You are on page 1of 85


1703 - 1743



and printed by M. Macdonald, 33 Marchmont Road, Edinburgh 9

Price 18 shillings

CAPTAIN FRANK FORBES MACKAY made his debut in authorship at the age of 76,
having spent the greater part of his life in the more profitable pursuit of shaking the pagoda
tree. Youngest of the family of eight of a modestly endowed soldier-laird and hampered
since early boyhood by an attack of infantile paralysis, he embarked as a young man upon
a successful mercantile career in The East which was interrupted by The First World War
and service in The Army where he had always longed to be.

After serving in India, Persia and Mesopotamia in all ranks from Trooper to Lieutenant-
Colonel, he resumed his Eastern sojourns which in all extended over 30 years. He returned
to this country to take up tomato-growing in Dorset and later retired to his native Kintyre
and finally to Edinburgh.

The years of retirement have been largely devoted to the preparation of this book which
stemmed from the discovery of a Compt Book kept by Captain Mackay's ancestor, Malcolm
MacNeill of Caiskey, during the 40 years before the 1745 Jacobite uprising. An intimate
knowledge of the district and its history has enabled him to extract from a formidable mass
of detail a fascinating picture of the day-to-day life of a Highland community bent on
preserving its freedom from the many entanglements that threatened it from all sides
during those years when the Jacobites were not yet the romantic figures they have since
become but a very real and practical gleam on a horizon dominated by the unfriendly
power of the great House of Argyll.

CONTENTS - Page Numbers here and in index are as in the original
publication and Do Not Apply

Dulce Domum 10
Introduction 13
I House and Locality of Carskey 21
II Allegiances 23
III Society 29
IV Currency and Coin 34
V L'Envoi - Forward Thinking 36


Table of Contradictions 44


L A RENT ROLL OF 1751 115


2 THE COMPT BOOK facing page



I HAVE HAD most generous help, advice and information from friends named below some
of whom may recognise in my text scraps of their own work disgracefully pirated. To all, I
offer thanks.

F. F. M.

Mary Mackintosh and her son,
John Mackintosh B.A. Oxon., M.A. Edin., M.A. Princeton.
Angus Macvicar M.A., Achnamara, Southend, Argyll.
Archibald McEachran, Kilblaan, Southend, Argyll.
Archibald Mackay, Dunglass, Southend, Argyll.
Dugald Maclntyre, Comrie, Perthshire.
Andrew McKerral C.I.E., M.A., Morton, Midlothian.
Revd. Father Webb, St Kieran's, Campbeltown, Argyll.
Kintyre Antiquarian Society, Campbeltown, Argyll.
Sydney Goodsir Smith M.A., Edinburgh.
David Murison M.A., B.A., Aberdeen.
Captain E. W. Brook of Carskey.

and, posthumously,

Cosmo Innes, Advocate.
John Hill Burton, Historiographer-Royal for Scotland.


Bare hills and unromantic fields, And fretful dim-grey sea — There's not a sight the whole
world yields More beautiful to me. You cannot see the purple glow, It is not heather time;
You hear the burns sing as they go. But you do not know their rhyme. Through shrouding
sheets of falling rain I see a sunset sky; The waves that moan as though in pain To me sing
lullaby. For me these are enchanted seas, Half seen through mists of gold; The charmed
misty memories Of happy days of old. Beauty is here when suns are bright, Even to alien
eyes; But what need I the sun to light My earthly paradise. For me this is the fairyland That
in my dreams I roam, Where now, once more, I waking stand — The fairyland of Home.

Written by Isabella Rose Forbes Mackay, then a pupil at St George's School, Edinburgh,
when on a holiday spent at Lephenstrath House, near Carskey, circa 1895. My sister
became the wife of Sheriff A. O. M. Mackenzie. — F. F. M.


I FOUND the Compt Book in an old strong box, stoutly built of iron, which came into my
possession when the course of nature left me the last male surviving in the direct line of the
MacNeills of Carskey.

[ * Modern pundits have inserted in the name an 'i' making it 'Carskiey'. I prefer to retain
'Carskey'; for the added 'i' is certainly not based on phonetics. Carskey is a spelling which
time has justified. If a change were needed to accord with the pronuciation of the
unanglicised native, Carriskey would have been correct — a spelling sometimes used in the
Compt Book. The last syllable is in any case always sounded the insertion in it of an 'i'
brings the reader no nearer the actual sound ].

There I was born and lived my early years; many times in the course of a wandering life I
have revisited the locality. I look upon The Mull of Kintyre as my home, though Carskey
has long passed out of my family's possession. That is a feeling shared by innumerable
Scots and particularly Highlanders, 'exiles from their fathers' land'.

My search of the old strong box produced no family papers relating to Carskey other than
this Compt Book, where the title-deeds, charters and so on that must have existed in a
family who held their lands for four centuries of written record (and for how long before that
no one knows) may lie, I have not been at pains to enquire. It has not been my purpose to
write a genealogy.
To make up the proved record of four hundred years' ownership, I date from the Rent Roll
of Crown Lands made at Campbeltown in 1505 : thenceforward mentions in public records
are frequent enough to establish a succession which ended in my own time, in 1907, when
my father sold the property.

But of family documents (the Compt Book apart) I have seen but one. It is carved on a
stone in the graveyard at Kilcolmkeil where stands, in a state of ruin the ancient chapel of
that parish. The place is now called Keil. Nearby there may be seen, cut in the rock on the
summit of a knoll at the foot of the red cliffs, the imprint of a man's foot. This traditionally
is the spot where St. Columba on landing from Ireland stood to preach Christianity for the
first time in Scotland.

The very existence of the headstone, the warlike suggestion of its crest and proud motto,
the assertion of high lineage implicit in its shield of arms, the wording of its lettering (for
nowhere else is the ' de' found used) is significant of the position which the lairds of
Carskey assigned to themselves.

If the question were to be asked by whom were these arms granted, I believe it might be
difficult to answer. They may have been assumed without anthority, or the authority may
have been a dynasty long extinct. The Carskey shield shows almost exactly the arms of
MacNeill of Colonsay and Gigha but with quarterings reversed as though seen in a mirror,
so that the hand sinister of Colonsay becomes dexter for Carskey. There are peculiar points
about the inscription, too.

It is begun in Latin but, after recording the death in 1647 of Malcolmus, continued in
English. The deaths of three generations are then recorded but without dates and only then
is 'a long line of their ancestors' claimed, all presumably buried nearby, according to the
opening words hic jacet.

The stone with its inscription rather gets in the way of one explanation of the MacNeills'
position at Carskey, namely, that their first forebear in that position was elected to it by a
community of equals who, in their battles with the world and with each other, had come to
recognise the necessity of choosing and appointing a leader. But there it is !

As to the Compt Book, its dedication is to be found in its writer's first entry : —

Nov. 29 1703 So Barbara Campbell, Relict to the Deceast Ballie - McViccar rests me
of borrowed mony the soume of forty mrks Scots £26-13-4.

And he might have added, 'since I find I cannot trust to memory alone I open this book to
record my business transactions'.

TEMERITYis perhaps the quality most needed in one seeking general publicity for such a book
as this. Compt Books, House Books, reproductions of old documents dug from the
muniment rooms of ancient and distinguished families — all these exist in modern printed
book form. The books have been issued by one or other of the literary, antiquarian or
historical clubs or associations formed in Scotland to promote investigations interesting to
their members and the compilation of each has been entrusted to some savant who has
added to the actual texts an extensive 'running commentary' of high literary merit and
great specialised interest.

Cosmo Innes was one such savant. In 1861, breaking away from the Societies' patronage,
he ventured, on his own responsibility and risk, the publication of 'Sketches of Early Scotch
History'. In the preface to this work he writes : — The matter of some of the chapters has
been prefixed to works printed for the Bannatyne Club; that of others to Maitland Club and
Spalding Club works . . . They did not thereby achieve anything to be called publicity. The
societies I have named . . . undertake chiefly the printing of books which can not be
popular but which it is desirable to preserve and make accessible to the student . . . Of the
members who receive the Club works, perhaps a dozen of the first two — it may be twenty
of the last — turn over the books, cut a few leaves (though this is rather avoided) and
then the large quartos sleep undisturbed on the library shelf . . . But I may say confidently,
that to the world at large, to the reading public, even to the class who read history, the
present volume is entirely new matter. I venture to think such matter is worth knowing.

It was in 1953, after spending some of my leisure during the previous fourteen or fifteen
years in deciphering, transcribing and making notes on the Compt Book, that my eye first
fell upon the passage above quoted. Though ninety-two years had elapsed since Cosmo
Innes wrote, his words seemed applicable today. The printing under the auspices of some
learned society of such matter as the Carskey Compt Book contains, with a commentary,
might be possible. That would depend on the Society's appraisement and would result in
what Cosmo Innes describes — not publication but a respectable reinterment.
Publication on the other hand requires a publisher and publishers are justly shy, in view of
the fate described by Cosmo Innes, of such books. And finally I am no savant, as my
indulgent readers will soon perceive. So, I have been well warned !

Yet, there is reason to hope for some modest success for the present publication in the fact
that it is different: in original matter transcribed; in the direction in which my own poor
comments lead; in the period covered; in the social position of the Compt Book's writer,
Malcolm MacNeill; in the geographic situation of Carskey and in the local political situation,
existing or deduced, when he wrote. In all these and other ways, no such book has
hitherto reached print.

Above all, there is the consideration that the Compt Book of Carskey offers many lights on
the social structure that existed in a period when The Mull of Kintyre carried a human
population perhaps ten times as numerous as it does today : thus inducing forward-looking
thought on the problem of rehabilitation and repopulation not only there but throughout
rural Scotland.

The Compt Book affords evidence that in the period of its writing the lands of The Mull of
Kintyre produced food enough for the large population already mentioned (not to speak of
raiment, which from the flax or the fleece to the finished garment was a local product) with
a surplus for export. True, there is no record in the Compt Book itself of export sales,
though a few sales of cattle in Campbeltown are entered : but there is repeated mention of
purchases of produce and live stock which obviously must have been surplus to
requirements for local consumption. If the books of Malcolm MacNeill's merchant house in
Campbeltown had only been preserved, it is in them we should have found how he
disposed of what he bought.

The Carskey lairds of past times are credited by local tradition with having owned ships.
Outward bound, these craft may have carried cattle, herring, butter, cheese, grain,
some hides and wool, while bringing home a general cargo, including those dail-boards for
coffins in which the Compt Book records quite a lively trade, as well as the aquavitae
equally necessary at the burial. (It is said that while demolishing the old mansion house
about 1877 the hearth-stone was found to slide, uncovering a convenient cellar). Carskey
waterfoot was practicable in good weather for small craft but no doubt Campbeltown loch
was the safe home port. From entries in the Compt Book one may infer a trade with Ayr
and with Dublin but not with Glasgow, whose rise as a sea port had still to come.

This supersufficiency of provender was attained without the help of potatoes (which were
introduced into Scotland only about 1740), or wheat for humans, or root-crops for winter
feeding of cattle. If pigs there were, it is strange the Compt Book does not mention them;
while poultry and eggs were probably plentiful but of a value too small to be recorded.
Probably, too, some herring and deep-sea fish were caught and salted; but it was not till
later times, seemingly, that long-shore fishing rights were arrogated to the local landed

The Compt Book records no rents from fishermen; but in my father's time one Willie Rae
lived at the waterfoot and paid rent for his cottage and the fishing — salmon being the
most valuable part of his catch.

I can remember, too, an old crooked-backed tailor, tenant of a cottage and some small
piece of land. Donald Phail was his name. He was a declared Fenian and would never pay
his rent; but with the greatest good-will would make ulsters and suchlike outer garments of
frieze, not perhaps cut in the latest fashion but of well-nigh everlasting wear, for the laird
(my father) and his numerous family. And I daresay my father had the best of the bargain,
after all !

the pith, the marrow of the present volume is to be found in Part III, The Extracts,
which is a selection verbatim et literatim from entries in the original manuscript of the
Compt Book, as are some of the appendices.

The remaining contents of the volume are of my own composition, offered to the reader
firstly by way of explanation, desirable if the Extracts are to be read with full understanding
and secondly as the speculative comment aroused in my mind by repeated readings of the
Compt Book. These readings, I found, led me on to enquiries and research which might
have been endless and whose result would be barren of interest and tedious to the reading
public. The work, I felt. must be closed off, with all its imperfections.

To describe the appearance of the book. Its size is 11¼ inches by 7½ inches. Its cover is
rough, thick leather glued over coarse card boards. To form a hinged back these boards
have been pierced in four places to take thongs of raw-hide. Covers and back are all of one
piece of leather. The paper leaves are stitched to the raw-hide with thread. There are
about 160 sheets, giving 320 pages.

This rudimentary example of the bookbinding art, entirely, I feel sure, a local production,
gives a delightfully free-opening and flat-lying volume, very suitable for manuscript. The
book is entirely manuscript, of course, written on a rough-surfaced paper which is
watermarked with the device of an heraldic shield bearing the fleur-de-lis, the shield
surmounted by a coronet in the ornamentation of which the fleur-de-lis is repeated.
Possibly this paper came from France.

There are many long passages of the book where the ink has so faded as to be illegible.
(My readers should realise that selection of extracts had to be made from what could still
be read). The handwriting suggests not so much illiteracy as want of practice coupled with
distaste for the use of the pen.

As to the author or compiler of the book, Malcolm MacNeill, on a title page of ornamental
writing with plenty of flourishes, describes himself as : — Malcolm McNeall Mercht att
Campbeltoune Kintyre.

He was also laird of Carskey. I have no information as to the date of his birth; but he is the
Malcolm, second of that name to be recorded on the headstone. It was he who secured
from the first Duke of Argyll Charter to his lands in 1701 and followed up by having sasine
given and registered at Dumbarton in February 1702. So by that date he must have been
of adult age to have carried through these proceedings. The stone also records the death
of his wife in 1730.

This lady was a MacNeill from Antrim, daughter of the Rector of Cloghar. The names of his
son Archibald and of Archibald's wife, Penelope, a daughter of the house of Sanda, are
also to be read on the stone.

A short allusion may be allowed to Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm, he who caused to be cut
on the headstone, in 1820, his intention to be buried beside it.

Colonel Malcolm's figure is prominent in the fine grouping of John Copley's painting in the
National Gallery, London, of the death of Major Peirson in the actxm at the taking of St.
Helier in 1781. He is the officer depicted with drawn sword directing with his left hand the
fire of a negro soldier who has just hit the Frenchman whose bullet a moment before had
killed Major Peirson.

The Colonel lived to serve through the Napoleonic War period and to retire to his estate. It
is told of him still that when he rode the eleven miles from Carskey into Campbeltown on
business he carried a pistol down each stocking.

Malcolm of the Compt Book had two sons and three daughters. The names of two of the
children are frequently mentioned : Archibald who helped his father in later years and
Esther who outran the painter on a jaunt to Dublin and had to borrow a pound sterling while
there. The receipt which her father drafted for signature by the lender is among the
Extracts (§ 65), curiously lengthy and formal in its wording.

The Compt Book itself is no literary composition. It was not written for posterity. Its
contents are in the main mere jottings for its writer's own use as an aide-memoire in his
day-to-day business as laird of Carskey. Often, I should surmise, the book in a saddle bag
accompanied its writer when he mounted his good garron to go his rounds; repeatedly one
finds in it the tally-man's conventional marks iiiij iiiij ii — and so on, as if made when
counting live stock or goods.

The very prolixity and repetitive wording of certain entries is evidence that the book was
carried around and used to make record on the spot of dealings with illiterate persons,
often tenants.

Terms and particulars having first been verbally agreed, then entered in writing, were read
over and became indisputable — 'ane fitted account', in MacNeill's very appropriate words.

Complicated attempts such as the Compt Book often records to state an account and bring
it to balance, though quite likely the best way to reach agreement between parties, could
never have satisfied the bookkeeping standards required in a merchant's business — and
Malcolm MacNeill was a merchant. The extreme untidiness of the book therefore indicates

its writer's intention to transfer his figures to the ledgers of his Campbeltown counting
house. Those ledgers have not survived.

The Compt Book was opened in 1703 and took forty years to fill, with no more than a page
to spare. Entries commence at both ends of the book and meet in the middle. The filling-
up of the Compt Book coincided with the end
of its writer's active life; about 1742 we find entries made by his son, such as this : —
'The ballance abovesd drawn out in a new Rentall . . . but the new rentall has

In the Extracts, chronological order has been restored so far as possible, since MacNeill's
peculiar double-ended arrangement seemed only to make the difficult task of reading
doubly difficult. But certain entries there are where to the first item others of date later by
as much as four years are added. These are reproduced (in Part III) as found in the original,
though they may appear to break strict chronological sequence. MacNeill's method seems
to have been to leave a blank space under the first item of an entry in cases where
additional items were to be expected in course of time. But expectations were not always
realised; the result is sometimes overcrowding of paper space but never waste; for, if not
wanted for its original intended purpose, the blank is filled regardless of date with record of
some other transaction.



TO APPRECIATE the peculiar geographic situation of Carskey and the historic and social
conditions that were largely the result of that situation, a short study of the map is

Kintyre is a narrow peninsula roughly one hundred miles long and eight or so wide. This
peninsula separates the Firth of Clyde from the broad Atlantic; on the north it joins the
mainland to form part of the County of Argyll while its southern extremity, known as The
Mull of Kintyre, looks across a strait only sixteen miles wide to County Antrim in Ireland.

In the Mull the coast for the most part rises bluff and rocky, approachable from the sea
only in calm weather and then only by small craft at one or two partly sheltered coves, but
at Carskey there begins a stretch of sandy beach which extends for some four miles up The
Firth of Clyde, broken by the cliffs of Keil and Dunaverty, which last point gives a lee in
most weathers for small craft. Vessels of the size of herring smacks or 'puffers' have been
often enough run up and loaded or discharged on the open beaches, always with a wary
eye on the weather. Probably Malcolm MacNeill shipped most of his cattle in this way and
so late as in my father's time coal for the whole district was unloaded from vessel into carts
at Carskey bay. The nearest harbour safe in all weathers is, however, Campbeltown Loch,
eleven miles distant.

The higher-lying lands of Carskey and the surrounding district are heather covered today —
more so than in old times.

The low lands include some excellent arable and pasture. The Gulf Stream exerts its
influence on temperatures; winters are relatively mild, snow seldom lying for long, while
in summer the heat is moderate. Though no loyal Kintyre native will admit that it
sometimes rains, considerable precipitations of atmospheric moisture in the form of
aqueous globules often occur !

A feature of the climate is its high winds — 'thae scourgin wuns' — as I have heard a
disgruntled gardener describe them. It is they that largely limit agricultural and silvicultural
possibilities in the district and decide even the siting of dwellings.

The present mansion house of Carskey dates from 1907 or a few years later. It is a
beautiful, plain, crow-stepped, slated, harled building, looking at home in its
surroundings. To make room for its erection the previous mansion built
by my father and completed only in 1878 was demolished. This too was a handsome
commodious house, though not nearly so large nor so opulently finished internally as the
present one. My father, to make room for his house, demolished the one he inherited
which was very likely the same one in which Malcolm MacNeill lived his life and compiled
his Compt Book.

This last is the earliest Carskey house of which record exists. It stood long enough to be
photographed. In form it was a square keep with one or more wings built on : a type
common enough in Scotland and suitable in those days for its purpose as the fencible
residence of a family of some importance. There is no other building like it within many

The demolition in turn of each of the two known earlier mansions before building its
successor may have been due to the fact that the site of them all is eminently the best on
the property. Only one really old building remains, a circular stone 'doocot', the
possession of pigeons being a privilege arrogated to themselves by landowners and denied
by them to their tenants.

There are no longer dwellings, however mean, for such a human population as the land
carried in the time of the Compt Book (1703 - 1743).

The lines which agricultural progress has taken have been dictated by the all-powerful laws
of economics. The result has been a 'creaming' of land for production of the utmost in
quantity and quality of crops and of every sort of live stock — except the human. Big farms
don't mean big populations ! — a fact for which farmers need not be blamed, for they
must make the business pay or get out of it.

But look round the lands of Carskey and read the Compt Book. Borgadill, for instance, was
a bit for which numerous tenants paid rents simultaneously.

To find where those people with their families and helpers lived, you will have to come with
me over some rough
country where no human foot now need tread but that of the occasional shepherd. We shall
have to find our way for there is no road, no trace of one; none was needed, for there
were no wheeled carts in the days when Borgadill was populated.

In the end, the object of our search will come into view below us, nestling by the burnside
in a steep-sided glen, near the sea : a village, no less, complete with chapel and mill —
all ruinous, of course. And Borgadill is only one example.

Achinsavill, an important place in the days of the Compt Book, has disappeared, leaving
only a considerable extent of overgrown mounds to indicate its position. And so on.

Far and wide along the high hillsides are traces of man's patient handiwork in clearing and
cultivating the soil. These date from old times; today it would not pay to till such land, so
its sole products are mutton and wool which call for the minimum of man's labour.


I SUGGEST a mental picture of the line of lairds of Carskey showing them as douce quiet
folk, living remote and asking of the outside world only to be left in peace on the lands
they had occupied, be it as owners, tacksmen, adherents or even vassals of some distant
overlord, since long before written record begins in 1505.

The 17th and 18th centuries were a period of turmoil in Scotland. Governments were
overthrown, changes of religious belief were decreed and enforced, the heads of kings and
of aspiring kings were no more safe than were those of the great nobles and others who
took sides in the general strife.

Vast territories changed hands, whether as reward or punishment, for active adherence or
resistance to the ruling power of the moment. Church revenues were similarly

In such affairs the noble house of Argyll was always heavily involved. In 1685 the head of
that house was executed for
treason as his father had been before him, but, so soon after as 1701, his son was raised
a step in the peerage and The 10th Earl and 3rd Marquis became The 1st Duke of Argyll. All
very puzzling to plain folk, even to this day !

The writer of the Compt Book may well have observed that among the powerful partisans of
this or that side, whatever high-principled professions of loyalty to King, Parliament or
Church may have been put forward as the motive for strife, a good deal of land-grabbing
was the usual sequel of success.

If he did, he might naturally conclude that since success had nowhere yet proved
permanent the policy of prudent folk was to keep clear, so far as was possible, of all
dynastic-religious commitments. However, two events occurred near home which must
have caused deep misgivings to Carskey and his folk.

The siege and massacre of Dunaverty occurred in 1647. A Royalist force consisting of
Highlanders (including many Kintyre men) and a contingent of Irish, had refused to lay
down arms when Montrose, nominally the leader of their cause in Scotland, was ordered
by King Charles I to do so.

This force was led by Sir Alexander Macdonald who had received support from The Earl of
Antrim. Sir Alexander, it need not be doubted, regarded himself as Lord of The Isles and
Argyll as an usurper — and many Highlanders of many different clans agreed with this

Prior to the short campaign that ended at Dunaverty, Sir Alexander had certainly, in their
owner's absence, bedevilled Argyll's lands to some purpose and driven off the cattle in
traditional Highland style.

A Parliamentary army under the command of Leslie was sent against Macdonald who, after
retreating down the peninsula of Kintyre as far as Tarbert (Loch Fyne), was brought to
action at Rhunahaorine. There, his force was scattered with the loss of some four-score

The only direction of retreat open was south, to Campbeltown. There, although Leslie was
in hot pursuit, some sort of rally was made, but the Irish lost heart and embarked for their
native land in fifteen ships. Sir Alexander too seems to have abandoned the poor little
remnant of his army.

Under the command of Macdonald of Sanda they retreated further to their last stronghold,
the fortress of Dunaverty — nothing behind them now but the sea and all their ships gone
with the Irisn.

Leslie laid siege to the primitive fortress, cutting off its water by diverting the burn which
supplied it. He did not attempt assault but counted on hunger, thirst and the impossibility
of retreat to reduce the garrison to surrender.

They on their part made no attempt to cut their way out. Possibly they hoped, too long,
for promised relief from the sea. In the end they capitulated and were massacred almost to
a man.

In this miserable affair Argyll was by Leslie's side and, counselling them both, was present
a minister of the Covenanting persuasion, chaplain to Argyll. Let him be nameless, for it is
said that the massacre was ordered on his advice.

Today it seems just as incredible that a minister of The Presbyterian or any other church in
Scotland could have given such counsel as that a body of Highlanders should have
surrendered without a final trial of strength. Certain it is that they would not have done so
if they had guessed their fate.

After Dunaverty, fifty-six years elapsed before Malcolm MacNeill made his first entry in the
Compt Book, years of unrest and faction in Scotland with The House of Argyll always

In 1681 The Earl was proclaimed a traitor, tried, convicted and sentenced to death. He
escaped from imprisonment in Edinburgh Castle and fled through England to Holland.

King Charles II had insisted that whatever might be the finding of the Assize which tried
Argyll, sentence should not be executed without reference to him.

Argyll's presence in London in the course of his flight is said to have been known to the
King, but no attempt was made to arrest his further journey to Holland.

One historian (Burton) suggests that the King may have thought it wise to spare his life and
be content with confiscation of his lands.

In 1684 it became known that Argyll was in Holland plotting with Monmouth to invade, the
former Scotland, the latter England. Amongst precautions taken against this contingency
by The Marquis of Atholl, newly appointed Lieutenant of the Shires of Argyll and Tarbet,
was a general disarmament.

Whatever may have been the feelings of Argyll folk for their absent local lord, condemned
as a traitor and now known to be in open rebellion, it seems certain that they would resent
this appointment of a strange nobleman in his place.

Incomers in Kintyre, especially in high places, receive but a tardy welcome, even to this
day !

Argyll, with about three hundred men in three small ships, landed at Campbeltown on the
20th May 1685 to raise Scotland — Protestant Scotland — in opposition to usurpation and
tyranny as personified by the Duke of York, now James VII of Scotland and II of England. He
failed, was taken prisoner and executed in the same year.

The second event to occur near home and cause deep misgiving — to say the least —
was The Massacre of Glencoe.

A little book entitled 'Outlines of English History' by George Carter MA., Head Master of
New College School, Oxford, published, according to its compiler's preface, 'to assist
candidates preparing for the local examinations' (eleventh edition, in use in 1900), gives
the following confident, concise, assertive and factual account of the affair —

"1692 - The Massacre of Glencoe - William summoned all the Highland Chiefs to take the
oath of allegiance before
Jan. 1st, 1692, but Ian Macdonald of Glencoe neglected to do so.

"Dalrymple, The Secretary of State for Scotland, misrepresented the matter to William and
got a Royal Warrant to root out 'that nest of thieves', the Macdonalds of Glencoe and the
Campbells, their hereditary foes, were sent to carry out this sentence. Nearly all the
whole clan was massacred".

It need not cause surprise that in a book with a special purpose such as the Compt Book no
mention is made of politics or religion : but it is perhaps significant that. among all the
articles of trade included in the transactions recorded there,
neither guns, gunpowder nor any weapons find a place.

In 1684 there had been a general disarmament in Argyll but we do not know whether it was
effectively carried out at Carskey.

Within twelve years of the opening of the Compt Book the Rising of 1715 was to take place
and the 1745 Rising came only two years after the book's close.

Taking all circumstances of the time into consideration it does seem probable that men,
even though living so remote, would feel it prudent to provide themselves with arms; but
as to that we learn nothing from the Compt Book. Perhaps a studied silence !

Next, in considering the Carskey family's probable allegiances, two papers included in the
appendices should be read: 'A Young Soldier's Letter Home' of 1724 and 'A Ducal Missive' of

Of the latter, the signatory may safely be assumed to have been The Duke's chamberlain.
The tenor of the letter strongly suggests that it was devised as a means of ascertaining the
loyalties of the Argyll gentry and fixing them if
possible in favour of the Hanoverian line, even by a trap.

I have not been at pains to find out whether this congratulatory 'Loyal Address' was in fact
ever sent to His Majesty King George II or, if it was, whose were the signatures it bore.

The young soldier's letter home shows first that several young Kintyre men, relations of
Carskey, had already in 1724 taken the Hanoverian King's Shilling, weary, most likely, of
the stagnation and depression of their home surroundings.

By this time whatever Royalist sympathies existed among Highlanders had been inherited
by the exiled Stuarts. The rising of 1715 had petered out in Scotland after the oddly
indecisive battle at Sheriffmuir which The Duke of Argyll can
hardly be said to have won but which the Jacobites certainly lost. As the old song has it —
"Some say that we wan And some say that they wan And some say that nane wan at a',
man; But o' one thing I'm sure, That at Sheriffmuir A battle, there was that I saw, man".
But Jacobite hopes had never died and even the '45 did not quite kill them.

There is evidence in the words and tenor of the young soldier's letter that his action in
joining the Hanoverian king's army was not approved by his elders.

The end of this period of carefully preserved outward neutrality came when Malcolm
MacNeill's heir succeeded him.

In 1746 Captain MacNeill of Carskey is ordered to proceed with his company of Argyllshire
Militia to reinforce the garrison at Dumbarton as extra guard over the large number of
Jacobite prisoners held in the Castle there. An interesting point is that among the State
prisoners then in Dumbarton Castle was Tullibardine, who must have been descended from
The Marquis of Atholl who had been appointed Lieutenant of the shire of Argyll in 1685
when Argyll himself was condemned and his lands forfeited.

Historians of the Macdonalds record that two generations of the Sanda lairds, Gillespie
Mhor and Gillespie Og, were among the garrison of Dunaverty slaughtered in 1647.

Whether the MacNeills of Carskey took any part in that affair is not clear, but it would have
been difficult for them to avoid an appearance of supporting one or the other side, for the
lands of Sanda and Carskey adjoined, with the ancient rock fortress of Dunaverty between

Possibly there was no male Carskey of fighting age at the time. It is safe surmise that even
then the two families were on friendly terms. In the period of the Compt Book, Carskey
took Sanda's son to foster, as may be read in the Extracts and Carskey's son who
afterwards succeeded him married a daughter of Sanda, as the headstone records.
Evidence enough then, of an affinity between the families.

Yet Macdonald of Sanda was 'out' in the '45 while MacNeill of Carskey commanded a
company of Argyllshire Militia on the Government side, as I have already noted.

The only point to add to this curious record is that these Militia were very shortly disbanded
as unreliable; guard over prisoners was perhaps felt by them to be a duty they could
perforce and under pressure accept, but to chase and harry their friends and kinsmen after
the fighting was over they refused. Or again, the contrasting behaviour of MacNeill and
Macdonald at this crisis may have been a concerted plan — to keep a foot in each camp
— a plan not without example among the Highland families of that time.

So much by way of examination into the probable dynastic and political allegiances of our
Malcolm MacNeill, he of the Compt Book.

Let us look at the religious side. I suggest that the struggles between adherents of different
Christian sects which from his remote view-point he was able to observe may have induced
in him not only a prudent attitude in avowing adherence to any one of them, but a
genuinely churchless state of mind; for to profess too fervently, whatever the creed,
might only mean to suffer tribulation without the inward consolation of profound belief.

His forebears and their connections by marriage must have owned adherence to The
Church of Rome; but that creed was in his time one which it was dangerous to profess,
while Presbyterianism had offered, close to his door at Dunaverty and not many years
before his birth, a hideous example of ruthless cruelty perpetrated in the name of

MacNeill chose for wife a daughter of the Rector of Cloghar in Antrim, whose title suggests
that he must have been a cleric of The Episcopal Church there.

The Compt Book records that MacNeill regularly collected teinds from his tenants but it
does not state to whom he paid them over.

There are two delightful entries (Extracts 5 and 23) showing that a local Church Building
Fund was in existence for which MacNeill took it upon himself to collect. Two shilling
sterling is the total, so far as the Compt Book tells us and that was exacted from the wages
of poor helpless serving-women.

Can you not picture the scene when poor Mary, her exiguous wage docked by a not over-
enthusiastic master to the amount of one shilling sterling for a cause neither party believed
in (and a shilling sterling was no trifle to Mary), with a corner of her brattie to her eye, put
herself under further stoppages by ordering from the laird the 'dail-boards' for her coffin,
an order promptly accepted by this extraordinary man ?

It adds interest to a reading of the Extracts to picture their writer living his life under the
influence of fear and a sense of insecurity. Not till after his generation did Scotland become
settled and peaceful enough to permit of rural development, a matter dealt with later in
this book.

A true story touching on allegiances in the West Highlands and Kintyre in the 18th Century
was told me (in a letter I have mislaid) by Mr A. McKerral.

In the 1730's a colony or plantation was established in Carolina by emigrants from the
Highlands. The enterprise was pioneered by a man named McNeill, a Kintyre man but
whether of the Carskey family or related to them is not known.

Over forty years later Flora Macdonald, whose romantic association with the Young
Chevalier in his wanderings after Culloden is the subject of so many tales, sailed with her
husband from Campbeltown to join that Colony which was named New Campbeltown. So
much for the facts which, coming from Mr McKerral, need not be doubted. Curious
inferences may be drawn by free conjecture from these bare facts.

Why should a Kintyre MacNeill, pioneering such a venture as the founding of a colony in
America, decide to call it by a name calculated to perpetuate that of the powerful noble
house and clan of Campbell ? Certainly not from motives of affection, for MacNeills and
their associates, Macdonalds for instance, had enjoyed no favours from that quarter in the
century or more preceding 1730.

May it have been that the Argyll family, in pursuance of their policy of planting Kintyre with
tenants imported from the Lowlands, had thought it worth while to support with money a
scheme of emigration which, if successful, would rid Kintyre of people whose occupancy of
land stood in the way of the implementing of that policy and had claimed as a condition of
that support the naming of the new colony. And is it not perhaps significant that Flora
Macdonald, by the 1770's already well advanced in years, should find her situation as a
well-known Jacobite still so uncomfortable as to cause her to leave her native land forever ?

The decade of her leaving Scotland saw The Declaration of Independence in America, after
some years of bickering
had culminated in war between the colonists and the home government.

[* Actually, Mr. and Mrs. Macdonald remained only some seven years in America, where
Mr. Macdonald found himself in trouble for siding with the British ! They returned to Skye.
The full story is told in Chambers' 'History of the Rebellion of 1745 - 1746'.]

It is at least a feasible explanation that the voyage to America offered Flora Macdonald the
prospect of a home among people of like sympathies in a land freed from the anti-Jacobite
severities of the British government. It may well be, too, that that government did not yet
feel secure of the loyalty of all the Highlanders in Scotland and were relieved to see the
back of any disaffected ones. Jacobite feeling was not yet quite dead.

Government had troubles enough in hand abroad to tax all their military strength; another
rising at home would have been most inconvenient. In such circumstances,
encouragement of evacuation of malcontents would appear sound policy.

Thus far, in this digression, the dynastic allegiances of the West Highlands and of Kintyre
in general have been considered and the deduction suggested that Jacobite feeling was
strong or at least alive. I would have it that the
Carskey family shared that feeling but, because of their fear of the powerful Argylls,

The Compt Book records three facts which have to be explained if that theory is to hold.
First, there is the young soldier's letter of 1724 showing that at least three young relatives
of Carskey were then serving in The Royal Regiment of Horse Guards : second, we find

that Captain McNeill of Carskey commanded a company of Argyll militia in 1746: third, his
son Malcolm became a lieutenant-colonel in the British service.

I think that the temptation of military service, with its certainty of pay and its chance of
glory, contrasted with stagnation at home, sufficiently accounts for the young soldiers of
1724. The regiment they selected, be it noted, was one never likely to be engaged in

As to the militia officer of 1746, it is on record that much of the militia was disbanded as
soon as possible after the '45, being considered unreliable.

It is 'the Campbells' who receive plaudits in the subsequent dispatches for their behaviour
at Culloden, not the Highland troops in general who were engaged that day on the same

Lastly, Colonel Malcolm. He lived till the 1820's. He was at the taking of St. Helier in 1781
and served in the Peninsula during the Napoleonic Wars. He is thus of a much later period
than that of the Compt Book but he too in his youth may have been tempted by the
considerations indicated in the case of the young soldiers of 1724.

In fact, if emigration was encouraged by those in power as a means of ridding the country
of disaffected people, the offer of military service was an equally effective means to the
same end.

As is well-known, Highlanders had been for centuries welcome in the mercenary armies of
the Continent: and soon after the '45 there began that happier era for Scotland when,
largely among the umquhile rebels, there were raised those glorious Highland regiments
which ever since have added to the lustre of British arms.


THE COMPT BOOK, dedicated and strictly confined as it is to recording business matters,
provides but an occasional and incidental clue to the social habits of the family and no
other records have survived to throw further light on the subject.

The 1505 Rental of Crown Lands shows Hector MacGillecallum, ancestor of the writer of the
Compt Book, the
owner of twelve merklands of Carskey and in addition of four merklands of The Mull of

What the more ancient authority for his ownership was no document records; probably
none was thought necessary, there being in those early days as yet no competitors, no
pressure by powerful neighbours, for possession of lands so rugged and remote.

But if the Carskey line thought that the 1505 land settlement gave them secure title they
were mistaken, for in 1701 we find MacNeill glad to extract from Argyll a charter for only
four merklands, a title which he at once proceeded to
strengthen by securing register and sasine in the appropriate legal form.

Not many decades before that his predecessor at Carskey had admitted himself mere
Tacksman, a position hard to reconcile with that which the erector of the headstone seems
to claim for the head of the family.

During the seventeenth century there was in progress, under the authority of the noble
house of Argyll, the 'plantation' of Kintyre by Lowlanders, a scheme which could not be
carried through without ousting the existing landowners. Opposition was ruthlessly dealt
with, as at the siege and massacre of Dunaverty in 1647.

If any Carskey men were in action on that dreadful occasion it is more likely that they were
on the side of the defenders led by Macdonald of Sanda than among the attacking forces
led by Leslie and Argyll.

Dunaverty is but three miles distant from Carskey and Sanda's house, Macharioch, as far
away in the opposite direction.

There were already ties by marriage between the families and to one of these the
headstone bears witness. There have been further unions by marriage since then between
the Sanda and Carskey families. So while, in the total absence of documentary evidence
bearing on social life, one must depend on surmise to form a view, I am inclined to
conclude that poor MacNeill and the family must have lived a peculiarly friendless life, with
few neighbours whose society he felt free or safe to enjoy in simple good faith.

I feel sure that he and his forebears could never willingly have consented to that reduction
of the Carskey Lands which occurred between 1505 and 1701, from twelve or sixteen
merklands to so few as four.

To one who knows the topography of the district, the Rent Roll of 1751 reveals a very queer
distribution of ownership of the lands it comprises.

Natural boundaries and contiguity of lands are disregarded; Carskey is simply cut to pieces
and the lands of Macdonald of Sanda appear to have been dealt with in the same way.

The headstone so often referred to and the charter of 1701 indicate clearly enough that the
Carskeys considered themselves to be of the landowning class and if society (that is, social
intercourse) was taking the form of mixing only with one's social equals, we may find in the
Compt Book some indications of the small circle open to Malcolm MacNeill and his family.

The little prepositions 'of' and 'in' prefixed to place names are there used with meticulous
care; the former to denote an owner or at least a permanent occupant of land, the latter a
tenant or one whose occupation was but temporary, not heritable.

MacNeill himself is accorded the 'of' in some communications addressed to him found
interleaved in the Compt Book; others mentioned with the same distinctive preposition are

1720 Hew Me Shenoig of Lepinstra
1718 Duncan Campbell of Druimnamucklach
— Torquil Me Neill of Ugadill
1723 Donald Omey of Keill
— unnamed laird of Kilchreist

while Macdonald of Sanda is sufficiently identified by the name of his property, 'Sana', he
is without personal name.

Thus there was no need in those days for the use of such a complimentary term of address
as 'Esquire'. The little particle 'of' followed by the name of the property belonging to the
person conveyed the intended compliment and I think 'Mr' a title very seldom encountered
in the Compt Book — should be read in the strict sense to indicate one who held the
degree of Master from some University and therefore probably a member of what today are
termed the professional classes, most likely a minister of the Church.

If the truly remarkable nostrums found in the Compt Book and listed in Appendix E are to be
read seriously, there can scarcely at this time have been a qualified medical man in the
locality — doctor is a title not found in the Compt Book.

In 1721 MacNeill records business dealings with a person whom he denominates Lady
McDugald. The title must be taken as accorded by no higher authority than that of general
local use and even then as much for the purpose of identification as by way of compliment.
Thus, the laird's wife might be adequately addressed as 'Mistress So-and-so' while their
eldest female child was still young but, when the young lady reached — still unmarried —
an age to have a handle to her name, the term 'Mistress' had to be reserved for her and
then her mother received the honorific title of Lady. 'Miss' was a term unused.

This custom persisted to my knowledge down to my mother's time when the older and less
sophisticated folk still alluded to her as Lady Mackay and to my only sister as Mistress

In the Council Minutes at Campbeltown under date 1698 there is the following entry :
"Whilk day Malcoime McNeill son to John McNeill in Karriskey ent — himself to the haill
privileges & payed his composition".

Note the significant use of the particle 'in'. The year of the entry falls within that period
when Carskey was described as a tacksman; subsequent to the headstone but prior to The
(Burgh) Charter of 1701. Probably this enrolment as Burgess of the Burgh of Barony of
Campbeltown was a step which MacNeill considered advisable when establishing the
position he allots himself on the title page of the Compt Book as ' Merchant att

It is at least peculiar that one of his line should have adopted that self-description in giving
the title to a book devoted exclusively to Carskey estate affairs. Possibly he had concluded
that his days as landowner were numbered. But sudden reversals of fortune were the rule,
almost, of those troubled days.

If Malcolm MacNeill thought of establishing a home as well as a merchant's house in
Campbeltown he must have changed his mind, for the Compt Book seems to indicate that
during its writing he made Carskey his home and brought up his family there.

In that case, the individuals forming the Carskey social circle of equals must have been
members of the families already named above, a very limited number of friends even if all
were counted friends, which is doubtful.

Journeys by land were difficult for more than one reason. The only conveyance a saddle
horse; the country inhabited by people from whom no friendly reception could be counted
on once north of Campbeltown. By sea, perhaps, matters were easier.

We read in a letter found interleaved in the Compt Book of a young man of the family
established at Ayr, there to attend to Carskey's business affairs but longing to be home
again; there may have been relations to visit in Antrim and there is by inference record of a
visit by daughter Esther to Dublin, for while there the naughty girl borrowed a pound
sterling — the elaborate form of receipt to be signed by the lender when, on his return to
Kintyre, he would be repaid by MacNeill is found in Extract 65.

It is all conjecture, but I think the picture is one of a home-keeping family limited to that
life by disturbed surroundings.

If I am right, then Carskey offers a sharp contrast to some rural parts of the mainland. I
would instance Kilravock and Ochtertyre; both of them, of course, establishments of much
greater pretensions than Carskey, both well documented, both situate in districts even
more afflicted by the troubles of the times than was The Mull of Kintyre, yet both
maintaining active social intercourse with numerous neighbours and visitors.

As an example of the seclusion of Carskey, perhaps I may mention that my grandmother,
when she married my grandfather Mackay in 1833, though 'heiress of Carskey', had never
been so far from home even as Campbeltown till she took ship on her wedding night at
Carskey Bay for the honeymoon.
(I well remember the old lady at the head of her table in Edinburgh, at 26 George Square. I
was a small boy admitted
as a treat for dessert after some dinner party. Granny had false teeth and when the finger-
bowl was placed before her she adroitly draped a napkin over her left forearm to form a
screen, swept the table round with an apologetic disarming smile to the company, then
plop, plop went the teeth and, after sounds of rinsing and replacing, the napkin was
dropped and conversation resumed. For me, that scene was the event of the evening).

Compt Book entries give some indication of the contents of the Carskey wardrobes and
linen cupboards. In 1703 there is what I take to be a laundry list (Extract 2) showing the
laird to be provided with as many as eighteen shirts of his
own, thirty-one of his sons' ( 'plus a shirt on each of yr backs' ) and numerous cravats.

Perhaps through delicacy or because the ladies made up their own lists, no female
underwear is included, or it may be those items occurred in the latter part of the entry
which has faded so much as to be illegible.

But, at least, such numbers of male shirts indicate a high standard of dress and clean
dress at that.

[* The Ochtertyre House Booke records purchases during the years 1737 - 1739 of the raw
materials for making soap. In 1719 canny Malcolm of Carskey was selling the manufactured
article, price 4 pence the pound, vide Extracts].

Probably the material was linen, grown, spun and woven not many miles from home.
Then, as to outer wear, though
one finds no garment ever named, nor any tailor's bills, there are several records of
settlements with weavers for a variety of fabrics epecially woven for the Carskey
household; some for wear as clothing and others for household use.

A 'cloathier' is mentioned but one cannot be sure that the term had its modern meaning.
Though there were local shoemakers, pumps were imported by Malcolm MacNeill as an
article of trade.

As TO THE EDUCATION of the children, again it is only by inference that the pages of the Compt
Book give us any information. A schoolmaster is mentioned more than once but only in
connection with business dealings, not with school fees paid. It is probable that in families
of standing private resident tutors were maintained.

Careful readers of the Extracts will notice many allusions to that general Highland custom
of exchange of sons between local lairds 'for fostering' (for example in Extracts 34 and 38).
It is but reasonable to conclude that the foster parents provided education as well as board,
lodging and training in estate management.

The country in those times must have held many a learned cleric dispossessed of his living
who was willing and qualified to undertake the duties of family tutor. Even as late as the
1880's my father, with a numerous family, maintained a resident tutor at Carskey till the
children reached an age to go on to various metropolitan schools.

SPORT is NEVER mentioned in the Compt Book. There was in force an embargo on the
possession of firearms which, if observed, would preclude the use of guns for killing game.
It is probable that any hunting done in those days was for the pot and the method netting,
whether in water or on land.

The glorious era of the red grouse came more than a century later, as did the sport of
angling with rod, line and fly.


ALMOST every entry in the Compt Book shows a curious state of the coined money in use.
There existed, simultaneously and within the same realm, two currencies, Sterling and
Scots, the coins of both having the same denominations, viz. pound, shilling and penny,
but widely differing values.

The Sterling coin was worth twelve of its Scots namesake. This ratio of 12 : 1 is found
unvaried throughout the period of the Compt Book and indeed has persisted (in theory at
least) till today; for in 1954 the Lord Lyon King of Arms, imposing his fine on certain
persons for using unauthorised Arms, expresses its amount in both Sterling and Scots
money, at 12 Scots to 1 Sterling. (I imagine The Lyon might be rather nonplussed if
payment were to be tendered in Scots coin).

Clearly this is not a case of two coinages finding their respective values in the course of
free commercial exchange, for had it been so the rate of exchange must have fluctuated.
Nor can the ratio have represented a difference in metal value between Sterling and Scots
coins called by the same names. If one gold pound were a coin of size practicable in use,
then the other gold pound, whether twelve times larger or smaller, would not be
practicable. The same would be true of silver and copper.

Indeed, though it is with hesitation that such an apparently absurd conclusion can be
accepted, a study of authoritative
sources of information produces much evidence that coins of well-nigh equal metal value
were expected to have course simultaneously at the ratio of 12 of the Scots coin to 1

On occasions during and before the period of the Compt Book, when coin current was
called in by King or Parliament to be replaced by lighter issues, values being declared
unaltered (an attractive but fallacious get-rich-quick operation), the ostensible reason was
that much of the old issue had been filed or sweated, while still more was counterfeit or
base. But unless our Scots practitioners were expert beyond their English neighbours in
such Mfarious arts, or the government in Scotland more lax in checking them, there is in
all this no sufficient explanation of the 12 : 1 ratio.

There may remain in the mind a suspicion that at the Mint and in other high places
someone was making money. In this present context, what concerns us is not the cause
but the effect of the great disparity established between Sterling and Scots coin.

It may be suggested as probable that persistent devaluation of the Scots coin, due not to
natural mercantile causes but to manipulation and the arbitrary acts of kings and
statesmen, was a potent factor in producing the discontents that kept Scotland always
turbulent, flaming into rebellion in 1715 and 1745.

For it is always advisable to look for economic causes first where such things occur, while
allowing dynastic and religious loyalties their due influence. It may further be suggested as
probable if not inevitable that this enormous disparity between the two coinages (dictated,
not reached by free exchange between willing parties) led in the end to scarcity of both.

First would come a feeling of distrust because of the one being unnaturally dear and the
other consequently too cheap.
On distrust would follow avoidance and on avoidance, scarcity. That is the position which
the Compt Book reveals.

Banks in those days played no part in the commercial affairs of such a remote part of the
country as Kintyre. The first and only mention in the Compt Book of a bank note occurs in
1735 (Extract 81); it was one single note of 'Twenty Shill: Sterll'.

Cheques were unknown — naturally, since there was no bank and few could have written
or even signed such a document — but notes of hand, that is, acknowledgments of
indebtedness by whatever name described, if over the signature of a local man of
substance, seem to have passed at face value from hand to hand in transactions to which
their first utterers were no party.

And here, since earlier the presence of an undue proportion of base pieces has been
alluded to as one cause of scarcity of coin, the reader may note that Malcolm MacNeill
records only once in forty years of writing the passing of a bad shilling ! How the canny
man dealt with that situation may be read in Extract 58. There was no high morality in his
method !

Those quaint peculiarities in accounting found throughout the Compt Book fit well with the
theory that acute shortage of coin prevailed, so acute as to make necessary the finding of
substitute currency.

Cheese and butter provided this to some extent, holding value in local transactions as
steady as coin and interchangeable one with the other at a fixed rate. Of how such produce
fared when it reached its final market we have, unfortunately, no record in the Compt
Book. That there was a substantial export from Kintyre need not be doubted. The same
theory of extreme shortage of coin would explain the laborious effort so often in evidence
to reach a balance between parties by offset — a 'fitted' account — and the rarity of final
settlements. Accounts just had to run on because they could not be closed by an exact
cash payment.

Further search for an explanation of the Scots - Sterling exchange would lead too far from
our subject. In Appendix J at the end of this book I print as a curiosity an anonymous and
undated sheet on the subject, entitled 'Whaur's Our Ain Mint ?', for which I am indebted to
Mr Kerr, Keeper of Coins in The National Museum, Edinburgh.

The Compt Book records the occasional use and evaluation of the following coins.

Merk 13 shillings 4 pence Scots = 1 shilling 1¾ pence Sterling
Groat 4 shillings Scots = 4 pence Sterling
Double Pistole £19. 19 shilling Scots = £1. 13 shillings 3 pence Sterling
Guinea £12. 12 shillings Scots = £1. 1 shilling Sterling
Amongst these the Double Pistole is interesting as probably the only coin to reach its value
by merit of weight and fineness of metal and not by statute. This phenomenon of a
dictated rate of exchange existed — of that there can be no doubt — and constituted a
very great obstacle to trade and progress in Scotland in those days. That is all that need
concern readers of MacNeill's Compt Book. One may suspect the integrity of the statesmen
whose acts produced the
situation but whether evidence exists to support such doubts I know not.


IN THE DAYS of the Compt Book the lands of The Mull of Kintyre carried a human population
probably about ten times as numerous as they do today.

There is no history of clearances in Kintyre such as are held accountable for loss of rural
population in other parts of the Highlands. The reason for this is perhaps that Kintyre was a
district well ahead of many others in rural development.

The clearances, harsh and cruel though they are represented to have been, were in fact
belated acts of mercy in disguise.

The great lairds, of whom Carskey was not one, who effected them saw, from the wider
outlook that wealth and travel opened to them, what their poorer tenants could not see, or
could not bring themselves to see, that the
alternative to emigration was starvation and this was more than ever the case when the
potato began to fall.

The potato, however, had not even been introduced anywhere in the Highlands during the
period covered by the Compt Book.

Burton in his 'History of Scotland' gives 1740 as the year when potatoes were first
cultivated in Scotland. The Irish potato famine occurred only in the 1840's. During the
1745, when shortage of provisions frequently embarrassed the leaders of the Government
troops, it was always meal, meal, meal that was demanded for the Highlanders who
fought on that side; potatoes were never mentioned.

On The Duke's lands in Kintyre, it was the policy to substitute farmers from the mainland
for the indigenous occupants, a process which no doubt led to larger farm units, more
efficient methods and better paying stock and crops, but also to a surplus of humans.

The need for wholesale compulsory evictions was avoided by encouraging voluntary
emigration. If, in a smaller way, a similar movement was in progress on Carskey, the
Compt Book offers little evidence of it and no clear proof of rising rents or enlargement of
farm boundaries; only the entries dealing with Steelbow (Appendix C) and Excrescence
Rent are suggestive.

Reduction of rural population began, coincided and was connected with and made easy by
the rise of Great Britain in
manufactures, in foreign trade, in colonial and imperial expansion. That may set us
'thinking forward'.

If the conditions which have led to rural depopulation are changing, if the era of Britain's
industrial, colonial and imperial supremacy is passing, then the lands of the United
Kingdom will have to be used again not simply to give the utmost economic results, but to
provide homes and sustenance for the greatest number of our people. There will be no

Is it possible for such numbers of people as the lands of Kintyre carried in the days when
this Compt Book was written ever again to find a living there, if driven to it by hard
necessity ? I end my work with that query and leave my readers to their own thoughts.


At this point, I had intended to bring this already rambling commentary to a close, but the
temptation to add some further desultory reflections has been irresistible.

These lands in The Mull of Kintyre with which the Compt Book deals should not be thought
of as alike with the areas where the great clearances took place.

The former included a proportion of potentially fertile land sufficient to provide food and
raiment for the population
plus a surplus for export; the latter were relatively barren, human beings their only form of
exportable surplus.

Kintyre continues to this day to export her surplus agricultural products. Yet that has not
stayed the loss of population. I picture the social conditions at Carskey at that time as a
late survival of rural communal life; a system breaking down in face of the rising
attractions which industrial development, imperial and colonial expansion and military
service held out to the emigrant, coupled with development at home of agriculture for
profit, making for larger farms worked with the minimum of manpower. And perhaps the
family of Argyll, decided on such development and seeing its consequences, deserve one
good mark for encouraging emigration instead of forcing it.

It seems to me that the use of land for maximum money product and its use for the support
of a maximum resident population are propositions poles apart, irreconcilable, mutually
destructive. Must it then be that so long as economic considerations rule and the industrial
era of our country persists the Highlands will remain depopulated ?

Switzerland provides an example of agricultural land held in a multitude of small plots by
freeholders yet worked on large farm lines. By cooperation, boundaries of individual
holdings are ignored while the plough is driven and seed is sowed and cattle grazed at large
within the village enclave. Thus no man is another's servant except perhaps the village
schoolmaster and the priest, whose contribution to the common effort takes the form of
management of the worldly as well as the spiritual and educational affairs of the village.

Norway likes to boast 'Every man a freeholder' and indeed they appear to live at a standard
much higher than would be expected from a view of their small, steep and often carelessly
cultivated holdings. But there the vast State forests provide seasonal paid employment for
large numbers of the small freeholding families, while fresh virgin land is still becoming
available for settlement as roads are driven forward into the jungle, where afforestation by
the State and cultivation by small-holders deriving title direct from the same source can go
hand in hand.

By way of contrast, let us take a look at these Highlands and Islands of ours in the matter
of land-holding conditions.

In doing so we may disregard the old laird, for his extinction by legislation appears to be a
settled national policy. In his place there is left at one extreme the new laird who, enjoying
a large income from some extraneous source, is prepared to lose some of it on his lands, a
loss largely mitigated by taxation relief. At the other extreme there is the subsidised
crofter. Intermediate stands the tenant farmer.

All fail to pass the double test of being self-supporting while offering room for such a
density of population as the land used to carry.

A Government which came into power in 1945 on a policy of nationalisation of the means of
production etc. did not deal with the land in any such drastic way, although the land is the
means of production of this country's greatest industry, agriculture. Yet full employment
on the land, in the sense of full rural repopulation, is not possible to attain under our
existing laws, which make land itself unavailable. But if it were available there is no
evidence of the existence of a solid body of people anxious to revert to the mode of life of
which Malcolm MacNeill has unwittingly given a picture in the pages of the Compt Book.
Repopulation of the Highlands can come, I conclude, only with the decline of our country's
manufacturing supremacy, precipitated possibly by the cataclysm of war.

What says Omar Khayyam ? " . . . could thou and I with fate conspire To grasp this sorry
Scheme of Things entire, Would we not shatter it to bits and then Remould it nearer to the
Heart's Desire".


NOTE - ABOUT ONE HUNDRED out of four hundred entries which the Compt Book comprises are
here reproduced with their peculiar spelling and arrangement preserved so far as may be
when press replaces pen. Much of the original has been omitted as repetitive and more
because (alas !) it has become illegible. Editorial interpolations are placed in square
brackets. There is a glossary of strange words appended and a table explaining
contractions; reference to these and to the index will help towards easy reading.

In the Extracts and wherever passages from the original manuscripts are transcribed, the
following will be encountered

anoyr. another oyr. other togeyr.
broyr. brother qr of. whereof wt.
fayr. father qch. which ye. the
forsd.foresaid qt. what ym. them
imp. imprimus qrin. wherein yr. their or there
moyr.mother sd. said yr of. thereof
mrk. merk (13 shillings and 4pence) seall. several yt. that



Novr 29d 1703 So Barbara Campbell Relict to the Deceast Ballie McViccar
rests me of lent mony the soume of forty mrks Scots £26 : 13 : 04


Decr 9th 1703 Ane account of Shurts & Cravats delivered to Ann Heaman

Imp 18 shurts of my own & 4 Cravats fyne mussline and seven fyne
shurts of sd number
Item of Children shurts 31 new and old & a shurt on each of yr backs
Six courss Cravats also 2 short Cravats
Item 4 Short Cravats of Archd Lossits & tuo Stocks
Item Six Table Cloaths & of ym on old also eight napkins
Three Little hand towells also pillowber Cases
[&c., &c., becoming illegible.]


Rentall Crop and MartimaSs 1711 years

Imprimus from Neill mcllcheanie for his holding Crop forsd The Soume
of Twenty four pound five shill : eight d/- qch compleats his Rent
multer Teinds & preSents the sd Crop . £24 : 05 : 08

Reed from Duncan mcSporran full payt of his Rent multer Teinds &
preSents payable be him for Crop & MartimaSs 1711 years being
27 : 04 : 02ds £27 : 04 : 02

Reed from Donald mcShenoig full payt of his Rent multer Teinds &
preSents payable be him for Crop & MartimaSs 1711 years being
29 : 05 : 08ds £29 : 05 : 08

Reed from And Were full and compleat payment of his Rent multer
Teinds & presents payable be him for Crop and martimaSs 1711 years
being 27 : 04 : 02ds £27 : 04 : 02

Reed from Malcolm McCallum in Kepragan upon John Mcffaills
account full & compleat payment payable be the sd John out of ane [?] Groat
Land of Glenadill & yt for Crop and martimaSs Jayby & eleven years
being £26 : 10 : 00

Reed from Charles O Drain in pairt payt of his Rent payable be him out
off ffeorlin the Soume Twenty three pounds threttin shill: 4ds. & yt
for Crop and martimaSs Jaybii & eleven years, qch I rested [?] from
Ilaster McAllister on his Accompt : £23 : 13 : 04

Reed from Malcolm O Drain full payt for Crop forSd [but no amount is

Reed from Donald McAlister full and compleat payment for Crop and
martimaSs forsd [Again no amount]

Reed from William McClartie full payt £00 : 07 : 00

Reed from Angus mcMurchy full payment for Crop forsd

Reed from John mcMurchie full payment for Crop forsd [No amounts
[Incomplete and unsatisfactory though it is, this is the earliest and in fact the only entry
setting out to give, with some attempt at method, a rent roll of Carskey. The writer seems
to tire of figures before reaching the end of the part reproduced and what may have
followed cannot be read. Time has deleted the record ; it becomes illegible.]


[Undated.] Reed from Dun. McSporran full & compleat payt of his rent multer teinds &
presents payable be him for Crop & martimaSs Jaybii & fortein years & proceedings
£27 : 09 : 06

[Undated.] Reed from Ard McMurchy in pairt payt. of his Rent payable be him for Crop &
martimaSs Jaybii & ffortein years the soume off Twenty one pounds Scots
£21 : 00 : 00

Item received from him four pound Ten £04 :
10 : 00

Item one pound Scots £01 : 00 : 00 £26 :
10 : 00

[Undated.] Reed from Neil McCallum full and compleat payt of his Rent Teinds and
converted multer and presents
payable be him for ane half mrk Ld of Glenadill & yt for Crop and martimass Jaybii &
fortein years

Inde £39 : 15 : 00

nota rests 3 shill Scots £00 :
03 : 00

[Undated.] Reed from Donald McShenoig full payt of his Rent multer Teinds and presents
payable be him for ane Groat land of Ballinacoussag & yt for Crop & martimaSs Jaybii &
fortein years Inde £29 : 06 : 08

1716 payt to Margaret McShenoig of qt wages I rest her.

Imprimus ffor graSsing ane Kow & stirk £02 :
00 : 00

Item payt for medicins 3 lib £03 :
00 : 00

Item to William McClartie for his pains
£03 : 00 : 00

Item payt for the sd Margaret towards the building of our Kirk
£09 : 12 : 00

[The import of this whole entry is obscure. Yet it is of interest for its mention of a purchase
of 'medicins' and on the next line, of poor McClartie's 'pains'. Query : Were the medicines
and pains connected ? The contribution recorded as paid by MacNeill on Margaret's behalf
(for so I read it) towards the Church building fund is also to be noted. This subject is
speculatively dealt with in Commentary, u, p. 27.]


Apryll 3rd 1716 I bought from Malcolm Mc [illegible] in Ballinacuissag ane tuo
year old bull qch he is to lybb on his own hazard and to deliver itt me whole libed. payt him
for him Seven mrks & Ten shill Scots Inde
— Delivered £05 : 03 : 04

May 2d Item Bought & payt ane Tuo year old Stot from Malcolm McMillen in
(not Delivered to Whitsunday. Delivered
£05 : 06 : 08

May 2d 1716 Item bought & payt ane three year old Slot from Donald McSporran In
Glemanuilt att
Deliverd [Here further purchases on comparable terms are recorded].
£09 : 10 : 00


Novr 1716 Bought from Donald McShenoig in BallinacuSsag tuo Six quarter old the on
a slot & ye oyr a bull at fortein mrks Scots & this to be allowd him for the EntreSs of a forty
peny Land of the Sd Toun. Rests of the Sd EntreSs ane mrk Scots
Item Bought from Gilbert McQualiskie ane Kow at Seventine mrks qch I got & kilid also
bought from him ane stot three come may next at twelve mrks qch he has in his own
custody & is oblidged to Deliver him at May whole & wholSome and he is to be allowd him
in the EntreSs of ane half mrk Land Rests me of the Sd EntreSs ane mrke

May 1716 Lauchlan McNeill my Broyr in Law rests me for the EntreSs of
Glennadilluchtrach Ten pounds Sterling money is
£120 : 00 : 00

Der 25 1716 Reed from him in pairt payd of the Sd EntreSs Six pounds Sterling
money is Inde £ 72 : 00 : 00


[Month and day lost.] 1717 Then counted and delivered of sheep and muttons to
Hendry McNeill my heard Threescore and four wt ane Ram qrof yr is ten yt has Lambs &
tuo to Lamb. Item anoyr sheep from mary mcTaylor. In all — 66 :

Item tuo muttons yt I got from Gilbert McQualiskie & Donald Mcllheary 02

May 1717 Item in Lepinbeg Six muttons, tuo qrof was gotten from William McClarty

Item wt John mcCamroSs five sheep & Six Lambs

Item in BallinacuiSsag wt Donald McShenoig tuo muttons rests this years mutton

Charles O Drain & McQualiskie rests a mutton for this year


Ane Accompt of pumps Sold 1717

Septr 1717 Donald McNeill Balligrogan rests for ane pair pumps for his maide
£00 : 16 : 00

Ranald mcAlaster Son to Hector at Machrimore rests for ane pair pumps
£00 : 18 : 00

Item Hendry McNeill my Servant rests for ane pair to his Sone Neill
£00 : 16 : 00

Item Malcolm McNeill my tennent rests for ane paire also rests for —— Bear
£00 : 16 : 00

Item Margart mcShenoig my Servt for ane pair
£00 : 16 : 00

Item resting be Mal. mcllhonaly in Kill ane pair att
£00 : 19 : 00

Septr 11th 1717 Neill me Ilchonalie shoemaker att the mill rests for ane Sturdy Quey
£01 : 16 : 00

John Mcllheany Schoolmaster rests for ane pair of pumps
£01 : 00 : 00

Sent to Neill mcllchonaly Schooemaker 4 pair pumps to be sold

Donald Omey in Keill rests for ane pair—payd
£00 : 16 : 00

ffenuell mcllchreist Spouse to John fforrester rests for tuo pair pumps
£01 : 16 : 00

Octobr 31d Item Neill McNachlain in Gartvaij rests for ane pair
£00 : 18 : 00

[And so on.]

May 1717 Then agreed wt Malcolm McNeill for his holding In Lepinbeg. he is to pay
fifty mrks Scots for the
EntreSs of the sd Land Soe rests £33 :
06 : 08

And is to pay of yearly Rent teind dry multer and Silver preSent fifty mrks
Item rests for ane horSs yt belonged to my broyr in Law tuenty mrks
(Reed the prySs of this horSs March 1719) £13 :
06 : 08

Item for ane pair pumps eighteen pence
£00 : 18 : 00

Item for plow timber 18 sh: Scots
£00 : 18 : 00

May 1719 Item of Lent money ane shill: sterll at Mr Dugalds houSs and ane shill: Scots
at Machrimor Mill is Inde
£00 : 13 : 00

Nov [?] 1719 Then received from the forsd Malcolm McNeill in money
£21 : 00 : 00

Item ane young branded Kow of the first calf. which he is to deliver to me att Maij next at 14
lib £14 : 00 : 00
and that in payment of the forsd EntreSs & account

The sd day I Gave the sd Malcolm ane black horSs named Gady for which he is to give me
ane black bas and filly att May next I got the ffilly


Nov 1717 Hew McMillen in Borgadilbeg rests me for plow timber
£01 : 10 : 00

Neill McKearmoid in Ormsary rests for plow timber
£01 : 10 : 00
allowd Neill McKearmoid this for fothering of McOdrains Kows

Neil McQualisky in Gartvean rests for plow timber
£00 : 15 : 00

The Laird of Sana rests for plow timber qch his servant McGeachy received
£01 : 10 : 00

Jo Mcviccar in Lailt for plow timber £00 :
15 : 00

John McCamroSs in ffeorline £01 :
10 : 00

[And so on to record many more sales of plow timber.]


May 1717 Then Agreed with William mcClarty for his holding in Lepinbeg and he is to
pay me fifty mrks for
Rent Dry Multer teinds and preSents yearly during his Sitting
£33 : 06 : 03

Also he rests me fifty mrks Scots for his proportion of the Entrees of his sd poSseSsione
£33 : 06 : 08

[This is. then, a statement of terms for the occupation — 'possession' is the word used — of
a piece of land but not a lease, for no period of duration is set. The date is May 1717. In
the original, immediately above and below the extract quoted, there are entries, under
dates from 1719 to 1721, partly illegible, but all recording various bargains between the
parties brought into account towards a settlement of rent. Even so late as 1720, payment
of Entress had not been completed. Finally, the whole passage is cancelled by cross lines
over it from beginning to end : one may assume that settlement had been reached and no
further words or figures were thought necessary].


May 1717 Ane account of qt Cattle is in ffeorlin wt John McCamross

Imprimus Seven tuo year olds qrof tuo are Stots

Item four Kows 3 year old Each

Item Six big aged Kows & ane yt Charles O Drain is to fend

Item Seven stirks & anoyr Stirk qt is [in] Lepinbeg wt Matt: McNeill. also anoyr stirk wt
John McCamross yt mor [?] in ft after had

[This entry must indicate a gathering of cattle for drove; Feorlin is too small a place to
carry so many beasts for long. See also in 1719, Extract 24].


Janry 8th 1718 Then Reed from Dun McSporran the Soume off Twenty seven pounds
four shill: 2ds & in yt full payt of Rent mutter teinds & presents payable be him for Crop &
martimaSs Jaybii & Seventine years £27 : 04 : 02

Reed from Dvd McShenoig the Soume of Eightein pounds and four Shills Scots money & yt
in payt of his Rent multer Teinds and presents payable be him for ane forty peny Land for
Crops and martima$s Jaybii & seventine years
£18 : 04 : 00

Reed from Gilchrist McQualisky the Soume of thirtty Six lib eight shills: 9ds Scots & yt in
full payt of his rent multer & teind & presents payable be him for Crop Jaybii & Seventine
£36 : 08 : 09

Reed from Lauchlan McNeill in Glenadil ochtrach the Soume of Seven Score mrks for
Crop Jaybii & seventine
£93 : 06 : 08

also Six mrks as the grassmeal Deu for four groats.

Land of the sd toun £04 : 00 : 00

Reed from And Weer the Soume of Twenty Seven pounds four shill: 2ds Scots & yt in full
payment of his rent multer teinds & presents payable for Crop and martimaSs Jaybii &
seventine years £27 : 04 : 02

[Follows several entries of like tenour].

Reed from William McClarty in money the Soume of Twenty and tuo pounds ten shill:
Scots also allowd to him three lib Scots on Cossin Margaret McNeill in Amod her account,
qch the sd Margaret is to reckon wt me for and that for Crop Jaybii & Seventine years
£25 : 00 : 00

Rests of the sd Crop ane lib Scots—payd


1718 Reed from Charles O Drain in pairt payt of his Rent for Crop forsd ane Boll & seven
pecks barley at ten mrks per boll is
£09 : 10 : 00

Item bought from him ane threequarter old Quey att four lib Scots in the remainder of the
sd Rent qch is as yett in his custody. & is to deliver to me in her tuo year old att May 1719
years £4 : 00 : 00 £13 : 10 : 00

May 1719 Receaved the sd Quey and sent her to Ffeorline [The total of £13:10:0, with
the receipt of the Quey as recorded a year after, completes this year's rent transaction with
Charles O Drain].


Apryll 8std 1718 Then Reed from Neill McViccar for ane groat Land of Lailt the
soume of twenty & six pounds Scots money & yt in pairt of Rent and teind payable be him
for Crop and martimass Jaybii & Seventine years Inde
£26 : 00 : 00

He says he payt Six Ib Scots to Margaret herself qch if she acknowledges does compleat his
Rent & teind for the sd Crop.


Septr 1718 Ane account of Soap resting

Imprimus to Mr Dugald Campbell, 8 lib of Soap reed be John mcShenoig att 4ds per lib
is £01 : 12 : 00

Item Duncan Campbell of Drimnamucklach rests 3 lib
£00 : 12 : 00

Item Neill mcKays wife in Branerikin 2 lib £00 :
08 : 00

[For import of the prefix 'Mr' see Commentary, III, p. 31. The price is in sterling, extended
in Scots money. For import of the prepositions 'of' and 'in' followed by place names, see
Commentary, in, p. 30].


March 2d 1719 Reed from Donald Mcllheary the soume of Six lib & 7ds [sic] Scots in
pairt of his Rent payable be
him for Crop & martimass 1718 £06 :
07 : 00

Item I bought from him ane tuo year old Quey for qch I am to allow him ten mrks Scots in
the Rest of his Renti and he is to deliver the sd Quey wholl and wholesome at May
£06 : 13 : 04
Receavd the sd Quey & sent to feorline


Apryll 1719 John McCamross in ffeorline rests ane cow for the bull qch he is to deliver
me att whit Sunday next. and that being in compensatione of ane Tydy Kow which he by
CareleSsneSs Lost He has qt the Said tydy Kow was comprisd att when Dead to help him to
purchas the forsd Kow

Apryll 13d 1719 Georg Wallace in DunglaSs rests me of Lent money The Soume
of Twenty lib Scots for qch I have his bill
£20 : 00 : 00

Item rests me by bill Sixty lib Scots and Robert Smylie in Acharua Cautioner—Inde
£60 : 00 : 00

July 17th 1719 Item the sd Georg rests for four Dailes at 16 Shillings : p peice
£03 : 04 : 00


Apryll 27:1720 I sent to the care of Donald mcMurchy in uper-glenadill to be
grassed five Kows for the Bull with three stots tuo years old, three Kows and three stots
marked with Georg and Hew Wallace there mark and ane big Rigged Kow and ane Hacked
Kow marked wt my own mark

[The ' mark' was probably made by brand or punch or slot cut in the animal's ear. Compt
Book seldom records such marking of cattle 'Rigged' and 'Hacked' are natural markings
(see Glossary). Upper Glenadill was an outlying, distant part of the estate, marching with
some other laird's land or perhaps with the Duke's. Special precautions may have been
considered advisable].


Apryll 1719 Ane account of qt John Mclnkaird wrought to my wife — Since wee counted

Imprimus 12 Ells courts Linine att penny [sic] ane Ell £00 18 00
Item Eight Ells Saickin att Ish 8ds penies per Ell £00 13 04
Item 26 Ells att of Shurtine Linine att 2 penis per Ell £03 05 00
Item six ells coverings £00 12 00
Item Sixtein Ells woolen Cloath att-—Ish 8ds per ell [sic] £01 04 00
Item twenty and tuo Ells Drogad at 2shill per Ell £02 04 00
£08 16 04

Item 12 Ells Blanketting att £00 12 00
Item 8 Ells courSs sheetting att £00 08 00
Item 8 Ells half Tuill £00 08 00
Item Ten Ells Sairge att 2 sh p Ell £01 00 00
Item Eight Ells courSs Romach £00 08 00
Item 12 Ells Drogad £01 04 00
Item 30 Ells Linine att 2 sh. p. Ell £03 00 00
Item 22 Ells plyd att 3 shs 4ds p Ell £03 13 00
Item 30 Ells musline att 3 sh: p. Ell £04 10 00
[sic] £23 13 08

Item 13 Ells stuff att 3sh 4ds p. Ell att £02 03 04
Item 10 Ells courSs Blanketting £00 10 00
Comptd p s £26 06 00
Cleard May 1721


March 13d 1719 Then payd Mare McSporran in pairt payt of her wages 12 shill:
sterll £07 : 04 : 00

Item payd formerly one shill: sterll: which she allowed towards the building of our Church
£00 : 12 : 00

Item one Ell plyd att 13 shs: 4ds Scots £00 :
13 : 40

Item given her tuo Daillboards left at Campbeltoun £01 :
12 : 00

[several lines here illegible]

May 1721 Then gave to her husband Jo McMillen tuo bolls bear in full payment of what I
was resting to the Sd More McSporran


May 1719 Ane account of qt Cattle is in ffeorline wt Jo McCamross

Imprimus Seven ten Aged Kows
Item Six Kows 3 year old Each
Item three tuo year old Kows This wt tuo Bulls on of
Item four slots 3 year olds the sd bulls is Libbd
Item 4 stots 2 year olds
Item 3 stirks

[As already noted (§ 13) in 1717 this is a far heavier stock of cattle than Feorlin could feed
for long. Probably the entry records a gathering for drove].


May 8th 1719 Then agreed wt Hendry McNeill my workman He is to work as formerly,
and is now oblidged to provide the fourth pairt of Iron & timber yt the plowing requires and
is to furnish ane Harrow & ane Carr for the work
Nota he has Eight tydy Kows of myne & Seven Calfs & is to pay as cows to Eight stone p
Couple He has the 3d pairt of the Delvins wt the Herdings and the oyr tuo pairts of the
Delvins he is to Labour and I am to sow them & he is to get the on half of the produce of
the sd tuo pairts of the Delvins & I am to have the oyr half of the produce of them

[The term "workman" here conceals the fact that Carskey retained a blacksmith and

May 1719 Ane account of the Kows I Have in Toun & in Achnasavill

Item with Neill Mcllheany my servant ane tydy Kow [&c. &c &c ]

May 1719 Ane account of qt Kows I have in this Toun (Carskey) & in Achnasavill

Imprimus Eight tydy Kows qch Hendry McNeill my servant has
Item wt my self for the houSs: use five tydy Kows
Item with Neill Mcllheany my servant ane tydy Kow
Item In Achnasavill wt my Unkle Lauchlan ane tydy
Kow and tuo fforrow Kows
Item wt Malcolm McNeill in Lepinbeg ane fforrow Kow & stirk
Item in this toun ane Bull

[Achinsavill is one of the lost place-names, though in these times an important Toun. Its
lands lay adjacent to Carskey and were usually occupied by relatives of the family. 'This
Toun' is Carskey itself].

Septr 27 (1719) Ane accompt of qt Cattell John McCamross has of myne in ffeorlline
Imprimus Six big Kowes young, wt ane bull & stot of the same age being Three years old &
Item three tuo year old Kowes & ane tuo year old Bull
Item Six stirks year old past may last
Item Six aged Kowes wt ane Calf
Item ane oyr big Kow qch I got from Charles O Drain qch I gave to Margaret McShenoig
in her wages
Item in Carskey wt my self Sixtein big Kowes & ane Bull

Apryll 1719 Then Kathrin McNeill in Machrimorh rests me for the Exchange of ane Tydy Kow
& Dry Kow four
pounds Scots Receaved the Dry Kow from her Son Archd: McNeill & sent her to feorline.


August 1719 Then John Mcllheany in Sallinacuissaig bought my pairt of the
Delvins att eight pounds Scots of
which I alloud him eight mrks for his harvest fee.

And he rests me as yet: four mrks Scots inde £02 :
13 : 04
[Item illegible] £01 :
12 : 00
[ditto] £01 : 16 : 00

Reed in pairt payt from Donald his Broyr
£01 : 01 : 04
Item half boll Corne receaved in acct att four mrks £02 :
13 : 04
Item my wife got ane Spynell [spindle?] Yarne att
£01 : 00 : 00
Item to my wife ane shill steri money & hank yam
£00 : 17 : 00
This Compt Cleard £06 : 02 : 04

[Diligent readers will have noticed that in May (Extract 25), only three months before the
date of the first entry above, MacNeill had agreed on terms with his workman Hendry
McNeill for the current year's cultivation of the Delvins, on shares. He now sells out his
'pairt' to John Mcllheany. A complicated transaction — labour, seed, implements and crop
all being involved, while no money is to change hands. We have here one of the rare
attempts in the Compt Book to set forth an account by debit and credit. Unfortunately it
will not add up to balance ! ]


Octobr 1719 Neill Mcllchonaly shoemaker att the Mill rests me in pairt payment
of ane bull four lib 16shill: Scots
£04 : 16 : 00
Also rests for five Dailes four lib Scots £04
:00 : 00

Nota the rest of the pryss of the forsaid bull was allowd him for tanning of tuo hyds & the
working of them I got ane pair of boots from him in payment of the Dailes

Item the sd Neill rests ane Daill Der 13d 1719 Inde £00 :
16 : 00
Rests £09 : 12 : 00


Janry 12d 1720 I Receaved ane Guinie of Gold from Donald McDonald pertaining to
my Unkle Lauchlan in Achinsavill of which I gave ane Crownpeice [sic] to the sd Donald
on my Unckle account, also ane Stone Irene att three shill sterll: Inde
£04 : 16 : 00

Janry 20d 1720 I Receaved from CuSsin Annaple in Achinsavill ane Double pistole of
Gold value thretty & three Shill sterll.
£19 : 16 : 00
Item tuo Guinies Gold from her husband inde £25 : 04 : 00 £45 :
00 : 00

Debursed fortie mrks Scots to Georg Campbell in Inengaoch for tuo tydie Kows. One of
them of the second calf the other with first calf. which tuo Kows the said Georg is oblidged
to deliver me att Maij next £26 : 13 : 04

Item bought another Tydie Kow from John Grinleas in upergartvean Nine years come
Maij next being a taggd beled Kow. qch I am to [ ] when shee Calfs. prySs twenty mrks
Scots Inde £13 : 06 : 08 which forsd three Kows is in behoof & for the use of Donald
McDonald's Children

[This interesting transaction was apparently a family affair: for not only Unckle Lauchlan
and Cussin Annaple (Annabel) are relations, but, I think, the oft-mentioned Donald
McDonald too, though in what degree cannot be ascertained. The entry records £45
received and £40 'debursed' on the purchase of three cows, which animals formed the
capital of a trust for the benefit of Donald's children. The odd £5 is not accounted for here.
A truly remarkable trust investment, but perhaps as sound a one as was available].


Janry 29d 1720 Then sent to to Inverara to Angus Campbell off Aisknish Baillie of
Inverara Ten shill sterll. money and yt for Extracting ane Decreat against John McNeill of
Ardbeg resting be the Said Ardbeg to my Broyr Charles McNeill in Ireland. I laid out this
money on Charles account !

Item given to Neill Hunter meSsr att Inverara five shill sterll money & yt for Giving a
charge of payment by [?] of the for Said account to Ardbeg. I have ordered Neill Hunter to
use any furder delaigence against Ardbeg till I be payt on my Broyr Charles his behaiff

Itt was with Neill Hunter I sent the forsd Ten shill sterll to Aisknish. My Broyr Charles is
to be accountable [to] me for the said fiftein shill sterll.

Febry 3d 1720 Ane account of what Irone is spent this Season before this Daite when
the Stock was made
St lib unce

Two stones four pounds and ane half £02 :
04 : 08

Item att the pointing of the sock four libs half £00 :
04 : 08

Item when Archd fleming made the sock again seven libs beside the sole and shoe
£00 : 07 : 00

Nota what Irone is spent this season the workman is to pay me the fourth pairt

Item ane piece of Irone weight Twenty one pounds & half
£01 : 05 : 08

March 4d Item anoyr piece weight 27 lib 8 unce £01 :
11 : 08


Novr 1720 Then agreed with Donald Mcllheanie and Mall. McGibbon for making ane
fensible Ditch betwixt the foot of Achnaha and Garvalt for which I gave ym ane Kow to
slaughter & they are to finish Sd Ditch.

I payt Malcolm McGibbon in pairt payt of his Summer Ditching, half ane Crown money at
Lambas Last
£01 : 10 : 00
Item ane Daill board yt he got for his Sons Coffine £00 :
18 : 00
Item tuo shill Scots Lent money £00 :
02 : 00
Febry 6d 1721 Cleard

1721 - 1722

Knockriachs sone came to me the 15 of Augst 1721
Kilchreists sone came to me the 22d of Novr 1721
Sana's sone came the 8th of March 1722

Der 29th 1720 Then Reed from Lauchlan McNeill In Glenadill the Soume of Ten
pounds sterll money and yt in pairt of the Rent Teinds and converted pryses of Dry multer
and presents and for Crop and martimaSs Jaybii & twenty years Inde
£120 : 00 : 00

Rests me five pounds Scots of sd Crop for grassmeal — payd
£ 05 : 00 : 00
I receaved the sd five lib from sd Lauchlan


Febry 6d 1721 Then Receaved from John McCamross Tuo Bolls and threttine pecks
bear & yt in pairt payment of the Three Bolls bear payable be him for Crop and martimass
Jaybii & twenty years. Rests of sd Crop and precedings Eleven pecks bear.

Janry 5th 1721 Then receaved Seven pecks meall in pairt payment for sd bear and I
forgave him ane ffurlett So the forsd bear is payd

Apryll 29d 1720 Lauchlan mcNeill in Glenadill rests me as the EntreSs of ane
Tuo shill Land for four years Eight shill sterll money, also for the EntreSs of the Groat Land
yt William mcClarty poSseSsed for tuo years after the sd William left itt. Eight shill sterll
money £09 : 12 : 00

Also Eight shill sterll for the tuo years yt William poSeSsed itt qch is in Debat betwixt
Lauchlan and William qch I also want


May 1721 Archd McMurchy rests me as the Entress of ane half mrk land of Glenadill
the Soum of Ten pounds Scots qch he is to pay att Demand his terme of sd Land being five
years the sd day I Agreed wt him to take my son Archd for his foster and sd Archd gave
tuo young tydy Kows with three tuo year olds and three stirks And I gave as much. qth
Sixtine head of Cattle the sd Archd McMurchy is to keep on his own cost & to rear ane calf
betwixt every tuo Tydy Kows. & yt for the use [?] of my sd Sone Ard has [?] the produce of
sd stock with oversume the half mrk Land. Then I am to take the oversume on my care
The sd Archd is to pay the full rentt of sd Land with all publick Burdens and to pay ane
Mutton and three pynts of butter of Duties yearly witnesses present att sd agreement were
Dun. McMurchy in Glenrea and Dun. McMurchy in uperglenadill

Decr 1722 Then receaved from Archd McMurchy payment of the forsd Ten pounds Scots
being the EntreSs Due as a forsd.


May 8th 1721 Then sold and Delivered to Torquill McNeill of Ugadall Twelve Aged
Slots att Twenty mrks p peice [sic] which soume he rests me £160 : 00 : 00
(Octor 29d Cleared and received this soume


1721 Then bought from Malcolm [illegible word] my Tennent in Lepinbeg ane tuo year
old Quey and ane year old
Stot come May next. I payt him the prySs of ym Inde
£09 : 12 : 00
which Quey and stot he is to deliver me att Whit Sunday

Receaved the Quey and stirk. Bestowd this Quey to Lady mcDugald.


Nov 18d 1721 Item sold to Thomas Burdie packman att Machrimore miln ane Kow
for slaughter for which he rests me
£16 : 00 : 00

and ane shill sterll in Earnest. Cleared for this Kow

June first day 1721 After all former counts being Cleard betwixt me and John
Mclnkaird weaver he rests me of ane fritted account tuo lib threttin shill Scots
£02 : 13 : 00

the forsd day

Ane account of qt work yt John Mclnkaird wrought and I am to account for, Imprimus
fifty Ells att 2 shill: 6ds p Ell is Inde Six lib and five shill: Scots
£06 : 05 : 00
Item 23 Ells of courss Linine att Ish: 6ds p ell: [sic] £01 : 13 : 00
Item ane Sack att 6 shill 8ds £00 : 06 : 08 £08 :
04 : 08

After allowing him the forsd tuo lib threttin shill Scots I Rest him to ane account five lib
Eleven sh: 8ds £05 : 11 : 08

Item ten Ells belonging to Esther att 3sh: p Ell Inde £01 :
10 : 00
Item Sixtine Ells belonging to my wife att 3sh: p Ell £02 :
08 : 00
Item 24 Elles blanketing att Ish: p Ell £01 :
04 : 00

Octobr 30 1721 Then Cleard wt John Mclnkaird for all proceeding work and is
allowd in this years rent, he and I s clear of all preceeding this Daite.


July 10th 1721 Then counted qt Cattle I have with John mcCamross In ffeorline.
There is off Stots fiftine agd
£15 : 00 : 00
Item Sixtine Big Kows and ane stirk £16 :
00 : 00
Item Six sheep and tuo Lambs
Item ane young Kow ptaining to McO Drain
Item ane tydy Kow pertaining to McODrain for qch he is to pay three mrks Scots Maij next
yt is for her puck

[Follows on this entry an enumeration of about 50 head various cattle at various farms,
widely separated, 'grassing' ].


Novr 1721 Then sold to Donald Mcllheany in Achinsavill ane hacked six quarter old for
qch he rests me
£03 : 06 : 08 I allowed him this for Ditching


Decr 18d 1721 Then bought from John mcShenoig in Lepinstra ane slot three years
old come may next for qch I payt him Ten lib Scots which stot he is to deliver me att May
next and if sd stot does not pleaSs me I am to get half ane mrk wt my own money
Receaved this stot

[Here follows record of several purchases of slots under similar conditions].


June 16d 1722 Then received from John McMillen in Keill Twenty mrks Scots in pairt
payt of ane mear and ffollower yt I sold him qch pertaind to CoSs: Hector McNeill Sone to
Hendry McNeill. Also I Bought from sd John McMillen ane tuo year old stot past May last
att Ten mrks Scots qch stott he is oblidged to Keep on his own hazard till Maij next 1723 att
which tyme I am to receave him & yt stot with the the Twenty mrks forsd compleats the
prySs of sd mear and ffollower I receaved the sd stot

May 23d 1723 Nota I Discounted with Kilchreist ane account of his Sone James
boarding for twelve pounds twelve shill Scots of the pry5s of forsd mear & follower for CoSs:
Hector was resting to Kilchreist for Herring he sent to him. Also I sent Six pounds twelve
shill Scots to CoSs: Donald in Kilchennie by Dun. McNeill his servant man for to be sentt
to CoSs Hector to Aire


Janry 18d 1722 Then bought from Duncan McGinnes in Glenrea ane tuo year old stot
come May next for qch I payd him Eight mrks Scots and if the sd stot does not pleaSs me
att Maij next he is to pay me half a mrk Scots with the
Sd Eight mrks yt I gave him Receaved this Stot

March 1722 Then bought from Alexander Hyman Miller to Sana ane Two year old
Stot come Maij next for qch I paid £06 : 13 : 04 and if sd slot does not pleaSs me at tyme of
delivery I am to get half a mrk. with my own money Reed the Stot

[1722. This year again are recorded many purchases of cattle; about seventeen
transactions in all, comprising fifty head; These all take place prior to the end of April and
suggest preparations for the annual drove, or shipment to Ayr].


Apryll 13 1722 Then I Deliverd to Donald MorriSon Brewer in Machrimor five Bolls
malt for which he rests me att Ten mrks p boll fifty mrks
£33 : 06 : 08
Item receaved by him Tuo Bolls Meal inde £13 : 06 : 08
Item rests half ane Boll Bear inde £03 : 06 : 08
£50 : 00 : 00

May 24d Then received Twenty mrks Scots in pairt payt of forsd Meel
£13 : 06 : 08

Octor 1722 Item receaved Eleven shill steri £06 :
12 : 00

Item receaved to the value of Eightin pounds Scots off Liquor to my Unckle Lachlan in
AchinSavill his funerall
£18 : 00 : 00

Item receaved threttin mrks in money £08 :
13 : 04
£46 : 12 : 00

[It is in the year that Unckle Lachlan died that MacNeill first records collection of the
rents of Borgadilmore, Glenmanuill and Achinsavill. This may be mere coincidence or
may indicate that he inherited whatever rights his Uncle Lachlan had in those properties].


Novr 1722 Ane account of qt I laid out to Donald Mcllheanies funerall

Imp: for Boards to his Coffine tuo shill sterll £01 :
04 : 00
Item four pound of CheeSs and ane pound Candles £00 :
13 : 00
Item to Margret McMurchy in her SickneSs ane musquin Aquavity & quart of Aile got from
Don. MorriSon on my account att l0 sh: Scots Inde
£00 : 10 : 00
Rests £02 : 07 : 00
This above account is resting by Margrett McMurchy his SpouSs

[Musquin may be accepted as a peculiar spelling of mutchkin].


[Undated.] Imp: payd to Baillie David Campbell in pairt of the Rentt off Achinsavill etc:
crop 1722: the Soume of fforty & five pounds
£045 : 00 : 00
Item att Monirua ane hunder and fortine pounds £114 : 00 : 00
Item att Campbeltoun forty pounds and four shill Scots £040 : 04 : 00
£199 : 04 : 00

Item given to his wife in his absence att Hallowday faire qch shee gave to the Cloathiers in
Kilchreist Twenty and four pounds Scots money, in pairt payt forsd rent
£24 : 00 : 00

May 1722 Baillie David Campbell rests me one pound nine shill Sterll money being the
remainder of the prySs of Twelve slots Delivered to him att Maij Inde in Scots money
Seventine lib Eight sh: Scots which is to be allowd in Achinsavill Rent etc: Crop 1722
£17 : 08 : 00

Janry 8d 1724 Then cleard & accountd with Baillie David Campbell for the forsd
Rentt of Achinsavill etc: & for
the remainder of the prySs of the sd stots

[MacNeill is here a tenant paying rent — the usual position reversed. He pays large sums.
Achinsavill was evidently an important property; MacNeill appears to have sublet it in
several portions].


May 8th 1723 Ane account of Cattle in this Toun (Carskey) — Imprimus fiftine Tydie
Kows & three forrow Kows whereof Hendry McNeill has five tydie Cows wt these five calfs.
for qch he is to pay me Ten stons CheeSs

And Neill mcllheany has five tydy Kows wt their five calfs and tuo fforrow Cows wt ane
stirk for qch he is to pay me Ten stons CheeSs

And there is five tydy Cows more qch is for my own use and one forrow Cow for fattening In:
all Eightine Cows and a stirk wt ane Bull
£20 : 00 : 00

There is one of the forsd tydie Cows in Keramenach which I bought from Neill mcLeonan
there, which is to come to this toun when shee calfs. receaved this Cow

Item one bigg rigged tydie Cow with Neill McKay in Branerkin which Cow with her stirk he
is to deliver me att May next 1724


May 2d 1724 Ane account of what Cattle is in this toun (Carskey) & other places

In this toun (Carskey) of Milk Cows Eightine Neill Mcllheany has sixtine of them a bowing
& is to pay Nine Stons out of Each four Cows and a calf on every Cow & to herd them on his
own charges Tuo of the sd sixtine has not calfd as yet. The other tuo of the forSd Eightine is
to give milk to my houSs, There is anoyr young Cow of her first calf yt belongs to my Son
John yt the sd Neill Mcllheany has the milk of There is another Cow of her first calf
belonging to Stephen with John McMurchy in Glenadill. qch he is to keep on his own
charges There is in ffeorline in John mcCamross his care of Big Cows aged Eleven There
is also sent there three Stirks one out of Strone another out of Branerkin & another out of
Mucklich 9

Item of Cows for the Bull Nine 9
of Queys tuo years old Eight 8
Item of three year old Stots ffive 5

[And so the entry continues, to enumerate twelve or more various cattle in various places,
in addition to the above].


Febry 22 1725 Then receaved from Diarmoid McViccar the Soume of Twenty and four
pounds Scots in full of the
Silver Rent tein & brocks payable be him for Crop and martimaSs On thousand Seven
hunder and tuenty four years
£24 : 00 : 00

Febry 22d 1725 Then receaved from John Mcllmichell in Silver Seventine shill sterll
money also in copper twelve shill sterll and seven penies qch makes in all Seventine
pounds fifteen shill Scots money in pairt of the Silver Rent Tein and brocks payable be him
[etc., etc.]


1728 Donald McComra in ballimacomra rests me fiftine shill Scots being the remainder
of the prySs of aqua-vitie he got from me to his wifes funerall (I receaved the Sd from him)

Archd McMillen in borgadillbeg rests me in pairt payt of ane pynt aquavity six shill
Scots, payd.


March 1725 Receaved from Georg McViccar mercht in Campbeltoun the Soume
of Thretty and Six pounds Scots and that being for ane TurSs of Tobacco pertaining to
Donald McDonald in Achinsavill I receaved the forsd Soume on Donald McDonald his
account I also bought ane three year old slot come May next from from [sic] the sd
Donald's wife att Ten pounds Scots In all £46 : 00 : 00
I rest the sd Donald sixtine shill six penies Scots £00 : 16 : 06
£46 : 16 : 06

[There follows a recital of items owed by Donald McDonald : money lent; corn; totalling
£45:5:4 and then with no further figures, the note 'Cleard the forsd account' ].


Apryll 20d 1725 I sent Baillie David Campbell by John Campbell officer,
according to the Baillies Letter what I gott of Borgadilmore rent etc: the Soume of
Threttine pounds sterll money in pairt of Crop & MartimaSs 1724 years
£156 : 00 : 00

June 28d 1725 Then sent to Baillie David Campbell the Soume of ffour pounds sterll
by Donald Campbell his Servt
£048 : 00 : 00
£204 : 00 : 00
also sent him be my Son ffortie & tuo pounds 6ds Scots which compleats the Tack dutie for
Sd Crop
£042 : 00 : 06
£246 : 00 : 06

[In a footnote to Extract 49 it is suggested that MacNeill succeeded in 1722 to some
interest (owned hitherto by his Unckle Lachlan who died that year) in the lands not only of
Borgadilmore, but Achinsavill and Glenmanuil as well. That interest, it is fairly clear,
was not so complete as ownership. What, then, was its nature ? I suggest that Baillie
David Campbell was the Duke's factor at Campbeltown, managing his local affairs,
then as now, under his chief administrative officer the Chamberlain at Inveraray, some
eighty miles away. As factor and also as Baillie David Campbell would be likely to
employ an officer, the John Campbell mentioned, in the collection of rents. According to
the entry we are considering, MacNeill appears to have paid over firstly to the officer John
Campbell, secondly to Donald Campbell, a servant of the Baillie and thirdly to have sent
by his son, three sums totalling £246 : 00 : 06 Scots — all that he had got of
Borgadilmore rent for the year 1724. But then comes the puzzling remark 'which
compleats the Tack dutie for Sd Crop'.

The Compt Book records that in the same year and in many others both before and after,
MacNeill collected rents from quite a number of individuals described as 'in
Borgadilmore' or 'in Achinsavill' or for that matter 'in Glenmanuil'. I think that at no
period was Borgadilmore in the ownership of Carskey; but what the relationship was
between The Duke and Malcolm MacNeill in respect of that land I am at a loss to explain.
If MacNeill were tenant under The Duke with right to sublet, then he would not be found
paying over the rents he collected from sub-tenants. If his position were that of tacksman,
then, equally, his liability would be limited to paying the 'Tack dutie'; what revenue he
collected would be his own. In short, two sections of the entry seem mutually


1726 Febry 14 Then receaved from Donald McKellup the Soume of ffiftine lib 9shs &
4ds Scots in payt of the Silver rent and tein payable be him for Crop and Martimass Jaybye
and twenty five years Nota I gott ane shill sterll bad money qch he is oblidged to take if it
does nott paSs from me


Decr 20d 1726 Then receaved from Donald McDonald In cash ane pound Eightin shill
and Eight pence also by a Lyne drawn on me by Kilchreist fortin shill sterll money being in
pairt payt of Cleft [?] boards got by my son from him. Also threttin shill and four pence
which I was to pay as the remainder of the prySs of tuo Slots that I got from him. In all
comes to three pounds six Shill sterll money and yt in pairt payt of the Silver Rent & tein
payable be him out of Achinsavill for Crop and MartimaSs Jaybij & twenty six years in
Scots money thretty nine lib 12 shill
£39 : 12 : 00

Rests £03 : 00 : 00
I received three lib Scots qch compleats sd Rent

Decr 20d 1726 Then receaved from Duncan McShenoig fiftine pecks meall: & rests
me ane peck to make the boll which I bought from him att Seven pounds Scots also
receaved in moneys fortine lib Scots, in all Twenty one pounds Scots & yt in pairt of the
Silver Rent and Tein & converted pryss of Dry Multer & presents payable be him for Crop

and martimaSs Jaybii & twenty six years Inde £21 :
00 : 00
Rests £03 : 05 : 08

[The following entry though undated, may be attributed to the year 1726].

Receaved ... in pairt payt of the Silver Rent . . . AlSo bought from sd McKilup ane Quey . .
. AlSo bought from him ane Black Sheep four year old att one lib fortin shill Scots also in
pairt Rent forsd which sheep graSses with him till I dispose of iff

[Possible reasons for this special mention of one black sheep and the value put on it are
discussed in the glossary under Brocks].

May 1727 Ane account of Green Lather given to Tann To John McNeill shoemaker three
skins to John McCamross tuo hyds & ane calf skin To Archd McNachlain in Carrin ane
Hyde John McViccar in Lailt ane hyde & tuo skins Neill Mcllchonaly Shoemaker three
hyds & 3 skins Donald McSporran tuo skins


Carskey, Janry 4d 1727


I have sent you Nine Shills sterll money by the bearer in payment of the Roll tobacco I got
from you for Gorry Hendry. I doe not minde the weight of itt I believe there will be some
of itt resting, However send a Roll of good tobacco by the bearer and writt the weight of itt
to me and this shall oblidge me to see you payd for what is resting of the former Roll and
Likeways for the on you send now This is all from

Your ffriend & servt
Malcolm McNeall


Carskey, March 17 1727


I have sent you by the Bearer Twelve Shill and six pence sterll: in pairt payment of the Last
Roll tobacco. Let me know what is resting of the tuo Rolls already gott — and send another
good Roll by bearer, you must modifie your prySs for the poor man can have it easier from
others but I wish his money to you. I expect you will send this Roll for Nine pence the
pound. This with my kind respects is all from

Your friend & servt
Malcolm McNeall

To - Archd Fleming junior merchtt att Campbeltoune

[§63 and §64 are transcripts of what appear to be the actual letters from Malcolm
MacNeill to Archd Fleming. It is curious to find them in the Compt Book, not bound in,
but folded and addressed].

[Gaps in this next text indicated by dashes represent a large circular h'ole in the original MS
caused probably by overheated sealing-wax].

May 3d 1727 I John McSh ——— in Lailt grants me to have receaved from Male
——— Neil att [or 'of; one word has been written over the other] Cariskey the Soume of
One and twenty S —————— ey and that in Name and behalf of Archib —————— g my
Brother which forsd one pound one sh —————— mey Esther McNeill daughter to Sd
Cariskey ———— d from my Broyr when in Dubline, which soume I hereby discharges
and oblidges my self to Keep the Sd Cariskey ffree and skaithless att all hands subd with
my hand att Cariskey day & Daite forSd

[This is the draft for a form of receipt for a guinea, John McShenoig being repaid a loan
made by his brother Archibald to Esther when in Dublin].


March 3d 1729 After count & reckoning with Neill Mcllheany for his Sumer herding
1728 & for the Cow that he got att Hallowday Last & alSo for the stots that I got from him &
for his proportion of Irone for forsd year all is clear & payd & also for graSsing his Cattle


Apryll 23d 1730 Then receaved from Thomas weer nine shill sterll money & 6ds
Scots qch with twenty & nine shill sterll that I was resting him in pairt payt of tuo four year
old Stots I bought from him, also allowd him on my Son Archd his account for barley he
bought from him thretty and Eight shill and ten pennie Sterll money and 8ds Scots makes in
all in Scots money fforty and six lib three shill Scots qch compleats his rent for Crop and
martimaSs 1729 years


May 17 1731 Then sold and delivered to Baillie David Campbell Twenty Nolt at
fiftine pounds p peice, in presence of Dun. Omey & James Omey in Culeinlongart, Jo.
McCamross in Ffeorline, Johh Odrain & Jo McMath both in Lowerglenadill, for qch
the sd Baillie rests Twenty and five pound sterll money : Inde in Scots money three
hundred pounds £300 : 00 : 00

I cleared with the Baillie for sd Nolt and was allowd in my ffew dutie 1731 years

Janry 27d 1731 John McCamross in neorline rests me for the Year & Crop 1729 four
pecks bear also for Crop 1730.

bolls pecks
tuo Bolls bear in all Rests £02 : 04 :
Receaved in pairt payt tuo bolls & one peck £02
: 01 : 00

He rests me for Crop 1731 years Tuo bolls bear Rests
£02 : 00 : 00
Receaved the sd tuo bolls for Crop 1731
Receaved for Crop 1732 ane boll & 9 pecks.


ffebry 19d 1732 I receaved only twenty four pounds Scots from Donald
McDonald of his rent payable be him for Crop and martimaSs Jaybije and thretty years £
Scots Inde £24 : 00 : 00

He rests for sd Crop one pound twelve shill sterll money qch he detains in his own hand
being the excreSsence Rent for sd Crop : also seven shill sterll money which lodged in my
hands of sd Rent, which I accounted wt him for in Rent Jaybyee & thretty one years

Receaved also Ten pounds Scots money for Crop and martimaSs Jaybye and threty one
years £10 : 00 . 00

Soe rests for sd Crop Thretty three pounds four shills Scots Seven shill sterll money, which
Lodged in my hands of the Rent 1730 years being included in sd Soume, which he detains
as the excreSence for sd year.

The whole at remains in his hands for the forSd tuo years of Superplus rent is ffifty tuo
pounds eight shill Scots
£52 : 08 : 00


Janry 22d 1733 Then receaved from Malcolm McNeall the Soume of thretty Six pounds
Scots in full of the Silver
Rent tein & converted pryss of Dry Multer & presents payable be him out of his pairt of
Lepinbeg for Crop & martimaSs ane thousand Seven hunder & thretty tuo years
£36 : 00 : 00

Also recaved three lib Scots for the Straw Dew be him these twelve years past
£03 : 00 : 00

Also the Cess Dew preceeding the 28 of December last which is sixtine pence
£00 : 16 : 00


ffebry 8d 1733 Then Receaved from Neill McGomirie In Borgadill the Soume of
Twenty & Seven pounds sixtine shill six penies Scots in pairt of the Silver Rent and tein also
including 4sh: 6ds Scots as his proportion of Arrage & carrage being ane shill sterll the mrk
Land & yt for Crop and MartimaSs Jaybye and thretty tuo years being for a five shill Land of
said Borgadilmore Inde £27 : 16 : 06

ffebry 12 1733 Then receaved from Diarmoid mcViccar the Soume of Twenty Seven
pounds sixtine sh: 6ds Scots In payt of the Silver Rent & tein payable be him for Crop &
MartimaSs Jaybye: & thretty tuo years including his proportion of ane shill the mrk Land
payable for Arrage & Carrage Inde £27 : 16 : 06

[Arrage and Carrage: From this year 1733 onward there is recorded a charge on certain
tenants under this heading. These two entries are typical of many others not reproduced].


ffebry 12 1733 Then receaved from patrick McGomrie the Soume of Seventine
pounds Eightin sh: 6ds Scots Ane obligatory Lyne from Young Kilchreist of the Soume of
Seventine mrks Scots being included in forsd Soume, & yt for Crop & MartimaSs Jaybye &
thretty tuo years Inde £17 : 18 : 06


Febry 20d 1733 Then received from Donald McDonald the Soume of ffiftine pound and
six shill Scots in pairt of the Silver Rent and tein payable out of Achinsavill for Crop &
martimaSs Jaybye and thirty tuo years £15 : 06 : 00

Rests of forsd Rent ffortein lib Scots 5sh: 6ds £14 :
05 : 06

March 3d 1734 Then received from Donald McDonald the Soume of Twelve pounds
and twelve Shill Scots .
£12 : 12 : 00

Janry 20d 1735 Then received from Donald mcDonald the Soume of one lib threttin sh:
6ds qch compleats the forSd Rent
£01 : 13 : 06

[For once, a clear statement of account, fully paid in the end after two years].


Janry 28 1733 [After recording receipt of Twenty & four Pounds 5sh: 8ds Scots as in full
of Silver Rent Tein & converted pryss of Dry Multer & presents for one year].

also payment for the Duiks Straw being tuo truss the mark [land] yearly at ten sh: Scots p
truss, his proportion for Six years by past being at yt rate
£02 : 00 : 00

[The perquisite Duiks Straw is here found evaluated and liquidated by a cash payment.
See also Glossary].


Janry 11th 1734 Receeved from Malcolm McNeill ane Cow and Stirk at thretty Shill
Sterll money, also in Cash thretty shill Sterll money which compleats the Silver Rent tein
and converted pryss of Dry Multer and presents payable be him for Crop and MartimaSs
Jaybyee & thretty three years. Inde in Scots money £36 : 00 : 00

The said Malcolm rests for the remainder of other —————— accounts
£02 : 19 : 08

Received tuo shill sterll in pairtt £01 :
04 : 00
Also received ane oak stick in pairt at £00 :
17 : 00
Also my sone Archd received in pairt £00 :
18 : 00
£02 : 19 : 08

[Satisfactory to find record, for once, of an account actually balanced and paid up in full,
even though, to complete settlement, an oak stick had to be accepted 'in pairt'. The stick
was perhaps a rarity, for oaks do not readily grow in Kintyre, where sticks (cromags) are
made from hazelwood].


May 8th 1734 Katrine O Drain in Ballivranan rests me as the remainder of the pryss
of a young tydie Cow
£01 : 11 : 00
Duncan McKessaig her intended husband rests for a little Chest, half a Crown
£01 : 10 : 00
Received in pairt tuo shill sterll from Katrine All

May 30th 1734 Then sold and Delivered to Baillie David Campbell Twenty Nolt at
fortine pounds Scots money p Nolt. for which he rests me : Witnesses present at Delivery
Duncan Omey in Cullinlongart, Jo McConachie in Mucklach, Jo. McCamross in
ffeorlin, Archd McNeill & Malcolm Shaw in Glenadill & Patrick. McCallum Drove them
to Campbeltoun £280 : 00 : 00 cleard for the forsd Nolt with the Baillie


Novr 28d 1734 Then Received from Dun. Campbell In Mulbuij in Cash One pound &
three shill sterll money, also allowd him ffive shill sterll money that I got from his Mother in
Law in Sumer last. also I allowd him fiftine shill Scots for his service, while the houSs was a
building in Glenadill, also One shill & eight penies Scots as the remainder of the prySS of a
slot qch I bought from him which slot remains as yet in his own Custodie, all amounts to
the soume of Seventine lib twelve shill eight penies Scots & yt in pairt of the Rent &
Grassmeall Deu be him for Crop & MartimaSS Jaybye & thretty four years Inde£17 : 12 : 08
He rests me as yet the soume of ffortine pounds seven shill & four penies Scots money of
which soume Archd McNeill & Malcolm Mcllheany rests for sd Dun: his herding fortine
mrks Scots, which they promise to pay to me £14 :
07 : 04

Der 2d 1734 Then received from Duncan Campbell the soume of five pounds eight
penies Scots qch compleats his pairt
£05 : 00 : 08

[So, the rent was £32 a year and was paid by services, barter and cash exactly and in full].


Janry 8th 1735 Then received from Rory McConachee in Cash the Soume of Nintine
pounds & six penies Scots also I bought from him ane Nolt black colour & ane bore in Each
Earr four years of Age come May next qch GraSes in borgadilmore, the pryss being ten
pounds Scots qch he is to deliver to me att May next which Ten pounds Scots with the
Nintine pounds & six penies Scots forsd compleats his Rent for Crop & martimaSs Jaybye &
thretty four years


Janry 10 1735 Then received from Malcolm McNeill the full Soume of Three pounds
sterll of which I got one bank Note of Twenty shill Sterll included in the sd Soume. and that
in full payt of the Silver Rent [etc., etc.]

[The first mention of Bank Notes]


Novr 1735 Then sold to John McNeill Shoemaker ane Cow for slaughter for which he is
to deliver me ane tuo year old slot att May next with five mrks Scots of money.

Also sold to Malcolm Mcllheary ane Cow, for which he is to deliver me ane tuo year old
stot at May next — payd.

Also sold to Archd McNeill in Ormsary ane Bull for slaughter for qch he is to deliver me
ane tuo year old stot at May next with nine mrks Scots of money. payd
Also sold to Neill Mcllheary ane bul for slaughter for qch he is to deliver me ane boll & ten
pecks barley merchantable, when he threShes the same payd

Then sold to Duncan McLeonan ane Cow for slaughter for qch he is to pay me Sixtine
mrks Scots
payd £10 : 13 : 04

[The month, November, of this entry suggests that this series of sales 'for slaughter' was
in preparation for the winter. Many authors tell us that salted flesh was in those days a
staple of Highland diet. But strangely, the Compt Book records no such extensive sales in
other years, either earlier or later].

Novr 25 1735 Also I exchanged ane Cow with John O Drain in Strone, the Cow that I
got graSses in Lailt with Donald McShenoig, the same Cow was bought from Don.
McShenoig be John O Drain his brother. The Sd John odrain rests me three shill sterll
for green lather qch he got in Sumer last payd


[This is the only Gaelic found within the covers of MacNeill's book. It is jotted on the back of
a loose sheet, the front of which is taken up by a prosaic overseer's report of a muster of
local men for road repair work — 'From labour to refreshment' — perhaps ! ]

Mor fhailt is buan slainte don laonun uir oig / Cho nar gu dubhach ach subhach chi malard
na poge / Le aobhnas gun deabhnas gu marthuin is buain . . .

"A big salute and lasting health to the fresh young sweetheart / Who not gloomily but
merrily regards the kiss's exchange / With happiness without hardship, long lived and
lasting ..." (Translation by Dr W. M. Conley of W. Hartlepool).


Febry 12th 1736 After count and Reckoning with Malcolm Mcllheanij for his
graSsing cattle for 1734 and 1735 years He rests me Seven pounds twelve shills Scots
£07 : 12 : 00

He rests also ane boll & half boll come for Crop 1734 years is inde Nine pounds Scots
£09 : 00 : 00

Item rests me for the Kean payable 1735 years Seven stones twelve pounds Cheeks at tuo
mrks pr Stone Inde ten pounds Six shill 8ds Scots
£10 : 06 : 08

He rests me ane tuo year old Quey or stot qch he is to deliver me at Maij next, being for
ane Cow that he bought from me for his winter mairtt
£06 : 13 : 04
£33 : 12 : 00

After deduceing Nine lib Scots for the Corne £09 :
00 : 00
Rests £24 : 12 : 00

This being for the EntreSs payable be him to me for the half off Lepinbegg His entry to the
graSs being May last 1736 I rest him to ane account half a Crown

[Read § 86 as a continuation of § 85].

Febry 1737 Received from Mathew Watsone upon Malcolm Mcllheany his account
twenty lib Scots in pairt forsd soume

Febry 7th 1737 Then received from Malcolm McIlhenij in Cash threttine pounds ten
shill Scots Inde £13 : 10 : 00

Item received ten pounds Scots in or about Lambas last
£10 : 00 : 00

Item received tuo Cows in wintter last qch I sent to Charles McQuarrie mercht in
Campbeltoune att £18 : 00 : 00
£41 : 10 :


Febry 12th 1736 After count and Reckoning with Archd McNeill in Glenadill for
his gracing cattle for 1734 and 1735 years. He rests me Eight marks Scots
£05 : 06 : 08

Item rests me for the Kean 1735 years three stones cheeSs is inde four pounds Scots
£04 : 00 : 00

Item rests me tuo bolls & three pecks Come for Crop 1734 years is inde twelve lib Scots
£12 : 00 : 00

Septr 25th 1736 Item rests of cheeks for Sumer 1736 three stones CheeSs at the current

Reed five shill sterll in pairt

Item received tuo shill sterll in pairt

Item allowd him tuo shill sterll four pence halfpeny for ane ffurlett Salt yt he got for the
Kean Sumer 1736

[The entry ends thus, uncompleted]

Septr 25th 1736 Received from Malcolm McNeill ffive Stones and ane half stone
cheeSs. also my daughter received att seall [several] times ane stone & half stone cheeSs
in all of CheeSs £07 : 00 : 00

Item ane ffirkin butter weight neat [net] tuo stones & half stone and Item my daughter
received at seall times half stone butter
£03 : 00 : 00

being converted into cheeSs makes Six stones CheeSs in all 13
Rests me 3 stones cheeSs.

Decr 11th 1736 Then received ane Crock butter weight Gross ane stone trone weight &
nine lib meall weight Item ane half stone cheeSs sd day
£02 : 08 : 00

After count and reckoning wt sd Malcolm for his grassing Sumer 1736, & allowing him for
ane furlet Salt & half pound tobaco & three marks of his sheeps graSsing
Rests £13 : 03 : 04

the sd Malcolm rests also for the Ducks straw Crop 1735
£00 : 06 : 00


Janry 8th 1737 Then received from Archd McNeill in Muilbuij Nine pounds Lint at 6ds
pr pound which makes four shill: and sixpence sterll also receaved in Cash tuo shill and
Eleven pence sterll In all Seven shill and fivepence sterll mony Inde in Scots mony four
pounds & nine pence & yt in pairt payment of the Rent [etc., etc., etc.]

[This is not the only entry to record a purchase of flax. It would have been satisfactory had
the MS provided evidence of how flax was dealt in at the spinning stage, but of that I find
no record, perhaps because the spinning wheel was a domestic implement at work in every
cottage. Of dealings in various linen fabrics there is no lack of record. The conclusion is
that a complete local industry existed: growing the flax, spinning the yarn and weaving the


Febry 10th 1737 Then received from Gilchuim Mcllchonally the Soume of Twenty
lib Scots, which with Eight mrks Scots I allowd him upon Duncan McLeonan's account
makes in all £25 : 06 : 08 which compleats his Rent for Crop and MartimaSs Jaybyee thretty
Six years wt his proportion of the Ducks Straw for sd Crop and for Crop 1735 years Nota
rests me for the Kean butter three shill Sterll mony Inde in Scots mony — payd £01 :
16 : 00

[In the first line of this extract, Gilchuim comes near to the Latinised form Gulielmus of the
modern English William].


Febry 1737 Neill Mcllheany my workman rests me for the grassing of ane Cow Sumer
last in this toun (Carskey)
£02 : 00 : 00
Item rests me for Irone : half a Crown £01 :
10 : 00
Item for the grassing of a mear £02 :
00 : 00
Item rests me for the Delvine ane furlot bear or tuo lib Scots
£02 : 00 : 00
Item rests Eightine shill Scots for Salt yt he got from Charles McQuarrie tuo years agoe
£00 : 18 : 00
Item rests one shill Scots yt I payd to Mr Doack
£00 : 01 : 00
The forsd soume is for Sumer 1736 £08 :
09 : 00
Receaved in pairt 300 & half hunder hering wch I sent to Dublin at five groats per hunder
£03 : 10 : 00
Item ane year old Stirk at five mrks Scots
£03 : 06 : 08
£06 : 16 : 08

Rests £01 : 12 : 04

He rests also for grassing of a Cow & Meare Sumer last 1737 ffour pounds Scots
£04 : 00 : 00
Item rests for Irone half a Crown £01 :
10 : 00
Item rests for Delvins ane ffurlot barley Inde £01 :
13 : 04

[Remainder illegible]

[Take the groat at fourpence sterling (for Scots money would not run in Dublin) and the
calculation is correct. The export of herrings in minute quantities to Dublin is more than
once recorded. I can suggest no explanation].

§92 and §93

Febry 14th 1737 Malcolm Mcllheany rests me the Rent for Crop and MartimaSs
Jaybye & thretty Six years
£33 : 06 : 08

ffor I allowd the twenty pounds Scots that I received from Mathew Watsone on his
account, in what what [sic] he rested me formerly as is marked before I allowd also the
threttin pounds ten shill Scots that I received from himself, with the prySs of the tuo Cows
that was sent to Charles McQuarrie being eightin pounds Scots, in the Entress payable
be him to me in Summer last for the half of Lepinbeg

Novr 21d 1737 After all former accounts being fitted & reckoned & allowing the
prySs of the Cow yt was sent to Hew White mert in Campbeltoun the forsd Malcolm
McIlheany rests me of ane fitted account
£22 : 07 : 00

Received from him in pairt payt a Guinie Inde £12 :
12 : 00

Janry 1742 Arears due by McIlheny underwriten drawn out into a new book.

[§92 and §93 record a change of tenant in 'the half of Lepinbeg' and, apparently, a change
not for the better; for after five years' occupation McIlheny in 1742 was still in arrears].


May 1737 Duncan Campbell of Drimnamucklich Rests for a boll of Seed Bear
Delivered to John Wyly his servant eight lib 8 sh Scots
£08 : 08 : 00

Dito patrick Mcllchreest Schoolmaster at Knockbane rests for ane furlet Seed bear
May 1737 £02 : 02 : 00

[Innumerable mentions of Bear occur, but there are few where the classifying adjective
Seed is employed. The extract shows MacNeill to have sold seed bear in relatively small
quantities to two persons, Campbell of Drimnamucklich and McIlchreest
schoolmaster, both of them men of a status to be more interested, perhaps, in
agricultural improvements than was the average farmer of those days. To find record of
MacNeill as a seller instead of a buyer is a reversal of his usual role. Barley he bought or
took in part payment of rent, habitually, in large quantities; but his sales are not recorded
here. (No doubt, in his dual capacity of Merchant at Campbeltoun, he kept some record
there.) Seed bear is again recorded two years later, sold in small quantities. One would
like to believe that in these entries there is evidence of efforts to improve the local crops by
importation of selected seed. Seed bear was value £8 : 08 : 00 Scots per boll. Furlet is by
these entries shown to be ¼ boll. Ordinary merchantable barley was taken about the same
years in payment of rent @ £7:4:0 Scots p. boll].


Ane account of what Anual rent I payd to John Mcffarlan in poliwilline

Imp: half ane Guinie at Machribegg is £06 :
06 : 00
Item at Machrimore Milhill tuelve Sh sterll £07 :
04 : 00
Item Sent to him by my Sone charles £06 :
12 : 00
Item to his Sone Walter in ffeorlan Febry 21d 1738 Six pounds Six shill Scots
£06 : 06 : 00
Item December 23d 1738 half ane Guinie to Walter his Sone which is Six pound and Six
Shill Scots £06 : 06 : 00
Item payd Walter his Sone Ten shill ane Six pence Sterll at anoyr time being the first that I
gave to Walter
£06 : 06 : 00

[The entry here ceases, leaving more than half the page blank]

[Poliwilline lies at least six miles distant from Carskey, well outside MacNeill's usual
radius of operations. Compt Book affords no explanation for his renting lands there].


May 1739 Archd McNeill weaver now in Mulbuij rests me Seven mrks Scots for the
former Years herding of Muilbuy Inde
£04 : 13 : 04

Item rests me ane Boll Come at ten mrks Inde
£06 : 13 : 04

Receivd in pairt payt of forsd soume four lib and eleven Shill Scots att Glenadill
£04 : 11 : 00

Jany 1742 Archd he affirms my father was resting him Six Shill wch I sustain The
ballance above sd removed and Entered in my rentall

Feber 18th 1742 All preceding accounts being Cleared betwixt Archd McNeill
abovesd and me

[Here the entry stops, incomplete. From the occurrence of the words 'Archd he affirms my
father was resting him' it is clear that in January 1742, perhaps earlier, Malcolm's son
Archibald was beginning to take over management of the estate and was himself making
some of the entries, which must be read in that light].

Janry 17th 1740 Then receivd from Mathew Watsone the Soume off Twenty four
pounds Scots. & yt upon the acount of Donald McLeonan in Balinacuissag out of which
soume the sd Donald was resting of the Arears for Crop 1738 the Soume of Six pounds &
sixtine shill Scots Soe that I have receivd but seventine pounds and four shill Scots in pairt
of Crop & MartimaSs 1739 years Soe rests of this Years Rent tuo pounds sixtine Shill Scots
also for Duty butter eightin shill Scots also the Duiks Straw Six shill Scots also three Scots
pence for fox money.
Suma Rests £04 : 02 : 00

Janry 3d 1742 I find this account Discharged by my father, wch I discharge allso

[For the last sentence son Archibald is obviously responsible].


July 7th 1740 After count and Reckoning with Duncan McLeonan for the winter
herding and this present Sumers herding both for Cows and Sheep till Hallowday next
ensewing, I rest him in all Seven pounds & half mrk Scots
£07 : 06 : 08
June 31 1742 Counted & Cleared wth McLeonan abovsd for the above as also for
Sixty Seven head black cattle & Ten [?] sheep in all [word deleted] wch fell due him for
herding my Fathers Stock in Cariskey Two pounds fourteen shill & five pence halfpeny
whch sum forsd is paid £02 : 14 : 05½

[That part of this entry dated 1742 is from its wording the work of son Archibald].


Janry 21 1741 Then receivd [etc., etc.] in full payt of the Silver Rent tein and converted
prySS of Dry Multer and
presents for Crop & MartimaSs Jaybye and forty years My own Duty butter Duiks Straw and
ffox money for sd Crop being included
£03 : 09 : 06


Donald McComra in Ballimacomra rests me fiftine shill Scots being the remainder of the
prys of aquavitie he got from me to his wifes funerall (I receaved the sd from him)

Archd McMillen in borgadillbeg rests me in pairt payt of ane pynt aquavity six shill Scots


[Written on a loose slip of paper].

Friend John Cariskey, July 23d 1741

I hope you will doe me the favour as to come over this day, to give a cast of your hand in
mending the fishing yole [yawl], if the day continues fair & if it does not, doe me the
favour as to come over the morrow morning, for the Tar wch I got from Campbeltown is
riming out of the Cask, this favour when granted will oblidge


Your reall trend & wellwisher

[Signature missing]


Janry 21st 1741 Then Receivd from Archd McNeill In Muilbuy the Soume of Thretty
Shill sterll money and that as the prySs of a Cow bought from me Hallowday Last, the
prySs of sd Cow being ffiftine mrks Scots and the rest ffor his Holding & graSsing, being
twelve mrks Scots, till he and I Doe acount

[The extracts which follow are entered in the son's handwriting].

Janry 1742 Arears due by Archd McNeill abovsd in this book drawen out and placed in
Another book

Febry 1742 Counted and Cleared for proceedings with McNeill abovsd

Janry 21st 1741 John McNeill in Ormsary Rests me ffiftine pounds Scots ffor ane Tydee
Cow I sold him in December Last Inde Receivd the sd Soume
£15 : 00 : 00
Febry 1741 Receivd from patrick McMath Seven marks Scots being in his proportion for
the Sumer herding of the
Cattle in Muiltbuij also his pairt of the Cess

March 6th 1741 Then receivd in pairt payt from Archd McMath Eight shill & Sixpence
sterll being his pairt Scots
ffor the herding of Muilbuy Rests me as yet £00 :
12 : 08

* The ballance abovsd drawn out in a new rentall
£00 : 12 : 08


AQUAVITIE, AQUAVITTY. Variations in spelling occur. The word is well known to mean strong
drink, distilled, not brewed. Webster (Collegiate Die.) does not give it a place either in the
body of his volume or in the appended glossary of Scottish words where, however,
Usquebach is to be found, defined as synonymous with whisky. Fowler (Concise Oxford
Die.) admits aquavitae, defining it as 'ardent spirits'. Authorities, from Encyclopaedia
Britannica to Robert Burns might be quoted without settling the difficulty that confronts an
interpreter of the Compt Book . . . Was aquavitae whisky or was it brandy ? Usquebach,
eau-de-vie and aquavitae are but the same compound word in three different languages.
In the minutes of the Town Council of Campbeltown for 30th April 1701 there occurs the
following entry — 'Customes of the trone and vther pittie Customes of this burgh . . . 'Each
galloun aquavitae going out of toun for retailing . . . £00 : 01 : 00. . . . And each galloun
in tyme of fair £00 : 01 : 00'. The currency is Scots. These were but local dues; not the
King's Excise or Customs.

The above evidence points to brandy as the correct meaning and this conclusion is
supported by a further entry in the Town Council records of Campbeltown, of date 1719,
when all the 'Maltsters, Brewers, Innkeepers . . . and retailers of Beer, Ale, Spirits etc.,
within the Burgh' subscribed a Bond obliging themselves under penalty not to store, reset,
hide, keep, conceal or sell any foreign spirits for a space of three years.

The Compt Book records quite a number of sales of aquavitty, usually on the occasion of
funeral ceremonies; but makes no mention of whisky or the distilling of it. Yet the Council
record of 1719 looks quite like an effort to protect from foreign competition the local
distilling industry for which Campbeltown has since become so famous. Carskey was not
Campbeltown and it is very probable that Malcolm MacNeill's liquor, whether whisky or
brandy, had escaped paying excise.

There is a legend of a swinging hearthstone in the old Carskey house with a cellar beneath;
but that is a legend common of remotely situated houses in Scotland and, indeed, in
England too.

Excise duty on whisky was introduced in the reign of Charles II; beginning at one penny per
gallon, by 1742 it had reached threepence at least.

ARRAGE. Usually followed by 'and carrage'. The words are first used in 1733 and, assuming
a Latin derivation, they have to do with ploughing and transport. Their context shows that
they describe a charge made by the landlord on a tenant, forming part of the total yearly
sum payable for occupation of land and valued, in one instance, at 'ane shilling sterling
the merk land. It is likely that the holdings of tenants charged for arrage and carrage were
of a size too small to support individual ploughing and transport equipment which,
therefore, the landlord lent as occasion required and charged for; just as, today, one
portable threshing mill serves many farms.

BASAND. Term describing (for identification) a horse. One is tempted to look to the French
basane == tawny (Bellow's Die.) for a derivation; but when the animal described as
basand is also described as black, this clue fails.

Another conjecture is that basand indicates a white blaze. Again, an old French jingle
reads — 'Balzane un, Cheval Commun; Balzane deux, Cheval de gueux; Balzane trois,
Cheval de bois; Balzane quatre, bon a battre' which would make balzane mean a white

BEAR. Barley : Webster gives (Barley that has more than two rows of of grain in the ear'.
'Four rows' say Jamieson (Die. of the Scottish Language) and Warrack (Scots Dialect Die).

BOWING. A small dairy-farm holding (Webster's Scottish Glossary). The laird owned both
livestock and land and let them for a rent.

BROCKS. In connection with rent, one of the very numerous charges made by the landlord on
certain of his tenants, but not on all of them and not in every year.

Questing among country people in the Mull of Kintyre for its meaning, I found the word
known, though seldom nowadays used, as signifying parts of the fleece so fouled by the
sheeps' own droppings that at clipping time, in order that the fleece may pass as
marketably clean wool, they are cut away and discarded. Such is the modern method; but
it is just possible that in the eighteenth century, when sheep in Kintyre were relatively few,
when chemical dyes and bleaching agents were as yet unknown, this foul wool had a
special value. It is, of course, stained a rich brown colour which, if fast, would give it a
value for use in garments where ornament was achieved by the use of yarns of differing
shades, the Shetland shawl for example.

Elsewhere in the Compt Book (Extract 61), record is found of a black sheep singled out and
given a special price, presumably because of its colour and with the same object in view.
Now it may be that these brocks had come to be a landlord's perquisite; in which case one
can well envisage a good-going wrangle between landlord and tenant as to what part of a
dirty fleece should be handed over. Both parties might agree to avoid trouble by liquidating
the landlord's claim in advance for a money payment. This could occur only in the case of
tenants who kept and sheared their own sheep.

Another and more matter-of-fact interpretation is return on capital. We find a testator of
those days speaking of 'the brokkis, excrescence and yeirlie proffeitis of his geir' and in a
few cases where the term brocks is used in our Compt Book it may indicate that the
landlord had supplied for his tenant's use more than was customary of farm implements
and even of live stock.

CAR, CARR, CARRAGE. A vehicle and the use it was put to. But almost certainly a vehicle
without wheels, for, among the many trades mentioned, the Compt Book says nothing of
a wheelwright. Sleds are still quite handy for bringing in the peat downhill.

CESS. The word has a present-day meaning so well understood as to need no explanation;
but the circumstances of its use in the Compt Book suggest investigation. As one of the
charges imposed on tenants for the right to occupy land it occurs, not regularly like rent,
teinds and the others due at Martinmas, but only occasionally and then at Christmas.

Its incidence was light as, for instance, in the case of Lepinbeg in 1733 where rent was
£36 Scots and cess but 16 pence Scots. The landlord collected from his tenant but for what
purpose the imposition was made and to whom the money was paid over the Compt Book
nowhere states.

In Burton's History of Scotland (VII, 168), there is a passage telling how a hard, rough
soldier, Sir James Turner, was sent by The Privy Council to command the troops in
Galloway and scourge the remonstrants. Several years later, under a change of political
influence, The Privy Council made an investigation into his conduct which they reported to
have been 'illegal' in that Sir James had exacted cess or quartering money for more soldiers
than were actually present, had 'fined and cessed for causes for which there are no
warrants from Acts of Parliament or Council' besides committing a dozen other

There, cess is employed in the sense of a punitive fine imposed on a whole district (or,
more likely, on those individuals in the district considered to be in a position to pay without
undue trouble in collection) because of a course of conduct unpleasing to the Government
in power.

In the days of British Government in India the course was often followed of punishing some
turbulent district by quartering a garrison of punitive police in the district at the cost of its
inhabitants. It is not unlikely that The Mull of Kintyre may have been considered
disaffected, if not turbulent, by those holding Government power for The Royal Hanoverian
House in the times of the Compt Book. That an embargo on arms was in force is known.

DAILLBOARD(S).This word is used so frequently in connection with funerals and coffins that it
must be taken to mean pieces of wood for making coffins. Daill might be an archaic
spelling of deal; Warrack, Sc. Dialect Die., has it so.

DELVINS. This may be nothing more than a place-name. But delve is good Scots for dig and
the context suggests that the delvins were pockets of good fertile land surrounded by rocks
and too small or too steep for the plough to turn. Consequently they were cultivated by
digging, probably with a long-handled Irish spade or shovel. In the hands of two men, one
to dig and the other helping to lift and turn by means of a rope attached to the shaft, it is
an efficient implement. Suchlike minute patches of good ground are thus worked in the
Hebrides to this day.

DROGAD. A woven fabric; perhaps drugget. Made from a mixture of flax and wool.

THE DUIKS STRAW,THE DUIKS GRASS, THE DUIKS PRESENTS. In the manuscript this word often reads
more like Duck than Duik, for the 'i' is not always dotted; but there can be little doubt that
the word intended is Duke. The straw, grass and presents are items of the total yearly
charge for occupation of land imposed by MacNeill on some of his tenants. It must be that
they represent a commutation to money of some ancient right of the seigneur to a tribute
in kind. The straw is found valued at two trusses per merk land at 10 shillings Scots per

This peculiar spelling may be accounted for by the fact that in the year the Compt Book
opens the title was quite a new one for the head of the noble family of Argyll and Duik is,
after all, a fair phonetic rendering of the French Due.

ELECAMPANE.A large coarse herb of the aster family, with yellow-rayed heads of flowers; the
leaves and roots are aromatic.

ENTRESS. I take this word as synonymous with 'entry' and would give it the meaning of
money paid (or agreed to be paid) for such stock, crops and plenishings belonging to the
landlord as a new tenant had the enjoyment of at the commencement of his lease. I think it
indicates that the lease is intended to be a long one. though the Compt Book offers no
evidence on that point. Long-term lease arrangements, if ever reduced to writing, must
have been recorded elsewhere.

The curious reader may reflect that if the meaning I suggest for entress is correct one
would expect to find record of compensation paid to the out-going tenant. The Compt Book
contains no such record.

Possibly the period of the Compt Book was one in which completely impecunious tenants,
for whom the landlord had to provide stock, implements and all necessaries, including
seed, were being gradually replaced by men of substance.

EXCRESCENCE. Used in the Compt Book as an adjective qualifying the noun 'rent'. It is only in
that special context that the word's meaning need be considered here. Murray (New
English Dictionary on Historical Principles, 1897) quotes Campbell in Scots Mag., July 1753.
Note 172 : The said excrescence of the rents of that farm would be accounted for to them
. . . . . and adds "immoderate growth, abnormal increase".

All of which is not quite conclusive. I am inclined to suggest that where the word occurs in
the Compt Book, the context indicates an attempt by landlord to extract from tenant an
increase on the fixed rent because of a specially remunerative season or sequence of
seasons. Improved methods of farming were in course of introduction, largely at landlords'
instigation and with their help. It would not be unreasonable if landlords expected some
share of financial benefit when it followed.

FFURLETT. A measure; ¼ Boll or about 90 Imperial pints; used for barley and for salt.

FFARROW. Not in calf, term used in describing cows, sometimes fforrow.

FOXMONEY. One of the numerous headings of charge imposed by landlord on certain tenants.
A contribution towards expenses incurred in the destruction of foxes. See Appendix G.

GRASSMEALL.If meall be respelled mail then its meaning is rent, tax; the whole word comes
to mean rent payable for pasturage. See MEALL.

HACKED. Term used to describe for identification a bovine animal and meaning 'having a
white face'. (Warrack, Jamieson).

(Latin, therefrom.) Used in the course of stating an account or calculation where an
amount stated in words is to be expressed again in figures.

IRONE. The context leaves little doubt that this was very special iron dealt with in small
meticulously weighed pieces at very high values. As suggested with regard to 'plow timber'
these iron pieces were parts, ready wrought. Sock, shoe and point are parts actually
mentioned. It all fits with the idea that an improved pattern of plough constructed from
imported parts was in course of introduction.

JAYBYE, JAYBIJ. A conventional sign, of which the spelling here given is merely the closest
that printer's type can attain to the manuscript. There is no doubt of the meaning of the
sign. It is to be read 'seventeen hundred', those words being part of a date thus — 'Jaybij
and thretty three years' = 1733. We may try to explain the adoption of this sign by
reading the manuscript as (m c)j vij, where 'm' and 'c' are respectively contractions of the
Latin thousand and hundred : but it is still difficult to see why MDCC was not used.

KEAN. Rent in kind, usually butter or cheese.

LATHER. 'Green lather' = raw hide.

LIB, LIBB, LYBB. To geld.

LINE,LYNE. A written note; but usually a bill drawn on one person by another for money; or
an order so drawn to deliver specified goods. It came to the same thing for in the extreme
scarcity of coin certain staple agricultural goods (cheese and butter) had a fixed and
accepted money value.

LINT. Webster (Collegiate Die.) gives, as an obsolete or Scottish meaning, flax; as the
current modern meaning, 'linen scraped, into a downy or fleecy substance'. The former
may be accepted as the meaning intended in the Compt Book.
MART. A beef for slaughter; any meat salted down for Winter (Webster, Scot. Gloss).

MEALL.Not to be confused with meal meaning ground corn. Spell the word mail (as it is
pronounced, 'ea' as in 'great') and give it the meaning of rent or tax.

MULTER. Webster (Scot. Gloss.) gives 'Dry Multure; toll paid to a mill whether grain is ground
at it or not, as when land is subject to thirlage'. In the Compt Book the word is frequently
found, sometimes with the qualification 'wet'; at others 'dry' and often without
qualification. I can suggest no explanation of the difference between wet and dry multer
unless possibly that the former implies the existence of a water-power driven mill and the
latter of a mill driven by horse or oxen.

Though never separately evaluated, multer is one of the numerous items making up the
total sum periodically payable by tenants of land. No doubt the situation was that the
landlord, having gone to the expense of providing a mill, felt obliged to make sure of a
return on his investment by imposing this charge which had to be paid whether the tenant
grew much or little corn and whether he had it ground at the mill or not. Indeed the right to
make a charge for multer had a very ancient origin, as the following passage taken from
Bennett & Eiton's History of Corn Milling, 1898, gives evidence — 'The ownership and
working of corn mills at the birth of feudalism were constituted prerogatives of the rulers of
the people. None but they or their nominees could 'presume to set up corn mills' and the
law of the 'milling soke', the common law of the land by immemorial custom and older than
any English statute, bound the people to support mills thus set up by their lords.

The same authority goes on to mention that in 1356 domestic querns were prohibited by
law and a ceaseless war followed over the possession of them; but in giving this account of
conditions in England the authors remark of Scottish conditions that the small horizontal
mill was in common use, the Norse mill as it was called.

Mills of this type, they state, were still in use in Colonsay and Oronsay in 1898 and a
drawing is given which shows a very ingenious piece of primitive mechanism constructed of
no materials beyond the timber and stone locally available.

In Kintyre, less remote than Colonsay or Oronsay, the Norse type of mill has not existed
within memory. The Compt Book indicates, I consider, that large-scale centrally-placed
and water-driven mills were operating when MacNeill collected his charges for multure.

MUTTON. Indicates a certain category of live sheep. The word occurs in the contemporary
Ochtertyre House Book but no explanation of its precise meaning is given there or
anywhere else that I have searched. Mutton may have meant a sheep fit only to become,
in the modern sense, mutton, i.e. one for slaughter. 'Mart' had that meaning in the case of

NOLT.Cattle; but of what age, sex or description seems uncertain. Webster (Scot. Gloss.)
under Nowt gives ox and its plural, cattle, black cattle.

I am told that the word, sounded as Webster spells it, is still current in Aberdeenshire. In
Kintyre it seems to have passed out of usage.

In Waverley, Chapter 15, Baron Bradwardine describes his loss as 'a drove of homed nolt
and milch kine' (1745). But in 1742 the Compt Book writer changes from nolt (hitherto
used) to black cattle. Jamieson and Warrack both give black cattle.

I have sought in vain for information as to the date of introduction of the Ayrshire breed into
Kintyre. It is noteworthy that the Compt Book, so largely devoted to dealings in cattle,
nowhere describes any beast by its breed.

PECK. A measure of bulk for corn, meal etc. One-sixteenth of a boll.

PRESENTS. Usually DUIKS PRESENTS. An item in the total sum periodically payable for the
occupation of land. No explanation of the word's significance can be offered.

PUCK. A disease in cattle (Concise Oxford Die.).

PYNT.Pint. But the measure in use then was not that of today. Old Scottish liquid measure
was 128 gills = 32 mutchkins = 16 chopins = 8 pints = 1 gallon = about 3 Imperial gallons.

QUEY. Heifer.

RESTS.Owes. But with the implication that the debt is not one that the creditor wishes
immediately to recover. Rather, it is the balance in a live account, to be carried forward.

RIGGED.Description applied to a cow; with a white stripe along its backbone. (Jamieson,

ROMACH.Obviously from its context, some sort of woven fabric. The Gaelic word has the
meaning hairy, rough with hair (Dwelly).

SEARCE. To seive; to strain.

SET. As a verb, to let, to lease. (Webster, Collegiate Die., Scot. Gloss.)

SILVER.The word recurs repeatedly as an adjective, qualifying the noun 'rent'. Tenants were
required to pay under many heads for the occupation of their lands; for instance, in
personal labour, teinds, multer, live stock, produce.

Cash was scarce but nothing could entirely take its place, so the landlord insisted on a
certain cash payment which is termed throughout the Compt Book 'silver rent' giving the
word its present-day Scots meaning, i.e. Siller = money.

STOT. Young bull or ox; usually gelded.

TAGGD BELED. The original MS. is not clear. Used to describe a cow, 'Taggd' would indicate a
white tip to the tail and what I have read as 'beled' might be 'tailed'.

TIDY, TYDY. In calf or in milk.

TIMBER. The word occurs invariably associated with 'plow', suggesting that its meaning is
'specially shaped wooden parts for making ploughs', the wood used being probably an
imported species. See also under IRONE, in which many transactions are recorded, always (I
suggest) connected with the plough. So probably in these entries we have an indication
that an improved form of plough was in course of introduction.

TORMENTIL. Potentilla tormentilla. A herb; the root is used in medicine and in tanning and

TOUN. Not to be understood as having the meaning of the modern 'town' but rather as
indicating a farm or homestead of some importance, Carskey for instance.

TRONE. An old Scottish standard weight; the pound trone contained 21 to 28 ounces
avoirdupois. Hence, in towns, 'The Tron' denoted the position of the public weighbridge,
or weigh-house.


[The original of this letter was found between the leaves of the Compt Book; its address
must have been on the envelope, which is missing. To the letter is appended a note signed
'Neil McNeill and reading 'CuSs I knowing the hand I made bold to open . . . ' (remainder
illegible). Probably, the envelope was addressed to Malcolm McNeil of Carskey and the Neil
McNeil who opened it was the uncle of the writer].

Dr Couss : Decr ye 14th 1724

You may verry Justly call me unkind, hawing been soe Long in England without writing to
you, to whom, I was so much obleidged. But it was neither my neglect, Disrespect,
Sloath, or forgetfulness occasioned my not wryting, but the uncertainty of my
Circumstance untill about 8 months agoe, Since when, I wrote to my Moyr and broyrs, but
never received ane answer. I doe assure you Couss : I have several Instances of my Moyrs
indifferency about me Since I left Scotland, which makes me very uneasy lest it should
extend to the Rest of the Childrens who are in a worse Capacity to bear it.

Thus far I understand from my Broyr by Lossits son that his Moyr in conjunction wt his uncle
has frequently told him to shift for himself for he had noe business at Ballegrogan; at which
I was so nettled, that as soon as I could I wrote to my Moyr and yt in a verry bitter strain,
exceeding the Rules even of Duty, nor did I omit to vent my passion at my Uncle also.
To this Letter I Reed noe answer, which makes me suppose it is miscarried, if soo it is noe
matter, if otherways, I might submit myself to be censured, at their discretion, I have
now written to my Uncle and I expect to know his mind, I am much perplexed to know how
my Moyr and her children mannadge their affair, nor could I even Learn what my 2 Broyrs
doo, I perswade myself that Hecttor will not faile to make you acquainted with all his affairs
of consequence, Soe I beg you would favour me wt a letter and let me know. how all
friends doe; I hope this will find you and all your family in health, as I am at present
blessed be god.

I doe Declair that their is none, can have your welfair more at heart than I have it and I am
fully satisfied that you have the same regaird for me and all my fayrs Children and
perswaded they may depend upon your admonition and assistance upon all occasion
provided they doe not behave themselves disrespectfuly to you; I wrote for my Broyr Neill
to come to me if he is not otherways provided for and I will endeavour to provide for him in
my own Station pray advise him to leave his Darling favourite Sloath and Conceit at home
and come to live like a gentleman.

I have severall things to urge to this subject but fearing to be too tedious I conclude with
my service to your Broyr Lachlan and his Bedfellow; Couss Drimnamucklach and Couss
Margret, Couss McShenoigs of Lepinstra and their families : Couss Achnasavil if livving.

Donald Omey and his two unkind sons or any oyr that will enquire for me, but above all
yourself your good bedfellow and Dear Children And requesting your speedy answer Your
everloving Couss: and Humble Servt while .....

Malcolm McNeill

Couss John and Couss Dougald gives their Services to you and bedfellow and all oyr friends;
Direct for me in the Royall Regiment of Horse Guards Commanded by his Grace the Duke of
Bolton at my Quarters in Salisburry Wiltshire

[So, three men at least from The Mull of Kintyre and all of them cousins, had decided to
take the Hanoverian King's shilling and 'live like gentlemen' — and more recruits were
wanted, as the letter shows.

But, from the fact that the writer addresses his cousin in default of reply to earlier letters to
his mother (probably a widow) and brothers, the conclusion may be drawn that to enter
King George's service was a course which the elders of the family, whatever their reasons,
did not approve.

Lossit (that being the place-name of his estate) was a neighbouring laird frequently
mentioned in the Compt Book. The letter makes it seem probable that his son too had

In 1724 The Duke of Bolton was Charles, third Duke. His family name was Pawlett or
Powlett. The Dukedom became extinct in 1794 (Editor of Debrett).]


[The following specimen of that ancient form of tenancy, termed 'Steelbow', is taken from
the Compt Book. Its probable date is 1710. Unfortunately, some words are lost (indicated
by three dots) where a piece of the page has been
torn out, but the sense is clear enough.

It will be noticed that the whole one Merk Land of Carskey is disposed of to one tenant,
Neill Dow McNeill. Half of it he takes on Steelbow terms; the other half Merk Land on
simple money rent. This may mark an experiment in transition from ancient to modern
terms of land tenure].

Conditions Agreed on Betwixt Malcolm Me . . . Carskey and Neill Dow McNeill in Lailt.
I the sd Malcolm McNeill setts to the Sd Neill McN ... the mrk Land of Carskey on the
ffollowing conditions ...

Imprimus The sd Neill is to get from me ane half mrk of ... mrk Land stocked, Ten Bolls of
Corn for Seed Corn and tuo... of Barley for seed Barley and Ten Tydy Kows, with Timber Iron
and Horses for to work the Sd ½ mrk Land ffor which the sd Neill Binds and oblidges him
and his to pay to me or mijne yearly, Ten Bolls of Corn and Six Bolls off Barley att ilk term
of CandlemaSs and yt sufficient and merchantable off the usuall meaSure off Kintyre also
for the Ten Kows oblidges him & his to pay to me or myne Eight stons the Couple wt a stirk
which is in all ffortie stons off CheeSs or the current prySs off qt is unpayd of the sd ffortie
stons and ffive stirks Sufficient according to the custom of the Country ffor the other half
mrk Land the Sd Neill Binds and oblidges him and his to pay to me or myne the Soume off
Sixtie three punds Ten shillings Scots att ilk Term off MartimaSs and oblidges him & his forsd
to relive the sd Malcolm & his forsds of all publick burdeins yt ffalls on the sd Half mrk Land
and the Sd Soume in name & behalf of Silver Rent mutter Teinds & preSents of the sd half
mrk Land



Most part of the other Shires of Britain having already addressed hisMajesty on his happy
accession to the Throne, His Grace The Duke of Argyll has commanded me to lay the
Coppy of ane Address before the whole Gentlemen of this Shyre which he expects they will
all signe as speedily as possible for which end I was resolved to have called a Generall
meeting to this place. But judging it might be inconvenient at this tyme of the year, I have
chosen rather for the ease of the Countrie to take the trouble on my self to go to the
several divisions.

I have had the Good Luck to Get severall principall Gentlemen in this place who have
already signed it and are all exceedingly weel pleased with the Draught of it.

Next I begin with Cowall as nearest this place and upon Tuesday next being the ffirst of
August, I propose to wait upon the whole Gentlemen of that Division at Kilmaglash in
Strachurr about ten aclock in the forenoon.

Upon Thursday next being the Third of August I wait upon The Synod of Argyll at Tarbert
and the whole Gentlemen of the division of Kintyre at ten aclock in the forenoon.

Upon Saterday the ffifth of August I wait upon the whole Gentlemen of the Division of Argyll
at Kilmichell in Glasrie at ten aclock in the forenoon.

Upon Munday the seventh of August I wait on the whole Gentlemen of the Division of Lome
and the Isles at Killmore in Lorn at ten aclock in the forenoon.

And upon Tuesday the eighth of August I wait upon the Gentlemen of the parishes of
Kilchrenan Dalich and Inishael at Kilchrenan at ten aclock in the forenoon.

It is evident to one and all of yow from the progress I am to make that it will be impossible
for me to stay at any one of these places above two hours at most so I desire yow keep this
dyet peremptorly at the precise hour and place appointed for your Division as ye would
oblidge the Duke of Argyll I am


Your humble servt
Inveraray J. A. Campbell

29 July 1727

[The original was found inserted, loose, in the Compt Book. The signature may be assumed
to be that of the Duke's Chamberlain. The letter is written on one side of a sheet of quarto
paper, which has been folded, sealed with a wafer and superscribed — To Malcolm
McNeill of CarSkey.

MacNeill has used the back of the sheet for some of his jottings of rent collections etc.
George II came to the Throne in 1727].




Receipt for the small pox

As soon as they contract the fever yrof take as much blood as the patient will allow, if the
Child contracts a loSsneSs allways wt the fever, itt is not to be stoped but the third day, at
qch tyme give him ten grains of [?] Deasardium in a little poSset Drink tuo tymes a day,
Lett him Drink the poSset qrin [wherein] the root of Tormentill has been boyld till the
LooSsneSs be stopt if they doe not come out weell. Let yr Drink the poSset qrin gallen root
has been boylled, give them three grains a day of Saffron on poSset, butt if the small pox
come out too fast, Let yr ordinary drink be.

Spring well watter qrin wood sorrell has been boyled, if defluction hinders thee for
respiratione, take ane unce of suggar Candie mix itt wt as much sellet [? salad] oyll as will
make itt Liquid, give the Child as much as the point of a knife holds three or four tymes a
day at the return of the small pox be sure to give them a glas of seek [?sack, sherry] tuo
tymes a day.

Butt if itt proves favourable Lay a syde all medecines and give you nothing to drink but tuo
pairts waiter and three pairts melk boyld togeyr during the whole courSs after the pox, be
sure to purge ym wt the syrup of purging thorne. half unce is a Sufficient DoSe of ane child
of four years old

[The date may be taken as 1719. The word rendered Deasardium is not so clear in the
original that I can be confident of having transcribed it with literal accuracy, nor have I
found it in my dictionaries.

Another difficult word is gallen; there was a famous Greek doctor of that name, after
whom the root may have been named, but that is mere conjecture. Gall is, of course,
used in medicine].


[1726] A Cordiall powder for any ordinary cold & to prepare a horSs before travell to
refresh him in travell and to preserve him from mischief after travell.

Take of English Licoruss Elecampane roots of each ane unce of Sugar candie ane unce &
ane half beat them to fine powder & searce [strain] them keep the powder in a box when
you administer [?] it for the cold give half ane unce in a pynt of Sack if in travell give it in
Sweet wine or Strong Aile if in [?] haste take a quart & give itt both before travell and in
your inn or at home immediately after travell


Take the root of figwort on handfull bruise it very small : boyl it wt as much fresh butter as
will be sufficient aplay a pultice of it to the childs nack every night till the thoumer is quite


Take the skine of a serpent and bind it to the thigh of the woman that is in labour and she
will be delivered presently if you canot get the foresaid take a a handfull of the root of
polipodium and chop it very small boul it in water and aplay it warm to the womans right


To Stay the Glanders for a time being uncurable Take the green bark of Elder & beat it in a
morter and strain it till you have a pinte thereof, put that juice in a pinte of old Aile warm it
on the fire with a good lump of Sweet butter & ane unce of Sugar candie & soe give it the
horss ride him after it let him fast ane hour & keep warm doe thus diverss mornings.


How to cure the Ringbone in horses Some scarifie the place about the Ringbone with a
Lancet then take a great Onion & pick out the core & into its place put verdigreass and
unslackd Lime then cover the holl & roast the Onion soft bruise itt in a morter & so lay itt
hot for four daystogether & itt will cure itt Others take unslackd lyme made into fyne
powder & lay itt all along upon the Swelld place of a good thickness binding a Linine cloath
very fast upon itt & soe put him into the water let him stand there a pretty while then take
him out & unbind his foot & then the cure is infallibly effected for the burning of the lime

kills the ringbone unto the root thereof, when you dress the horss he must be brought doss
to the watter yt as soon as he is dressd you may presently put him into the waiter.

[A remedy to be recommended for trial on someone else's horse].


ffor the Glanders

Take half ane unce of the powder of comin seeds grains and fennegreeks [Fennegreek,
modern fenugreek. 'Seeds used in farriery"] also of diahexaple [Diahexaple. The word is not
in any dictionary I have consulted] a quarter unce beat this in a morter with a quarter of a
pinte of verdigreese [Verdigreese. Such a dose of verdigris would seem likely to be fatal.
One must suspect the word did not then mean what it means today; otherwise the milk
mentioned later might as an antidote be too late] three spoonfulls of Sweat oyle & tuo
spoonfulls of aquavitae then put all together in a quart of old Aile with a good peace of
butter sett all on the fyre till itt be ready to boyll, then being lukewarm give it the horss
pairt att the mouth & pairt at both the nostrills then ride him pretty roundly for ane hour
and get him warm let him fast ane hour & if you perceive Sickness to grow give him a pinte
New Milk.


Ane Excellent and approved remedy for the Gout Take as fat a goose as you can get & ane
fat black Cat skin the Catt & take all the intrales out of him & then Bruize him as small as
you can wt ane pound of hoges Lair [lard] and ane handfull of Courss salt & put them into
the Goose & rost him & keep all the Drypings into ane frying pan, and then add to the
droppings ane unce of pepper ane unce of Cinamon & ane unce of Ginger being weell
punded in a morter qch work in the Dropings til itt become someqt thick qch keep in a
bottell & rub itt [on] the place paind befor the fire.


Ane Excellent remedy for the gravell

Take ane quart [Old Scots measure, no doubt. See Gloss, under Pynt] of white wine & take
into ane Gla5s yrof for nine mornings nine slatters [woodlice] being dryed & bruised into
powder wt the juice of three [word illegible] onions being strained through a clean cloath,
also put ane ordinary Dram of brandy into the Glass of white wine qch quantity drink for the
sd space of Nine mornings & itt will cure yow [Nine ! 'One over the eight' ! Is this perhaps
the origin of the phrase ? ]


ffor a growing cold

Take the peace of licorus, aniseeds, turmerack, ffennugreek, pepper, of Each ane unce &
the hard simples in powder then of sugar candie tuo unces with as much English honey as
will suffice incorporate all together and make yrof balls as big as a good pullets Egg & give
the horSs tuo or three in a morning fasting After he hath taken the balls give him tuo New
laid Eggs then ride him at noon give him a mash keep warm doe this twice or thrice.

For a more violent cold causing retting in the head Take the bigg Elecampane root slice it &
boyl in water from a pottle to a quart then strain it & to yt water Put a pint of urine and a
pint of mustardine of aniseeds licorus comm of the lun Stoned & bruised & of sugar candie
tuo unces let all these simmer on the fire and not boyl till they be incorporate then take it
of[f] and to one hal thereof which is a sufficient drink put a quarter of pound of sweet Butter
& four spoonfulls of [word illegible] then being lukewarm give the horSs a third pairt of the
drench and after it a New laid Egge, then Another third pJrt and after it another Egge.

Lastly all the rest of the drink then ride him Pretty roundly near ane hour let him fast
another hour keep warm & feed as at other times at noon give him a mash & the next day
give him the other half.

[In the above English honey is specified (I suggest) because heather honey would not
answer the purpose. 'Retting' can only be read as retching.

'Pottle' was in England an old measure equal to two quarts, or a vessel to contain that

Urine became an ingredient because of its content of ammonia and perhaps the only source
of that pungent liquid which even today has its value in the treatment of colds, in men as
well as in cattle.

'Mustardine of aniseeds' I cannot explain.

'Comin' should probably read 'cumin'. The plant grows, my dictionary informs me, in
Egypt and Syria and from that fact may have sprung the description 'of the Sun', for those
are sunny lands. The whole prescription, unlike many of those that precede it, would
today be a good one in the circumstances indicated].




Comin of the Sun
Comin Seeds
CourSs [coarse] salt


Elder bark
English honey
English Licoruss

Fat black cat
Fat goose
Fresh Butter

Gallen root.

Lime unslacked

Mustardine of aniseeds
New Laid Eggs

Old Aile

Polipodium (fern)
Purging Thorn

Raisins of the Sun

Seek or Sack
Sellet [Salad] Oyll
Serpent's skin
Slaters [woodlice]
Strong Aile
Sugar candie
Sweat [sweet] Oyle
Sweet Wine
Trical [treacle]



White Wine


[This report was found as a loose sheet inserted in the Compt Book].

Wee the Surveyor and overseers of Kilcomkill parish did according to our commission
conveine the whole tennants and labouring men of said parish except invalids and have
wrought three severall days in July last at the repairing of the highways with the number of
Eighty men and wrought from Ten o clock in the forenoone till Six o clock in the afternoon.
But Duncan Omey overseer tho he was there and wrought promiscuously with us and
having the calling of the list of the parish of Kilblan yet neglected to come in to give report
if there was any absent in said parish, which is attested by us this the nintinth day of
October 1736 years. Three absent in Kilcomkill parish. Ar. Macdonald, Neill McNeill, Hew

[A safe surmise is that the commission mentioned emanated from The Duke of Argyll, for
there was no Local Government authority in those days. His instructions 'to conveine the
whole tennants and labouring men' of the parish
would not be issued to the men in those categories themselves but, most probably, to the
landowners. Of such there were but four, namely Macdonald of Sanda, Malcolm MacNeill
of Carskey, McShenoig of Lephenstrath and Omey of Keill. Two of these sign the report;
Neill McNeill signs in lieu of Malcolm, but Omey's signature is not there, possibly because
the report is in a way a censure on him.

The handwriting of the report is regular and clerkly; the signatures much embellished with
nourishes forming elaborate patterns, as was the custom then, when the form of the
nourish, as much as the name itself, served to identify the signatory].

Compt Book entries begin in 1703 and are largely devoted to recording the various heads
under which MacNeill extracted payment from tenants of his lands. Not till 1739, however,
is Fox Money noted as one of those heads.

This points to an invasion of foxes in that year into The Mull of Kintyre, a district
theretofore free from the vermin, an invasion so severe as to call for concerted action to
extirpate the enemy. To meet the costs of this campaign the charge of Fox Money was
imposed, not a large amount, only a few shillings annually where the rent was £20.
Thereupon foxes became extinct in the district and have not been noticed there since.

Further north in Kintyre, near Carradale, twelve or fifteen miles from Campbeltown, foxes
reappeared so recently as 1952, finding cover in extensive areas of newly and closely
planted conifers v:here it was no one's business, not even a shepherd's, to disturb or
destroy them.

This invasion can only have come from the north where (so it is reported) 'Argyll and The
West of Scotland are heavily infested'. The local farmers became alarmed and called upon
Government, this time, to take steps against the vermin once more, after more than two
centuries !

It becomes interesting to ascertain what methods were employed in the middle of the
eighteenth century to deal with foxes, for hunting with hounds and horse would be quite
impossible in Kintyre. No better source of information could exist than Mr Dugald
Macintyre, a native of Kintyre, who has passed his working life as gamekeeper in the
service of The Duke and now, from retirement at Comrie in Perthshire, delights lovers of
nature by his writings. I quote him - about the Fox-money.

'My Great-grandfather (1745 - 1850) was professional Kintyre fox hunter all his life and he
was paid fox-money by such large farmers as could afford it. The farmers had also to
provide braxy sheep for the fox hunter's dogs (a specified number each, according to the
size of the farm).
'Allan Macintyre came from Bredalbane to Skipness as fox hunter and from thence to
Kintyre (Glen Barr) from which headquarters he hunted at the Mull of Kintyre and indeed all
over Argyll.

'There had been fox hunters at Kintyre before Allan's time and, I should say there had been
foxes at The Mull of Kintyre down the ages.

'I forgot to mention that game and particularly grouse, was extra-ordinarily scarce in my
great-grandfather's day and that he owned a Spanish gun, looted by an ancestor, round
about 1715, when old James, the first Pretender, brought Spanish mercenaries to this

So still we do not know, beyond the information that dogs played a part, what method of
hunting the fox was followed.

Certain inferences may not unreasonably be drawn from these records of Fox Money, dated
as they are 1739 - 1741.

Probably sheep were on the increase and required special protection; likewise poultry,
though strangely enough the latter are a class of live stock never mentioned in the Compt
Book. We may infer, too, that the human population was rising, for, as an authoritative
historian of fox-hunting has written 'it is in fairly closely-populated rural districts that the
hunt flourishes'.


A TABLE OF NAMES of persons mentioned in the Compt Book, resident in The Mull of
Kintyre, 1710 - 1740

The diverse interests of MacNeill of Carskey must have brought him into contact with
practically every man and woman in the vicinity who held positions of any degree of
permanency; he had dealings with them all.

He was laird, collecting his rents; he was also, probably, a tacksman; he was merchant,
selling goods imported by his merchant house in Campbeltown and trading extensively by
barter, purchase and sale in all sorts of live stock and produce. He used his Compt Book to
record such multifarious transactions as he considered needed record and the following list
therefore becomes as complete a Trades Directory of the place and period as could be
hoped for.

It does not include any person (though many such are named) whom it is impossible, for
lack of particulars, to designate by his connection with place or occupation.

Due allowance, here in this table as throughout the present volume, must be made for
long passages in the original MS. illegible through fading of the old ink.

I am aware of numbers of people now scattered over all The Earth who believe their
forebears came from The Mull of Kintyre. To such, should it meet their eye, this table may
be of help in tracing their ancestry.


NAME PLACE YEAR - From / To Status /

Burdie, Thomas Machrimore Mill 1721 Packman
Campbell, Barbra Kilwhipnach 1722 Tenant
Campbell, David Witchburn 1722 Baile
Campbell, David Campbeltown 1725 Baillie
Campbell, Dugald, Mr - 1718 Minister ? ? ?
Campbell, Duncan - Drimnamucklach 1712/18/37 Owner
Campbell, William Lailt 1718 Tenant
Campbell, William Balimacomra 1718 Tenant
Cordiner, William Kilchreist 1724 Cloathier
ffaill, William Campbeltown 1720 Couper
Graham, Duncan Achinsavill 1730/31 Tenant
Hervie, William Kilblan 1724 ???
Hyman, Alexander - 1722 Miller to Sanna
McAlister, Donald Unstated - but Rent 1711/1714
McAlister, Ranald Machrimore 1717 Resident
NAME PLACE YEAR - From / To Status /

McCallum, Dugald Gartnacopaig 1722 Tenant
McCallum, Duncan Ballinacuissag 1737 Tenant
McCallum, Iver Carskey 1739 "my" servant
McCallum, Malcolm Kepragan 1711 Tenant
McCamross, John ffeorlin 1722/23 Tenant
McCamross, John ffeorlin 1715/17/18 /19 Tenant
McCamross, John Macharioch 1719 Tenant
McCamross, Malcolm ffeorlin 1739 Tenant
McClarty, Malcom Lepinbegg - ½ of 1737/40 Tenant
McClarty, William Carskey 1724 Servant
McClarty, William Cariskey 1720 Part Tenant
McClarty, William Unstated - but Rent 1711/1714
McComara, John Macharioch 1722/23 Weaver
McComra, Neill Borgadillmore 1723/31/34 Part Tenant
McComra, Patrick Glenmanuill 1730/31 Tenant
McComra, Patrick Balimacomra 1723 Tenant
McConachie, Rori Borgadilmore 1722/31/34 Tenant
McCorquidell, Archd. - 1736 Jointly with Rose
McDonald, Donald Achinsavill 1725/31 Tenant
McEarcharn, John Carskey 1712/19 "my " Man
Mcffaill, John Glenadill 1711 Tenant
Mcffarlan, John Poliuillin 1719 Tenant
Mcffatar, Christian The Muill 1718 Tenant
McGeachy, Donald Drimnamucklich 1712 Man to Campbell the
Bane laird
McGibbon, Malcolm Kill (sic) 1721/24 Tenant
McGinnas, Duncan Glenrean 1722 Tenant
McGomrie, Neill Borgadil 1733 Tenant
McIlchanly, Neill The Mill 1717/19 Shoemaker
McIlchonaly, Achinasavill 1717 Resident
McIlchonaly, Ballinacuisag 1723 Tenant
McIlchonaly, John Carskey (this toun) 1717 Weaver
McIlchonaly, Neill Glenmanuill 1734/35 Tenant
McIlchonaly, Neill Mucklach 1735/36 Tenant
McIlchonaly, Neill - 1726 Shoemaker
McIlchreest, Patrick Knockbane 1737 Schoolmaster
McIlheanie, Neill Carskey 1721/25 "my" workman
McIlheany, Donaid Stragoil 1717 Tenant
McIlheany, Donald Achinasavill 1721 Part Tenant
McIlheany, John - 1717/18 Schoolmaster
McIlheany, John Ballinacuissag 1719 Tenant
McIlheany, Mary Lailt 1720/21 Tenant
McIlheany, Neill Carskey 1723/37 Servant
McIlhenij, Malcolm Lepinbegg - ½ of 1737/40 Tenant
McIlmichel, John Borgadillmore 1730/34/35/36/37 Tenant
McIlmichell, John Glenmanuill 1723/24 Tenant
McIlmun, John Carskey 1719 Miller
McIloliney, Donald Glenadill 1718 Weaver
McIlreanj, John Machrimor 1718 Tenant
McIlvane, Dougald Ormsary 1719 Part Tenant
McInkaird, John - 1722 Weaver
McInkaird, John - 1718/19 Weaver
McKay, Neill Branerikin 1724/25 Tenant
McKay, Neill Branerikin 1718/21/22 Tenant
McKearchair, Donald Lailt 1717 Tenant
McKiarmoid, Neill Ormsary 1717/18 Tenant
McKillop, Donald Glenmanuill 1725/31 Tenant
NAME PLACE YEAR - From / To Status /

McLeonain, Donald Ballinacuissag 1739 Tenant
McLeonan, Neil Kerameanach 1723 Tenant
McMath, Archd. Balliveanan 1720 Tenant
McMath, Donald Lailt 1721/22 Tenant
McMath, John bane Uperkill 1721 Tenant
McMillen, Alexander Glenmanuill 1724/28 Part Tenant
McMillen, Alexander Glenmanuill 1726/32/34/35/36 Tenant
McMillen, Duncan Achinsavill 1726/28/29 Part Tenant
McMillen, Hew Borgadilbeg 1717 Tenant
McMillen, John Ballinnacuissag 1739 Becomes Tenant
McMillen, John Keill 1722 Tenant
McMillen, Lauchlan Glenmanuill 1720 Tenant
McMillen, Lauchlan Glenanuil 1718 Tenant
McMillen, Malcolm Glenmanuill 1727/29 Tenant
McMillen, Malcolm Borgadilmore 1716/22/24 Tenant
McMillen, Malcolm Borgadillmore 1719 Tenant
McMillen, Neill Upperkeill 1722 Tenant
McMillen, Rose - 1736 With Archd.
McMurchie, Donald Mulbuy 1726 Tenant
McMurchie, John Unstated - but Rent 1711/1714
McMurchij, Archd. Glenadill 1718 Tenant
McMurchy, Archd. Glenadill 1726 Tenant
McMurchy, Archd. Glenadill 1721/22/23 Tenant
McMurchy, Donald Glenadiluachtrach 1722 Tenant
McMurchy, John Lower Glenadill 1723 Tenant
McMurchy, John Upperglenadill 1712/19 Tenant
McMurchy, Margarett Achinsavill 1723 Part Tenant
McMurchy, Neill Mullbuy 1729 Tenant
McMurray, Angus Unstated - but Rent 1711/1714
McNachlain, John Drimarranach 1729 Tenant
McNachlain, John Drimarranach 1718 Tenant
McNachlain, Thomas Gartvaij 1717 Tenant
McNeill, Archd. Ormsary 1735/36 Tenant
McNeill, Archd. Mulbuij 1737/39 Tenant
McNeill, Archd. Macharioch 1720 Tenant
McNeill, Archd. Carskey 1722 Weaver
McNeill, Cossin Amod 1717 Tenant
McNeill, Donald Balligrogan 1717 Resident
McNeill, Henry Carskey 1712/17 "my" Herd
McNeill, John Ballivranan 1722 Tenant
McNeill, Kathrin Macharioch 1719 ???
McNeill, Lachlan Glenadill 1726 Tenant
McNeill, Lauchlan Glenadill 1720/21/22 Tenant
McNeill, Lauchlan Glennadil 1716/17 Brother-in-law /
McNeill, Malcolm Glenadill 1738/39 Tenant
McNeill, Malcolm Collinlongart 1739 Becomes Tenant
McNeill, Malcolm Lepinbeg 1726/28 Tenant
McNeill, Malcolm Lepinbeg 1719/33 Tenant

McNeill, Neill Dow Lailt 1710 Steelbow Tenant
McQuailisky, Gilbert Carskey 1718 Part Tenant
McQualiskie, Gilbaert Carskey 1722 Servant
McQualisky, Donald Upertoun (with his 1722 Tenant
McQualisky, John - 1734 Weaver
McQualisky, Neill Gartvean 1712/17 Tenant
McShenoig, Donald Carrin 1722 Tenant
McShenoig, Donald The Upertoun 1721 Tenant
NAME PLACE YEAR - From / To Status /

McShenoig, Donald Ballinacuissag 1716 Tenant
McShenoig, Donald Unstated - but Rent 1711/1714
McShenoig, Duncan Ballinacuissag 1726 Tenant
McShenoig, Duncan Kerameaneach 1722 Tenant
McShenoig, Ewn Branerikin 1725 Tenant
McShenoig, Hew, of Lepinstra 1720 Owner
McShenoig, John Lepinstra 1721 Tenant
McShenoig, Margaret Carskey 1716 Servant
McSporran, Duncan Carskey 1712/17 "my" Tenant
McSporran, Duncan Unstated - but Rent 1711/1714
McTaylor, Barbara Carskey 1720 Former Servant
McViccar, Diarmoid Borgadillmore 1730/34 Tenant
McViccar, Diarmoid Borgadilmore 1722 Tenant
McViccar, Georg Campbeltown 1725 Merchant
McViccar, Jo. Lailt 1717/18 Tenant
McViccar, John Borgadillmore 1735/36 Tenant
McViccar, Neill Lailt 1721 Tenant
McWilliam, Donald Strone 1723/24 Tenant
Morrison, Donald Machrimore 1722 Brewer
O'Drain, Charles ffeorlin 1711 Tenant
O'Drain, Donald Mucklich 1723/24 Tenant
O'Drain, John Strone 1735 Tenant
O'Drain, Malcolm Ballinacuisag 1713 Tenant
Omey, Donald Keill 1722 Tenant
Purdie, Thomas - 1724 Merchant
Ridd, Jean Kildavie 1719 Tenant
Smith, Robert - 1718 Clothier
Speer, James Monirua 1725 Tenant
Wallace, Georg Machrimore Milln 1726 ???
Wallace, Georg Dunglass 1719 Tenant
Wallace, Hugh Lailt 1720 Tenant
Weer, Archd Unstated - but Rent 1711/1714
Weer, Donald Glenmanuill 1732/33/35/36 Tenant
Weer, Samuel Laggs 1723 ???
Weer, Thomas Glenmanuill 1728/29 Tenant
White, Hew Campbeltown 1737 Merchant
Wyly, ? Campbeltown 1735/35 Baillie
Wyly, John Drimnamucklach 1737 Servant


A TABLE OF PLACES and persons mentioned in the Compt Book, resident in The Mull of
Kintyre, 1710 - 1740


PLACE NAME YEAR - From / To Status /

- Campbell, Dugald, Mr 1718 Minister ? ? ?
- Hyman, Alexander 1722 Miller to Sanna
- McCorquidell, Archd. 1736 Jointly with Rose
- McIlchonaly, Neill 1726 Shoemaker
- McIlheany, John 1717/18 Schoolmaster
- McInkaird, John 1722 Weaver
- McInkaird, John 1718/19 Weaver
- McMillen, Rose 1736 With Archd.
PLACE NAME YEAR - From / To Status /

- McQualisky, John 1734 Weaver
- Purdie, Thomas 1724 Merchant
- Smith, Robert 1718 Clothier
Achinsavill Graham, Duncan 1730/31 Tenant
Achinsavill McDonald, Donald 1725/31 Tenant
Achinasavill McIlchonaly, 1717 Resident
Achinasavill McIlheany, Donald 1721 Part Tenant
Achinsavill McMillen, Duncan 1726/28/29 Part Tenant
Achinsavill McMurchy, Margarett 1723 Part Tenant
Amod McNeill, Cossin 1717 Tenant
Balimacomra Campbell, William 1718 Tenant
Balimacomra McComra, Patrick 1723 Tenant
Balligrogan McNeill, Donald 1717 Resident
Ballinacuissag McCallum, Duncan 1737 Tenant
Ballinacuissag McIlchonaly, 1723 Tenant
Ballinacuissag McIlheany, John 1719 Tenant
Ballinacuissag McLeonain, Donald 1739 Tenant
Ballinacuissag McMillen, John 1739 Becomes Tenant
Ballinacuissag McShenoig, Donald 1716 Tenant
Ballinacuissag McShenoig, Duncan 1726 Tenant
Ballinacuissag O'Drain, Malcolm 1713 Tenant
Balliveanan McMath, Archd. 1720 Tenant
Ballivranan McNeill, John 1722 Tenant
Borgadil McGomrie, Neill 1733 Tenant
Borgadilbeg McMillen, Hew 1717 Tenant
Borgadillmore McComra, Neill 1723/31/34 Part Tenant
Borgadilmore McConachie, Rori 1722/31/34 Tenant
Borgadillmore McIlmichel, John 1730/34/35/36/37 Tenant
Borgadillmore McMillen, Malcolm 1719 Tenant
Borgadilmore McMillen, Malcolm 1716/22/24 Tenant
Borgadillmore McViccar, Diarmoid 1730/34 Tenant

Borgadilmore McViccar, Diarmoid 1722 Tenant
Borgadillmore McViccar, John 1735/36 Tenant
Branerikin McKay, Neill 1724/25 Tenant
Branerikin McKay, Neill 1718/21/22 Tenant
Branerikin McShenoig, Ewn 1725 Tenant
Campbeltown Campbell, David 1725 Baillie
Campbeltown ffaill, William 1720 Couper
Campbeltown McViccar, Georg 1725 Merchant
Campbeltown White, Hew 1737 Merchant
Campbeltown Wyly, ? 1735/35 Baillie
Cariskey McClarty, William 1720 Part Tenant
Carrin McShenoig, Donald 1722 Tenant
Carskey McCallum, Iver 1739 "my" servant
Carskey McClarty, William 1724 Servant
Carskey McEarcharn, John 1712/19 "my " Man
Carskey (this toun) McIlchonaly, John 1717 Weaver
Carskey McIlheanie, Neill 1721/25 "my" workman
Carskey McIlheany, Neill 1723/37 Servant
Carskey McIlmun, John 1719 Miller
Carskey McNeill, Archd. 1722 Weaver
Carskey McNeill, Henry 1712/17 "my" Herd
Carskey McQuailisky, Gilbert 1718 Part Tenant
Carskey McQualiskie, Gilbaert 1722 Servant
Carskey McShenoig, Margaret 1716 Servant
Carskey McSporran, Duncan 1712/17 "my" Tenant
PLACE NAME YEAR - From / To Status /

Carskey McTaylor, Barbara 1720 Former Servant
Collinlongart McNeill, Malcolm 1739 Becomes Tenant
Drimarranach McNachlain, John 1729 Tenant
Drimarranach McNachlain, John 1718 Tenant
Drimnamucklach Campbell, Duncan - 1712/18/37 Owner
Drimnamucklich McGeachy, Donald 1712 Man to Campbell the
Bane laird
Drimnamucklach Wyly, John 1737 Servant
Dunglass Wallace, Georg 1719 Tenant
ffeorlin McCamross, John 1722/23 Tenant
ffeorlin McCamross, John 1715/17/18 /19 Tenant
ffeorlin McCamross, Malcolm 1739 Tenant
ffeorlin O'Drain, Charles 1711 Tenant
Gartnacopaig McCallum, Dugald 1722 Tenant
Gartvaij McNachlain, Thomas 1717 Tenant
Gartvean McQualisky, Neill 1712/17 Tenant
Glenadill Mcffaill, John 1711 Tenant
Glenadill McIloliney, Donald 1718 Weaver
Glenadill McMurchij, Archd. 1718 Tenant
Glenadill McMurchy, Archd. 1726 Tenant
Glenadill McMurchy, Archd. 1721/22/23 Tenant
Glenadill McNeill, Lachlan 1726 Tenant
Glenadill McNeill, Lauchlan 1716/17 Brother-in-law /
Glenadill McNeill, Lauchlan 1720/21/22 Tenant
Glenadill McNeill, Malcolm 1738/39 Tenant
Glenadiluachtrach McMurchy, Donald 1722 Tenant
Glenanuil McMillen, Lauchlan 1718 Tenant
Glenmanuill McComra, Patrick 1730/31 Tenant
Glenmanuill McIlchonaly, Neill 1734/35 Tenant
Glenmanuill McIlmichell, John 1723/24 Tenant
Glenmanuill McKillop, Donald 1725/31 Tenant
Glenmanuill McMillen, Alexander 1724/28 Part Tenant
Glenmanuill McMillen, Alexander 1726/32/34/35/36 Tenant
Glenmanuill McMillen, Lauchlan 1720 Tenant
Glenmanuill McMillen, Malcolm 1727/29 Tenant
Glenmanuill Weer, Donald 1732/33/35/36 Tenant
Glenmanuill Weer, Thomas 1728/29 Tenant
Glenrean McGinnas, Duncan 1722 Tenant
Keill McMillen, John 1722 Tenant
Keill Omey, Donald 1722 Tenant
Kepragan McCallum, Malcolm 1711 Tenant
Kerameanach McLeonan, Neil 1723 Tenant
Kerameaneach McShenoig, Duncan 1722 Tenant
Kilblan Hervie, William 1724 ???
Kilchreist Cordiner, William 1724 Cloathier
Kildavie Ridd, Jean 1719 Tenant
Kill (sic) McGibbon, Malcolm 1721/24 Tenant
Kilwhipnach Campbell, Barbra 1722 Tenant
Knockbane McIlchreest, Patrick 1737 Schoolmaster
Laggs Weer, Samuel 1723 ???
Lailt Campbell, William 1718 Tenant
Lailt McIlheany, Mary 1720/21 Tenant
Lailt McKearchair, Donald 1717 Tenant
Lailt McMath, Donald 1721/22 Tenant
Lailt McNeill, Neill Dow 1710 Steelbow Tenant
Lailt McViccar, Jo. 1717/18 Tenant
Lailt McViccar, Neill 1721 Tenant
PLACE NAME YEAR - From / To Status /

Lailt Wallace, Hugh 1720 Tenant
Lepinbegg - ½ of McClarty, Malcom 1737/40 Tenant
Lepinbegg - ½ of McIlhenij, Malcolm 1737/40 Tenant
Lepinbeg McNeill, Malcolm 1726/28 Tenant
Lepinbeg McNeill, Malcolm 1719/33 Tenant
Lepinstra McShenoig, Hew, of 1720 Owner
Lepinstra McShenoig, John 1721 Tenant
Lower Glenadill McMurchy, John 1723 Tenant
Machrimore McAlister, Ranald 1717 Resident
Macharioch McCamross, John 1719 Tenant
Macharioch McComara, John 1722/23 Weaver
Machrimor McIlreanj, John 1718 Tenant
Macharioch McNeill, Archd. 1720 Tenant
Macharioch McNeill, Kathrin 1719 ???
Machrimore Morrison, Donald 1722 Brewer
Machrimore Mill Burdie, Thomas 1721 Packman
Machrimore Milln Wallace, Georg 1726 ???
Monirua Speer, James 1725 Tenant
Mucklach McIlchonaly, Neill 1735/36 Tenant
Mucklich O'Drain, Donald 1723/24 Tenant
Mulbuij McNeill, Archd. 1737/39 Tenant
Mulbuy McMurchie, Donald 1726 Tenant
Mullbuy McMurchy, Neill 1729 Tenant
Ormsary McIlvane, Dougald 1719 Part Tenant
Ormsary McKiarmoid, Neill 1717/18 Tenant
Ormsary McNeill, Archd. 1735/36 Tenant
Poliuillin Mcffarlan, John 1719 Tenant
Stragoil McIlheany, Donaid 1717 Tenant
Strone McWilliam, Donald 1723/24 Tenant
Strone O'Drain, John 1735 Tenant
The Mill McIlchanly, Neill 1717/19 Shoemaker
The Muill Mcffatar, Christian 1718 Tenant
The Upertoun McShenoig, Donald 1721 Tenant
Unstated - but Rent McAlister, Donald 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McClarty, William 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McMurchie, John 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McMurray, Angus 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McShenoig, Donald 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McSporran, Duncan 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent Weer, Archd 1711/1714
Uperkill McMath, John bane 1721 Tenant
Upertoun (with his McQualisky, Donald 1722 Tenant
Upperglenadill McMurchy, John 1712/19 Tenant
Upperkeill McMillen, Neill 1722 Tenant
Witchburn Campbell, David 1722 Baile


A TABLE OF OCCUPATIONS places and persons mentioned in the Compt Book, resident
in The Mull of Kintyre, 1710 - 1740


Status / PLACE NAME YEAR - From / To

Unstated - but Rent McAlister, Donald 1711/1714
Status / PLACE NAME YEAR - From / To

Unstated - but Rent McClarty, William 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McMurchie, John 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McMurray, Angus 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McShenoig, Donald 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent McSporran, Duncan 1711/1714
Unstated - but Rent Weer, Archd 1711/1714
"my " Man Carskey McEarcharn, John 1712/19
"my" Herd Carskey McNeill, Henry 1712/17
"my" servant Carskey McCallum, Iver 1739
"my" Tenant Carskey McSporran, Duncan 1712/17
"my" workman Carskey McIlheanie, Neill 1721/25
??? Kilblan Hervie, William 1724
??? Laggs Weer, Samuel 1723
??? Macharioch McNeill, Kathrin 1719
??? Machrimore Milln Wallace, Georg 1726
Baile Witchburn Campbell, David 1722
Baillie Campbeltown Campbell, David 1725
Baillie Campbeltown Wyly, ? 1735/35
Becomes Tenant Ballinnacuissag McMillen, John 1739
Becomes Tenant Collinlongart McNeill, Malcolm 1739
Brewer Machrimore Morrison, Donald 1722
Brother-in-law / Glennadil McNeill, Lauchlan 1716/17
Cloathier Kilchreist Cordiner, William 1724
Clothier - Smith, Robert 1718
Couper Campbeltown ffaill, William 1720
Former Servant Carskey McTaylor, Barbara 1720
Jointly with Rose - McCorquidell, Archd. 1736
Man to Campbell the Drimnamucklich McGeachy, Donald 1712
laird Bane
Merchant - Purdie, Thomas 1724
Merchant Campbeltown McViccar, Georg 1725
Merchant Campbeltown White, Hew 1737
Miller Carskey McIlmun, John 1719
Miller to Sanna - Hyman, Alexander 1722
Minister ? ? ? - Campbell, Dugald, Mr 1718
Owner Drimnamucklach Campbell, Duncan - 1712/18/37
Owner Lepinstra McShenoig, Hew, of 1720
Packman Machrimore Mill Burdie, Thomas 1721
Part Tenant Achinasavill McIlheany, Donald 1721
Part Tenant Achinsavill McMillen, Duncan 1726/28/29
Part Tenant Achinsavill McMurchy, Margarett 1723
Part Tenant Borgadillmore McComra, Neill 1723/31/34
Part Tenant Cariskey McClarty, William 1720
Part Tenant Carskey McQuailisky, Gilbert 1718
Part Tenant Glenmanuill McMillen, Alexander 1724/28
Part Tenant Ormsary McIlvane, Dougald 1719
Resident Achinasavill McIlchonaly, 1717
Resident Balligrogan McNeill, Donald 1717
Resident Machrimore McAlister, Ranald 1717
Schoolmaster - McIlheany, John 1717/18
Schoolmaster Knockbane McIlchreest, Patrick 1737
Servant Carskey McClarty, William 1724
Servant Carskey McIlheany, Neill 1723/37
Servant Carskey McQualiskie, Gilbaert 1722
Servant Carskey McShenoig, Margaret 1716

Servant Drimnamucklach Wyly, John 1737
Shoemaker - McIlchonaly, Neill 1726
Status / PLACE NAME YEAR - From / To

Shoemaker The Mill McIlchanly, Neill 1717/19
Steelbow Tenant Lailt McNeill, Neill Dow 1710
Tenant Achinsavill Graham, Duncan 1730/31
Tenant Achinsavill McDonald, Donald 1725/31
Tenant Amod McNeill, Cossin 1717
Tenant Balimacomra Campbell, William 1718
Tenant Balimacomra McComra, Patrick 1723
Tenant Ballinacuisag McIlchonaly, 1723
Tenant Ballinacuisag O'Drain, Malcolm 1713
Tenant Ballinacuissag McCallum, Duncan 1737
Tenant Ballinacuissag McIlheany, John 1719
Tenant Ballinacuissag McLeonain, Donald 1739
Tenant Ballinacuissag McShenoig, Donald 1716
Tenant Ballinacuissag McShenoig, Duncan 1726
Tenant Balliveanan McMath, Archd. 1720
Tenant Ballivranan McNeill, John 1722
Tenant Borgadil McGomrie, Neill 1733
Tenant Borgadilbeg McMillen, Hew 1717
Tenant Borgadillmore McIlmichel, John 1730/34/35/36/37
Tenant Borgadillmore McMillen, Malcolm 1719
Tenant Borgadillmore McViccar, Diarmoid 1730/34
Tenant Borgadillmore McViccar, John 1735/36
Tenant Borgadilmore McConachie, Rori 1722/31/34
Tenant Borgadilmore McMillen, Malcolm 1716/22/24
Tenant Borgadilmore McViccar, Diarmoid 1722
Tenant Branerikin McKay, Neill 1724/25
Tenant Branerikin McKay, Neill 1718/21/22
Tenant Branerikin McShenoig, Ewn 1725
Tenant Carrin McShenoig, Donald 1722
Tenant Drimarranach McNachlain, John 1729
Tenant Drimarranach McNachlain, John 1718
Tenant Dunglass Wallace, Georg 1719
Tenant ffeorlin McCamross, John 1722/23
Tenant ffeorlin McCamross, John 1715/17/18 /19
Tenant ffeorlin McCamross, Malcolm 1739
Tenant ffeorlin O'Drain, Charles 1711
Tenant Gartnacopaig McCallum, Dugald 1722
Tenant Gartvaij McNachlain, Thomas 1717
Tenant Gartvean McQualisky, Neill 1712/17
Tenant Glenadill Mcffaill, John 1711
Tenant Glenadill McMurchij, Archd. 1718
Tenant Glenadill McMurchy, Archd. 1726
Tenant Glenadill McMurchy, Archd. 1721/22/23
Tenant Glenadill McNeill, Lachlan 1726
Tenant Glenadill McNeill, Lauchlan 1720/21/22
Tenant Glenadill McNeill, Malcolm 1738/39
Tenant Glenadiluachtrach McMurchy, Donald 1722
Tenant Glenanuil McMillen, Lauchlan 1718
Tenant Glenmanuill McComra, Patrick 1730/31
Tenant Glenmanuill McIlchonaly, Neill 1734/35
Tenant Glenmanuill McIlmichell, John 1723/24
Tenant Glenmanuill McKillop, Donald 1725/31
Tenant Glenmanuill McMillen, Alexander 1726/32/34/35/36
Tenant Glenmanuill McMillen, Lauchlan 1720
Tenant Glenmanuill McMillen, Malcolm 1727/29
Tenant Glenmanuill Weer, Donald 1732/33/35/36
Status / PLACE NAME YEAR - From / To

Tenant Glenmanuill Weer, Thomas 1728/29
Tenant Glenrean McGinnas, Duncan 1722
Tenant Keill McMillen, John 1722
Tenant Keill Omey, Donald 1722
Tenant Kepragan McCallum, Malcolm 1711
Tenant Kerameanach McLeonan, Neil 1723
Tenant Kerameaneach McShenoig, Duncan 1722
Tenant Kildavie Ridd, Jean 1719
Tenant Kill (sic) McGibbon, Malcolm 1721/24
Tenant Kilwhipnach Campbell, Barbra 1722
Tenant Lailt Campbell, William 1718
Tenant Lailt McIlheany, Mary 1720/21
Tenant Lailt McKearchair, Donald 1717
Tenant Lailt McMath, Donald 1721/22
Tenant Lailt McViccar, Jo. 1717/18
Tenant Lailt McViccar, Neill 1721
Tenant Lailt Wallace, Hugh 1720
Tenant Lepinbeg McNeill, Malcolm 1726/28
Tenant Lepinbeg McNeill, Malcolm 1719/33
Tenant Lepinbegg - ½ of McClarty, Malcom 1737/40
Tenant Lepinbegg - ½ of McIlhenij, Malcolm 1737/40
Tenant Lepinstra McShenoig, John 1721
Tenant Lower Glenadill McMurchy, John 1723
Tenant Macharioch McCamross, John 1719
Tenant Macharioch McNeill, Archd. 1720
Tenant Machrimor McIlreanj, John 1718
Tenant Monirua Speer, James 1725
Tenant Mucklach McIlchonaly, Neill 1735/36
Tenant Mucklich O'Drain, Donald 1723/24
Tenant Mulbuij McNeill, Archd. 1737/39
Tenant Mulbuy McMurchie, Donald 1726
Tenant Mullbuy McMurchy, Neill 1729
Tenant Ormsary McKiarmoid, Neill 1717/18
Tenant Ormsary McNeill, Archd. 1735/36
Tenant Poliuillin Mcffarlan, John 1719
Tenant Stragoil McIlheany, Donaid 1717
Tenant Strone McWilliam, Donald 1723/24
Tenant Strone O'Drain, John 1735
Tenant The Muill Mcffatar, Christian 1718
Tenant The Upertoun McShenoig, Donald 1721
Tenant Uperkill McMath, John bane 1721
Tenant Upertoun (with his McQualisky, Donald 1722
Tenant Upperglenadill McMurchy, John 1712/19
Tenant Upperkeill McMillen, Neill 1722
Weaver - McInkaird, John 1722
Weaver - McInkaird, John 1718/19
Weaver - McQualisky, John 1734
Weaver Carskey McNeill, Archd. 1722
Weaver Carskey (this toun) McIlchonaly, John 1717
Weaver Glenadill McIloliney, Donald 1718
Weaver Macharioch McComara, John 1722/23
With Archd. - McMillen, Rose 1736


The bound volume 'Roll of The Valued Rent of Argyllshire, 1751' details by name, extent
and valuation the lands of the parish in which Carskey lies. At this date, Archd MacNeill of
Carriskey appears as owner of no more than four merklands in all : whereas in the rental
of Crown lands of 1505 (the earliest known written record of the family) his forebear,
Hector Mac lain MacGillecallum, appears as occupant that year of the twelve merklands of
Carskey and the four merklands of the Mull.

It would seem that between the years 1505 and 1751 unless, which is possible, a vast
change had taken place in the meaning of the word merkland as a measure of land, very
large tracts had passed from the MacNeills of Carskey into possession of the noble house of

The '1751 Roll of Valued Rent' reads as follows — Parish of Kilcolmkill, Kilblawn
and Kilkivan

Archd. Duke of Argyll for his property in this parish Valued Rent in
Sterling Money £ s d.


Amod & Dalsmirran 1½ merks £04 : 15 : 06
Auchanasavill, Borgadilmore & Glenmanuil 4 merks
£10 : 08 : 10
Balligrogan & Cragaig 4 merks
£12 : 06 : 10
Ballimacviccar 2/3 merk £02 :
15 : 04
Ballimontgomrie 1 merk
£02 : 05 : 05
Borgadilbeg 1 merk £02 :
16 : 01
Brunerikin 2 merks £08 :
15 : 02
Carrin, North & South 3 merks
£10 : 14 : 03
Cattadale & Lepencarr 1 and 2/3 merks
£06 : 16 : 08
Corn Mill thereof - £08 : 05 : 02
Culinlongart 5 and 2/3 merks £17 :
11 : 06
Drimanrianach 1 merk
£03 : 16 : 02

Dunglass & Inishraoil 2 merks
£08 : 14 : 03
Innendownen 2/3 merk £02 :
02 : 04
Kilblawn 2 merks £06 :
11 : 06
Kilchuibnach 2 merks £07 :
08 : 04
Laigh Gartvain 1 merk
£01 : 19 : 02
Lailt & Inonbeg 1 merk
£03 : 05 : 11
Machribeg 4 and 1/8 merks £13 :
18 : 04
Machriemore 4 merks
£16 : 13 : 04
Mucklach 1 merk £02 :
15 : 09
Ormsary 1 merk £04 :
16 : 06
Pollovulline 5 merks £18 :
04 : 04
Strone 1 merk
£02 : 15 : 05

Neill MacNeal of Ugadale for his property

Gartvaich & Kerramennach 2 merks
£08 : 00 : 11

Property of Duncan Omay

Kilcolmkill 1½ merks £08 : 12 : 03

Property of Hugh McOshenoig

Lephenstraw 1½ merks £06 : 19 : 09

Archd MacNeill of Carriskey for his property, viz.

Carriskey & pendicles 2 merks
£01 : 13 : 03
Glenadileichtrach 1½ merks £05 : 11 : 08
Lephenbeg ½ merk £03 :
05 : 01
John Macdonald of Sanda for his property in this parish, viz.

Blastill 3½ merks £09 :
14 : 11
Edin 2 merks £06 :
01 : 09
Machrioch, including Laginlessan & Gartnagobaig 6 merks
£25 : 11 : 07
Sanda 1½ merks £08 : 02 : 06

Property of Alex.McMillan of Dunmore

Glenamucklach 2 merks
£05 : 01 : 04
Knockstapplemore 1 merk £03 :
18 : 09

The total valued Rent for the parish was £ 685 : 02 : 07

for Gigha £ 133 : 15 : 06
for Killean, Saddell & Kilchenzie £ 670 : 16 : 04
for Kilkerran, Kilmichell & Kilchousland £ 669 : 09 : 00

Total for Kintyre and Gigha £ 2,159 : 03 : 05


SCOTS REALM. In Scotland, English coin came to be used in 1710. The Act of Union had a
distinct clause in it providing for the continued existence of the Scottish Mint at Edinburgh
and until the end of 1709 coins made by the Scottish mint bore an 'E' below Queen Anne's
bust on the face, signifying that such coins were minted in Edinburgh.

The discontinuance of the Scottish Mint in Edinburgh remains as yet an unsolved mystery.
In the history of Scots Coinage, we find that previous to the twelfth century, the coins in
circulation in Scotland were either foreign or English coins : David I of Scotland introduced
a system of coinage modelled on the English and silver pennies were struck at the mints in
Roxburgh, Berwick, Carlisle, and Edinburgh.

The English coins continued to circulate and in the period 1296 - 1306, the proportion of
English coins to Scots in circulation was 30 to 1.

After the silver penny of David I came the half-penny and farthing. These were minted
under the authority of Alexander III and were in circulation in the period 1249 - 1285. David
II (1329 - 1371) introduced the groat.

He was the first Scots sovereign to have gold coins minted and his reign was famous for the
coin known as the Noble.

The Noble followed the pattern and design of the English Noble of Edward III. Robert III of
Scotland in the period 1390 - 1406 had two kinds of coins minted in his time, the Lion or St
Andrew and the Demi-Lion or Demy, the latter having half the value of the Lion.

James III has the credit of introducing two unique specimens of gold coins, the 'Rider' and
the 'Unicorn'. In the same reign appeared the three-penny base silver Plack and the first
Scottish Copper Coins, the latter being known as 'Black Farthings'.

James V put Scotland on the map as regards coinage, for it was he who ordered that a date
should be put on coins. It was many years before England ever thought of affixing a date to
her coins. The gold coin of James V was the 'Bonnet-Piece', a name derived from the
representation of the king wearing a flat bonnet on the coin.

It was also during the reign of James V that the base silver coin known as the 'Bawbee' was
introduced. Its value was three half-pence and the name itself, it is said, owes its origin to
the mint master of James V, the Laird of Silliebawby.

It is also interesting to observe in this connection that certain coins which came to be
known as 'Atkinsons' during the reign of James VI were named after the die-engraver of the
It is an interesting fact that apart from books dealing with the reign of Queen Mary, the
incidents during her reign can
be gathered from the coinage of the time. The Queen's girlhood, her marriage with
Francis, her first widowhood, her marriage with Damley and her second widowhood were
all marked by distinctive issues. No country in the world at this period could have depicted
the monarch's life-history on its coinage as did Scotland.

The two most important but interesting coins in circulation during the reign of Queen Mary
were the Gold Ryal and the Silver Ryal.

The design on the reverse side of the latter was a 'schell padocke crepand up the schank'.
This simply was an illustration of a crowned palm-tree with a tortoise creeping up the trunk.

The Silver Ryal was also called the 'Crookston Dollar'. It was suggested that the tree on the
coin was the yew at Crookston Castle under which Darnley wooed Queen Mary.

No numismatist could resist the temptation of exploring the coin lore of the reign of James
VI, for this period was characterised by a complexity of coin denominations.

The first penny copper piece and the first two-penny piece made their appearance during
this period. James VI was also credited with having introduced the £20 piece, the Lion
Noble and the Thistle Noble.

The first Hat Piece in gold also made its appearance during this period. Scotland may be
said to have given the lead to England in a system of copper coinage, for before The Union
of the Kingdoms in 1603, there was no copper coinage in England.

The gold and silver coins of both Scotland and England were similar after the ascendancy of
James VI to the throne of England, but on Scottish coins the arms of Scotland occupied the
first and fourth quarters of the shield of arms of the United Kingdom, the mint-mark was
the thistle and the King wore the Scottish crown. After the reign of James VI, Scottish
coinage as such lost all its individuality.

[Author and date unknown].


Inhabited places in the Compt Book, but not marked on present-day maps, are indicated
by figures within rings, are as follows -

Achinsavill 3
Ballimacilchonalie 9
Ballimacomra 8
Ballinacuissaig 1
Ballivianan (sometimes misspelt Ballivranan) 6
Ballygroggan 12
Borgadill 16
Drumanreannach 5
Glenrea 14
Inambea 10
Inangaoch 11
Knockban 13
Laggs 15
Lephenbeg 2
Mucklach 4
Mulbuy 7
INDEX - Page Numbers here are as in the original publication and Do Not Apply
in these pages

AGRICULTURE 15, 16, 21, 36 et seq.
ANTRIM, Earl of, 23.
AQUAVITAE (variously spelt), traffic in, 16; at funerals, § 49. § 55, § 100; its
nature, 91; duty on, 91;
veterinary medicine, 105.
ARGYLL, Earls, Dukes of, 23 - 26, 28, 29, 30, 38, 94, 100. 107, 108, 115.
ARRAGE and CARRAGE 91, § 72.
ATHOLL, Marquis of, Lieutenant of Argyll 24, 26.
AYR 16, 32; Cousin Hector resident there, § 46;
cattle shipped thither, § 48.

BANKS not operating in Kintyre, 35; bank note, first
mention of, 35., § 81.
BASAND, describing a horse § 10; meaning, 92.
BEAR meaning, 92 ; value, § 94; seed bear, § 94.
BOLTON, Duke of, 100.
BORGADILL (Borgadale), deserted village, 22.
BORE as a mark for cattle, § 80.
BREWER owes for malt supply, § 49.
BROCKS § 54; meaning, 92.
BUTTER as currency medium, 35, § 88.

CAMPBELL Baillie David, 14; trans-actions in cattle, § 68, § 78;
rents paid to, § 51, § 57.
CAMPBELTOWN 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 24, 25, 28, 31, 32, 91;
safe home port 21; Rent Roll made there, 17;
Town Council records, 91.
CAROLINA colony or plantation, 28; Flora Macdonald joins it,
CARSKEY 1505 Rent Roll, 13; spelling, 13; situation, scenery,
climate, 21 et ,seq.; present mansion, 21, plate 4;
predecessors, 22.
CATTLE Black, descriptive adjective used, once only, § 98.
CESS collected in 1733, § 71 ; in 1741, § 102 ; meaning,
CHARTER of 1701 to Carskey lands, 17, 30.
CHURCH BUILDING FUND poor Mary's contribution, 27; Margaret
McShenoig's ditto, § 5;
Mary McSporran's ditto, §23.
CLOTHING 33, §2.
COINAGE 34 et seq; 117.
COLUMBA, St. 13.
COMPT BOOK plate 2; specimen page, plate 7; its discovery, 13;
appearance, 17; construction, 17; purpose, 18.
COPLEY, John plate 3; 17.
CORDIAL, for horses 103.
COPPER money, (Sterling) § 54.
CROFTER, subsidised 38.

DOUBLE PISTOLE of GOLD valued on its intrinsic merits, 36 ; evaluated, §
DUBLIN 16, 32.
DUIKS STRAW grass, presents, § 71, § 75 and passim; meaning, 94;
evaluated, §75.
DUNAVERTY geographic position, 21; siege and massacre, 23, 24,

EDUCATION 33; fostering, §34, §38, § 46; private tutors, 33.
EMIGRATION encouraged by Argyll, 37.
ENTRESS 94, § 7, extracts passim.

FALSE TEETH an anecdote, 32.
FENIAN tenant, 16.
FEORLIN gathering place of drove cattle, § 13, § 15, § 24.
FEW (Feu) DUTY paid in cattle, § 68.
FLAX, see Lint.
FOSTERING, see Education.
FOXES in Kintyre 108.
FOX MONEY 95; §97, §99.
FUNERALS liquor provided, §49, §55, § 100.

GAELIC a toast, § 84.
GLANDERS cure for, 104.
GLENCOE Massacre of, 25.
GOUT remedy for, 105.
GRAVEL remedy for, 105.
GUNS and other weapons, 25.

HARROW made locally, §25.
HEADSTONE in Keil graveyard, frontis; 13, 17, 26, 30.
HERRING sent to Ayr, §46; to Dublin, § 91; valued, § 91;
small quantities dealt in, § 91 note.
INNES Cosmo, quoted, 13, 14, 121
IRONE or IRON extracts passim; priced, § 30; probably wrought
parts, 95;
as sock. sole and shoe, § 32.

JAYBII or JAYBIJ or JAYBYE meaning, 95.

KILCHREIST Laird of, his obligatory line, 31, §73.

LANDLORDS position today, 22; old and new, 36, 37.
LAUNDRY LIST of 1703, § 2, 33.
LEGAL PROCEEDINGS instituted at Inverary, 1720, § 31.
LESLIE General, Dunaverty 1647, 23 - 24.
LINT price, 89; meaning, 96; industry, §89.
LIQUOR brewed, § 49; funerary, ib; ale, §50.
LYBB, LYB, LIB meaning, 96; bull 10 be treated, § 6.
LYNE (LINE) 35; §73; accepted as cash, § 59.
LYON Lord, King of Arms, 34.

MACDONALDS of SANDA 23 - 24; at Dunaverty, relations with Macneills of
Carskey, 30;
out in '45, 26.
MACDONALD Sir Alexander, 23-24.
MACDONALD Flora, 28.
McDUGALD Lady, §40.
MACINTYRE Dugald, on foxes, 108.
MACKAY Lieut. Colonel A. Forbes, plate 6.
MACNEILLS of CARSKEY origins, 13, 23; relations with Macdonalds of Sanda,
allegiances, 23 et seq; religious beliefs, 27 et seq;
self-admitted tacksmen, 31; also pp. 13-39 passim.
MACNEILL Archibald, of Carskey, headstone, .frontis; marries a
Macdonald of Sanda, 17; takes over estate
management, § 96 et seq; Captain in
Argyllsnire Militia, ordered to Dumbarton, 26.
MACNEILL Colonel Malcolm of Carskey, an anecdote, 17; at St.
Helier, 1781, 29; in Copley's picture, plate 3.
MACNEILL Esther, daughter of Malcolm, 18; borrows guinea, 18;
draft receipt, § 65; cloth woven for, § 42.
McNEILL Torquil of Ugadall, buys cattle, §39.
MART or MAIRT meaning, 96; winter mairt, § 85.
MILLS for grinding corn, 96 (under Multer).
MONMOUTH, Duke of, in Holland, conspires with Argyll, 24.
MONTROSE, Marquis of, 23.
MULL of KINTYRE 13 - 15, 21, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 35, 36. 37, 92, 97,
100, 108, 115.
MULTER extracts passim; meaning, 96.
MUTTONS § 8; meaning, 97.

NOLT term frequently used, e.g. § 68, § 80; meaning, 97.

OBSTETRICS treatment for a woman in labour, 104.
OCHTERTYRE House Booke of, 32, 33 and footnote.

PEIRSON Major, 18; plate 3.
PIGS 16.
POTATO 16, 37.
PUMPS footwear, 33; § 9.

RENTAL of Crown Lands 1505, 13; makes no secure title, 30.
RENT ROLL of Carskey, partial, 1711, § 3; of 1751, [App. I], 115.
REST, RESTS meaning, 98; extracts passim.
RINGBONE cure for, 104.
ROYAL REGIMENT OF HORSE GUARDS several McNeills enlist, 100.

SANDA (or SANA), see under Macdonalds of Sanda.
SCHOOL MASTER mentioned, § 9, § 94 and note.
SHEEP Black, special value of, § 61; 92.
SHILLING a bad one, 35; dealt with § 58
SHOEMAKER §9, §29.
SMALLPOX treatment, 103.
SOAP 33 footnote; § 17.
SWITZERLAND agricultural methods, 38.

TACK, TACKSMAN, TACK DUTY § 57 and footnote.
TEINDS 27; extracts passim,
TIMBER, PLOW TIMBER 98; § 10, § 11 and passim.
TITLES 30 - 31; Lady. §40; Mr. § 10, § 17.
TOBACCO §63, §64, §88.
TRONE weight, §88; 91; meaning, 98.
TRUST FUND capital of three cows, § 10 and note.
TULLIBARDINE prisoner in Dumbarton Castle. 26.

WEAVERS, WEAVING 33; §22, §42.
WORKMAN blacksmith and wright, §25, §32.

FRANK FORBES MACKAYS's daughter ISABELLA (September 2, 1921 -
December 21, 2008)
"Southern Reporter", January 6, 2009

ISABELLA Dunnett, who has died at the age of 87, was well-known in her adopted home
town of Melrose for her charity work in the local community. What many members of that
community may not know about her, however, is that ‘Bella’ had been one of the team of
wartime British codebreakers who cracked the Nazis’ Enigma code.

By the summer of 1939, she had been finishing an enjoyable year abroad, living with a
Swiss family and perfecting her German language skills. This spell on the Continent had
followed a boarding school education at St Leonard’s in St Andrews, with university the
next planned educational port of call.

By the time she returned to the family home at Campbeltown in Argyll, her parents were
deeply involved in aiding evacuee children, and soon she was also involved in the war
effort. Bella was the only child of Captain Frank Forbes Mackay MBE and his English wife,
Ivy Gray, and could boast an ancient ancestral line stretching back centuries in Kintyre.

Almost as soon as Bella had set foot back on British soil, she was called up to serve in the
ATS and was soon driving ambulances in London during the Blitz. But her German language
skills saw her transferred to the top secret codebreaking unit at Bletchley Park. It was here
that she worked on counter-espionage work and the breaking of the Enigma code. It was
also while at Bletchley that Bella met fellow intelligence officer Harold Mills, whom she
would go on to marry and have three sons.

When that marriage eventually broke up, Bella returned to Scotland to be close to her
parents, who by now were retired and living in Edinburgh. Bella attended Atholl Crescent
College where she trained in domestic science and it was at this time that she became
involved in the care of children with cerebral palsy, spending many summers running
holidays for them and their carers.

A second marriage followed to radio journalist Alastair Dunnett, who had recently lost his
wife. This brought with it responsibility for four young children, and Bella was once again
caring for a family. Eventually, the couple left the capital for a new life in Kintyre and
Alastair went on to become editor of the Campbeltown Courier newspaper.

After his premature death, Bella remained on Kintyre until all of her second family had left
school, before moving back to the Edinburgh area. Millar House in Melrose was her final
move, where she continued to involve herself in the community with her typical generosity
of spirit. Despite increasing frailty and on-coming blindness, she annually organised the
successful strawberry tea at Millar House to raise funds for the Dippers disabled swimmers’
group, of which she was a staunch member and supporter. One of her delights was the
founding of the Melrose Book Festival, which Bella attended enthusiastically. She is

survived by her children, step-children, numerous grand-children and two great-