You are on page 1of 13

The Dissemination of Global Indigenous Mythology The Hopi believe their sacred tablets were given to them from

a foreign deified sage. Similar accounts in the Americas of foreign sages as discussed above offer insight into the origin of the Hopi tablets and their designer.

The purpose of these travelling sages was to offer sacred rites to help purify the people and their land. The sage shared similar mythical stories from tribe to tribe. Before departing, the sage gave instructions of how the people could prosper and, in the case of the Hopi, the tablets were used as a reminder and a proof that this bearded white-robed sage would one day return. The extent to which this traveling sage met with tribes of the Americas can be determined by the presence of common mythical stories among multiply tribes. The fact that the stories also occur across Polynesia help to indicate that the traveling sage was capable of oceanic travel from very early times. Reichard explored for us how three specific stories were scattered to over 50 tribal regions across North America prior to European contact. Below this research will verify how the same three stories are scattered all over Polynesia. The hope is to produce a greater context using the Indigenous philosophical tool of harmony. Table: Star Husband myth of North America with Polynesian Equivalents
In bold: Reichards list of themes common to each Star Husband story found across North America. Underlined: North American tribes that carry the corresponding theme in their story. Italicized: Polynesian version of each theme of the Star Husband story.

A Wish for Husband: (from the stars) Koasati, Caddo, Wichita, Oto, Shoshoni, Gros Ventre, Kutenai, Songish, Cheyenne, Dakota, Blackfoot, Arapaho, Pawnee, Arikara, Micmac, Passamaquoddy, Ojibwa, Assiniboin, Chilcotin, Kaska, Tsetsaut, Tahltan, Shuswap, Quileute, Quinault, (Dog Rib includes a Dog-Husband)

Hinas husband Irawaru went fishing with Maui. Irawaru angered the trickster Maui who turned Irawaru into a dog. Hina and Irawaru had a dog child, named Pero. The dog children may be equated with muddy or dirty children, named Tawhaki/Tavake and Karihi/ari (see tangotango) born to Hina by her husband Hema. B Ascent to sky: (1) Transportation. (2) Lure of porcupine. Koasati, Caddo, Wichita, Oto, Shoshoni, Gros Ventre, Kutenai, Songish, Cheyenne, Dakota, Blackfoot, Arapaho, Crow, Hidatsa, Kiowa, Pawnee, Arikara, Micmac, Passamaquoddy, Ojibwa, Assiniboin, Chilcotin, Kaska, Tsetsaut, Tahltan, Quileute, Quinault Hina flies to the moon, (in Tahiti, by canoe) after finding her children have become filthy from swimming in Tiniraus fish ponds. C Broken taboo: Caddo, Wichita, Oto, Shoshoni, Gros Ventre, Kutenai, Songish, Cheyenne, Dakota, Blackfoot, Arapaho, Crow, Hidatsa, Kiowa, Pawnee, Arikara, Assiniboin, Chilcotin, Kaska, Tsetsaut, Tahltan Hina loses her families treasures and is punished by her parents. D Birth of son. Shoshoni, Gros Ventre, Cheyenne, Dakota, Blackfoot, Arapaho, Crow, Hidatsa, Kiowa, Pawnee, Arikara, (Dog Rib and Vancouver Island myth include descent from dogs) Pero dog child by Irawaru (whom Maui turned into a dog. Hina is called Ihiihi and Irawaru is called Owa). E Descent to earth by, - (1) Sky rope. (2) Other means. Koasati, Caddo, Wichita, Oto, Shoshoni, Mandan, Gros Ventre, Kutenai, Songish, Cheyenne, Dakota, Blackfoot, Arapaho, Crow, Hidatsa, Kiowa, Pawnee, Arikara, Micmac, Passamaquoddy, Ojibwa, Assiniboin, Chilcotin, Kaska, Tsetsaut, Tahltan, Quinault Hina jumps into the sea after, her husband Irawaru is turned into a dog by the trickster Maui. F Landing Koasati, Caddo, Wichita, Oto, Shoshoni, Mandan, Gros Ventre, Kutenai, Songish, Cheyenne, Dakota, Blackfoot, Arapaho, Crow, Kiowa, Pawnee, Arikara, Micmac, Ojibwa, Assiniboin, Chilcotin, Kaska, Tsetsaut, Tahltan, Quileute, Quinault Her weeping and incantations attracted a creature of the ocean to miraculously cause her to float until she reached Motutapu, the holy island, where she is called, Ihungarupaea, Strandedlog-of-timber. Her brother, Rupe/Ru, laments her to the highest heaven, Rehua, where he finds her whereabouts and rescues her and her son on Motutapu. G Adventure of Boy Songish, Blackfoot, Arapaho, Crow, Hidatsa, Kiowa, Pawnee, Arikara

A son of Hina, named Koro (Koro-mau-ariki) is called, the dance loving; since he taught the Mangaia islanders the tautiti dance with arms and feet moving together. Koro hid by the sea to learn his father Tiniraus dancing incantation to call up the fish. Hina/Ina helps the child Maui snare the Sun with her hair in a noose, the only cord that would not burn. Hina assists Maui in baiting with her bird his fishhook that brings up the island from the ocean floor. H Adventures of Woman Micmac, Passamaquoddy, Ojibwa, Assiniboin, Chilcotin, Kaska, Tsetsaut, Tahltan, Shuswap Ina is the Tapairu, Princess of the fairies or birdmen as was the greatest ball game player: Of these fairies the most strangely fascinating And proficient at the game is our Ina, Lovely blossom, whose home is in the sky, Beloved wife of Full-Moon, I have beaten thee. She assists her clan in the killing of the water monster, Kae, and in burning the enemies sacred house. On the moon her face and club are seen as she beats the bark of the mulberry tree into tapa clothes for her children. . Each Tribes distinct local story form together to create a global epic. In the field of statistics, taking a poll provides within a few percent of accuracy a sample vote of a larger population. Similarly, the above chart presents an inquiry regarding what extent of this story spans global Indigenous lore. Certainly across North America and in Polynesia much of the same story is told by a relatively small proportion of elders who were able to express their voice during the colonial era. Therefore, to pursue this inquiry of a global Indigenous story enables a broader understanding to develop out of the added dimension of each region, each tribe and even each story-teller. The result is the ability to use common patterns in the story as threads to weave over gaps where colonialism silenced the Indigenous voice. Though the silence itself remains part of the story, what unfolds is a fresh new quilted pattern of Indigenous story across a region. Therefore, the question arises as to what extent reparation can be made regarding lost Indigenous story. How does the story account for the attempt by overlords to silence it on the one hand and an understandable protective silence on the other? If the breaking of the silence is one sided, a further cycle of voicelessness may occur. For example, Western research tends to assume Western influence with myths that appear on the surface as distinctly Western such as the myth of a world-wide deluge. Yet, in the Journal of American Folklore, Reichard found very little missionary influence on First Nations mythology; of 160 narratives analysed, over 30 percent deluge myths, only three contained blatant European characteristics.

Furthermore, Western assumptions tend to scatter and misplace the harmonic element behind indigenous story when confronting these inquiries. Our answers are likely to fall short of the full story of Indigenous wisdom. For instance, if not by European influence, why are so many of the same stories scattered across America? Reichard concludes that the possibility of these legends arising independently exists, but requires more evidence than a mere dissemination of each myth by way of intertribal relations: The additional proof consists of an increase in the number of analogous tales, or in their geographical distribution. Whenever we find a tale spread over a continuous area, we must assume that it spread over this territory from a single centre.... This argument will be justified, even should our tale be a very simple one. (JAFL 4: 14) From their research of North American mythology, we can safely conclude that European influence was marginal, that the myths existed among the 51 tribes they researched prior to European contact and that the myths were spread across the continent, not independently made up by each community. This is not to say that the story-teller is mistaken when saying the story belonged to the community as long as the rivers have run. The values of longevity and originality within the story are complemented by the value of harmony among the tribes, not in contention with that harmony. That is, if the story existed among a certain people and, as is often the case, is associated with their local landforms, the story truly belongs to that people. Yet, the story is not restricted entirely to one locality, as it is clearly present in so many other places. The restriction involves the specific place, not the values expressed in the story. Places, their specific plants and totems are fixed and so define individual tribal identity, yet certain values are universal and cannot be restricted. The same can be said of items vs. the elements, as well as, persons vs. relations. What remains is a universal value expressed with local characteristics for the purpose of placing a protective restriction or tapu upon the land. What makes it possible for the story to be told everywhere yet only apply to the people gathered in the circle of the story-teller? If the story were made up by the local story-teller it would be in fact impossible. Two possibilities remain: a wandering story-teller or a system of intertribal story incorporation. But, and this is a point worth noting, Indigenous world-view wants to express that their story came from time immemorial. That the story came from the First Ancestor who knew his Maker and, therefore, the story chose the people, not the other way around. And this is evidence of the presence of the Creator as a life-force working within all relations drawing them together in harmony, yet giving them each a place to belong. Indigenous world-view treats evidence as such, not to find answers for the sake of themselves, but through the inquiry to build identity and harmony. It is no surprise then, when the travelling storyteller is identified by nearly all of these tribes, he is regarded as a deity or deified ancestor. Such analysis of mythology helps clear a way for us to analyse the Hopi tablets in terms of Indigenous world-view. In Western research we tend to compartmentalize each field of knowledge and science. For example, a scholar of linguistics is not always encouraged to develop hypothesis in the field of philosophy. Yet, Indigenous philosophy is harmonic and holistic in that each related artefact, (though quite unique and completely preserved), acts not for

itself first, but for the whole. Its role is played out among a circle of relations reflecting back on itself the essence of its full purpose and beauty. These Hopi tablets are regarded as such, they were given from the Respected Spirit, they were in the possession of the Fire Clan and Bear Clan, individual families held them as sacred bundles, a generational offering took place to pass them on and a certain time was appointed for the rest of the world to see them. The Hopi believed the Respected Spirit wished to incorporate the entire world into the story of the Hopi tablets in order to broaden the circle of their story. Just imagine, Indigenous world-view has the potential to gather the sciences, all nations and peoples in order to harmonize the restoration of our ecosystems. The common mystery of the Hopi tablets vocalizes this harmony in the measure from which listeners of the story are capable of coming together holistically to understand these tablets. Here is where our Shift in thinking can be exercised. That is, in Indigenous world-view the tablets are not taken as artefacts, but relations. The Hopi tablets are not defined as noun based static objects, but are viewed upon as verbal and vitally activated through ritual. Together with story-telling this ceremony binds individuals to their communities. The tablets are read to listeners through storytelling and according to the legend will be opened to reveal new information inside. The story of the Hopi tablets is explosive for the reason that the Western mind tends to miss. Western language has been refined by industrialism into a near functional mechanism. When we say there are 10 pages coming out of the photocopier it is a literal statement. We are not expecting 10 buffalo to walk through the office. In contrast, Indigenous linguistics has developed within a network of relational value based constructs. Where one sentence defines a task, it simultaneously connects with otherworld heroes who succeeded at the task, relates to a web of story that defines the value needed to complete the task and weaves the individual into the ecosystem, while confirming their rite of passage into adulthood. There is a more than subtle difference there in World-views and perceptions.
Table: Contrast of Western and Indigenous Philosophy

Linguistics Economics Psychology Archaeology Astronomy

Western Functional Noun focused Material gains Consumer based. Individual Artefact oriented taken as a science and a void of random matter

Religion

Aesthetics

Indigenous Mystical (highly symbolic) Verb focused Social dynamics Producer based. Communal Relation oriented taken as an art, a home for the ancestors, a wayfinders guide and a story board Deity tends to transcends Imminent Life Force with human authority that with human authority that restricts boundaries. builds and sustains identity. to heal from excessive to harmonize all aspects of

workloads at the service identity with all relations of functional economic in order to keep awe struck and material based by and protective toward systems. that land of Mother Earth in which we belong. In order to understand the writing system of an Indigenous culture, such a chart is useful for focusing in on the context of the Hopi tablets. The Star Boy myth above substantiates this contextual Indigenous philosophy as broadly traceable and universally appealing. The next two tables are also meant to add content to the context of these tablets.
Table: The Earth Diver Myth In bold: Reichards list of themes common to each Earth Diver story found across North America. Underlined: North American tribes that carry the corresponding theme in their story. Italicized: Polynesian version of each theme of the Star Husband story.

A Primeval Flood: (birds on water and people in sky-land) Wood Cree, Arapaho, Kaska, Beaver, Hidatsa, Crow, Yokuts, Salinan, Maidu, Yuchi, Cherokee, Iroquois, Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Wyandot, Huron Tane, the bird deity, is a key deluge deity prayed to for the rains that caused the flood. Hineahua and her sisters, Hinerakatai and Hineapohia float on the waters of the deluge. Sky people include Rangi who waded to his sacred temple or marae to pray to Rongo that the rains subside. Rongoarai-kea (Rongo-the warder off of storms) complies, but only those on Rangimotia survive. The Underworld Kui and Tumu (Tupu) of Tuhirangi see the sky beings Kahukura (rainbow) and Rongonuiatua (Great Lord Rongo) coming down from the sky with the rainbow sign of forgiveness and safety from the flood. B Deluge: (1) Raft; (2) Deluge caused by water-monster death... Timagami, Missagua,Ojibwa (4 clan regions), Montagnais, Cree (5 clan regions), Ottawa, Gros Ventre, Hare, Sauk, Fox, Menominee, Sarsi, Carrier, Assiniboin, Iowa, Dog-Rib, Chipewayan, Arapaho, Blackfoot, Loucheux, Beaver, Newettee, Kathlamet, Arikara, Crow, Yokuts, Salinan, Maidu, Miwok, Delaware Hina canoes to the moon. Rata canoes to retrieve his fathers bones. Tuputupuwhenua (grow the earth) is the great deluge caused by the anger of Tawhaki (Tavake in Rapanui) when his brothers beat him and left him for dead. C Diving: (1) Success diving animal; (2) divers restore earth and rewarded Timagami, Missagua,Ojibwa (4 clan regions), Montagnais, Cree (4 clan regions), Ottawa, Gros Ventre, Hare, Sauk, Fox, Menominee, Sarsi, Carrier, Assiniboin, Iowa, Dog-Rib, Chipewayan,

Arapaho, Kaska, Blackfoot, Loucheux, Beaver, Kathlamet, Arikara, , Hidatsa, Crow, Yokuts, Salinan, Maidu, Miwok, Delaware, Yuchi, Cherokee, Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Wyandot, Huron Maui fishes up the ocean bottom with hook baited by Hina. This fishing up produces the islands. Chief Taoiau rose up from the ocean floor like a great mountain causing the flood after the sacred Turtle was not found. When Tawhaki (the Rapanui Tavake) climbs using the central rope pointed out by Matakerepo, one island uses the spider web motif. If Tawhaki climbs to the sky or Suns above, then Maui, also called, Maui-the-eight-eyed, must be a spider who nooses the Sun with his webs. Maui-theeight-eyed as a Sun Snarer might be related to the Southwest American Indigenous Grandmother Spider mythic heroine who captures and transports the Sun on her back in her urn across a network of sky webs. D Earth Support: Wood Cree, Blackfoot, Loucheux, Cherokee, Iroquois, Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Wyandot, Huron Hineahupapa is wife of Rangipotiki, one of the Props of Heaven. From one of the four children, the sky-powers (see A people in the sky), are born the Sun and moon. Islands are supported by a giant fish or water monster. Perhaps analogous with Ikaroa, the Milky Way, as the destination of ancestors who in Standing-Up Rods (canoes placed upright, or stone pillars replacing decayed wood) support the land of the living as spirit mediums (wananga). E Creation of earth by: (1) Magic; (2) Mud with animal(s), such as Turtle Island... Timagami, Ojibwa (4 clan regions), Cree (3 clan regions), Gros Ventre, Hare, Sauk, Fox, Menominee, Sarsi, Carrier, Assiniboin, Iowa, Dog-Rib, Arapaho, Blackfoot, Loucheux, Newettee, Arikara, Crow, Yokuts, Maidu, Miwok, Delaware, Yuchi, Iroquois, Wyandot Maui pulling up the islands as if they were giant fish. F Creation of mountains: Ojibwa, Arapaho, Blackfoot, Newettee, Crow, Yokuts, Maidu, Yuchi After Maui fishes up the islands, his brothers jump on the land creating the mountains. . In view of the expansive (explosive) oral traditions of these First Nations peoples, a consideration could be made of societies not so advanced in the tools of the Industrial Revolution, yet advanced in certain ways beyond the understanding of that particular Western World-view. One of these advancements is presented here and is necessary in further understanding the Hopi tablets, that being a superior nature based symbolism bearing fruit in

identity building and mystic spirituality. This exploration of a land based spirituality integral to human identity is the driving force of this research toward the development of socio-ecological sustainability. In the above Earth Diver chart, Reichard (1921) and Tregear (1891) remained faithful to the original story as best as the remaining sources would allow. Tregears intent in linguistic comparisons was to exclude post-colonial linguistic influence in his Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary. The first line of the Introduction of Reichards Literary Types and Dissemination of Myths states: Since, in this consideration of myth dissemination, we are dealing with a product of the Indian mind, we shall feel justified in defining myth as the Indian himself characterizes it. Apart from some politically correct editing, this is pretty good for 1921. In essence, Gladys Reichard, was among the many sincere who were unable to prevent a political machine bent on exploitation from pounding into submission Indigenous peoples and related lands world-wide. All these nearsighted economy driven ideologies marginalizing Indigenous World-view have led the world down a path of the annihilation of not only thousands of Indigenous language groups, but every human and species is now at risk. With that Indigenous voice waning and muted who will come to all our relations defence? If our oil was the blood of our Mother Earth, would we so eagerly suck it out of her? If sea creatures were our sisters and brothers would we be dragging our weighted nets so violently across their living spaces? What is required is Indigenous wisdom which perceives the Creators life-force in our ecosystems and so gently places every step. Since, one cannot so easily crush that which has a voice and one that speaks in their own hearts tongue. In this regard and with Mother Earths inheritance slipping out of the hands of our children; by all licit means with the bleeding passion of every heart and the stirring creativity of every mind, sustainability must be the thrust of every human activity and waking thought. In this context, the Hopi tablets are but a flint to reignite an Indigenous World-view incubating in every heart toward all our ecosystems. It is because we are all Indigenous to Mother Earth. Furthermore, these sacred tablets are an Underworld safety chest for all the lost Indigenous voices around the world. The box is full to bursting for the opening of these seals and the decipherment of these portents and essential wayfinding signs. These tablets are not warnings. The warnings are crashing in all around us in our ecosystems with extreme weather, rising tides and oil-spills just to name a few. But these tablets are instructions to restore the seat in our world-circle for the Indigenous voice. The decipherment of these tablets is not a scholastic trophy, it is Morning Star of the dawning new era to sustainability in the Shift towards all our relations and the Great Turning of our hearts to Mother Earth. Our motivation inspires a deeply rooted peace ignited by a voice cracking out of every stone we break open. Time is not essential when every day is a good day to die. Reichard and Tregear were ahead of their time. Scholars of the Sciences prefer more recently dated sources, but with Indigenous World-view sincerity and originality matters most. When it comes to myth faithfully recorded, the older the source the better. Of the above myths, only the Huron, Wyandot and one

Great Lakes tribe had European elements in their flood myth. Again, that amounts to 157 out of 160 or 98% pure Indigenous North American myths related to Star-Boy and the Deluge (Reichard, 276). Yet, no one can rightly say that the Ancient Middle-Eastern deluge is not also a pure Indigenous myth which participated in global Indigenous dissemination long before Columbus when the Wayfinders roamed the Earth. On dissemination of myth, then, a natural progression or transfer of wisdom takes place. Reichard sources Swanton who states myths are defused locally by simple repetition; when myths come from abroad they are adopted; when from abroad they may then be associated with local land-forms by way of re-localization. However, in a talk given by Blackfoot Elders, Bruce Wolf Child and Andy Black Water, it was mentioned that a neighbouring Indigenous nation had a land dispute with the Blackfoot. Upon discussing in a circle the mythology associated with the land forms of the region, it was agreed that the Blackfoot were the rightful inhabitants. The elders confirmed that when a story is being told it should always come from the source. Therefore, though universal elements of story are diffused across the globe and pertain to values that all people can embrace, there is the local element. That is re-localization is weaved into stories associated with the original migration to the land, the creation of the first man and woman on the land and/or linked to landforms, deities, ancient heroes, local organisms, climate, etc.. When all of these elements are combined in story transfer and ceremony feast with local produce to confirm the sacred identity of each individual in that particular community, while conferring their right and power (Polynesian mana) to belonging among all their relations including the Creator, we can call this form of mythical transfer and diffusion: transubstantiation. In understanding this essence of mystical and mythical diffusion, the phrase from a Hebrew creation myth comes to mind: Be fruitful and multiply. The ancient Hopi lived by this cyclical regenerative and universal norm in one of the most finely balanced life-styles and ceremonial cultures on the planet. How did the Hopi thrive and grow so much corn in the desert? Such harmony requires the most refined equilibrium between the elements and all relations present, which would refine each organism making them real participants in the ecosystem. The one who gave the Hopi tablets instructed the Hopi to live in this sparse ecosystem as a sign of faith to the world of their calling to teach the world to be real persons on Mother Earth. In learning the broader context of Indigenous mythology surrounding the Hopi, their ceremony, stories and tablets, a holistic perception of tribal story unfolds. That is, a tribal icon (Indigenous artefact or relation) is not understood within a melting pot of speculative analysis, but rather a tribal icon is a relation with a life-force, that can breathe, expand and make an impression upon those who perceive it. Just as the tribe, the icon is distinct within the harmony of the broader Indigenous circle. A perfect vision of this analogy occurred when Nicholas Black Elk was 12 years old and dying of Tuberculosis. In his vision he saw humanity gathered as a giant ring with a tree in the centre. This world-circle was made up of a chain of many tiny tribal circles, each containing a small tree of their own. Such breathing of life-force in the artefacts of story is clearly evident when exploring how these universal myths weave harmony among global Indigenous philosophy. Elaborations are given and a dialogue develops among this world-circle that Black-Elk saw in his vision. In the dialogue we learn more about ourselves from the other, this takes humility and vulnerability with mutual respect. It is the picture of an individual relation that enhances his/her own beauty as it

reflects off of all relations. Such breathing of life into our stories can cause us to learn from the other World-views. Consider the flood mythology in the context of the original Latin meaning for deluge, as to wash and the model of ancient Polynesian purification ceremonies use of water to purify at birth, during tattooing rites and at death. Looking into the spiritual context and mystical reasoning behind the myths are key to understanding Indigenous mythology and storytelling. In North America, the Sun Snarer appears to have originated among the Ojibwa of Lake Superior and then fanned out during Westward migrations, possibly due to the Fur Trade. However, due to the Eastern Polynesian predominance of the myth and a single isolated presence of the myth on the West Coast of California a closer look at the Yoruk tribe variant of the Sun Snarer is in order. In particular, in the Yoruk tale, after the Sun is released it burrows into the ground. This motif of burrowing in the story is closely associated with a comprehensive Polynesian theme of Maui snaring the Sun, as himself, stealing the fire and being trapped in the Underworld body of Hine-nui-te-po. Remarkably, Luomala concludes that the Sun Noosing myths occurred in Polynesia and North America, not by pre-Columbian contact, but rather the hypothesis of convergent development (Luomala. 1940. P. 51). This deflective reasoning includes admitting that researchers point to more likely North American-Polynesian contact in the North West Coast, outside the Sun Snaring myth regions (Luomala. P. 51). Heyerdahl of the Kon-Tiki expedition, would agree in a North West Coast Polynesian contact where the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island whose Sun personified as Kane was identical to that of Hawaii. One would think that if Luomala is admitting that the single most difficult obstacle between story-tellers of the Pacific and the Great Lakes region being the Pacific Ocean itself is not an obstacle at all, then what is to stop the Indigenous people of the North West Coast from transferring stories over land trade routes to the Great Lakes. Oddly, also included in Luomalas argument is a comparison of how the string figures of the Inuit and Polynesians are both used in the context of Sun Snaring mythology. Moreover, Luomala admits of an African Sun Snarer who nooses the Sun and usually uses animals to release the Sun to prevent from getting burned. In the end, Luomala is left explaining away all the evidence that Reichard above was willing to admit. There is circular reasoning and then there is another false reasoning that breaks up the circle of evidence. Ancient Polynesian mythology bears certain common elements and common mythical heroes. If some of these elements, heroes, themes and creatures are proven to exist on nearby continents, it stands to reason that ancient seafarers passed on these traditions. For example, in the Star Husband myth, Hinas first husband, Irawaru, is turned into a dog and they have the dog child, Pero. In America a parallel myth arises sourced by Reichard who writes of the Dog-Husband story which is found among the Dog-Rib Indians, who trace their ancestry to the children of the woman who married a dog. On Vancouver Island the essential elements of the tale have been combined in like manner where a tribe of Indians derives its origin from dogs. When Indigenous people begin to hear about the animals role in these stories our relationships with these totems enable us to read into the mystical intent of the original story-tellers. This is not necessarily magic, but rather the skill that all people aspire to in the occupations of their own

circles. And when such skill is perfected it becomes like magic to outside observers. To explain it, takes at good listener. In terms of the Hopi tablets, it takes a patient listener willing to sit in the ceremonial plaza of a Hopi village or in a cave house, to consider the possibilities or at least be open to the awe of how these relations, these artefacts can speak to us and motivate us today. This is not to say this research is based on blind faith. The evidence is clear enough from cover to cover. What is also required is clear perception of the evidence. For example, as late as 1997, Anne Birrell authored an article that would offer a model of how to take off our scholastic cataracts and out of focus biases when viewing Indigenous mythology. In The Four Flood Myth Traditions of Classical China, Birrel courageously confronts what most of us missed by benign neglect (Birrel. 1997. P. 215), that the flood myth is universal. Go figure, a world-wide deluge story that is also a global historic legend. And there is more to say about the flood myth than what one or two world-religions have graciously offered. Birrell offers why the Chinese flood myth is neglected. First, the author of Folk-lore in the Old Testament, Sir James Frazer, could not find a Chinese flood myth. Since Frazers work on the flood myth was so comprehensive (apart from China), others have followed his missed research of Chinese flood myths. For example, Dundes edited The Food Myth in 1988, which contains 25 separate articles on the world-wide deluge, none include a flood myth of Classical China (Birrell. 1997. P. 217). Birrell includes a communication gap as a reason for missing the China flood myth, but not a linguistic communication gap; rather the confusion lies in methodology and context. That is, Chinese authorship was intent on preserving the data of early classic interpretations, not articulating themes within myths; the data was fragmented and not translated into narrative genre (Birrel. 1997. P. 218-219). Considering Birrels break-through in articulating lost flood-myths of Classical China, an attempt can be made to clarify parallel misconceptions and understandings of Hopi tablets. Birrel sourced portions of the Nu Kua flood narrative that will support this main maternal characters relationship with Hina or Hine of Polynesia: In the time of the remote past, the four limits [of the cosmos] collapsed (divided by two deities, Yin and Yang into eight). Then Nine Regions split up. Heaven could not cover all things uniformly, and earth could not carry everything at once. Fires raged fiercely and could not be extinguished. Water surged and spread without abating. Savage beasts devoured the people of Chuan [Hsu](people of the sky or sky god). Violent birds seized the old and weak in their talons. There, Nu Kua smelted five-colour stone to restore the blue sky. She severed the feet of the giant sea-turtle to support the four limits and killed a black dragon to save the region of Chi (one of the nine). And she piled up ashes from burned reeds to dam the uncontrolled waters. The blue sky was restored. The four limits were set right. The uncontrolled waters dried up. The region of Chi was in order. Savage reptiles died and people of Chuan [Hsu] lived. They were carried on the back of the square [earth] and embraced by the round sky. [The tao of the sky is said to be round, the Tao of the earth is said to be square]..../ When one ponders her [Nu Kuas] achievement, it knows only the bounds of Ninth Heaven above and the nadir of Yellow Clod below (Nine refers to the highest heaven and blue to the sky, while yellow to the earth). She was acclaimed by later generations, and her brilliant glory sweetly suffused the living world. She rides a thunder-carriage, driving Responsible Dragon (has power

to remove the deluge and bring down the earth), and her outer steed is the Green Dragon. She bears the Jade Tablet Insignia of Death (a sign of having power over death). Her seat is the Chart of the Mortuary Artemisia (funerary medicine plant). Of yellow cloud is her steeds halter. In front of a white calf-dragon, in the rear of a rushing snake. Floating, drifting, free and easy, she guides ghostly spirits as she ascends to Ninth Heaven. She has audience with God (Ti) within the holy gates. Silently, solemnly, she comes to rest below the Supreme Ancestor (Tai Tsu of the Tao). However, she never displays her achievements, nor spreads her fame. She lives in seclusion (mystery) in the Way of the True Person (Chen-jen chih Tao) and so complies with the eternal nature of Heaven and earth. When an Indigenous person looks at this Chinese deluge story they can understand it in terms of their own mythical themes. But they reserve a full interpretation knowing from experience that a sage of this language must have stories to tell about this passage that would take days to record. The least this reading can do is to confirm the sacredness of what might be understood on Indigenous artifacts, such as the Hopi tablets. Looking for Hina in such a sacred work confirms the weaving of valued mythical traditions across the Pacific, which may give insight into what values cross the ocean when sages travel the earth. Once their stories are identified, the themes and values can be developed, while further ties into global indigenous lore can be made. For example: in the Chinese flood myth, four poles fall ending the separation of earth and sky. On Easter Island, the primordial chaos begins when one pole falls. China has another myth with just the one pole: Long ago, Kung Kung struggled against Chuan Hsu to become God. In his fury he hornbutted Not-Round-Mountain. The pillar of the sky broke and the cord of the earth snapped. The sky tilted toward the northwest, and that is why the sun, moon and stars move in that direction. Earth had a gap missing in the southeast, and that is why the rivers overflowed and silt and soil came to rest there (Birrell. 1997. Pp. 229-230). And In the era of Shun, Kung Kung stirred the waters into a rushing flood so that they pounded against Hollow Mulberry (Birrell. 1997. P. 230). Birrell continues describing a flood myth deity named Sui-jen, meaning Driller Man, who was the fire god (Birrell. 1997. P. 232). This corresponds to the tunnelling of the Polynesian Maui to steal the fire from the Underworld. More over, the Chinese flood hero, Kung Kungs (kung meaning merit) name is used in the flood motif in a play on words with kiung, meaning waters (Birrell. 1997. P. 233). This makes sense in terms of the broken pillar causing the waters to rise and fall while the Earth and Sky are pressed together. The symbolism points the flood as humanity being overwhelmed by the amount of merit (water in Chinese) required to reach heaven. A saving island is needed, in Polynesia called Hikurangi, in North America, Turtle Island, where animals bring up mud from the sea floor where the land is formed on the turtles back. Ancient China does the same with a three-legged giant turtle dragging its tail and an owl carrying mud (of a magic nature) in its beak (Birrell. 1997. P. 236).

Birrell expresses that the flood mythic hero Kun, who with the help of the creatures performs a theft of gods breathing soil. Kun is killed by exposure, but is metamorphosized to new life as the body of Yu rises from his stomach. Yu is then commission to spread out the breathing soil to the nine provinces (Birrell. 1997. Pp. 237, 244). Thus, Yu is likened to Nu Kua as the one chosen to restore the order of things. A few parallels are drawn in the deified maize plant rising from the turtles back in ancient Maya; that the Polynesian tattooing rites bring forth the flood of Kun born as the flesh of Yu is exposed. Here we have a Yin/Yang motif, a Morning and Evening Star where the twins represent the struggle within the spirit on the individual. Breathing soil represents the design of the first man forever regenerated in descendents. Kun was left to die of exposure on Feather Mountain, a mythic place in Chinese lore of a year gathering place of bird flocks which became a sign of regeneration (Birrel. Pp. 239-40). The mythological parallels with the tangata manu birdman ceremony of Easter Islands Orongo is staggering. Birrell notes that in this mythic flood the corners of the Earth are nine fathoms deep (Birrell P. 242). Having severed the feet of the world turtle, Nu Kua, like Tawhaki, deals with the nine roots or fathoms required of flood or merit to reach heaven. Therefore, the North American and Polynesian flood myth bears the same four motifs of the Chinese classics: a personal God rewarding and punishing; the flood figure mediating the divine law; creation as the model of heaven conferred with power as heaven and earth unit and brought into motion as heaven and earth divide (Birrell. P. 250). Birrell finds the flood myths in ancient China in 19 separate accounts with four different versions (Birrell. P. 254). There is enough correlation between North America, Polynesia and China in their deluge earth diver motifs to consider contextual clues a possibility among these ancient sources as illuminating our understanding of the Hopi tablets given to the Hopi by a traveling sage.

You might also like