not in More); (ii) Though the Tyrrel episode follows Hoi. (734/2 < More, 81) closely, it there takes place at Warwick and after Brakenbury had refused to comply with Ric.'s orders (cf. 11. 34ff., n.). Other points derive as follows: rumours of Anne's sickness (11. 48-50, 56, v. note) from Hoi. 731/1 < Hall, 407; plan to marry Princess Eliz. (11. 59-61) from Hoi. 752/* < Hall, 407; disposal of Clar.'s daughter (11. 51-2) from Hoi. 752/2 (v. note); idiocy of Clar.'s son (1. 53) from Hoi. 787/2; Dorset's flight from Hoi. 743 (v. 4. 1. 43, n.); warning to Stanley (11. 84, 89-90) from Hoi. 746/KHall, 398; H. VI's prophecy (11. 92-3) from Hoi. 678/2 < Hall, 287; the omen of Rougemont near Exeter (11. 100-4) from Hoi. 7 4 6 / K Hooker, the chronicler of Exeter; Buck.'s flight to Brecknock (11.119-20) from Hoi. 736/2 < More, 88. S.D. Loc. (Camb.) Entry (Camb.) F. 'Sound a Sennet. Enter Richard in pompe, Buckingham, Catesby, Ratcliffe, Louel'. > 'the Trumpets found, Enter Richard crowned, Buckingham, Catesby, with other Nobles'. 3. S.D. F. 'Sound'. Q 'Here he afcendeth the throne'.

4. a.



8. play the touch act like a touchstone; v. G. 'touch (sb.)', 'current'. io. Young Edward lives etc. Cf. the hints to Hubert, K. John, 3. 3. sgff16. That.. .prince (Qq, F.+my commas) Theob. +most edd. place 'true noble prince' in parenthesis, as if a mocking repetition. But Wright, following Q, F. punctuation, points out that the 'bitter consequence' (or sequel) was that Edward still lived as the true prince (or legitimate heir). Al. prints 'should livetrue noble prince!' which seems obscure. Cf. Ric.'s echo of Stanley, 4. 4. 476. 19-20. suddenly.. .suddenly (F.; Qq) 'The repetition is suspicious' (J.C.M.).Poss. inl. 19'imrr>ediately', a word the report gives in 1. 26 for 'presently'. 26. presently v. G. S.D. F. 'Exit Buck.'. 27. gnaws his lip A trick noted by More (cf. 3. 4. 57, n.) and by Polydore, p. 227, from whom Hoi. (760) takes it. 28. iron-witted Not, I think, 'unfeeling' (Schmidt; Onions) but 'obtuse' (cf. G.). S.D. (Mai.). 30. look...eyes scrutinize me with calculating eyes. Cf. Ant. 4. 15. 27-8. 31. High-reaching Cf. 2 H. VI, 3. 1. 158, 'that reaches at the moon'. 33 F. Know'st thou etc. Ace. to Hoi. (734/2 <More, 82), after Brak.'s (not Buck.'s) refusal to murder the Princes (cf. Mat.), Ric. learns from 'a secret page of his' that Tyrrel, whose ambitious designs Ratcliffe and Catesby had hitherto thwarted ('longing for no mo parteners of the princes fauour'), would be prepared for any task the king commanded him. 34. close v. G. exploit v. G. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 36. haughty spirit Cf. Hoi. 734/2: 'The man had a high heart, and sore longed vpward'.




40. partly v. G. boy (F.; Al.) Pope 4-most edd. om. Qq 'prefently'. 43-4. heldont.. . breath? Metaphor from the chase. 44. S.D. (F.). 45. How...Stanley! F. Qq add 'what's the newes', which I agree with Collier (ap. Camb., note xviii) is 'an interpolation'. 47. S.D. (Camb.). 48-60. Rumour.. .marry her! These rapidly conceived and various projects, drawn from widely separated passages in Hoi. (v. Mat.), create an effect at once of intellectual brilliance and of over-excitement. 51-2. Inquire.. .daughter Cf. 4. 3. 37. Ten years old at this date, she was later created Countess of Salisbury and married by Henry VII to his cousin, Sir Richard Pole (cf. Hoi. 703/2). Stone (396) suggests that she is here confounded with her first cousin, Ed. IV's younger daughter, Cecily, and quotes Hoi. 752/2 who writes that in 1485, tidings were brought [to Richmond] that king Richard (being without children, & now a widower) intended shortlie to marie the ladie Elizabeth his brothers daughter; and to prefer the ladie Cicilie hir sister to a man found in a cloud [=in obscurity] and of an vnknowne linage and familie. 53. foolish i.e. an idiot. Ace. to Hoi. 787/2 having been kept in the Tower from infancy by Henry VII (not Ric. as stated in 4. 3. 36) the boy became 'a verie innocent'. In 1499 he was executed for supposed conspiracy with Perkin Warbeck. 54. Look.. .dream'st 'Even Catesby is staggered for a moment at the nature of the orders' (G.M.). 56. stands. . .upon v. G. 57. S.D. (after Cap.) F. omits. 59. stands.. .glass Cf. Sapho & Phao, 1.1.4 [Lyly ii, 373] 'Who climeth, standeth on glasse'.



61-2. I am.. .sin Cf. Macb. 3. 4. 136-8, 'I am in blood I stepped in so far that should I wade no more, | Returning were as tedious as go o'er'. 63. S.D. (Cap.) F. 'Enter TyrreT. 68. ? lease... I had (A.W.<Pope, 'Please you, I'd') F. (+A1.) 'Pleafeyou: I But I had' Q 1-2 'I my Lord, but I had'. 69. there (Q+most edd.) F.+Al. 'then'. 'Why, there thou hast it' is the reg. Sh. idiom (cf. 1 H. IV, 3. 3. 13, 'Why, there is it'). I conj. the sp. 'ther' (cf. Sh.'sHand, p. 134. and MSH. 107) was misread 'then'. 70. Foes.. .disturbers. Cf. Macb. pp. lx-lxi. 71. deal upon deal with. 76. S.D. (F.). 77. no more but so nothing but that. Cf. Ham. 1.3.

79. S.D. F. 'Exit.' I 'Enter Buckingham*. 82. Dorset.. .Richmond Cf. 4. 1. 43, n. 84. Stanley...look unto it Ace. to Hoi. (746/1) Rio charges Stan, 'to keepe hir [his wife] in some secret place' and so cut her off from communicating with her son [Richmond]. Cf. 11. 89-90. look unto it (J.D.W.) F. (+Al.) 'well, looke vnto it', Qq ( + most edd.) 'Wei looke to it'. The F. is halfcorrected. Hereford(F 2) F.'Hertford', Qq'Herford'. 87. Th'earldom etc. Cf. 3. 1. 194-6, n. 92-4. / do remember.. .boy Cf. 3 H. VI, 4. 6. 70-6; Hoi. 678/2. 96-113. My lord...vein to-day (Q 1). F. omits, prob. on political grounds. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 159. Based not only on Hoi. 746/1 (the prophecy of Ric.'s death; cf. Al., Sh.'s H. VI, pp. 159f.) but also on Hoi. 739/2:
He did not onelie first delaie me, and afterward denaie me, but gaue me such vnkind words, with such tawnts & retawnts, ye, in manner checke and checkemate to the




vttermoste proofe of my patience as though I had neuer furthered him, but hindered him j as though I had put him down, and not set him vp. a passage which clearly 'supplies the suggestion for the manner in which the snubbing is administered' (Patrick, p. 143). 98. / being by He was not by at the time; v. 3H. FI, 4. 6. 68 ff. him i.e. the prophet. Cf. 3 H. FI, 5. 6. 57, 'Die, prophet'. I I I . a Jack Grossly insulting; v. G. 'Jack*. keetfst the stroke Double meaning; v. G. 'keep'. 114. resolve me set my mind at rest. 115. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 116-17. repays...for this Cf. Hoi. 739/2 cited 11. 97-114, n. 119. Brecknock A manor in Wales where Buck, kept Morton in custody ace. to Ric.'s orders (Hoi. 733) and to which he fled after the breach with Ric. (Hoi. 736). S.D. F. 'Exit'.

4-3Material. LI. 1-35 based on Hoi. 735/1 < More, 83; but they give no hint of any remorse on the part of the murderers; e.g. Tyrrel ' r o d e . . . i n great hast to King Richard, and shewed him all the maner of the murther; who gave him great thanks, and (as some saie) there made him knight'. See nn. below for special parallels, as also for the sources of 11. 40-8.

S.D. Loc. 'The same' (Cap.), 'later' (J.D.W.). Entry F. Sc.-division introduced by Cap.+edd.; no shift of place hinted at in dialogue; and the foreshortening of time is normal. 1-23. The tyrannous and bloody act etc. Tyrrel's high-flown pathos serves to intensify at once the horror




and pity of the audience and the blackness of Ric.'s crime. 3. That ever etc. F. begins a new page here, and Tyrrel's speech becomes 'full of errors, due to hasty setting' (A.W.). Cf. Note on Copy, p. 160. 4. whom I (Q 1) F. 'who I*. Cf. 1. 3. 327, n. 5. this. . .ruthless (Pope, etc.) Q 1 'this ruthless peece of, Q 6 'this ruthfull peece of, F. ( + Rowe,etc.) 'this peece of ruthfull'. F. is half-corrected. Cf. p. 151. piece=masterpiece. 6. fleshed v. G. More describes Miles Forrest as 'a fellow fleshed in murther before time'. 7. Melting (Q 1; A.W.) F. 'Melted'. 8. two (Q 1; edd.) F. 'to'. death's (Collier) F. 'deaths'. Most edd. 'deaths". 9-13. 0 thus.. .other Sharon Turner (v. Furness, p. 611) compares the Babes in the Wood, slain by two villains at the order of a wicked uncle; a tale prob. known to Sh. and if so perh. recalled to his mind by the name Forrest. 11. alabaster F. 'Alablafter'the usual 16th c. sp. Cf. Oth. 5. 2. 5, and Lucr. 419. N.B. all three exx. associate a sleeping victim before death with a recumbent figure upon a tomb. 12-13. Their lips.. .other Cf. M.N.D. 3. 2. 20811.

13. trhich(Q 1-5)Q6'When'. F.(+some)'And' prob. a correction of Q 6. Cf. pp. 1502. 15. 0*w(Q)F.'one''. 17. Whilst (Q) F.'When'. 18. The most replenished Cf. Wint. 2. 1. 79. 20. all o'er-gone (J.C.M. i960) F. Qq 'both are gone'. Cf. p. 258. 23. S.D. F. 'Enter Richard'. 24. Kind v. G. An apt epithet! 29-30. The chaplain. . .know. Hoi. states that the murderers first buried them 'at the staire foot' but




that later at Ric.'s orders 'a priest of. . . Brakenberies tooke vp the bodies againe and secretlie interred them in such place, as. . .could neuer since come to light'. 31. soon. . ,supper=towards late supper; v. G. 'soon at', 'after-supper'. soon at (Q) F. 'foone, and'. after-supper Staunton's hyphen. Cf. T.T. 1. 997, 'soone at night you shall speake with him' (i.e. Tyrrel). 32. tell the process Cf. Merck. 4 . 1 . 271; Ham. 3. 3. 29. 33. do.. .good v. G. 'good (ii)'. thee (Q) F. 'the'. 34. inheritor v. G. 35. S.D. F. omits exit. 36. 2 % JO*. . .close Cf. 4. 2. 53, n. 38. Abraham's bosom Cf. Luke xvi. 22; R. II, 4. 1. 104. 39. Anne.. .goodnight She died 16 March 1485, 'either by inward thought and pensiuenesse of hart, or by infection of poison, which is affirmed to be most likelie'(Hoi. 751/1; Hall, 407). 4 0 - 1 . Breton (Cap.+edd.) F. (+A1.)'Britaine'. Richmond aims etc. Ace. to Hoi. (745/2 < More 101-2) he swore on 25 Dec. 1483 in the presence of Dorset and other English nobles to marry 'the ladie Elizabeth' immediately 'after he shuld be possessed of the crowne'. 42. looks.. .crown lifts a haughty eye towards the crown. 43. S.D. (F.). 46. Morton is fled Ace. to Hoi. (741< Hall, 390) after plotting with Buck, in favour of Richmond 'secretlie disguised, in a night departed (to the dukes great displeasure). . .and so sailed into Flanders, where, he did the earle of Richmond good seruice'. 47-8. Buckingham.. .in the field. Ace. to Hoi.




(743; Hall, 393), Ric. hearing of Buck.'s plots temporized with him until he could collect an army, but in the end each at the head of a large force (Buck.'s being 'a great power of wild Welshmen') advanced towards the other. Cf. 4. 4. 511-12, n. 513. fearful.. .beggary timorous discussion only leads to delay, and delay leads to helpless and torpid ruin. leads (Q) F. 'leds\ 55. Jove's Mercury Cf. Marlowe, Ed. II, 1.4. 370, 'As fast as Iris or Jove's Mercury'. and herald'=and therefore herald. Cf. Abbott, 9 5 ; Franz, 590. 56. my counsel.. .shield i.e. 'Deliberation is useless; we must fight'. (G.M.) 57. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

Material. The sc. as a whole is imaginary. But see Hall, 406 and Hoi. 750/2 for 11. 199-431. In chron. Ric. tries to persuade her only to desert Richm. and be reconciled to him. Anne not being yet dead, the idea of marrying Eliz.'s daughter is not broached to her, though that, it is made clear, is his real purpose. S.D. F. heads it 'Scena Tertia' v. 4. 3. (head). hoc. (Cap.). Entry (F.). 1-2. now.. .death Cf. Marston, Antonio's Revenge (1599), 5. 1. 8-10, 'now is his fate growne mellow, | Instant to fall into the rotten jawes | Of chap-falne death' [Steev.]. Cf. also K. John, 2. 1. 456. 5. induction v. G. 6. will to France Cf. 1. 3. 167, n. 8. S.D. (Camb.) F.'Enter Dutchefle and Queene'. 10. unblown (Q) F. 'vnblowed'. Cf. Oth. 3. 3. 182 (F.) 'blow'd', for which the same F. compositor was responsible [A.W.]. But '(un)blowed' is poss.




12. doom v. G. 13. Hover.. .wings Cf. Ham. 3. 4. 103. 15. right for right 'justice answering to the claim for justice' (J.). Cf. 5. 1. 29. 16. infant morn 'bright young lives' (G.M.). agid night the night that death brings to the old. 18. woe-wearied Cf. Rom. 5. 3. 112, 'worldwearied'. 20. doth quit requites. 21. a dying debt a debt which only his death could payalluding to 'Death pays all debts' (Tilley, D148). Cf. 1H. 7^,3.2.157. 22-4. Wilt thou, O God etc. Cf. Mad. 4. 3. 223, 'Did heaven look on, | And would not take their part?' For 'fly.. .lambs.. .wolf, cf. John x. 12, and for 'sleep' v. 1. 3. 288, n. 26. Dead life etc. The oxymoron, esp. in moments of emotion, is characteristic of Sh.'s early style. Cf. Rom. 3. 2. 73-85. 29. Rest thy unrest Cf. Tit. 4. 2. 31; echo of Kyd's Sp.Trag. 1.3. 553. 13.29. 30, 34, 38. S.D. (after Camb.) F. omits. 37-8. hand. If.. .society, (Warb.) F. 'hand, If... society.' 39. Tell.. .mine (Q) F. omits. Cf. p. 145. o'er (Theob.+later edd.) Q 'ouer'. Cf. Note on Copy, pp. 154-5. 40. an Edward etc. Cf. 5 H. VI, 5. 5. 39. 41. Harry (Camb.) Q 'Richard', F. 'hufband'. A name is clearly required by the context; 'Richard' is as clearly wrong, while 'husband' looks like" an attempt to correct 'Richard' [Spedding]. Read 'Harry' and 1. 41 reiterates 1. 25, while it gives -point to 1. 59. 42. an Edward i.e. Ed. V. 43. a Richard i.e. young York. 44. a Richard i.e. York in 5 H. VI.




45. Rutland Ric. not present in 3 H. VI, 1. 3. 47. holp'st (Q 3) F. 'hop'ft'. 52-3. That excellent. ..That reigns F. reverses these lines; Cap. rearranged. 55-6. O upright.. .How do I Cf. the similar turn of phrase in Merch. 4. 1. 221,'O wise young judge, how I do honour thee!' [Furness]. carnal v. G. 57. Preys F. 'Prayes'. 64. 7 % *Afer (g) F. 'The other'. 65. A*/ A?o/ only makeweight; v. G. 'boot*. 71. intelligencer v. G. 72. reserved.. .factor i.e. not yet sent to hell only so that he may act as their commercial agent. to buy souls As he had bought Anne's, Buckingham's, etc. 77. Cancel his bond of life Cf. Macb. 3. 2. 49-50; Cymb. 5. 4. 28. Exact meaning uncertain; perh. derived from Romans viii. 21, 'the bondage of corruption', or merely a development of the metaphor 'lease of life' (v. 2 H. FI, 4. 10. 5) or 'lease of nature' (Macb. 4. 1. 99). I plead (P. A. Daniel; J.D.W.) F.; Qq. ' I pray'. Cf. 'pray' (1. 75). 'Plead' fits the legal context and gives a rhyme for 'dead' (cf. F.Q. 1. x. 43). Marg.'s next two speeches end in rhyme. 79. prophesy See 1. 3. 245-6. In 1. 81 she repeats Marg.'s words, as Marg. herself does in 11. 82-3. 83-5. Shadow. . .painted.. .presentation. . .index .. .pageant v. G. All theatrical images. C. B. Young suggests that 'poor shadow' reminded Sh. of M.N.D. 5. 1. 210, 'the best in this kind are but shadows', and so evokes a cluster of player-images. 84. of but For this position of 'but' v. Abbott, 129, and Troil. 3. 3. 155, 'where one but goes abreast'.



86. a-high (Pope) F. >q 'a high*. 88-9. a garish flag.. .shot i.e. 'so brilliant an apparition that she might well be the aim of all the dangerous shots of envy' (Furness). Cf. Tit. 2. 1. 2-4, n. flag=standard-bearer; shot=marksman. 90. sign Emphatic. Cf. G.; Ado, 4. 1. 32; Oth. 1. 1. 157. 97. Decline v. G. 100. For queen.. .sues (Qq; Camb.) F . transposes the lines. 101. caitiff" v. G. 105. the course. ..about Cf. Tto. Nt. 5. 1. 376, 'Thus the whirligig of time brings in his revenges'. whirled (F.) Q 'wheel'd'. 107-8. wast, (edd.) F . 'waft. T o . . . art,' 112. weary head (Al.) F . 'wearied head' ( < Q 6 'wearied necke'); ) 1 'weary neck'. 118. nights...days (Q 1) F. (<>6) 'night... day'. 122. bad causer Steev.+some edd. 'bad-causer'. The hyphen 'destroys the true force of the epithet' (A.H.T.). 125. S.D. F.'Exit Margaret'. 126-31. Why should calamity.. .the heart Cf. 3 H. VI, 5. 5. 44. Thus Sh. forestalls criticism of Marg.'s 'deep extremes' {Tit. 3 . 1 . 216). Cf. Furness's comment (pp. 3234). 127-31. Windy.. .the heart Cf. Tit. 3. 1. 233-4; Mad. 4. 3. 209-10; and V.A. 333-6: So of concealed sorrow may be said; Free vent of words love's fire doth assuage: But when the heart's attorney once is mute, The client breaks, as desperate of his suit.


127. client (Q) F . 'Clients'. S. Walker conj. 'clients, woes'.




128. succeeders (Q; F.) A.W. suspects a common error, as a legal term seems wanted to parallel ' attorneys' and' orators'. If so,' recorders' might serve. intestate (Q) v. G. F. 'inteftine'apparently suggested to the F. compositor by flatulence! Cf. 'winds', 1. 127, and 'Let them have scope', 1. 130. 130. Let them have scope Cf. 2 H. VI, 3. 1. 176, and above 4. 1. 35. 135. S.D. F. 'Enter King Richard, and his Traine'. For the object of Ric.'s 'expedition' v. 4. 3. 47-8, n. 141. Where.. .right, (Rowe ii + many edd.) Qq 'Where.. .grauen, if.. .right', F. 'where't.. .branded, if.. .right?' The F. " t ' was prob. added to support the misleading query. 172. Thy age confirmed Thy maturity v. G. 'confirmed'. 173. harmfulkind(S. Walker+A1.) F. 'harmfull; Kinde'. Most edd.'harmful, Kind'. Qq omit the line. 176. Humphrey Hour F. 'Humfrey Hower'; Q 'Humphrey houre'. Unexplained. Rossiter (Durham Univ. Journal, Dec. 1938, p. 68, n. 25) suggests a reference to the hour when she was delivered of Ric. at birth; but this does not help with 'Humphrey', usually though doubtfully interpreted as alluding to 'dining with Duke Humphrey', i.e. going without a meal, like indigent gentlemen who loitered in Duke Humphrey's walk, old St Paul's, while others dined. Perh. an obs. expression familiar to Eliz. midwives. i88ff. curse etc. The curse gives a foretaste of 'all his victims will say to him the night before Bosworth field' (Stopford Brooke, ap. Furness). 189. tire A quibble; v. G. 196. attend = (a) wait upon, 'serve'; (i) wait for. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 199-432. Stay, madam.. .woman Part of this dialogue seemed to J. 'ridiculous and the whole




improbable', and Wright agreed. Both Hall (406) and Hoi. (750/2) marvel at the Queen's 'inconstancy' and make it clear that, having promised the princess to Richmond, she was later persuaded by Ric. to give her to him, and that she even orders Dorset 'to leaue the earle, and without delaie repaire into England'. Sh. leads the audience to accept this view in the present sc. and undeceives them almost immediately after, i.e. in 4. 5, when we learn/or thefirsttime that Queen Eliz. has 'heartily consented' to the match with Richmond. Sh. may have intended a counter-stroke to Ric.'s wooing of Anne: at one moment we feel he has triumphed once again over 'shallow-changing woman' and at the next that, since even a woman can now hoodwink him, his star must indeed have sunk. Yet if these were Sh.'s intentions he does not make them theatrically clear. Cf. 11.429-30, n. and Introd. p. xliv. 200. moe (Q 1) F. ( < Q 6 ) 'more'. 216. No (Pope; A.W.) F. Qq+Al. ' L o \ The change 'improves the sense and verbal patterning' (A.W.). births (Q; A.W.) F. 'birth'. Cf. 'lives' in 1. 217. 219. avoided grace i.e. one who has rejected the grace of God. 221. cousins! F. 'Cofins?' 222-35. K. Rich. You.. .bosom Qq omit. 226. indirectly gave directions Cf. Ham. 2. 1. 63;

K. John, 3. 1. 275-6.
228. whetted...heart Cf. 2 H. IF, 4. 5. 107; Merch. 4. 1. 123-4. 230. stilluse i.e.constantandhabitualindulgencein. 232-3. anchored. . .bay Cf. Son. 137. 6, 'If eyes corrupt by over partial looks | Be anchored in the bay where all men ride.' But here the image of a deer turning at bay seems also present. 234-5. Like aPoor bark e t c - Cf. S H. VI, 5. 4. 3 ff., for the image elaborated.




237. dangerous success hazardous issue. 239. you or yours (Q 1) F. (<Q 6) 'you and yours' echoes 1. 238 (F. Q 1). He 'intends' good to both, and has never harmed either. 245. The high... type Cf. Hoi. (671/2 < Hall, 270) 'the high type of his honour'; 3 H. VI, 1. 4.121, and G. 'type'. 248. demise The legal term ironically suggests that his claims are illegal. 251-2. in the Lethe drown Cf. 2 H. IF, 5. 2. 72, n. In Jen. vi. 713-15 it is the drinking of Lethe that brings forgetfulness. But the idea of immersion or drowning was current in Sh.'s day (e.g. see Mirror, pp. 246,1. 28; 268,1. io, though on p. 302, Induction, 1. i n , Sackville follows Vergil); and Root {Class. Myth, in Sh. p. 67) suggests that it may derive from Dante (Purg. 31. i o r ) . 254. the process.. .kindness i.e. the story of your kind intentions. 257. with her soul i.e. with all her heart. Cf. H. F. 3. 6. 8. 259. from v. G. A quibble continued in 11. 259-60. 269. wouldI (Q 1) F. ( < Q 6) 'I would'. 271. With all (Pope; A.W.) F. >q, 'Madam, with all'. 275. sometimes (Q, 1) F. ( < Q 6)'fometime'. Cf.

278. brother's body Rowe read 'brothers' bodies'. But the sing, pairs with 'Rutland's' and is enough for the purpose. That she knew the princes were smothered (v. 4. 4. 134) is beside the point. 285. this is (Q) F. 'this'. 289-343. Say.. .years? Qq omit. 290. hate Tyrwhitt conj. 'love' and Mason 'have' (ironical). 292. Look wi^/=whatever (v. G.).

23 6



293. .f/W/='cannot but' (Onions, citing this). deal act. 301. dotingv.G. 304. painv. G. 305. &Vv. G. 31 o-11. / cannot. . . I can Cf. Tilley, N 5 4 , ' He that will not when he may, when he would he shall have nay'. 323. orient pearl Cf. M.N.D. 4. 1. 53; Ant. 1. 5. 41; and G. 'orient'. 324-5. loan. . .Often times (Theob.) F . ' l o u e . . . Often-times'. One of Theob.'s triumphs. For'loan' (sp. 'lone') misprinted 'loue'-v. MSH. p. 108. 344. infer Cf. G. and 3. 5. 74, n.; 3. 7. 12, 32; 5. 3. 314. O.E.D. glosses this instance 'bring about, cause'; but Ric. is supplying her with arguments. 345. still-lasting Alexander's hyphen. 349. vail(F.) Qq ( + edd.) 'waile'. After 'high and mighty', 'vail' (v. G.) is clearly right. 352. fair happy. 353. fairly happily. last After 'last' (1. 351) this is suspicious. Poss. Sh. wrote 'stretch'. 356. subject love (Qq) F. (+many edd.) 'Subiect low'. 'Love' is needed in antithesis to 'loathes' (1. 357) [Wright]. 362. too quick (Qq) F. 'to quicke'. 365-6. Harp not...break (Q 1) F. reverses the lines because Q 6 omitted 1. 364 and the collator inserted it at the wrong place. Greg (Ed. Prob. p. 86, n. 2) notes this as enough by itself to prove the use of Q 6 as copy.
3 6 7 - 7 8 . Now by my George.. .most of all. Cf. Leir,

11. 1625-33:
Me/. That to be true, in fight of heauen I fweare. Leir. Sweare not by heauen, for feare of puniihment: The heauens are guiltleffe of fuch haynous acts. Mef. I fweare by earth, the mother of us all. Leir. Sweare not by earth; for fhe abhors to beare




Such baftards, as are murtherers of her fonnes. Mef. Why then, by hell, and all the deuils I fweare. Leir. Sweare not by hell; for that ftands gaping wide T o fwallow thee, and if thou do this deed.

378. God I God's (after Q) F. 'Heauen. | Heauens'. 380. The unity i.e. the reconciliation in 2. 1. 381. brothers (?) Qq 'brother'. Cf. 1. 3. 37, n. 382. hadst. . .by (F. gq) The g q have the same words in 1. 379, where F. corrects them to 'didd'st... with', and I suspect should have done so here also. 386. two tender (F. gq) Cap. (Roderick conj.) 'too tender'. 389. That thou hast wronged i.e. by filling it with sorrow. 391. Hereafter time i.e. the time to come. 392. The children Poss. she means Clarence's. 393. in their ( g 1) F. ( < g 6 ) 'with their'cf. 1. 395. in their age =when they grow old; 'with their age'=along with old age [G.M.]. 397. o'erpast ( g 1) F. 'repast'. J.C.M. suggests that the corrector accidentally struck through the ' o ' while altering 'mifufed' ( g 6) to 'ill-vs'd' (F.). 404. proceeding (F.) g'proceedings'. 408. to myself. . .the land He names himself first! [Delius]. 414. attorney Cf. 1. 127; 5. 3. 83. 418. peevish-fond ( g 1 'pieuifh, fond') F.'peeuifli found'. Mai. conj. hyphen. 421. forget. . .to be myself i.e. 'forget myself, the wronged mother, to be myself, the royal queenmother' (A.H.T.). 425. nest of spicery Alluding to the fabled nest in Arabia upon which the Phoenix was burnt and thus gave birth to a new phoenix [Steev.]. Cf. 3 H. VI, 1.4. 35, and Nashe, ii. 243, 23-5.




429-30. / go...mind In Cibber's version (v. p. xlviii ff.) she is given an aside here to indicate that she merely pretends to yield. L. 429 halts and is I suspect slightly corrupt. 431. S.D. (after J.) F. 'Exit >.\ 432. Relenting etc. Cf. Aen. iv. 569-70, 'Varium et mutabile semper Femina' [A.H.T.] and Hoi. (7 5 0/2 < Hall, 406), 'Suerlie the inconstancie of this woman were muche to be maruelled at' [Wright]. S.D. (Cap.) F. 'Enter Ratcliffe'. 434-539. on the western coast . . . with me. Telescoped and kaleidoscoped history. In Oct. 1483 Ric. marched towards Salisbury to meet Buck.; but cut off by floods (11. 511-14) from his Welsh levies Buck, was captured (1. 532), and executed at Salisbury (5. 1) on 31 Oct. Shortly after this Richmond put to sea (11. 463 ff.) with an invading army, but his navy was dispersed by tempest, and though he appeared ofFPoole in a single vessel and Ric. attempted to lure him ashore by causing false intelligence to reach him that the troops he could see on land were Buck.'s, he returned to France (11. 5228) and did not actually invade England until two years later (11. 533-5), while it was to help him repel this invasion that Ric. sends for the Duke of Norfolk (1. 441). 442. thyself The dash is Alexander's. 445. Ratcliffe; come (Rowe) F. 'Catesby come'. Not in Qq. The F. error may be set down to the collator, who had much to alter in Q 6 at this point, and may well have been puzzled by the dialogue. 446. S.D. (Rowe) Dull... villain Ric.'s irritable absent-mindedness here, indicative of his losing grip, is paralleled in Macb. 5. 3. 453. I go (F. Qq) Not needed, and prob. an actor's addition. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 457. S.D. (F.).




465. White-livered runagate Cf. 'lily-livered boy', Macb. 5. 3.15. By 'runagate' (v. G.) Ric. implies that Richm. is a renegade subject. 485. in the north The Stanleys had been since the 14th c. and still are the chief family in Lancashire and Cheshire. 491. Ay, ay, (Qq ' I , I,') F . ' I , ' . 495-6. leave behind.. .George Stanley Hoi. (751/2) notes Ric.'s great mistrust of 'lord Stanleie' whom he 'in no wise would suffer' to depart 'into his countrie to visite his familie... (as he openlie said, but the truth was, to the intent to be in perfect readinesse to receiue the earle of Richmond at his first arriuall in England) . . . before he had left as a hostage in the court George Stanleie, lord Strange, his first begotten sonne and heire'. 499. S.D. F. 'Exit Stanley. Enter a MefTenger.' 501-4. Sir Edward Courtney.. .the Guildfords These are named in Hoi. 743/1 as rising to support Buck, in 1483. 503, 506. S.D.s (F.). 508. owls.. .songs of death? Cf. Lucr. 165; Macb. 2. 2. 3 and 1 H. VI, 4. 2. 15. S.D. (after F.). you (SI 1) F . ( < Q 6 ) ' y e \ 511-12. by sudden foods etc. On pp. 743-4 Hoi. relates that Buck, was prevented from joining forces with his Welsh army by great floods which caused the Severn to overflow 'all the countrie adioining', so that he was compelled to fly, and 1000 was offered for his capture by a proclamation dated 23 Oct. 1483. 518. S.D. (F.). 519-20. Lovel.. .Dorset.. .in Yorkshire It is typical of the high-handed treatment of historical time in this scene that Hoi. (743/1) records this rising with those of Courtney in Devon and the Guildfords in Kent (v. 11. 500-5) as taking place in 1483 directly




after Dorset's escape from sanctuary and before his crossing the Channel to join Richmond, of which we heard as proposed in 4. 1. 39-43, and as accomplished in 4. 2. 45-7. 522-8. The Breton navy... Brittany Having heard in 1. 434 that Richmond's navy is 'on the western coast' (as it was in 1485) we are now told it is off Dorset (as it was in 1483). Cf. 11. 434-539, n. And in 11. 533-4 he had landed at Milford Haven! Breton (Cap.+edd.) F. 'Britaine'. 528. Hoised sail For Greene's use of 'hoise', V.2H.FI, 1. 1.167, n. 531. S.D. F.'Enter Catesby'. 535. tidings, yet (Q 1) F. 'Newes, but yet'<Q 6 'newes, yet'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 152. 536-7. towards Salisbury.. .lost This, which has no relation to Richmond's landing in 1485, is a relic of the campaign against Buck, in 1483. Cf. 11. 434539' n 539. S.D. F. 'Florifh. Exeunt'.

Material. The priest Christopher Urswick, afterwards a chaplain and ambassador to Henry VII, is mentioned by Hoi. (742/1 and Hall, 392) as a chaplain in 1483 to Henry's mother, the Countess of Richmond, who proposed sending him to her son in Brittany but then changed her mind and sent another messenger. Urswick's name is given prominence, however, in Hol.'s margin and thus offered itself to the dramatist as that of a confidential agent of the family. For the reference to George Stanley (1. 3), v. 4.4.495-6, n., and for the Queen's consent to the marriage with Richmond v. 4. 4. 199-432, n. The names in 11. 12-15 a r e c^ie^ by Hoi. (753/2 and 749/1) as among Richmond's supporters.; S.D. Loc. (Camb.+Hanmer) Entry F. 'Enter Derby and Sir Christopher'. Stanley has not been




called 'Derby' in F. since his first two entries at 1. 3. 16, and 2. 1. 95. For 'sir* v. G. Actually Urswick, a Doctor of Laws and Master of King's Hall Cambridge, should not be so addressed. 9. princely Cf. r. 3. 280, n. The style of this brief scene, if Sh.'s, is very perfunctory. 10. Ha'rford-west (Cap.) Q 'Harford-weft'. F. 'Hertford West'. 12. Sir Walter Herbert 'the second son of Sir William Herbert, a staunch Yorkist, created... in 1468 Earl of Pembroke' (French, p. 238). 13. Sir Gilbert Talbot correctly so called by Hoi. on 753/2 but 'Sir George Talbot' by Hall (411) in the corresponding passage. Uncle to the Earl of Shrewsbury. Sir William Stanley 'Derby's' brother, though Sh. seems unconscious of this. 14. Oxford... Sir James Blunt Mentioned earlier by Hoi. (749/1) as together crossing the sea to join Richmond in France. Blunt was the captain of Hames Castle in which Oxford had been confined after Tewkesbury (v. 3 H. FI, 5. 5. 2). redoubted Pembroke i.e. Jasper Tudor, Richmond's uncle. 15. Rice ap Thomas...crew As Richmond marched towards Shrewsbury he was met by this man 'with a goodlie band of Welshmen' (Hoi. 753/2). Cf. Hoi. (753/1), 'Sir Walter Herbert, with a great crue of men'. See G. 'crew'. a 1. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

Material. Hoi. (744/2 < Hall, 395) states that Buck, made a full confession in the hope that Ric. would grant him an interview which he 'sore desired', whether 'to sue for pardon. . .or whether he being brought to his presence would haue sticked him with a dagger'. [Cf. H. VIII, 1. 2. 193-9.] ' B u t . . . v p o n All Soules daie, without

i n - 17



arraignment or Judgement, he was at Salisburie in the open marketplace on a new scaffold beheaded and put to death'. Both Wright and G.M. wrongly state that Hoi. places the execution at Shrewsbury. S.D. Loc. (Pope + Cap.) v. Mat. Entry F. 'Enter Buckingham with Halberds, led to Execution.' Rowe added the Sheriff; the speeches at 11. 2, II being prefixed 'Sher.' in F. 4. Holy King Henry Cf. 1. 2. 8, n. 11. my lord (>) F. omits. 'Sir' would be too abrupt. 13-17. This is the Jay. ..trusted Cf. 2. 1. 29-40 (N.B. 'wife's allies', L 15). 19. the determined.. .wrongs 'the appointed time to which the punishment of my wrong-doing has been deferred' (G.M.). 23-4. force'.. .bosoms Cf. Caes. 5. 3. 95-6, 'Thy spirit... turns our swords | In our own proper entrails', and Ps. xxxvii. 14-15. 25. Margaret's curse Cf. 1. 3. 299-301. 29. Wrong.. .wrong i.e. this unjust death is only retribution for the unjust deaths I have been responsible for. S.D. F. 'Exeunt Buckingham with Officers'. 5.2. Material. Hoi. (754/2 < Hall, 412-13) records that Richmond marched from Shrewsbury to Lichfield and then on to Tamworth, while Richard on his part entered Leicester. And on the same page he emphasizes that many of those with Richard 'inwardlie hated' him 'woorse than a tode or a serpent'. S.D. Loc. (Hanmer) Entry (F.). 3. the bowels of the land i.e. the heart of the country. Cf. 1 H. VI, 1.1. 129, n.; 4. 7.425 Cor. 4. 5. 136.




6. Lines etc. The letter sent in 4. 5. 8. spoils (Cap.; J.D.W.). F. Qq 'fpoyl'd'. Edd. cite other exx. of a sudden change of tense in Sh., but in all the present is 'historic', while here it is genuine. F. prints 1. 8 in brackets. 9. wash v. G. 10. embowelled v. G. 11. centre F. 'Centry'. For the F. sp. v. O.E.D. 'Centry'. 12. Near (Qi) F. 'Ne're' < Q 6 'Neere'. 17, 19, 20. Q 1 assigns to ' 1 ' , ' 2 ' , and '3 Lo.' 20-1. He hath no friends etc. Cf. Macb. 5. 2. 1920; 5.4. 13-14. dearest v. G. 'dear'. 24. S.D. 'Exeunt Omnes'.

5-3Material. The incidents in this long scene closely follow the events as described in Hoi. (753/1-760/1 < Hall, 413-20) with slight variations noted below. S.D. Loc. (Pope) Entry (Camb.) F. 'Enter King Richard in Armes, with Norfolke, Ratcliffe, and the Earle of Surrey'. Surrey, Norfolk's son, later victor at Flodden, becomes Norfolk in H. Fill. 3. g i assigns to 'Cat.' 5. ^ . ^ = eh? Cf. 1. 2. 238,11. 1 o. six or seven Hoi. says not above five. 11. trebles Hoi. 'double so much'. 12. the king's name etc. Cf. Prov. xviii. 10, 'The name of the Lord is a strong tower' [Douce]. 16. direction Cf. 11. 236, 302, and G. 18. S.D.iQ.D.W.) F.'Exeunt', ii (Camb.<Cap.) F. 'Enter Richmond, Sir William Brandon, Oxford, and Dorfet.' 19-21. The weary sun. ..tomorrow Cf. Ric.'s words, 11. 283-7.




22. Sir...standard Cf. Hoi. (759/1): 'King Richard set on so sharplie at the first brunt that he ouerthrew the earles standard and slue Sir William Brandon his standard-bearer' (cf. 5. 5. 14). 25. Limit v. G. 28. you (edd.) F. 'your'. 34-41. Where is...note In Hoi. (755/1) the meeting with Stanley takes place in a town near Bosworth before Richmond encamps there. 46. S.D. i. (F.) ii (Cap.) F. 'Enter Richard, Ratcliffe, Norfolke & Catesby'. 47-end of play. F. is printed from Q 3, apparently uncollated with any MS. Q 1 is therefore the best text available here. See Note on Copy, pp. 142-3. 50. beaver v. G. 54. sentinels (F.) Q 1-3 'CentinelT. 57. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 58-9. K. Richard. Catesby! Catesby. My lord? (as in Pope). )q 1-3 'Xing. Catesby! Rat. My Lord.' F. 'Rick. Ratcliffe. Rat. My Lord.' F. alters the speech to accord with the incorrect prefix in <j). 59-62. Send out.. .night Cf. 11. 342ff., n. 62. S.D. (after edd.) F. omits. 63. watch '(?)= watch-light, or candle divided into sections which burn through a definite time; but perhaps=sentinel' (Onions). Marshall suggests 'timepiece'. 64. Saddle white Surrey suggested by the 'great white courser' on which Ric. had entered Leicester (Hoi. 754/2). Other reff. to the horse in 11. 177, 289; 5. 4. 4, 7-8. 65. staves v. G. 'staff'. 6677. The metre suggests there is something Wrong with the text here; cf. 11. 72-5, n. 68. Sazv'st thou (Qq) In F. 'thou' is crowded out of the line. the.. .Northumberland Suspected by Ric; when it

5. 3 .



came tofightinghe stood aside 'with a great companie and intermitted not in the battelT (Hoi. 759/2). 72. A bowl of wine (J.C.M. i960) F. Qq 'Give me a bowl of wine'. He has already asked for it at 1.63 and may well be brusque here (J.C.M.). 73-4. / have not.. .to have Hoi. 755/1 speaks of Ric. 'not vsing the alacritie and mirth of mind and countenance as he was accustomed to doo before he came toward the battell'. 78. S.D. i (J.D.W.) F. 'Exit Ratclif.' u F. 'Enter.. .tent'+Camb. 79 ff. Cf. 11. 34-41, n. 82. loving {Q 1) F. (<Q 3) 'noble'caught from I.81. 86. Jlaky 'streaked with light'(G.M.). ButO.ED. glosses 'consisting of flakes...^, of snow'; and coming from Q 3, the word is suspect. Poss. Sh. wrote 'fleckled'; cf. Rom. 2. 3. 3. (New Sh.'). 90. mortal-staring v. G. The hyphen is Steev.'s. 91. / would I (edd.<Q 3) F. 'I would. I'. Cf. 4. 4. 310-ir, n. 100. sund'red F. 'fundred' Q$ 'fundired' Qx 'fundried'. 104. strive with i.e. 'strive against' (Vaughan). thoughts (Qq) F. 'noife' a strange error. Yet, it has been observed, 'troubled thoughts' seem inconsistent with Richm.'s calm assurance elsewhere. Cf. 1. 149. 105. leaden slumber i.e. the heavy sleep that overtakes one after a sleepless night. Cf. Lucr. 124. 107. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Exeunt. Manet Richmond'. Q 3 'Exeunt'. 108-17. O Thou.. .still Cf. the humbler tone of H. V's prayer before Agincourt (H. V,\. 1. 285-301). n o . bruising irons v. G. 'bruise'. O.E.D. does not countenance Herford's gloss, 'battle-axes'. 112. Th'(F.) Q 1 (+edd.) 'The'.




114. the victory (Q 1) Q 3 'thy victor/'which is attractive. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 144. 116. windows Cf. G. and Caes. G. 117. S.D. i (F.). ii (J.D.W.) F. 'Enter the Ghoft of Prince Edward, Sonne to Henry the fixt.' 118-76. T H E GHOSTS. These appear in the order of their death, and so recapitulate crime by crime the whole catalogue. In Q 1-2 the young Princes enter before Hastings; the chronology is restored in Q 3, which suggests deliberate correction. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 143. For the style of their speeches, v. Introd. p. xxxiv. Ric.'s dream, or at least what he says as he awakes (11. 177 S.), is suggested by Hoi. 735/2 (cited 4. 1. 85, n.) and 755/1:
The fame went that he [ R i c ] had the same night a dreadful and terrible dreame: for it seemed to him, being asleepe, that he did see diuerse images like terrible diuels, which pulled and haled him, not suffering him to take anie quiet or rest...But I thinke this was no dreame but a punction and pricke of his sinfull conscience.

118. S.D. F. ' G h . toRi.' 119. stab'st (F.) Past tense. 121. S.D. F.'Ghoft to Richm.'. 123. S.D. (i) (J.D.W.). Cf. 1. 176 S.D., n. (ii) after F. 124. S.D. (Q 1) F. omits. 125. deadly (Q 1) Omitted later. 128. S.D. (F.). 129. prophesied Cf. 3 H. VI, 4. 6. 68-76. 130. thy sleep (Qq) F. 'fleepe'. 'Thy' is emphatic. S.D. (i) J.D.W. (ii) after F. 131. S.D. F. omits, on (Q 5) Qq 1-4 F. (+some edd.) 'in'. Cf. 1. 118. 132. fulsome A pregnant word; v. G. and 1.4.157.




13$./a/I let fall. 136. S.D. (F.). 138. S.D. (i) J.D.W. (ii) after F. 139. g i heads this 'King'; Q 3 corrects to 'Riu.' and F. follows. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 143. on (Q 5) >q 1-4, F. (+some edd.) 'in'. Cf. 1. 131, n. 141. S.D. (edd.). 142. S.D. (edd.). 144. S.D. (after F.). 145. S.D. (i) J.D.W. (ii) F. 'Enter the Ghoft of Lord Haftings.' 146. S.D. (edd.). 148. despair ()q. F.) Pope 'and despair'. I conj. 'think, despair'. 149. S.D. F. 'Haft, to Rich.' 150. S.D. (after F.). 151. S.D. (edd.). 152. W ( Q i ) F. ( < Q 3)'laid'. 154. souls bid(Q 1-3) F. 'foule bids'. 155. S.D. F.'Ghofts to Richm.' 158. S.D. (i) J.D.W. (ii) after Camb. ( < g 1). F. 'Enter the Ghoft of Anne, his wife'. 159. S.D. F. 'Ghoft to Rich.' 160. That never.. ,'thee Cf. 4. 1. 82ff.; 85, n. 164. S.D. F. 'Ghoft to Richm.' 166. S.D. (i) J.D.W. (ii) after F. 173. S.D. F. 'Ghoft to Richm.'. for hope Meaning disputed. Wright, citing Mad. 1. 5. 35 'dead for breath', explains 'as regards hope; and hence almost equivalent to "for want of hope'"; and Dyce cites Greene, James IF, 1.2220 (ed. Collins, ii. 152), 'when I am dead for hope'. Steev. offers a different interpretation, viz. 'I died for hoping to give you aid before I could actually give it'; and G.M. substantially agrees, pointing out that Buck, was executed for supporting Richmond. 176. /alls (Qq) F. 'fall'. LI. 175-6 are here indicative not optative.




S.D. (i) (J.D.W.) Rowe+most subs. edd. read 'The Ghosts vanish', as if they had been lining up on the stage meanwhile! (ii) 'Richard.. .dream' (F.). 177. another horse He dreams (prophetically, 5. 4. 7) that 'white Surrey' has been killed under him. N.B. the waking thoughts connect with Buck.'s last Words. 180. burn blue. A sure sign that ghosts are abroad. Cf. Caes. 4. 3. 273. Marshall cites Lyly, Gallathea, 2. 3. 62-5. now (Q 1) F. ( < Q 3) 'not'. dead midnight Cf. Ham. 1. 2. 198, n. 181. Cold...flesh Cf. Tit. 2. 3. 212. 182. What do I fear? myself? (Q i+most edd.) Q 3 'What do I feare my felfe?'; F. 'What? do I feare my Selfe?' 183. I am I (F., Qz) Qx ' I and I'. Q 2, accepted by all, and obviously right, echoes ' I am myself alone' (3 H. VI, 5. 6. 83). Cf. Note on Copy, p. 144. 185. Great reason why (Al.) Q 3 'great reafon why,'. F. 'Great reafon: Why?' 186. Lest I revenge. Myself (Cap.; J.D.W.) F. 'Reuenge. What? my Selfe'<Q 1-3 'reuenge. What my felfe'. I am tempted to read with Lettsom & Dyce 'Lest I revenge myself upon myself. 187. myself. For (J.CM.) F. (+edd.) 'my Selfe. Wherefore? For'<) 3 'my felfe, wherfore? for'. 191. I am a villain Cf. the confidence of 1. 1. 30. 193. conscience.. .tongues Cf. Tilley, C601, citing Erasmus, Adagiat 'Conscientia mille testes'; Lyly, Euphues (Bond i, 296); Greene, Philomela {Works^ xi. 200) 'a guiltye conscience is a thousand witnesses'. 196. Perjury, perjury () 1) i.e. on the part of Conscience's tongue. Once only in Q 3-6, F. 198. used committed, degree Apparently 'relative




measure of criminality' is meant; cf. O.E.D. 6,d (earliest quot. 1676). 199. Throng to (Q 1, Q 2) F. ( < Q 3) 'Throng all to'I think a misprint, not a correction, to the (Qq) F. 'to'th". ^7/(Qi)F.(<Q3)'fhair. 201. 202. Nay, (F.; J.C.M.) Qq (+edd.) 'And'. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 144. 204-6. Methought etc. 'These lines stand with so little propriety at the end of this speech that I cannot but suspect them to be misplaced. Where then shall they be inserted?' (J.). He suggested after 1. 192; Mason, after 1. 214; Grant White, after 1. 178 or 1. 212; and Vaughan agrees with this last suggestion, which, if change be needed, seems the best. 206. S.D. F. 'Enter Ratcliffe'. 208. Zounds (Qq) F. omits. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 15 8. 209. My lord ( Q 7 ; A.H.T.; J.D.W.) F. (+edd.) 'Ratcliffe my Lord'. 'Ratcliffe', unnecessary and hypermetrical, is prob. a 'player's connective', not, as Wright suggests, 'merely a repetition' of the speechprefix. Cf. pp. 154-5. 212-13. O Ratcliffe.. .true? (Qq) F. omits. The F. compositor's eye jumped from 'O Ratcliffe' in 1. 212 of Q 3 to 'O Ratcliffe' in 1. 214 [A.H.T.]. 213. What...true? (J.D.W.) Q i 'What thinkft thou, will our friendes proue all true?' Cap. read 'thinkest'. 214. Ratcliffe (Pope; J.D.W.) F. Q (+edd.) 'O Ratcliffe'. This second ' O ' (cf. 1. 212) which weakens the effect of terror, I take to be a 'player's connective'. Cf. 1. 1. 49, n.; 2. 4. 63, n. 216. By the apostle Paul Cf. 1. 1. 138, n. shadows v. G. for quibble. 221. eaves- (F 4) F. 'Eafe-' Q 6 'ewfe-' Q 1 *eafe\ 'Ease'=a 16th c. sp. of 'eaves', v. O.E.D.




222. hearY. ( < Q 3) Q 1, Q 2 'fee*. Cf. Note on Copy, p. 143. S.D. (i) F. 'Exeunt Richard & Ratcliffe'. (ii) (F.) 'sitting in his tent' is added by F., cf. Note on Copy, p. 143. 223. F. gives this to 'Richm.'; Q 3 to 'Lords'. 225. ta'en a tardy sluggard Cf. 4. 1. 52. 227. fairest. ..dreams Hoi. does not speak of Richm,'s. 231. cried on v. G. 232. my soul (Q 1, Q 3) F. 'my Heart'. After 'their souls' in 1. 230, F. seems the more attractive reading. Cf. Note on the Copy, p. 144. 236. S.D. F. 'His Oration to his Souldiers'. This and the S.D. at 1. 313 which occurs in Q1-3 (not F.), have no parallel elsewh., I think, in Sh. texts, but cf. 'Queen Elinor's Speech' in Peek's Ed. I, iii, 73 S.D. Both orations are based upon Hoi. and the headings were prob. suggested by his. The Oration begins abruptly, as if some introd. matter had been lost; but cf. 1. 314. Cap. added 'who.. .tent'.
24070. God and our good cause.. .victory! In

Hoi. 756/1-758/2 (<Hall, 416-18) Richm. doubts not 'but God will.. .fight for us'; declares ''our cause is...iust', while, in the opposite host, are 'men brought thither for feare, and not for loue... persons which desire rather the destruction than saluation of their maister and capteine'; asks 'For what can be a more... godlie quarrell than to fight against a capteine, being an homicide and murtherer of his owne bloud or progenie'; exhorts his soldiers to 'labour for your gaine & sweat for your right'; reminds them that while in Richard's time ' w e . . .in Britaine.. .had small liuings and little plentie of wealth or welfare now is the time come to get aboundance of riches... which is the reward of your seruice, and merit of your paines'; assures them for himself that 'in so iust and good a shall find me this daie rather a dead




carrion vpon the cold ground, than a free prisoner on a carpet in a ladies chamber'; and concludes 'therefore in the name of God and S. George, let euerie man couragiouslie aduance foorth his standardP [italics Stone's], 243-4. Richard.. .follow Introd. p. xxxvi; G.M. cites Milton, P.L. ii. 678. 250. foil ( S 1, Q, 2) F . < Q 3, 'foile'. Cf. R. II, 1. 3. 266; 1 H. IF, 1. 2. 207. 252. set with a double meaning. 255. sweat (Q 1, Q 2 ) F.<> 3 'fweare'. Cf. Hol.'s'sweat' (11.240-70,n.),and v.p. 153,n. 1,above. 258. country's fat= ''the fat of the land' (Gen. xlv. 18). A.W. (p. 29) conj. 'foes' for 'fat'I think an improvement, preserving the pattern. 262. quits (Q; F.) Cf. Franz. 155, 673. 264. Advance v. G. 265-6. the ransom.. .corpse Cf. H. V, 4. 3. 122-3 and G. 'ransom'. 269. bold(Staunton) q , F.(+edd.) 'boldly'. Cf. 1. 338, n. 270. S.D. (i) F. omits 'exeunt', (ii) F. 'Enter King Richard, Ratcliffe, and Catesby', reading 'and Catesby' for 'etc' (Q 3). 271-5. What said etc. Rat. reports the results of his eavesdropping (cf. 11. 220-2). 272. never.. .arms Cf. Tit. 1. 1. 30; Peele's David sf Bethsabe, ix. 107. The words echo Hoi. 756/2 (Ric.'s 'Oration'): 'a Welsh milkesop, a man of small courage, and of lesse experience in martiall acts and feats of warre.' 275. S.D. (F.). 278. the book the calendar. 279. braved v. G. N.B. the sky, still louring upon Ric, was already shining for Richmond at 1. 86. Cf. also 1. 1. 2-4. 280. A black day.. .somebody Prov. Cf. Tilley,

D88; 3 H. FIt 5. 6. 85; 2 H. IF, 5. 4. 14.



282-3. The Much is made of this 'gloomy day' in T.T. (11. 1989-92). 284. from Cf. 3. 5. 32. 286-7. the selfsame.. .him Cf. 19-21, 86, 279, n. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Enter Norfolke'. 291-300. I will lead... horse Closely follows Hol/s account of the disposition of the forces. 292. orderid (Qq) F. 'ordred'. 293. out all (Q 1) F. ( < Q 3) omits. 295. this ( Q i ) F . ( < Q 3 ) ' t h e \ 299. whose puissance (Qq; F.) Pope 'which*. 301. and...boot i.e. with St George to aid us. Cf. G. 'boot', and George a Greene (Mai. Soc), 339, 'Saint Andrewe be my boote'. J.C.M. suggests that F. 'boote' (Qq 'bootes') maybe an actor's error for 'borrow', as in the chron. (v. 11. 314.41, n.). 303. S.D. (after Q 1-3) F. omits. 304. ''Jockey etc' F. Qq give no prefix; Cap. assigned it to Ric, prob. correctly since Norfolk could not read such an insult aloud to his sovereign. of Norfolk (F.; Qq) Al. 'to Norfolk', too bold (Cap.; Craig) Q 1-5, F. (+edd.) 'fo bold'. Q 6 'to bold'. Hoi. (759/2) gives 'too bold', which is so manifestly the better that I cannot doubt it was Sh.'s reading and 'so bold' the player's 'report'. Cf. Mal.'s note. 305. bought and sold v. G. 308-11. Let not...our law Mason (v. Camb.) plausibly conj. this to be 'aside'. 30910. Conscience.. .awe Contrast his words and attitude in 11. 178-9, 193-9. He has now recovered his normal 'Machiavellian' self. Cf. Introd. p. xv. In the Oration that Hall and Hoi. give him he confesses the murder of his nephews and admits his sorrow for it. 309. Conscience is but (Q 1) F. 'For Confcience is' < Q 3 'Confcience is'. 312. to it (Q 1, Q 3) F. 'tooY.




313. S.D. Cf. I 236, S.D. This 'Oration' occurs even more abruptly than the other, awkwardly indeed, just after the command to charge 'pell-mell'. 314-41. What shall I say.. .staves! Cf. the following from Hol.'s (<Hall's) 'Oration of King Richard the third to the chiefteins of his armie' (755/2-757/0 = Ye see... how a companie of traitors, theeues, outlawes, and runnagates of our owne nation be aiders and partakers of his [Richmond's] feat and enterprise.. .You see also, what a number of beggerlie Britans and faint-hearted Frenchmen be with him 'arriued to destroie vs, our iviues and children... .And to begin with the erle of Richmond capteine of this rebellion, he is a Welsh milkesop, a man of small courage, and of lesse experience in martiall acts and feats of warre, brought vp by my moothers ['brothers', ed. i] meanes, and mine, like a captiue in a close cage in the court of Francis duke of Britaine... .And as for the Frenchmen and Britans, their valiantnesse is such, that our noble progenitors, and your valiant parts ['parents', ed. i] haue them oftener vanquished and ouercome in one moneth, than they in the beginning imagined possiblie to compasse and finish in a whole yeare.... Now saint George to borow [ = a s our security], let vs set forward. [Italics Stone's.] 314. inferred v. G. and cf. 3. 5. 74, n. 316. A sort of etc. Cf. 2 H. VI, 3. 2. 277. Refers to his English renegade subjects, including Richm. (cf. 4. 4. 465, n.). 317-19. A scum.. .destruction Cf. Ham. 1. 1. 97 100. i?nr/<?#.r (Cap.+edd.) F. (+A1.)'Brittaines'. 318. o'er-cloyed v. G.; fig. for over-populated. Cf. Ham. 4. 4. 27-9 (and n.), the same idea under a different figure. 319. ventures (Cap.) Qq, F. (+some) 'aduentures'. 320. to you ( Q i ) F . < Q 3 'you to'. 322. distrain (Warb.; Marshall) Qq, F. (+edd.)




'reftrain'. J. and Cap. accepted 'distrain', which attracted them because 'distain' followed; but Mai. ruled it out as being a legal term restricted to seizure for non-payment of rent. Yet (as Marshall notes) at R. II, 2. 3. 131; 1 H. VI, 3. 61, it simply='confiscate' (v. O.E.D., vb.) while 'restrain' gives the much less apt sense of 'withhold' (O.E.D.). 324. Bretagne (Hanmer) F. Qq 'Britaine'. The Fr. form avoids confusion. at our mother's cost 'Mother's' is a misprint in Hoi. ed. ii (756/2) for 'brother's' in ed. i (<Hall 415) i.e. Ric.'s brother-in-law, the Duke of Burgundy, who supported Richmond in exile (v. 11. 314-41, n.). Cf. 1.4. 10, n., and v. Introd. p. xiv. 327. whip.. .stragglers Alluding to the statutory penalty for vagabonds in Sh.'s England, viz. a sound whipping by the beadle before sending them back to their home-town. 335. in record (Q 1), F. ( < Q 3) 'on record'. 337. S.D. (F.) Not in g q . Cf. Note on Copy, ' 338." Fight (Q 1) F. ( < g 3) told(Qi) F . ( < Q 3)'boldly'. 340. ride in Hood charge with passion (i.e. violently). An exp. of the chase. Cf. 1 H. VI, 4. 2. 48; Cor. 1. 1. 163. 341. Jmaze. ..staves Cf. W. Smith, The Hector of Germany (1615), 'Speares flew in splinters half the way to heaven' [Steev.]. S.D. (F.) g q omit. 342 ff. Stanley etc. Cf. 11. 59-62, and Hoi. 760/1: When King Richard was come to Bosworth he sent a purseuant to the lord Stanleie, commanding him to aduance forward with his companie, and to come to his presence, which thing if he refused to doo he sware by Christes passion, that he would strike off his sonnes head




before he dined. The lord Stanleie answered the purseuant that if the king did so, he had more sonnes aliue; and, as to come to him, he was not then so determined. When King Richard heard this answer he commanded the lord Strange incontinent to be beheaded... .But the councellors . . .persuaded the king that it was now time to fight, & no time to execute.

345. fast the marsh Cf. Hoi. 758/2:

When King Richard saw the earles companie was passed the marish; he did command with all hast to set vpon them.

By crossing the marsh Richmond had seized a defensible position and put the sun at his back. 348-9. set...George Cf. 11. 269-70. 350. spleen. ..dragons Cf. K. John, 2. I. 68, 'With ladies' faces and fierce dragon's spleens' [Wright]. 351. helms (Q 1, Q 4) F. (<> 3) 'helpes'. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'.

Material. See 11. 7-10, n.

S.D. hoc. No change needed. Cap.+edd. 'Another part of the field'. Entry, (after Cap.) Qq, F. 'Alarum, excurfions. Enter Catesby'. 3. Daring and (Tyrwhitt<Q 8; J.C.M.) F . Q 3 (+edd.) 'Daring an'a very awkward, almost nonsensical reading. 'Daring and opposite'= boldly confronting. 6. S.D. (F.) Q 3 omits 'Alarums'. Cf. p. 143. 7-10. A horse'....die Ultimately derived from Hoi. (759/2-760/1<Hall 420):
When the losse of the battell was imminent and apparent, they brought to him a swift and a light horse to conveie him awaie. He which was not ignorant of the grudge and ill will that the common people bare toward him, casting




awaie all hope of fortunate successe and happie chance to come, answered (as men saie) that on that daie he would make an end of all battels or else there finish his life. But the famous 1. 7, imitated and parodied by later dramatists (v. Stage-History, p. xlvii), for which Hoi. gives no hint, is itself prob. derived from 'A horse a horse, a fresh horse' which Ric. cries at Bosworth in T.T. (1. 1985) while the sc. in T.T. is certainly based on Hoi. or Hall, since it is closer to that source than the sc. before us. Cf. also 11. 1413-17 (5. 1. 96-100) in Peek's Alcazar (<r. 1589): Moore. A horse, a horse, villain a horse! That I may take the riuer straight and flic Boy. Here is a horse my Lord As swiftly pac'd as Pegasus, Mount thee thereon, and saue thy selfe by flight. See further SA. Qyart. pp. 304-6. N.B. A stage-entry on horseback being impracticable, such a cry was an effective one for a general entering on foot in a battle scene. 13. S.D. (J.D.W.) g q , F. give no 'exeunt'.

5-5Material, (i) Richard's death. Hoi. (759/1) states that Richmond 'withstood his violence and kept him at the swords point.. .longer than his companions either thought or iudged'; but that Ric. was later overwhelmed by a sudden attack of 3000 men under Sir W. Stanley, and 'manfullie fighting in the middle of his enimies, was slaine'. (ii) Henry VII's crowning. In Hoi. (760/1) Richmond gives thanks to God for the victory after which he praises his soldiers and orders them to bury the dead. 'Then the people reioised and clapped their hands, crieng vp to heauen; King Henrie, King Henrie. When the lord Stanleie saw the good will and gladnesse of the people, he tooke the crowne of King Richard which was found




amongst the spoile in the field and set it on the earles head; as though he had beene elected king by the voice of the people.' (iii) George Stanley. In Hoi. (760/1-2) after Ric.'s defeat was clear the boy's guards 'submitted themselves as prisoners' to him and he 'brought them to the newly proclamed king; where of him and of his father he was receiued with great ioy\ Later 'in the euening King Henrie with greate pompe came t o . . .Leicester*, (iv) The slain. The four names come from Hoi. (759/2) and Hall (419), who add a fifth 'Sir Richard Radcliffe' which Sh. omits, rather unaccountably.

S.D. Loc. No change needed. Dyce+edd. 'Another part of the field.' Entry (after Qq) F. very similar. 4. this,. .royalty (Q 1) Q 2-3 'this.. .roialties* F. 'thefe.. .royalties'. 7. enjoy it (Q 1, Q 2) F. ( < Q 3) omits. 9. is thy young (J.C.M. conj.) F. Qq 'is yong' A touch of personal interest. The F. line halts. 11. if it please you (Qq) F . ' i f you pleafe'. may now (Qq) F. omits 'now'. 13. Walter (F.) Q 1-5 'Water'. Ferrers (Cap. <Hol.) Qq, F. 'Ferris' (Hardyng 'Feris'). 14. Brandon Not actually slain at Bosworth, though Hoi. states so. 15. becomes (Rowe) Qq, F.'become'. 18. as.. .sacrament Referring to the solemn oath Hoi. records (v. 4. 3. 40-1, n.) in 'Rennes' Cathedral. 21. haue 'Heaven' is treated as plur. Cf. 1. 3. 220. 24-5. The brother...son Cf. 3 H. VI, 2. 5. 54 S.D. and passage from Hall (256) cited in the note thereon. 27-8. All that...division, (Johnson; J.C.M.) F - < Q 3 < Q J <A11 t h i s . . .their dire Diuifion'. Most edd. have adopted J.'s comma, but none I think his 'that' which eases the whole passage greatly, since it means then ' Let them unite all that York and Lan-




caster divided' (J.'s paraphrase). We have nothing but the reported Q 1 to rely upon here. 32. their (Q 1-2 + most edd.) F. ( < Q 3) 'thy'. GoJ if his will (J.C.M.) F. g q ( + edd.) 'God if thy will'. Cf. 1. 3. i n ; 1. 3. 212. 'Improves the rhetorical balance between 11. 29-31 and 334, leaving the direct address to God for the next lines' (J.C.M.). 35. Abate v. G. 36. reduce, v. G. 41. here (F.) >q 'heare'. P.S. i960 4. 3. 20 [cont. from p. 227] As F. is < MS here, Q 3-6 having omitted Q 1-2 version, emendation is dangerous. Yet 'oer-gone' (sp. oregone) is attractive and still more so if supplemented with 'all' (adv.). But if 'ore' were misprinted 'are', 'all' would become meaningless and be naturally replaced by 'both' from the next line, which reads harshly in the text as it stands.

ABATE (vb.), blunt (O.E.D. 8); 5- 5- 35 ABJECT (sb.), lit. outcast, hence (quibblingly) most servile of subjects; I. i. 106 ABORTIVE, monstrous, like a monster; i. 2. 21; I. 3. 228
ABROACH, on foot; 1. 3. 325
ABROAD (of news) in circula-

AFFECTED, disposed; 3. 1. 171

AFTER-SUPPER, O.E.D. glosses 'time between supper and bedtime', but the ex. at M.N.D. 5. i. 34 proves that 'late supper, rere-supper' (Onions) is correct; 4. 3. 31
AGED, characteristic of, or






(quibblingly); 2. 3. 3
ABUSE, (i) do violence to;

1.3. 52; (ii) bring disgrace or dishonour upon; 3. 7. 199 ACCOUNT (sb.), (i) estimation; 3. 2. 69; (ii) computation, reckoning; 5. 3. 11 ACCOUNT (vb.), reckon on, expect; 3. 2. 70. ACQUITTANCE (vb.), acquit (v. note); 3. 7. 233
ADULTERATE, adulterous (cf. 40;

belonging to, old age (cf. Temp: 4. 1. 261 'aged cramps'); 4. 4. 16 A-HIGH, on high, aloft (here only in Sh.); 4. 4. 86 AIM (sb.), target,mark; 4.4.89 ALARUM, signal 'to arms' with drum and trumpet; 1. 1. 7; 4. 4. 152 S.D.; 5. 4., 5. 5. S.D. (head)
ALLY, relative (cf. Rom. 3. I.

Lucr. 1645); 4. 4. 69
ADVANCE, raise; 1. 2.

ADVANTAGE (vb.), 'add to the

5. 3. 264, 348. ADVANTAGE (sb.), chance, opportunity; 3. 5. 73; 4. 1. 49; 5- 3- 9 2 value of (O.E.D. 3); 4. 4.

114; A.r.L. 5. 4. 186); 2. 1. 30 ALMOST, even (cf. K. John, 4. 3. 43). Used to intensify a rhetor, question (O.E.D. 4); 3- 5- 3+ AMAZE, terrify, alarm (O.E.D. 3, 'Obs.'); 5. 3. 341 AMBLE, walk with affected gait; 1. 1. 17
ANCHOR, fix firmly; 4. 4. 232 ANSWER (vb. abs. and trans.);

ADVENTURE (vb.), risk; 1. 3. 116 ADVERTISE, notify, inform; 4. 4. 500

ADVISED (to be), 'consider,


atone, atone (or pay) for; 1. 3. 19454. 2. 90

APPARENT, manifest; 2. 2. 130,

ARCH, pre-eminent (gen.

136; 3- 5-3


reflect, act after consideration' (O.E.D.); 1. 3. 318; 4 . 4 . 516 AERY, brood of young eagles; 1. 3. 264, 270

evil sense); 4. 3. 2 ARGUE, prove, evince; 3. 7. 40, r 74ASPECT, glance, appearance; 1. 2. 154


and was now R i c , Dk. of Gloucester's; 3. 5. 97
BEAR HARDLY, resent, bear ill-

ASSURANCE, ecurity; 4. 4. 497 ATONEMENT, reconciliation;

1. 3. 36 ATTAINDER, dishonouring stain (O.E.D. 2b); prob. variant of 'attainture' (2 H. VI, 1. 2. 106); 3. 5. 32 ATTEND, accompany, wait on; 3. 7. 244; 4. 4. 196 ATTORNEY, (i) advocate, pleader (O.E.D. 4); 4. 4. 127, 414; (ii) deputy, proxy; 5. 3. AVOIDED, Either (i) shunned, or (ii) expelled (cf. Err. 4. 3. 6354. 4. 46); 4 . 4 . 219 AWARD (vb.), decree; 2. 1. 14
AWELESS, inspiring no awe;

will for (cf. O.E.D. 'bear* vb. 16; Caes. G.); 2. I. 57

BEAVER, helmet (cf. 1 H. IV,

4. 1. 104). Prop, the faceguard of the helmet; 5. 3. 50 BEHOLDING, beholden, under obligation, indebted; 2. 1. 130
BELIKE, probably; x. I. 49;

2. 4. 52 BAR, lit. the wooden rail before a judge's seat; fig. a tribunal (v. O.E.D. 22); 5. 3. 199 BARBED. Of a horse, armed or caparisoned with a 'barb', i.e. 'a protective covering for the breast and flanks.. .made of metal plates or of leather with metal spikes or bosses' (O.E.D.'barb'sb. 2 ); 1.1.10 BASILISK, fabulous reptile, said to kill by its look or breath (cf. 3 H. VI, 3. 2. 187);
1. 2. 150

1. 3. 65 BEND, aim direct, turn. Orig. of the bow; 1. 2. 95 BENEFIT, bestowal of a right; 3. 7. 196 BETTER (vb.), exaggerate, make out better than it is (a sense not in O.E.D.); 4. 4. 122 BID, endured. Past tense of 'bide'; 4. 4. 305 BITTERLY, 'with acrimony' (Schmidt); 3. 7. 192 BLACK, evil; 1. 2. 34; 3.7.2315 4. 4. 71
BLACK-FACED, ominously




'large armed force in battle array' (O.E.D. 2); 5. 3. I I BATTLE, army, or large armed force; 1. 3. 130; 5. 3. 24, 138, 292, 299

gloomy (cf. V.A.jy$ 'blackfaced night'); 1. 2. 158 BLOOD, (i) anger, passion (cf. Merck. 1. 2. 17; Lear, 4. 2. 64); 1. 2. 15; 5. 3. 340; (ii) family, kinship; 1. 3. 125; 2. 1. 935 2. 4. 63; 3-7-135
BLOOD-SUCKER, blood-thirsty

person; 3. 3. 5
BLUNT, rude (cf. 3 H. VI, 4. 8.

2) or harsh (cf. 5 H. VI, 5. 1. 86); 1. 3. 104

BLUNTLY, rudely; 4. 3. 45

bank of the Thames, close to the present Blackfriars Bridge; Had been Ric, Dk. of York's London house,

BOB, strike with the fist, pommel; 5. 3. 334 BOND, ? legal deed of contract (v. note); 4. 4. 77

BOOT, (i) additional item thrown in, something given into the bargain; 4. 4. 65; (ii) 'to boot'=to our help (cf. Wint. 1. 2. 80; O.E.D. 7c 'In appreciatory phrases'); 5. 3. 301 BOTTLED, lit. shaped like a leather bottle, (hence) protuberant, swollen; 1.3. 242. (v. note); 4. 4. 81
BOUGHT AND SOLD, 'betrayed


CAPABLE, gifted; 3. 1. 155

for a bribe' (O.E.D. 'buy' l i b ) , 5-3- 35 BRACE, pair (with a touch of contempt); 3. 7. 74 BRAVE (vb.), (i) challenge, defy; 4.3.57; (ii) make splendid (cf. Shre-w,^. 3. 125); 5. 3. 279
BREAK, interrupt; 1. 4. 76

BREATHING, living, composed of living beings; 1. 1. 21 BRUISE, crush; 5. 2. 2; 5.3.110 BULK, trunk, body. A corruption of 'bouk' (=belly, body); not orig. the same word as 'bulk* (=mass, volume); 1. 4. 40
BUNCH-BACKED, hunch-backed;

1. 3. 246; 4. 4. 81
BURTHINED, burdensome; 4. 4.

BUTT-END, fag-end; 2. 2. n o

CAPARISON (vb.), cover with a richhorse-covering; 5.3.289 CAREFUL, full of care or anxiety; I. 3. 83 CARNAL, carnivorous (O.E.D. 6; only inst. given). Perh. by mistaken assoc. with 'carnage'; 4. 4. 56 CAUSE, case, affair; 3. 5. 65 CENSURE, judgement, opinion; 2. 2. 144; 3. 5. 67 CEREMONIOUS, scrupulous about forms; 3. 1. 45 CERTIFY, inform with certainty, assure; 3. 2. 10 CHAMBER, city graced by royal residence, a common appelation of London; 3. 1. 1 CHAMBERLAIN, male servant for bed-chambers at an inn; 'Lord C.'= officer in charge of the king's private apartments; 1. 1. yj, 123; 1. 3. 38; 3.2. i n CHANCE (vb.), 'how chance?' =how does it come about that?; 4. 2. 97 CHANGE, variation, fickleness; 3. 5. 80 CHARACTER, writing, written record; 3. 1. 81
CHARGE, (i) orders; 1. I. 105;

BUY, obtain; r. 4. 6; 4. 4. 72 BUZZARD, inferior kind of hawk ('useless for falconry' O.E.D.); 1. 1. 133
BY'R LADY, by Our Lady, i.e.

the Virgin Mary; 2. 3. 4 CACODEMON, evil spirit. Actu-

CHARGES, AT, at the expense

so 'give in charge' =give orders; 1. 1. 85; (ii) division of troops under a specific officer's command; 5. 3. 25, 37

(of); 1. 2. 255 _ CHARM, witch's incantation; ally t h e G k . Ka.KoSa.l[j.a>v 1. 3. 215 =a devil; I. 3. 144 CHARTER, 'immunity' granted CAITIFF, pitiful wretch; 4. 4. by royal charter (O.E.D. 3);
R. Ill 18

3. 1. 5+


COMPETITOR, associate, partner; 4. 4. 505
COMPLAINING, bewailing, la-

CHECK, rebuke; I. 4.136; 3. 7. 150

CHEERLY, cheerily; 5. 2. 14 CHURCHMAN, clergyman

(O.E.D. gives no ex. of the mod. sense before 1677); 3- 7- 48

CIRCUMSTANCE, 'by circum-

ment (cf. Lucr. 1839); 4. 1. 88

COMPLAINT, lament; 2. 2/

stance* i n detailed statement; i. 2. 77, 80 CITE UP, call to mind; 1.4. 14

CLOSE, (i) secret; 1. 1. 158;

67 COMPLOT, conspiracy, plot laid by more than one person;

3. 1. 192, 200

CONCEIT, notion; 3. 4. 49 CONCLUDE, (i) decide; 1. 3. 14;

4. 2. 34; (ii) shut up, confined; 4. 2. 50

CLOSELY, in secret; 3. 1. 159

CLOSET, private room, bed room; 2. 1. 134

CLOSURE, enclosure; 3. 3. 10

CLOUDY, gloomy, melancholy;

2. 2. 112

CLOUT, piece of cloth, rag; i- 3- *77 COCKATRICE, basilisk (q.v.)> 4- i- 55

COCK-SHUT TIME, evening twi-

lightthe time either (a) when poultry are shut up, or (j>) when woodcock 'shoot' through the glades of a wood, and can be caught by nets stretched across the opening (O.E.D. prefers (<*))> 5- 3- 7 COG, lit. cheat, use fraud, hence wheedle (Cor. 3. 2. 133), fawn, use flattery (M.W.W. 3. 3. 44); 1. 348 COLD, (i) tepid; 4. 4. 4855 (ii) discouraging (O.E.D. 9); 4- 4- S3S COMFORTABLE, cheering, cheerful; 4. 4. 174
COMMENTING, pondering,

3. 4. 25; (ii) terminate a transaction; 1. 3. 15 CONDITION, (i) proviso, stipulation; 1. 3. 108; (ii) disposition, character (O.E.D. 11)54.4. 158 CONDUCT (sb.), escort, guard; 1. 1. 45 CONFIRMED, lit. 'firmly established'. Hence 'age confirmed'='the time of life at which early tendencies and character become fixed' (A.H.T.); 4. 4. 172 CONFOUND, (i) ruin, destroy; 4. 4. 400; (ii) defeat, bring to nought; 2. 1. 14 CONJOIN, unite (O.E.D. cite* this as intrans.); 5. 5. 31
CONSEQUENCE, sequel; 4. 2 . 1 5 ;

4. 4. 6
CONSIDERATE, reflective; 4. 2.

CONSIST (in), 'reside, inhere' (O.E.D. 6a, cites this); 4. 4. 407

CONSISTORY, council-chamber

brooding; 4. 3. 51

(generally eccles.), hence, secret fount of wisdom; 2. 2. 151 CoNSORTED,associated,leagued; 3.4.7053.7.137 CONTENT (vb.), atisfy. A

euphemism for 'pay* (cf. Oth. 3. 1. 1); 3. 2. n o CONTRACT (sb.), betrothal; 3- 7- 55 (pPle-)> espoused; 3- 7- 179 CONVENIENT, suitable, fitting;

Of coinage or fig.

(i) accepted as genuine; I. 2. 84; 1. 3. 256; 4. 2. 9; (ii) moving freely; 2. 1. 95

CURST, spiteful; 1. 2. 49

4. 4. 444
CONVERSATION, sexual intimacy (O.E.D. 3, cites this); 3- 5- 3i
CONVEYANCE, underhand re-

moval (generally theft); 4 . 4 . 284

CONVICT, convicted; 1. 4. 187

COSTARD, lit. a kind of apple; slang for 'head'; I. 4. 154 COUNTED, accounted, esteemed; 4. 1. 47
COUSIN, (i) nephew; 3. 1. 101

DALLY, trifle (O.E.D. 2 b, 3; but only with 'with'); 2. .1. 12; 5. 1. 20 DANGER, power to harm, mischief (O.E.D. 1, 6); 2. 3. 27 DARE, challenge to a fight; 5-4-3 DARKLY, 'gloomily, frowningly' (O.E.D. 3, cite8 this); 1.4. 169
DATE, duration (cf. Son. 18.

17 {passim); 4. 4. 222-3; 5. 3. 151; (ii) grandchild; 2. 2. 8; 2. 4. 9; (iii) formal term of address by a sovereign to a fellow-sovereign or kinsman; 2. 2. 152; 3. 1. 137; 3. 4. 22, 35; 3 . 5 . 1 * 3 . 7 . 2 2 7 5 4 . 2 . 1,17 COVERT'ST, most secret; 3. 5. 33 COZEN, cheat, defraud; 4.4.223 CRAZE, crack, break; 4. 4. 17 CREW, band, company (not disparaging); 4. 5. 15 CROSS (adj.), perverse; 3. r. 126; (adv.), across (cf. 2H. VI, 4. 1. 114); 4. 1. 42 CROSS-ROW, alphabet (from cross prefixed to it formerly in primers); 1. 1. 55 CRY MERCY, V. mercy \ 1.3.235, etc. CRY ON, cry aloud (in joy or terror). Cf. Ham: G.j 5- 3- 231
CUNNING, cleverJ 3. 1. 135

4); 4- 4- 255 DAUB, lit. plaster; hence, 'cover with specious exterior' (O.E.D. 7); 3. 5. 29
DEAL UPON, 'set to work upon'

(O.E.D. 18, cites this); 4. 2. 71 DEAR, dire, grievous; 1.4.210} 2 2 - - 77-95 5- 2 - 2 1

DECLENSION, decline; 3. 7. 189

DECLINE, go through from beginning to end (from the: grammat. sense; cf. Trail. 2 - 3- 55); 4 - 4 - 9 7 . DEEP, (i) profound in craft} 1. 1. 149; 1. 3. 224; 2. 1. 38; (ii) profoundly meant or felt; 1.4. 69; (iii) profoundly skilled or learned; 3. 5. 5; 3. 7. 7 5; (iv) grievous, heinous; 2. 2. 28; 4. 2. 69; (v) profoundly important (with quibble on i); 3. 7. 67
DEEP-REVOLVING, deeply re-

flective; 4. 2. 40
DEFACE, efface; 2. 1. 123 DEFACER, effacer; 4. 4. 51 DEGREE, rank; 3. 7. 143, 188


methodically' (O.E.D. 3)} 3. x. 200 DIGNITY, sovereignty, royal power (Schmidt); 3. 7. 196
DIRECTION, (i) capacity for tac-

tics; 5. 3. 16; (ii) 'tactical arrangement' (G.M.); 5- 3236, 302 DENOUNCE, pronounce, deDISCIPLINE, (i) milit. training clare (O.E.D. 1); 1. 3. 180 or experience (O.E.D. 3 b); DENY, refuse; 3. 1. 35; 5. 3. 3. 7. 16; (ii) mod. sense; 343 5- 3- 17 DESCANT (vb.) (lit.) sing or DISCOVER, disclose, reveal; 4.4. play extempore variations 241 upon a musical theme DiSGRACfous, displeasing, out. (hence fig.) comment, disof favour (O.E.D. 2); 3. 7. course; 1. 1. 27; (sb.) 112; 4. 4. 178 comment; 3. 7. 49 DISMAL, ill-boding, sinister; DESERT, 'withoutdesert' = un1. 4. 7; 3. 3. 12 deservedly, and so (transDISPATCH, (i) (abs.) act quickly; ferred to the obj. of action) without cause; 2. 1. 68 * 3- 3SS5 3- 4- 9 3 ' I 0 I 5 (a) the same, {b) kill; 1. 2. DESPERATELY, 'with utter dis1815 3- 3- 75 (") (trans.) regard of the consequences* carry out, execute, quickly; (O.E.D.; cf. Tvo. Nt. 5. I . 1. 3. 341; 1. 4. 271 63); 1. 4. 271 DISSEMBLE, 'cloak or disguise DESPITEFUL, cruel; 4. I. 37 [a person or feeling] by a DETERMINE, (i) decide (but feigned appearance' (O.E.D. not yet carrying out); 1. 3. t ) ; 1. 1. 19; 2. 1. 8 15; 3. 1. 193; 3. 4. 25 (ii) bring to an end; 5. 1. 19 DISTAIN, bring dishonour on; DEVOTED, sacred, holy; 1.2. 35 5- 3- 3 2 2 DISTRAIN, confiscate (v. note); DEVOTION, (i) devout occupation; 3. 7. 103; (ii) devout 5- 3- 3 2 2 . 'purpose, intent' (O.E.D. 7, DIVINELY, piously; 3. 7. 62 cites this); 4. r. 9 Do, 'do naught', do wickedDICKON, familiar form of ness (v. naught), i.e. copulate 'Dick', Richard; 5. 3. 305 (v. O.E.D. 'do' 16b); 1. 1. DIET, mode of life (O.E.D. 1)} 98,99 t 1. 1. 139 DOOM (sb.), death, destruction DiFFUSED,disordered, i.e. shape(cf. Lucr. 672, Son. 14. 14); less (v. note and cf. H. V,. 4. 4. 12 5. 2. 6 1 , 'diffused attire')} DOOM (vb.), decide on, ad1. 2. 78 judge; 2. 1. 10353.4.64 DIGEST, (a) modern sense; DOTING, tender, fond; 4. 4. (6) 'settle and arrange 301

DELIVER, communicate, report; 3. 4. 16; 4. 4. 449 DEMISE (vb.) transmit. Legal term (O.E.D. 2; here only Sh.); 4. 4. 248 DENIER, small copper coin,, or of a sou; 1. 2. 251

DOUBTFUL, apprehensive; 4. 4.


DRAW FORTH, rescue; 3. 7. 198

DULL, gloomy (cf. 2 H.


4- 3- 95)> J-. 3- ! 9 6 DUTEOUS, dutiful (of. Lucr. 1360, Lear, 4. 6. 258)5 DUTY, respect, reverence; 1. 3. 253; 2 . 2 . 108; 3. 3. 3; 'do duty* =make obeisance; I. 3.251
EDGE, sword (cf. Cor. $. 6.

256; (ii) receive, take; I. 3. 4; 1.4. 132 ENTREAT (vb.), treat (O.E.D. 1); 4. 4. 152 ENVIOUS, malicious, malignant; 1. 3. 26; 1. 4. 37
ENVY, malice; 4. 1. 100 ERRONEOUS, criminal (cf. 3 H.

3- 5- 6 4

VI, 2. 5. 905 O.E.D. 2); 1.4. 195

ESTATE, (i) government, re-

" 3 ) 5 5-5-35 EFFEMINATE, gentle, tender, as a woman; 3. 7. 211

EGALLY, equally; 3. 7. 213 ELVISH-MARKED, marked by

gime; 2. 2. 127; (ii) class or rank of persons; 3. 7. 213 EVEN, smooth, free of obstacles; 3. 7. 157
EVIDENCE, (abs. for concr.),

malign fairies at birth; 1. 3. 228 EMBASSAGE, message (O.E.D. 2); 2. 1. 3

EMBOWELLED, disembowelled;

witness; 1. 4. 183 EXCELLENT (adv.), pre-eminently; 4. 4. 52 EXCLAIM (sb.), outcry (cf. R. II, 1. 2. 2); 1. 2. 52; 4-4-135 EXCURSION, sortie, sally; 5' 4 S.D. (head)
EXERCISE, sermon, act of

5. 2. 10 EMPERY, absolute dominion; or territory under an absolute ruler; 3. 7. 136 END, fragment, remnant (cf. mod. 'candle-end'); 1.3.337
ENFORCEMENT, (i) violation;

3. 7. 8; (ii) compulsion, constraint; 3. 7. 233; 5. 3.238

ENFRANCHISE, set free; 1. 1.

worship. The term seems to be post-reformation but was used by both Catholics and Protestants; 3. 2. 109} 3- 7- 64 EXHALE, draw forth, cause to flow (O.E.D. vb. i b ) ; 1. 2. 58, 165
EXPEDIENT, expeditious; I. 2.

no ENGROSS, (i) write in the large formal script appropriate to legal documents; 3. 6. 2; (ii) fatten, make fat; 3. 7. 76 ENTERTAIN, (i) while away, spend agreeably (cf. Lucr, 1361J O.E.D. 9b); 1. 1.295 (ii) maintain in one's service, employ (O.E.D. 5); 1. 2.

EXPEDITION, march; 4. 4. 136

EXPIATE (pple.), fully come (the only inst. in O.E.D.; but cf. Son. 22. 4); 3. 3. 23 EXPLOIT, deed (simply); 4. 2. EXPOSTULATE, set forth one's views; 3. 7. 192 EXTREMITY, extreme severity (O.E.D. 6); r. 1. 65



FIGURE, portray; 1. 2. 193

FACTIOUS, taking sides in a quarrel or strife; I. 3. 128;

2. 1. 20

FIRE-NEW, lit. fresh from the mint; 1. 3. 256

FLATTERER (v.jlattering)\ 1. 4.

FACTOR, agent; 3. 7.13+; 4. 4. 72 FAIR (adj.), (i) happy, prosperous; 4. 4. 352; (ii) handsome; 1. 3. 47 FAIR (adv.), courteously; 4. 4. 152
FAIR BEFALL YOU, good fortune

264 FLATTERING, raising false hopes; 4. 4. 85 FLEETING, 'fickle, inconstant'

(O.E.D.); 1. 4. ss
FLESHED. Originally term of venery and falconry, of hounds or hawks excited to the chase by being given flesh to eat; hence, inured to bloodshed; 4. 3. 6 FLOURISH, varnish, embellishment; 1. 3. 241; 4. 4. 82 FLOUT, gibe, taunt; 2. 4. 24' FOIL, setting of a jewel; hence, that which sets off something to advantage; 5. 3. 250
FOND, foolish; 3. 4. 80; 5. 3 .

FAIRLY, (i) beautifully; 3. 6. 25

come to you; 1. 3. 282; 3- 5- 46 (ii) happily; 4. 4. 353

FAITHFUL, true-believing; 1.4.

4FALCHION, sword; 1. 2. 94

FALL (sb.) (i) lapse into sin; 3. 7. 97; (ii) downward stroke (of a sword) (cf. Oth. 2- 3- 234)> 5- 3- I I X FALL (vb.), let fall, drop; 1. 2. i8z (S.D.); 1. 3. 3S3J 5. 3. I3S 163 FALSE-BODING, uttering false prophecies; 1. 3. 247 FALSELY, wrongly, fraudulently. A quibble; J. 3. 251 FAME, common report, rumour; 1.4. 83 FAT, choicest produce (O.E.D. 2c); 5. 3. 258
FATHER-IN-LAW, step-father

FOOT-CLOTH, a richly ornamented covering for a horse, hanging down to the ground on each side; 3. 48 3. FOR, (i) because; I . 1 . 58; 2. 2. 95; (ii) in expressions denoting the thing staked ('for my life'); 4. 1. 3
FOREWARD, vanguard; 5. 3 .

(v. O.E.D.); 1. 4. 4 9 ; 5. 3. 81
FAULTLESS, innocent (cf. 2 H.

VI, G. 'faulty'); 1. 3. 178 FEAR (vb.), fear for (the life of); 1. 1. 137; 3. 1. 148 (with obj. understood) FEATURE, 'good shape, comeliness' of the whole body (O.E.D. i b ) ; 1. 1. 19 FET, fetched; 2. 2. 121

293 FORFEIT, something to which the right is lost by the commission of a crime; here loosely 'remission of the forfeit' (J.); 2. 1. 100 FORM, (i) good order; 3. I . 200; (ii) established method or procedure; 3. 5. 41 y (iii) military formation (cf.

2U.7^,4.i.2oJ;s. 3.24.

FORM At, following the usual form, typical (cf. O.E.D. 3); 3. 1. 82
FORWARD, (i) early; 3. 1. 94;


(ii) precocious; 3. I. 155; (iii) eager, ardent; 3. 2. 4.6; 5. 3. 94; (iv) prompt; 3. 4. 63 FRANK UP, shut up in a 'frank' or sty (cf. 2 H. IV, 2. 2. H5)5 r - 3 - 3 H i 4 - 5 - 3 FROM, (i) free from; 3. 5. 32; (ii) apart from, at variance with; 4. 4. 259, 260, 2 6 1 ; (iii) away from; 5. 3. 284 FULSOME, excessively satiating or cloying; 5. 3. 132

GRACE (sb.), (i) virtue, sense of duty; 1. 3. 55; 2. 1. 121; (ii) favour; 2. 1. 77; 2. 3.10; 3. 4. 90, 95; (iii) virtuous property (O.E.D. 13a); 2. 4. 13; (iv) divine grace; 3.4. 96; 4. 4. 219, 22r GRACE (vb.), 'gratify, delight' (O.E.D. 6); 4. 4. 175 GRACIOUS, (i) godly, righteous; 2. 4. 20, 2 1 ; 3. 2. 56; 3. 7. 65; 3. 7. 100; (ii) favourable, favouring; 5. 3. 109
GRAFFED, grafted; 3. 7. 127 GRAMERCY, 'God reward you'

manly promise' Herford); 1. 4. 221 GARLAND, royal crown (cf. O.E.D. 3a); 3. 2. 40 GENTLE, (i) noble in rank; 2. 1. 80; (with iron, quibble on 'gentle'= tender, kind); 1. 3. 163; (ii) as a complimentary epithet; 4. 3. 28 GEORGE, jewel on which is a figure of St George, the pendant to the collar which is a part of the insignia of the Garter; 4. 4. 367, 370
GONE, overwhelmed (cf. R. II,

(from Old FT. 'grant merci' may God reward you greatly); response of superior to inferior's respectful good wish; 3. 2. 105 GRAND, principal, chief; 4.4.52
GRATULATE, greet; 4. 1. 10 GRAVE, (i) weighty; 2. 3. 20;

(ii) worthy, venerable; 3. 7. 227 GREEN, recently established, not long concluded; 2. 2. 127
GRIEF, hardship; 3. 1. 114 GROSS, stupid; 3. 6. 10 GROSSLY, stupidly; 4. 1. 80

2. 1. 184, and 'overgone' 8 H. VI, 2. 5. 123); 4. 3. 20 GOOD, (i) 'good time of day', v. time; 1. 1. 122; 1. 3. 18; (ii) 'do good (to a person)' = be of use to, bestow benefits upon; 4- 3- 33 GOODLY, (a) fine, (J>) favourable; 5. 3. 21 GOSSIP, intimate friend, cronyj 1. 1. 83

GROSSNESS, 'coarseness, want of refinement' (O.E.D.), here = 'the vulgar, practical standard' (A.H.T.) of the workaday world (v. note); 3. 1.46 GROUND, plain-song or bass on which a 'descant' (j.^.) is sung; 3. 7. 49 GROUNDED, fixed, rooted, established; 1. 3. 29 GULL, simpleton, dupe; I. 3. 328


HOLP. Old past tense of 'help'; 1. 2. 107; 4. 4. 45
HOYDAY (obs. form of 'hey-

HA? eh?5 i. 3. 2345 5. 3. 5

HALBERD, (i) weapon of the

15th and 16th centuries, 'a kind of combination of spear and battle-axe... mounted on a handle 5 to 7 feet long' (O.E.D.); 1. 2. 40; (ii) halberdier; 1. 2. S.D. (head); 5. 1. S.D. (head) HAP, fortune; 1. 2. 175 I. 3. 84 HAPPY, propitious, favourable; 3. 7. 172
HARDLY BORNE (V. bear hardly);

day'), exclamation of surprise, impatience etc.; 4. 4. 460 HULL (vb.), drift with furled sail; 4. 4. 439 HUMBLE, gentle, kind (sense not recorded in O.E.D.; but cf. L.L.L. 5. 2. 628); 1. 2. 164
HUMILITY, humanity (cf.

2. 1. 57
HARSH, discordant; 4. 4. 361

HATCHES, movable planks forming a kind of deck (O.E.D. 3a); 1. 4. 13, 17.
HAUGHT, haughty; 2. 3. 28

HAUGHTY, aspiring (v. note); 4. 2. 36 HEAP, great company; 2. 1. 54

HEARKEN AFTER, enquireabout,

Merck. 3.1. 64; L.L.L. 4.3. 346). Cf. Huloet, Abecedarium, 1552 'Humilitie is a gentlenes of the mynde, or a gentle patience without angre or wrathe' (cited Furness); 2. 1. 74; 3. 7. 17 HUMOUR, (i) mood, inclination; 1. 4. 119; (ii) disposition; 4. 4. 270

plained (v. note); 4. 4. 176 IDEA, image (O.E.D. 7)5 3. 7.

seek for (O.E.D. 6); 1. 1. 54 HEAVILY, sorrowfully, sadly; 1.4. i ; 2 . 3 . 4 0

HEAVY, (i) grievous; 1. 4. 14;

IDLE, (i) vain, trifling; 1.1. 31} (ii) useless; 3. 1. 103, 105 3. 1. 5; (ii) sorrowful; 3. 1. ILL-DISPERSING, scattering, or 149 spreading, evil; 4. 1. 53 HEDGEHOG, term of abuse 'applied to a person who is ILL-FAVOURED, ugly, ill-looking; 3. 5. S.D. (head) regardless of others' feelings' IMAGE, likeness, copy; 2. I. (O.E.D.); 1. 2. 102 124; 2. 2. 50 HERALD, messenger; 1. 1. 72 IMAGINATION, something HEREAFTER (adj.), future (cf. dreamt of, but not realised 1 H. VI, 2. 2. 10); 4. 4. 391 in experience; 1. 4. 80 HIGH-REACHING, ambitious; 4. IMPEACHMENT, accusation; 2. 2. 31 2. 22 HOISE, hoist; 4. 4. 528 IMPERIAL, kingly; 4. 4 . 245, HOLD (sb.), custody, imprisonment; 4. 5. 3 383 HOLD (vb.), continue, always IMPORT (vb.), involve, conpreserve so; 3. 2. 104 cern; 3. 7. 68

INCAPABLE, unable to understand (cf. Ham. 4. 7. 177)5
2. 2. 18


INTEND, pretend; 3. 5. 85 3. 7.

INCENSE (vb.), instigate, incite (O.E.D. 4)5 1. 3. 85; 3. 1. 152; 3. 2. 29

INCLINATION, disposition; 3. I.

INCLUSIVE, encircling; 4. 1. 59 INCREASE, (i) offspring, pro-

45 INTENT, design, purposes * U 149, 158 INTESTATE, dead without heirsj 4. 4. 128 INWARD, familiar, intimate (O.E.D. 3); 3. 4. 8
IRON, sword; 5. 3. n o IRON-WITTED, 'dull-witted,

geny; 4. 4. 298; (ii) produce of the soil; 5. 5. 38 INDEX, lit. 'a table of contents prefixed to a book' (O.E.D. 5 a), hence, prologue or preface to a book or play; 2. 2. 149; 4. 4. 85 INDIRECT, not open or straightforward; 1. 4. 218; 3. 1. 31
INDIRECTLY, 'not in express

stupid' (cf. O.E.D. 'iron' adj. 4; Rom. 4. 5. 126; Nashe, ii. 261, 29); 4. 2. 28 Iwis, certainly, assuredly; I. 3.

terms' (O.E.D. 2b); 4. 4. 226 INDUCTION (lit.) dramatic prologue in dialogue (hence, fig.) 'preparation' (J.), initial step in an undertaking (O.E.D. 3 c); 1.1.3254.4. 5 INFECTION, plague (O.E.D. 5); 1. 2. 78 INFER, allege, adduce (O.E.D. 2); 3- 5- 74 (v- note); 3. 7. 12, 32; 4. 4. 344; 5. 3.314 INGENIOUS, 'able, talented* (O.E.D. 1); 3. r. 155
INHERITOR, possessor; 4. 3. 34

JACK, (i) low common fellow; i- 3- S3 72> 735 () fiSure of a man on a clock, which strikes the bell for the hours (alluding to (i) also); 4. 2. in
JEALOUS, suspicious; 1. x. 8 1 ,

9253. 1.36 JET, encroach; 2. 4. 51 JOCKEY, familiar form of 'Jack* or 'John'; 5. 3. 304 JOY, (i) (trans.), rejoice at; 2. 4. 59; (ii) (intrans.), experience joy, be glad; 4. 4. 93
JUMP WITH, coincide (orig.

=fall together with), agree; 3- 1. "

JUST, (i) exact; 4. 4. n o ; (ii)

INSINUATE, ingratiate oneself, curry favour (O.E.D. 2 b); 1. 3 . 5 3 ; 1.4. 148 INSTANCE, cause (O.E.D. 2)5 3. 2. 25 INSULTING, scornfully triumphant, contemptuously exulting; 2. 4. 51 INTELLIGENCER, secret agent; 4-4-71

due, suitable; 5. 3. 26 KEEP, 'keep the stroke'= (a) go on striking (cf. O.E.D. 'keep' 3 b, citing Err. 3. 1. 615 Tiv. Nt. 2. 3. 75), () keep time (cf. O.E.D. 'stroke' 10 b); 4. 2. in
KEEPER, gaoler; I. 4. 66, 73,


KEY-COLD, Lit. as cold as a

key; prov. ='cold in (or as1) death' (cf. Tilley, K23, and Lucr. 1774.); 1.2.5 KIND, affectionate and gentle by nature; 4. 3. 24. KNOT, (i) company, group, here in a bad sense, e.g. gang; 3. 1. 182 (with a poss. quibble on 'knot' (O.E.D. I3)=tumour); 3. 3. 55 (ii) marriage tie; 4. 3. 42 LABOUR, work for, endeavour to bring about; 1. 4. 246 LACKEY (attrib.), camp follower (O.E.D. 2); 5. 3. 317 LAG, late; 2. 1. 91
LAMELY, (a) haltingly, (i)

A sardonic euphemism for 'kill' (cf. Caet. 3. 1. 153); 3. 1. 183 LETHE, river of Hade* (v. note); 4. 4. 251
LEVEL (vb.), aim; 4. 4. 203

LXWD, (i) wicked, vile; 1. 3. 61; (ii) lascivious; 3. 7. 72 LIBEL, defamatory pamphlet (O.E.D. 5); 1. r. 33 LIGHT (adj.), slight, unimportant; 3. 1. 118 LiGHT-rooT, nimble; 4. 4. 441 LIGHTLY, (i) commonly, often; 3. 1. 94; (ii) slightly; 1. 3.

LIMIT (sb.), prescribed time or period (cf. R. II, 1. 3. 151); 3. 3. 7; (vb.), appoint (to an office or command; cf. Mack 2. 3. 51); 5. 3. 25 LINEAL, possessed by right of lineal descent; 3. 7. 121 LIST, choose, like; 3. 5- 83 LIVE, 'live well' == prosper materially (cf. well to live', Merch. 2. 2. 49); I. 4. 143 LODGE (vb.), harbour (O.E.D. vb. 2c); 2. 1. 65 LOOK, 'look how' = just as; 1. 2.2035'lookwhat' = whatever; 1. 3. 114; 4 . 4 . 292; 'look when' = as soon as; 1. 3. 290; 3. 1. 194 (v. Mark Eccles, Sh.'s Use of 'Look How', etc., J.E.G.P., xlii. 1943, 386-400)
LOOKER-ON, beholder; 4. 1. 31
LOVE-BED, 'bed for the in-

(imperfectly, defectively, inefficiently* (O.E.D.); cf. Gent. 2. 1. 87 'lamely writ'); 1. 1. 22 LATE (adv.), lately; 2. 2. 1495 3- r - 99 LAY ON, attribute to. Not recorded by Schmidt or Onions; and by O.E.D. (27) only of 'something objectionable'; 1. 3. 97 LAY OPEN, disclose, display; 3- 7- IS
LEADEN, inert; 3. 1. 176; 4. 3.

52; 5. 3. 105 LEADS, flat roof covered with lead (cf. O.E.D. 'lead' sb." 7); 3- 7- 55 LEAGUE, alliance, compact; 1. 3. 281; 2. 1. 2, 29 LEISURE, time at one's disposal; 5. 3. 97, 238 LESSON (vb.), teach, instruct} 1. 4. 240 LET BLOOD, bleed (surgical).

dulgence of lust' (Schmidt; not in O.E.D. Cf. Tiv. Nt. 2. 5.48 'day-bed'); 3.7. 72

Low, humble, mean; 1. 4. 82 LUXURY, lasciviousness, lust; 3- 5- 79 MAJESTY, 'impressive stateliness of demeanour'(O.E.D.), grandeur; 1. I. 16; 3. 1.


MAKE, (i) do (only used in questions beginning'what'), 1. 3. 164; 4. 4. 474; (ii) make up, complete; 2. 1. 445 (ii) muster (cf. Cor. 5. 1. 37); 4. 4. 451
MAKE MEANS, contrive; 5. 3.

METTLE, substance, stuff (cf. Mad. 1. 7. 73); 4. 4. 303 MEW, MEW UP, coop, shut up. Lit. to put a hawk in a 'mew' (=cage); 1. 1. 38, 132; 1. 3. 139 MINISTER, servant, agent. Often in Sh. 'angel (good or bad)'; 1. 3. 2945 1. 4. 220; 5. 3. 113
MISCARRY, perish, die; I. 3.

16; 5. 1. 5
MISCONSTER, misjudge (the

40, 248
MALAPERT, impudent; 1. 3.


MALMSEY, a strong, sweet wine (orig. from Monemvasia, later from Spain, etc.); 1. 4. 270 MAP, 'detailed representation in epitome.... Very common in the 17th c* (O.E.D. 2); 2. 4. 54 MARK (vb.), brand, set a mark on (cf. 1. 3. 293); 2. 2. 39; 3- 4- 7i MEANING, action intended, purpose; 1. 4. 95; 3. 5.

usu. Sh. form of 'misconstrue'); 3. 5. 60 MISDOUBT, have misgivings about; 3. 2. 86 MISTAKE, misunderstand, take wrongly; 1. 3. 62
MISTRUST, anticipate the oc-

currence of danger or misfortune (cf. Wint. 2. i . 48); 2. 3. 42^ MOCKERY, illusion, unreal appearance (cf. Macb. 3. 4. IO7)> 3- 2 - 2 7
MODEL, plan; 5. 3. 24

MOE, more; 4. 4. 200, 503 MOIETY, small portion, part;

2. 2. 60

MEASURE, stately dance; 1.1. 8
MEED, reward; 1. 4. 228, 282 MERCURY, the messenger of

MONUMENT, memorial; x. I. 6 MORALIZE, interpret or ex-

the gods in Lat. mythol., shod with winged sandals; 2. 1. 89; 4. 3. 55

METHOUGHTS. Past of the

plain the moral or symbolical meaning (e.g. of a passage in Scripture); hence here 'draw out the hidden meaning of (Onions); 3. 1. 83

impers. 'methinks'. This 'curious form', not found before Sh., 'prob. owes its " s . " to the analogy of methinh' (O.E.D.); 1. 4. 9 (v. note), 24, 58

fatally, with death in its eyes; 5. 3. 90

MOVE, exasperate; I. 3. 248,

MUCH, "tis much'=its a

serious matter (cf. O.E.D. much' 2 g); 3. 7. 93


OCCASION, (i) opportunity;

MUSE, wonder; I. 3. 305 MUTUAL, common ('Now re-

garded as incorrect' O.E.D.)} 2. 2. II3 NAMELY, particularly (O.E.D. 1); 1. 3- 3 2 9

NATURE, OF, by nature; I. 3.

2. 2. 148; (ii) ground, cause; 3. 1. 26 ODDS, 'at odds' =at variance} 2. 1. 71 O'ER-CLOYED, 'filled beyond satiety' (Schmidt); 5. 3. 318
O'ERLOOK, inspect; 3. 5. 17

NAUGHT, wickedness (cf. do)\

O'ERWORN, the worse for wear; hence (of a woman) faded;

1. 1. 81

1. 1. 98, 99 NEAR(adv.), intimately, closely; 1. 1. 112 NEED (sb.), (i) distress, straits; I. 3. 77; (ii) 'for a need' =if necessary, 'at a pinch' (O.E.D. 14c); 3. J. 84. NEED (vb.), be without (some necessary quality); 3. 7. 166
NEEDFUL, urgent (cf. Mem. I .

OFFEND, (i) harm, wrong, sin against; 1.4.177,178,219; (ii) annoy; 4. 4. 179
OFFER AT, menace; 1. 2. 178

1.56)55.3.41 NEGLECT, cause something to be neglected (O.E.D. 5); 3. 4.24

NEIGHBOUR, 'the neighbour lately be-

S.D. OFFICE, 'the proper action of an organ or faculty', bodily or mental (O.E.D. 3 b; cf. Oth. 3. 4. 113); 3. 5. 10 OMIT, disregard (O.E.D. 2c); 3- 5- 3
OPEN, (i) patent; 3. J. 30;

to' =privy to; 4. 2.42


come visible (cf. Son. 7. 3); 4. 4. 10

NICE, over-subtle (cf. 8 H. VI,

NIECE, granddaughter; 4. 1.

4. 7. 585 Shrew, 3. 1. 80); 3- 7- *75

(ii) unobstructed (cf. O.E.D. 19); 4. 2. 73 OPPOSITE (adj.), (i) antagonistic, adverse (astrol.); 2. 2. 94; 4.4. 216,403; (ii) ready to face (danger); 5. 4. 3 ORDER, 'take order* =make arrangements (O.E.D. 14); 3. 5. 105; 4. 2. 50; 4. 4.

ORIENT (adj.), specially lustrous or shining. Orig. of pearl from the Indian seas; then of any pearl (cf. O.E.D. 2b); 4. 4. 323 OUTRAGE, violent conduct or language; I. 3. 277; 2. 4. 64
OVERBLOWN, past; 2. 4. 61 OVERGO, exceed; 2. 2. 61

NOBLE, gold coin worth 6s. 8</.; 1. 3. 82

NOMINATION, specification (cf.

Merch. 1. 3. 146); 3. 4. 5 OBJECT (vb.), 'object to' urge against (O.E.D. 4); 2. 4. 17
OBSEQUIOUSLY, as a dutiful

mourner; 1. 2. 3

OWE, own (earliest sense); 4. 4.142

PACK, conspiring gang (cf.

Err. 4. 4. 101; Tw. Nt.

5-1- 377)5 3- 3- 4 PACK-HORSE, horse of burden; hence, fig. drudge; 1. 3. 122 PAGEANT, lit. a scene upon a stage or the stage itself; fig. 'a mere empty or specious show' (O.E.D.). The mod. sense of 'a brilliant or stately spectacle' not found until the 19th c ; 4. 4. 85 PAIN, labour, effort (physical and mental); 1. 3. 117; 4.

PEEVISH-FOND, perversely foolish; 4. 4. 418

PEISE, weigh; 5. 3. 105

PELL-MELL, 'with vehement onset' (O.E.D. 3)5 5. 3. 312

PERFECTION, fullness (cf. 'per-

fectness' 2 H. IF, 4 . 4 . 74)5 4. 4. 66 PERIOD, conclusion, termination; 'make the period' =round off; 1. 3. 238; 2. r. 44
PEW-FELLOW, associate; lit.

one who shares the same pew; 4. 4. 58

PILL, rob; 1. 3. 159

4- 34
PAINTED, 'unreal, pretended' (O.E.D.); x. 3. 2415 4. 4. 83 PARCELLED, particular, individual; 2. z. 81
PARLOUS. Colloq. A con-

PIPING, (a) characterised by

tracted form of 'perilous'; 'parlous boy' =enfant terrible (G.M.)j 2. 4. 35; 3. 1. 154 PART (vb.), depart; 2. 1. 5
PARTLY, slightly; 4. 2. 40

PARTY, side, cause, interest; 3. 2. 47; 4. 4. 191, 527

PASSING, surpassingly; 1. 1. 94 PASSIONATE, compassionate

(O.E.D. 5b); 1. 4. 119 PATTERN, sample, instance; 1. 2. 54 PAUL'S, St Paul's Cathedral;

1. 2. 30

music of peaceful pastoral pipes instead of fifes and drums (O.E.D. i b ) ; (b) like 'the weak shrill voices of women and children contrasted with the martial voice of men' (Hertford); 1. x. 24 PIRATE, any kind of thief 'who robs with violence' (O.E.D. 3)5 i- 3- I S 8 PITCH, lit. height to which falcon soars before swooping down on its prey; here fig., highest point; 3. 7. 188 PLAIN, guileless, honest (O.E.D. 11)51.1.11853. 5. PLANT, establish (cf. Macb.
G.); 2. 2. 100

PLEASING, pleasure; 1. I. 13

PAWN, (i) pledge (fig.); 4. 2. 86; (ii) forfeit in exchange for something of less permanent value (cf. Ant. 1, 4- 32)5 4- 4- 37i PEEVISH, (i) silly (O.E.D. 1); 1. 3. 194; 4. 2. 94; (ii) perverse (O.E.D. 4)5 3 . 1 . 31

PLUCK ON, induce (cf. Meas. 2. 4. 147; Tw. Nt. 5. 1. 366; K. John, 3. 1. 57)} 4. 2. 62 POINT, article, item, piece (cf. O.E.D., A s ; 1 H. IF, 5. x. 122 "tis a point of friendship'); I. 4. 99


PROOF, (i) experience; 2. 3. 43;

POLITIC, sagacious (in political affairs) 2. 3. 20 POST (sb.), extreme speed; 3. 5.72 POST (vb.), take post-horses (y.v.)j hence, go with speed; 2. 2. 142; 3. 2. 17; 4. 4. 441, 44S POST-HORSE. T O travel 'post' was to make use of relays of horses stationed at stages along the highway of c. 10 miles; 1. 1. 146 POWER, armed force; 4. 4. 451, 480, 5345 5- 3- 3 8 , 2 9 PRECEDENT, 'original from which a copy is made' O.E.D. (Cf. K. John, 5. 2. 3)> 3- 6 - 7
PREPOSTEROUS, contrary to

(ii) impenetrable armour; 5.3.219

PROPER, handsome; 1. 2. 254 PROPOSE, set before one as an

object to be attained (O.E.D. 2 c); 1. 2. 169 PROUDLY, haughtily, arrogantly; 4. 3. 42

PROVIDED, well-equipped; 3.

nature; 2. 4. 63
PRESENCE, (i) assembly, com-

PURSUIVANT. Either (i) junior PRESENTATION, (a) semblance officer attendant on a (O.E.D. 5b); <J>) theatrical herald; or (ii) officer with representation; 4. 4. 84 power to execute warrants PRESENTLY, immediately; 3. and make arrests (v. 1 H. r. 34; 3. 2. 16; 4. 2. 26. VI, G.); 3. 2. 93 S.D.i PREVENT, (i) lit. go before, 3- 4- 87 anticipate; 3. 5. 54; (ii) PURSUIVANT-AT-ARMS = purforestall; 2. 2. 131; 2. 3. suivant (i); 5. 3. 59 26; 3. 4. 80 PUT OFF, set aside, cast off; PRIME, first; 4. 3. 19 3-7- 183 PRIZE, booty; 'make prize of (here fig.)=capture; 3. 7. QUEST, jury; r. 4. 184 187 QUICK, (i) alive; 1. 2. 65; PROCESS, story; 4. 3. 32; 4. 4. (ii) lively, animated; 1. 3. 5, 254 196; (iii) (a) hasty, (b) PRODIGIOUS, abnormal, like a alive; 4. 4. 362. monster; I. 2. 22 QUICKEN, (i) stimulate; 4. 4. PROLONG, postpone (cf. Ado, 124; (ii) give life to; 4. 4. 4. 1. 253); 3. 4. 45 298

pany; 1. 3. 54; (ii) the royal presence-chamber and those within it; 2. 1. 58, 79, 85

1. 132 PROVOKE, (i) call forth, give rise to (v. O.E.D. 6); 1. 2. 61; (ii) incite (not only to anger) (O.E.D. 4); 1. 2. 97, 99, 180; 1.3.64; 1.4.225; 2. 2. 21 PUISSANCE, power, strength; 5. 3. 299 PUISSANT, strong, mighty; 4. 4- 435 PURCHASE (sb.), spoil, capture, booty; 3. 7. 187 PURCHASE (vb.), obtain, gain;

4- 4- 345

QUIT, (i) pay (a penalty) for; REMORSEFUL,


4. 4. 20, 64; (ii) requite, reward, 5. 3. 262 RAG. Contemptuous term for a person (O.E.D. 3b)j I. 3. 2335 5- 3- 3 2 8 RAGGED," rugged, rough, uneven; 4. 1. 102 RANKLE, cause festering wound, 'breed corruption* (A.W.) (cf. R. II, 1. 3. 302); 1. 3, 291 RANSOM, penalty, expiation; 5. 3. 264 RASH-LEVIED, hastily raised;

pitiful; 1. 2. 155 REPETITION, recital, relation; t. 3. 165

REPLENISHED, perfect, com-

plete; 4. 3. 18 REQUIRE, demand the return of (cf. Luke xii, 20); 2. 2. 95 REQJJIT, repay. A variant of 'requite' (cf. Cor. 4. 5. 76 (F.) 'requitted'); r. 4. 68
RESEMBLANCE, external ap-

4- 3-5
RASHLY, precipitately; 3. 5. 42

RAZE OFF, pull or pluck off; 3. 2. n ; 3. 4. 81 REASON (vb.), (i) question, discuss (O.E.D. 4a); 1. 4. 94; (ii) talk, converse (O.E.D. 2); 1. 4. 160; 2. 3. 395 3- x- i3 2 >4-4~ S 3 6
RECOMFORTURE, consolation

pearance, features (O.E.D. 2); 3. 7. n RESERVE, preserve, keep alive (O.E.D. 7; cf. Meas. 5. 1. 463); 4- 4- 72 RESOLVE, (i) answor or inform (a person of something); 4. 2. 26; 4. 5. 20; (ii) free from uncertainty, satisfy the curiosity of; 4. 2. 114
RESOLVED, resolute; 1. 3. 340

(only inst. 4. 4. 426



(cf. V.A.


465; 5o. 45. 9); 3 . 7 . 130 REDEEM, deliver, set free; 2. 1. 4

REDUCE, (i) bring; 2. 2. 68;

RESPECT (sb.), consideration, reflection; 3. 7. 175 RESPECT (vb.), (i) pay heed to, take notice of; 1. 3. 296; (ii) value; 1. 4. 152 RESPITE, date to which something is postponed; 5. 1. 19 RETREAT, signal for retreat; 5. 5. S.D. (head)
REVENUE, possession; 3. 7.158 REVOLVE, consider; 4. 4. 123

(ii) bring back (orig. sense); 5- 5- 3 6 RE-EDIFY, rebuild (again at Tit. 1. i . 351 only in Sh.); 3- i - 7 i
REFLECT, shine (cf. Tit. 1. 1.

RIGHT, true, exact; 3. 7. 13, 103

RIOTOUS, dissolute (cf. Tim. 2.

2. 168; Lear, 1. 4. 265);

2. 1. 101

226); 1. 4. 31
REMEMBER, 'be remembered'

- recollect; 2. 4. 23
REMORSE, (i) compunction; 1.

4. 109; (ii) pity, compassion (O.E.D. 3 ) ; 3. 7. 211

RIPE, ready to be enjoyed (like fruit); 3. 7. 158 ROOD, the cross on which Christ was crucified; 3. 2. 7 5 5 4 . 4 . 166


SET DOWN, fix a time for (cf.

ROOT (vb.), dig up with the

snout (cf. Tim. 5. 1. I 6 8 J

R. II, 4. 1. 319); 3 . 4 . 4 2
SET HAND (or 'set secretary'),

V.A. 636); 1. 3. 228 ROUND (vb.), surround, encircle; 4. 1. 60 ROYAL, 'noble, majestic, generous, munificent' (O.E.D. 9); I. 2. 244 ROYALTY, emblem of sovereignty; 5. 5. 4 RUDE, violent, unrestrained;
2. 2. 38

RUNAGATE, vagabond (cf. Cymb. 1.6. 137), or perh. fugitive, runaway. Properly 'deserter', a later form of 'renegade'} 4.4.465 # RUNAWAY =runagate (q.v.); 5. 3.316 SACRAMENT, 'receive (take) the sacrament* lit. = receive Holy Communion as a confirmation of a promise (O.E.D. ic); (hence) take a strong oath or pledge to perform something; (hence again) swear, bind oneself; 1.4. 203; 5.5. 18
SCAR, wound; 5. 5. 23

the style of handwriting used for engrossing documents (v. O.E.D., 'set' pple. a. 5); 3. 6. 2 SEVERAL, different, separate; 3. 2. 76; 3. 7. S.D.(head); 5. 3. 25, 193, 194 SHADOW, (i) departed spirit, 'shade'; 1. 4. 53; 5. 3. 216; (ii) illusion, unreal appearance; 5. 3. 215; (iii) (a) semblance, (b) player; 4. 4. 83 SHAMEFACED, bashful. Properly 'shamefast'; no connexion with 'face'; 1. 4. 138

trivialities; 4. 4. 432 SHAPE, theatr. guise (O.E.D. 7, 8); 2. 2. 27

SHOT, marksman (cf. 2 II. IV,

SCATHE, harm, injury; 1.3.317 SCRIVENER, professional scribe; 3. 6. S.D. (head) SEASON (sb.), time; 1. 4. 6r, 76; 5- 3- 8 7 SEASON (vb.), add relish to, render agreeable; 3. 7. 149 SENIORY, seniority (only instance in O.E.D.); 4. 4. 36 SENNET, notes on a trumpet at the approach or departure of a procession; 3. 1. 150, S.D. SET (sb.), setting, sunset; 5. 3.

3. 2. 274)54. 4. 89 SHOULDER, jostle, 'thrust rudely' (Steev.); 3. 7. 128 SIGN, (a) mere appearance, semblance, (J>) banner; 4. 4. 90 SILKEN, effeminate (cf. L.L.L. 5. 2. 406; K. John, 5. 1. 7 o ; F . ^ , 2 P r o l . 2 ) ; i . 3 . S3 SIR = 'dominus, the academic title of a bachelor of arts' (Nares); hence, a form of address to an ordained clergyman; 3. 2. 108; 4. 5. 1 SIRRAH. Form of address to an inferior; 3. 2. 95 SIT, meet in counsel, take counsel together (cf. H. V, 5. 2. 81); 3. 1. 173 SLANDER OF (or 'to'), disgrace (to) (O.E.D. 3); 1. 3. 231; 3- 3- I 2

SLAVE, contemptible wretch; 1. 3- 2 3 SLIGHTLY, carelessly (O.E.D. 2 ) ; 3- 7-19 SLUG, sluggard. The orig. sense; slug = kind of snail, not found until 18th c.j 3. 1. 22 SMOOTH (adv.), mildly, blandly; 3. 4. 4.8; 3. 5. 29 SMOOTH (vb.), flatter; 1. 3. 48
SMOOTHING, flattering; 1. 2.


168 So, good!, very well! 2. 1. I J 4. 4. 183; 5. 3. 72 SOFT!, stay!, stop!; 1. 3. 339; 1.4. 15855. 3. 178 SOLACE (vb.), take comfort, be happy (O.E.D. 3); 2. 3. 30 SOMETIMES, sometime, once (cf. Ham. 1. 1. 49, Merck.., 1. u 163); 4. 4. 275 SOON AT, towards (of time). (Cf. Err. 1. 2. 26; 'soon at five o'clock'; 3. 2.173 'soon at supper-time'); 4. 3. 31 SOOTHE,cajole,flatter; 1. 3.298 SOP, lit. a cake or wafer put into a prepared drink and floating on top; 1. 4. 157 SORT(sb.),set,'crew'; 5.3.316 SORT (vb.), (i) contrive (O.E.D. 14); 2. 2. 148; (ii) dispose, ordain (O.E.D. 1 b); 2. 3. 36 SOUR, sullen, gloomy (cf. V.A. 449' 655); r. 4. 46 SPEED (vb.) (i) (trans.), assist, make to prosper; 2. 3. 6; (ii) (intrans.), have measure of success, fare; 4. 4. 359 SPENT, passing (of time); 3. 2. 88 SPLEEN. Regarded as the seat of various 'humours', hence here = (i) malice; 2. 4. 64;

(ii) fiery temper, fiery impetuosity; 5. 3. 350 SPLINTERED, bound up with splints; 2. 2. 118 SPOIL (sb.), havoc, destruction; 4 . 4 . 291 SPOIL (vb.), ravage, destroy; 5.2.8 SPORTIVE, amorous, wanton (cf. Son. i 2 i . 6); r. 1. 14 SPURN AT, oppose contemptuously (cf. 'kick at'); 1. 4. 198
SPURN UPON, trample upon,

tread under foot; 1. 2. 42 STAFF (pi. 'staves'), shaft of lance (O.E.D. 3 a); 5. 3. 65, 341 STALL, install, enthrone; 1. 3. 206
STAMP, lit. = ' design or...

marks stamped by authority on a piece of metal in the process of minting' (O.E.D., 2b); 1. 3. 256 STAND, remain inactive, delay; STAND ON, rest on, depend upon; 4. 2. 59
STAND UPON (impers.), be of

! 3- 35

importance to; 4. 2. 56
START (of a horse), shy; 3. 4.

84 . . . STATE, high dignity; here, royal position; 1. 3. 112; 3- 2. 83; 3. 7. 205 STAY, support, prevent from falling; 1.4. r 9 ; 3-7-97
STEELED, strengthened; 1. 1.

148 STILL (adj.), continual, constant; 4. 4. 230 STILL (adv.), continually, always; 1. 3. 222, 278, etc.
STOUT, brave; 1. 3. 340



STRAGGLER, rover, vagabond; 5- 3- 3 2 7

STRAITLY, strictly; r. I. 85 STROKE, cf. keep; 4. 2. 111

(vb.), have tender regard for, be concerned for; 1. i.44;2.*4. 72; 4.4.406 169

TETCHY, fretful, peevish; 4. 4. THIN, thinly covered (cf. M.N.D. 2. 1. 109; R. II, 3. 2. 112; and Dial. Diet. 'thin' 2 ) . Sense not given in O.E.D.; 2. 1. 118
TIME, TIMES, the present

STRUCK, stricken, advanced; 1. 1. 92

SUBTLE, crafty; 1. 1. 375 3. I. SUCCEEDER, heir; 4. 4. 128

IS 2

SUCCESS, result (good or bad);


+ 4- 2 37




succession; 3. 7. 135 SUDDEN, prompt, quick; 1. 3. 346; 3. 4. 43 SUDDENLY, without delay,, promptly, quickly; 4. 2. 19, 20; 4. 4. 452
SUGGESTION, instigation; 3. 2.

time, people at large (cf. Mad. 1. 5. 62-35 5. 8. 55); 4. 4. 417; 5. 3. 92;'in good, happy, time'= at the right moment, at a happy juncture; 2. 1. 4 5 ; 3. 1. 955 3.4. 21; 4. 1. 12
TIMELESS, untimely; r. 2. 117

SURE (adj.),secure,safe; 3.2.83 SURFEIT, excessive indulgence (O.E.D. 3); 1. 3. 197 SUSPECT (sb.), suspicion (O.E.D. 1); 1. 3. 89; 3. 5. 32 SWEET (sb.), scented flower (cf. Ham. 5. 1. 237); 4. 4. 10 SWELLING, swollen with anger; 2. 1. 52
TA'EN TARDY, v. tardy; 4. 1.

TAKE ORDER, V. order; 3. $.

105, etc.
TALL, brave; 1. 4. 152

TARDY, 'ta'en tardy' = taken unawares, by surprise; 4. r.

TEEN, grief, sorrow; 4. 1. 97 TEMPER (vb.), fashion, mould (fig. from 'tempering' steel, copper, wax etc.; cf. Gent. 3. 2. 64; Tit. 4. 4. n o ) ;
1. 1. 65

TIRE, (a) make tired, (b) prey upon (cf. Marlowe's Dido, 5. 1. 317 'The grief that tires upon thine inward soul'); 4. 4. 189 TOUCH (sb.), touchstone (i.e. a hard basaltic stone of dark colour, upon which the metal to be 'assayed' was rubbed so as to produce coloured streaks, which streaks were then compared with those made by standard 'touchneedles'); 4. 2. 8 TOUCH (vb.), (i) concern; 1. 1. 112; 1. 3. 262; 3. 2. 23; (ii) touch upon, mention; 3. 5. 925 3. 7. 4 ; (iii) strike at; 2. 3. 26; 2. 4. 25 TOY, (i) idle fancy, freak of fancy; 1. 1. 60; (ii) trifle, trifling ornament; 3. 1. 114 TRACT, track, course; 5. 3. 20 TRIUMPH, public festivity or rejoicing; 3. 4. 42

TRIUMPHANT, jubilant (O.E.D. 4); 3. 2. 81 TRUE-DISPOSING, justly ordaini n g ; > 4-55 TRUTH, fidelity, loyalty; 3. 2. 915 3-3-3 TYPE, lit. distinguishing mark, badge (O.E.D. 3),fig.title, rank (v. note); 4. 4. 245 TYRANNOUS, cruel, ruthless; 4-3-1 TYRANNY, violent and lawless action, violence, 2. 4. 5 1 ; 3. 7. 95 J. 3. 168
UNAVOIDED , unavoidable, in1


honour, in precedence of (the persons addressed or understood); 4. 4. 37

URGE, put forward as an

argument; I. 3. 146; 1. 4. 108 USE, 'still use'=habitual experience; 4. 4. 230 VAIL, lit. lower (a sail); hence, doff (a crown etc.) in token of submission (O.E.D. 2); 4- 4- 349
VANTAGE, (i) opportunity; 3.

evitable; 4. 1. 56; 4. 4. 218 UNGRACIOUS, graceless, devoid of religious virtue (O.E.D.

1); 2. i. 128 UNHAPPINESS, prodigious na-

7. 37; (ii) advantage, benefit; 1. 3. 3105 5. 2. 22; (iii) 'condition favourable to success' (Schmidt); 5. 3. VASSAL, 'base, abject person' (O.E.D. 3), wretch; 1. 4. r 95 VAST. Blending the senses 'boundless, immense' and 'waste, desolate' (Onions). Cf. Lat. 'vastus'; r. 4. 39
VAUNT, exult; 5. 3. 288

ture (Hardin Craig); 1. 2.


UNLOOSED, unexpected(O.E.D.

2); 1. 3. 214
UNMANNERED, unmannerly; r.

2. 39 UNMERITABLE, devoid of merit; 3- 7- 155


VENOM (adj.), venomous, poisonous; 1. 3. 291

VERGE, rim, circlet; 4. r. 59


thoughtless, wounded,

heedless; 4. 2. 29

unhurt; 4. 4. 210
UNSWAYED, not wielded; 4. 4,

UNTAINTED, not attainted,

unaccused (O.E.D. 1; the only inst. given); 3. 6. 9

UNTOUCHED, not touched on,

VICE, comic character in the old Morality plays; also called 'Iniquity'; 3. 1. 82 VIZOR, mask, disguise; here fig. 'virtuous vizor' =semblance of virtue; 2. 2. 28 VOICE, expression of opinion, vote (O.E.D. 10); 3. 2. 535 3. 4. 19, 28
W A I T UPON, be in attendance

unmentioned; 3. 7. 19 UNVALUED, invaluable; 1.4.27

UPPER HAND, 'on the upper

on, accompany; 2. 1. 141;

3. 2. 121 WAITING-VASSAL, serving man; 2. 1. 122

hand'= in

the place of

WARN, summon (O.E.D. 7)5 i 3- 39 WARRANT (sb.), guarantee, assurance; 'in w. from'= guaranteed by; 3. 7. 33 WASH (sb.), kitchen water and scraps given to pigs; 5. 2. 9 WASH (vb.), 'overwhelm as with water' (Schmidt; cf. Oth. 5. 2. 280); 5. 3. 132
WATCH (V. note); 5. 3. 63

WITHAL, (i) (adv.) moreover, in addition; 1. 3. 133, 332; 4- 5- 75 () (Prep-) with (emphatic); 3. 7. 57, 197; 4. 4. 250; 4. 5. 18; 5. 3. 315; (iii) (adv.) therewith; 4. 4. 279
WITNESS (vb., trans, and in-

trans.), bear witness to, testify; 3. 5. 69; 4. 4. 60 WITTY, clever, cunning; 4. 2. WORD, phrase (setttentia)', 3, 1.83 WORSHIP, honour, dignity; 1. 1.66
WORSHIPFULLY, respectfully,

WATCHFUL, wakeful, unsleeping; 3-7-775 5; 3- " 5 WATERS, heavy rain; 4. 4. 511 WATERY, controlling the tides (cf. Ham. 1. 1. 123-4 'moist star', etc.; M.N.D. 2. 1. 103, 'governess of floods'); 2. 2. 69
WEIGH, (i) consider; 3. 1. 46;

(ii) estimate the value of (with a quibble); 3. 1. 121

WELKIN, sky; 5. 3. 341

WELL-ADVISED, V. advised; I .

WELL-SPOKEN, eloquent, per-

suasive; 1. 1. 29; 1. 3. 348 WHILE (sb.), present time; 'the while' (inexclamations) ellipt. for 'at the present time'; 3. 6. 10
WHITE-LIVERED, cowardly. The

reverentially; 3. 4. 39 WOT. Pres. ind. of 'to wit' = to know; 2. 3. 18 (3rd pers. sing.); 3. 2. 89 (2nd pers. plur.) WRACK, destruction (O.E.D. sb.1 2); 1. 2. 127 WRETCH, i.e. 'poor dear'. Ter,m of pitiful endearment; 2.2. 6 WRETCHED, hateful, despicable (cf. Lucr. 999); 5. 2. 7 YET, now as always; r. 4. 216 YEOMAN, freeholder under the rank of a gentleman; 5. 3. 338 ZEALOUS, fervently pious; 3. 7-94 ZOUNDS.' Expletive = 'God's wounds'} 3.7.219; 5.3.208

liver was considered the seat of courage; 4. 4. 465 WINDOW, eyelid (fig. use from sense 'shutter', for which v. Cats. G.); 5. 3. 116 WIT, cleverness, understanding; 3- i- 50, 85, 86, 133