Definitive Astronomical Evidence for the Date of Kālidāsa

K. Chandra Hari1

Present paper is an attempt to reconcile the well known historical facts about the date of Kālidāsa with the results possible from astronomical dating of the celestial phenomena to which we find allusions in the works of Kālidāsa. Reviews of the historical conclusions and Sengupta's astronomical method have been given along with a reworking of the dating of two major phenomena attempted by Sengupta. It has been shown that most of the modern conflicting notions about the time of Kālidāsa had been in vogue since quite early times as the European studies in 19th century. References to Kālidāsa's association with Vikramāditya as may be found in Kākasandeśam, Līlātilakam and in the couplet of Dharmagupta etc gets vindicated by the correct astronomical dating achieved in this paper. Kālidāsa's time is shown to be that of Candragupta Vikramāditya (AD375-414) and of the Vākātaka Queen Prabhāvatī Guptā. Historical and inscriptional evidence that supports the astronomical dating have been suggested. Paper also achieves the dating of Prābhāvatī Guptā's inscription issued at Nandivardhana as regent to as marking the expiry of the banishment of Yaksa on 11th of lunar Kārttikā, 19-20th October 397 AD. Sengupta's emendation is shown to be unwarranted in view of the coincidence of Śayana ekādaśi with the beginning of Nabhas, the solar month of Kataka that began with the Daksināyana. A clear link thus gets established between Kālidāsa, Rāmagiri, Prabhāvatī Gupta and Meghadūt which got written in 397 AD. Abhijnānaśākuntalam is shown to be completed towards the fag end of the reign of Candragupta-II in 412 AD. Discussion has been provided on the state of astronomical knowledge existed during 4th /5th century AD using the latest research findings on the Delhi Iron Pillar as originally located at Udayagiri. Key words: Kālidāsa, Candragupta-II, Vikramāditya, Vākātakā, Prabhāvatī Guptā, Pravarasena-II, Setubandha, Meghadūt, Rāmagiri, Abhijnāna Śākuntalam, Astronomical dating, Udayagiri.


I. Introduction
Kālidāsa by his incomparable stature has received the epithet 'kavikulaguru' and is the name around which the Sanskrit literature since the days of the epics has grown into its majestic climax in poetry and drama. Since the days of Maxmuller (1860) 1 a number of histories of

B-6, 103, ONGC Colony, Chandkheda, 382424, Gandhi Nagar, Gujarat,


Sanskrit literature have been written and in 1946 under the auspices of the Calcutta University, a major work A History of Sanskrit Literature by Indian authors Dasgupta 2 and De got published. This work presents exhaustive references and a sum up of the state of the researches by European and Indian scholars till the middle of the last century. As may be understood from the work the date and place of Kālidāsa had been a topic of irresolvable confusion in the past. Modern studies rather than removing the confusion have helped to add more mystery on the vexed question of the date of Kālidāsa by re-floating the ages old notions on flimsy grounds and partial discussions on the issue. No original concept has been brought forward by any modern studies since the release of the work of Dasgupta in which a through discussion of the various notions concerning the date of Kālidāsa are available. On the state of research at the middle of the last century, Dasgupta has candidly expressed the following view: "The current Indian anecdotes about him are extremely stupid and show that no clear memory remained of him. He is one of the great poets who live and reveal themselves only in their works. His date and even approximate time, is at worst uncertain, at best conjectural. His works have been ransacked for clues but not very successfully; but since they bear general testimony to a period of culture, ease and prosperity, they have been associated with various great moments of the Gupta power and glory. The hypotheses and controversies on the subject need not occupy us here3 for none of the theories are final, and without further and more definite material, no convincing solution is attainable" Researches during the last half a century or more have made no difference to the above situation. The conflict on the date of Kālidāsa can therefore be resolved only by a quest for more definitive material and convincing historic background. Present paper as such is an effort to look for more definitive material and a convincing historic background against the backdrop of the numerous conjectures that have made its appearance during the last 150 years since the time of Maxmuller.

II. Popular Notions on the Date of Kālidāsa
1. Bānabhatta, known to be the court poet of Harsavardhana (AD 606-647) in Harsacarita offers prefatory salutations to Kālidāsa in the words: Nirgatāsu na vākasya Kālidāsasya sūktisu Prītir madhurasārdrāsu manjarīsviva jāyate 2. Kālidāsa is mentioned as a poet of great reputation in the Aihole inscription of PulikeśiII, 634 AD and so the upper limit of his date is 6th century AD. 3. Scholarly opinion is in favor of better form and style with Kālidāsa compared to Aśvaghosa of 2nd century AD and this leads us to a tentatively acceptable lower limit.4 - –


4. Mandasor inscription5 dated to 473 AD which names Kumāragupta, has verses borrowed from Kālidāsa and imitating his style by the poet Vatsabhatti. 6 5. Dasgupta has quoted Jacobi's demonstration of astronomical evidence vis-à-vis influence of Greek astronomy of the period around 350 AD.7 6. Dasgupta on his own adduces evidence to place Kālidāsa at a later period of the Suňgas, either a contemporary of Agnimitra or shortly afterwards. Evidence suggested is the Maurya law of inheritance that the author finds reflected in Act VI Śakuntāla.8 This of course is weak evidence as the Maurya laws or the precepts of Cānakya could have come down to the Guptas. Also, there is the possibility that Kālidāsa may have been well read about the history of laws of inheritance, jurisprudence vis-à-vis social systems. 7. Kālidāsa's reference to the entry of Huns beyond Kāśmīra on the banks of Indus in IV.68 of Raghuvamśa may be explained as due to the early excursions of Huns to India. Reference to Huns does not demand a later date to Kālidās to make him contemporary of Yaśodharman 9 who is believed to have assumed the title Śākāri Vikramāditya after routing the Huns (Toramāna at Mālvā in 500 AD). 8. Sengupta's dissertation 10 on the astronomical evidence even though apparently conclusive to the mindset of an astronomer, has not fared with the scholars in the field of literature, Sanskrit and regional, where still the varied notions are getting debated in the same old fashion as was the situation at the beginning of the last century. Hero of Mālavikāgnimitram, Agnimitra the son of Pusyamitra Suňga is held forth as historical evidence to support the date of 123 BC or around while the namesake of the hero of Kumārasambhavam viz., Kumāragupta, son of Chandragupta-II alias Vikramāditya is the token of historical evidence to those who advocates early 5th century. Sengupta's discussion on astronomical evidence places Kālidāsa at the middle of the 6th century AD, between AD 525-575 during the rein of Budhagupta (). 9. Certain legends make Kālidāsa a contemporary of Prābhāvati Gupta, widow of Rudrasena-II who died in 390 AD and mother of Pravarasena-II who is believed to be have authored Setubandhanam and Saundaryalahari. Mirashi11 had been a supporter of this legend which is traceable to Kākasandeśa. Pisaroti has quoted the following verse of Kākasandeśam quoted in Līlātilakam: Svasrepūrvam mahitanrpater vikramādityānāmnah Pokkāmcakre taruna jalabham kālidāsah kavīndrah -meaning, that the work Meghasandeśa is the communication that Kālidāsa addressed to Prabhāvati, sister of Chandragupta-II when the great poet was banished to Rāmagiri by the Emperor.


Further, Pisaroti quotes Dharmagupta who wrote a commentary for Śukasandeśam: Kālīdāsoƒpi mahākavih nrpādeśāl prositah Sannijāmevahi pūrvam nissahavirahakalusitām Priyāmuddiśya yaksavyapadeśena sandeśakāvyamakarol i.e. Great poet Kālidāsa banished by the King wrote the poem 'Cloud Message' for his beloved who was Prabhāvatī when tormented by separation at Rāmagiri. 10. In Vikramorvaśīyam drama the hero Purūravas is often given the appellation Vikrama to glorify the title of the emperor, Chandragupta-II whose reign was during AD 375-415. 11. In his pretty long introductions to the Meghadūt, Śarma has presented the following facts but without knowing that Candragupta-II is the Vikramāditya referred to in the Gāthāsaptaśatī. From his essay we may aver that- 12 (a) Gāthāsaptaśati 5.64 clearly mentions that Kālidāsa was the court poet of Vikramāditya. (b) Vidisa is described in Meghadūt as Rājadhāni which we may explain as due to Vikramāditya's speciall reverence for the nearby Udayagiri abode of Visnu as may be understood from the later discussions on Udayagiri given in this paper. (c) Popular legends say that Mālavikāgnimitram was written for staging on the occasion of the marrigae of Prabhāvatī Guptā at Ujjayinī.

III. Historical Time Frame
Above discussion on the prevalent notions when examined against well known historical facts leads us to the following inferences: (a) As accepted by well known historians 13 , 14 Kālidāsa was a member of the court of Chandragupta-II alias Vikramāditya and contemporary to Vākātaka King Rudrasena-II, his queen Prabhāvati and the successor Pravarasena-II. (b) Chandragupta-II, Rudrasena-II, Prabhāvati and Pravarasena-II are known through various inscriptions and thus there are no grounds for confusion.15 (c) Association of the Vākātaka Queen Prabhāvati with the Srī Rāma temple at Rāmagiri (modern Ramtek) finds support in inscriptions and Kālidāsa immortalized the place through his poem Meghadūt. (d) Reign of Chandragupta-II (AD 375-415) and successors Kumāragupta (AD415-455), Skandagupta (AD455-467) and Budhagupta (AD 467-497) marked the golden Gupta age in India and as noted by Basham Huns had conquered Mālvā in 500 AD. 16


(e) Prabhāvati as Regent during AD 390-400 and Pravarasena-II had his reign during AD 400-440. Based on the above historical facts and related epigraphic evidence Mirashi17 has supported the quoted legends about Kālidās that Chandragupta-II had sent Kālidāsa to Nandivardhana near modern Ramtek to assist Prabhāvati in administration and thus arose the circumstances in which the 'sandeśa' Kāvya Meghadūt was born. Historical situation as above totally contradicts the great astronomical dissertation by Sengupta18 which placed Kālidāsa at the middle of the 6th century AD.

III. Review of the Astronomical Evidence by Sengupta
Sengupta's date for Kālidāsa was centered on the following analysis based on the astronomical references available in the works: 1. Astronomical allusions are cited to establish that Kālidāsa was familiar with the Siddhāntic astronomical notions and that he was a vivid observer of the skies. (a) use of the word 'tāra-graha' for Kujādi pancagrahas (Raghuvamśa:VI.22) (b) First visibility of the crescent (Raghuvamśa:II.31, 73 & VII.33) (c) Description of the beginning of the month of Nabhas coinciding with summer solstice and the beginning of rainy season (Raghuvamśa:XVIII.6) 2. Reference to summer solstice at Raghvamśa: XVI.14 in terms of Agastya-cihna which Sengupta interpreted as implying a polar longitude of 900 to Agastya (Canopus) as is mentioned in Pancasiddhāntikā and modern Sūryasiddhānta which could be dated to the middle of the 6th century. 3. Raghuvamśa XI.36 applies the simile of Castor and Pollux to Rāma and Laksmana and Sebgupta has wrongly argued that the stars of Punarvasu appeared charming to Kālidāsa as the bursting of monsoon took place when sun was near them at the solstice. 19 Argument is wrong as the stars near to the sun at any time are not at all visible and as such no charm is possible by proximity to sun. So the fall of solstice on Castor in AD 546 in no way helps to date Kālidāsa. 4. Meghadūta I.4 describing the Yaksa's vision of the clouds and the allusion to the beginning of rains coinciding solstice on Āsādhaśukla ekādaśī is shown to reflect the epoch of 20 June 541 AD. Here Sengupta interprets the reference to Āsādhā as indicative of the solar month of Mithuna, the end of which marked solstice as per the Siddhāntic astronomy since the days of Āryabhata. So the argument is made that Kālidāsa may have


lived half a century after Āryabhata. The possibility of similar calendar notions before Āryabhata stood ignored by Sengupta. 5. Abhijnānaśakuntala VII.91 employed an astronomical simile to describe the union of Dusyanta and Śakuntalā. Kālidāsa says that the union of the duo was like Moon joining Rohinī after a total solar eclipse. After examining the Oppolzer's Cannon der Finsternesse for the interval AD 400-600 Sengupta has dated the event to 8 November 542 AD. In his conclusion Sengupta says:20 "The peculiar lunar eclipse on 8-9 November 542 AD and the sun's turning south on June 20, 541 AD., taken together thus fixes the date of Kālidāsa about the middle of the sixth century AD and this leads to the conclusion that the great poet and the astronomer Varāha were contemporary".

IV. Reconciling the Astronomical References and Historical Facts
Conflict of Sengupta's astronomical dating with the historical facts cited earlier can be reconciled by having a re-look at the astronomical evidence adduced by Sengupta. It may be noted that possibility exists that the events mentioned above viz., the Moon emerging from the eclipse joining Rohinī and the sun's turning north on Śukla (11) at the end of Mithuna could have happened earlier during the reign of Candragupta-II i.e. AD 375 to 415, the period assigned to Kālidāsa by modern historians like Thapar and Basham quoted earlier. A new look at the above quoted astronomical references is therefore presented below: 1. Meghadūta I.4, Yaksa addressing the cloud at the end of Āsādhā (solar Mithuna) as interpreted by Sengupta and Śukla ekādaśī coinciding with solstice i.e. sun ≈ 900. (a) Event as above is visible on 21-22 June 397 AD, 21 June 416 AD, 21 June 435 AD etc with the Moon in Viśākha or Anurādhā naksatra for the solstice. Among these 2122 June 397 AD falls within the interval in which Prabhāvatī ruled Vākātaka as regent (AD390-400). Yaksa's banishment was to expire on 11th of lunar Kārttikā which fell in the year 397 AD on 19-20th October 397 AD. It is interesting to note here that the one year banishment on top of Rāmagiri may have begun on 18 October 396 AD coinciding with Amāvasyā and the lunar Kārttikā began with Śukla (1) on 19 October 396 AD. As the tithis advance by 11 in a solar year, the Yaksa's banishment according to Kālidāsa was to expire on Kārttikā Śukla 11, on the completion of 1 solar year.

(b) (c)



Reference to Āsādha Śukla (11) as elapsed tithi for a religious gift made on Dvādaśī can be found in the cave 6 inscription of Udayagiri which had the name Visnupadagiri in the times of Guptas and thus sacred for the observance of Ekādaśīvrata. This inscription of Candragupta-II is datable to 26-27 June 402 AD.21 The Kālidāsa festival at Rāmagiri is celebrated on the first day of Āsādhā when Kālidāsa as Yaksa addressed the clouds at Rāmagiri. Sengupta had suggested an emendation of reading in the verse 1.2 "Āsādhasya prathamadivase..." as Āsādhasya praśamana divase to make the date coincide with summer solstice. This emendation is not needed if we consider the reading 'pratyāsanne nabhasi...' (which means that the month of nabhas that is to begin on summer solstice is approaching) and interpreting that in relation to Śayana-ekādaśi coinciding with the first day of Nabhas and summer solstice. So the date on which the Yaksa addressed the clouds will be 12 June 397 AD.


2. Abhijnānaśakuntala VII.91, union of Śakuntala and Dusyanta like Moon joining Rohinī after a total lunar eclipse. An event of this type cannot be as recurring as the solstice coinciding a particular tithi as we saw in the above case. Verse describes Śakuntala as of enchanting face joined Dusyanta like the shining Moon fully emerging out of an eclipse joins Rohinī. Sengupta rightly interpreted that the eclipse had to be total and dated the occurrence of 8-9 November 542 AD. A look at the total lunar eclipses happening during the reign of Candragupta-II (AD 375-415) suggests the total lunar eclipse of 4 November 412 AD as the one observed by Kālīdāsa while he was engaged in shaping the Abhjnānaśākuntalam. This eclipse had the following features at for the meridian of Ujjayinī. Full moon occurred at 01:30 LMT on 5th November 412 AD (Monday night) with sun λ = 224°05' and Moon 44°05'. Moon was 40 west of Rohinī at this time and by early morning when the eclipse ended Moon could be seen joined with Rohinī. This date was astronomically important as the Moon joining Rohinī had been occulting Mars as well. Above date of 412 AD is at the fag end of the reign of Vikramāditya (AD375-414) and marks the time when Abhijnāna Śākuntalam got completed as the simile occurs at the end. Thus the dating supports the legend that the drama was completed for staging the same in the court of Vikramāditya.22 It is therefore evident that definitive materials like date of astronomical references in the works of Kālidāsa also support the date of 400 AD marking the reigns of Candragupta-II and Prabhāvatī Guptā. In the forthcoming part light will be thrown on some indications


available in the history of Udayagiri near Vidisa on the possibility of Candragupta patronizing astronomical studies and the importance given for astronomical observations.

3. Astronomical Knowledge apparent in Kālidāsa
Sengupta's major argument in favor of the mid-sixth century date had been the excellent knowledge of the astronomy reflected in the similes of Kālidāsa which according to him, could have been possible only after the time of Āryabhata viz., turn of the 5th century, AD 499 as is known from Ārdharātrika siddhānta. During the days of Sengupta little was known about the astronomy before AD 499, especially during the period of Candragupta-II (AD 375-413). But recent studies on the Iron Pillar of Delhi and its connection to Udayagiri situated on the Tropic of Cancer as well as the Gupta inscriptions suggest that astronomical observations have been popular during the reign of Candragupta-II and thus the astronomical references in Kālidāsa supports the date of 400 AD. Dating of Udayagiri cave 6 inscription of Candragupta-II to 26-27 June 402 AD by Sharan and Balasubrahmanyam agrees with the Sengupta's dating of the Gupta inscriptions which lead us to the base year as AD 320. 82nd year of the Gupta's inscribed in cave 6 therefore will be 402 AD. Present author does not agree with the interpretation of 26-27 June 402 as coinciding with summer solstice. Inscription refers to a religious gift on Āsādha Śukla ekādaśī at the sacred place known as Visnupadagiri. Candragupta's interest in astronomy and the excellent use of astronomical similes that we see in the works of Kālidāsa may be understood from the recent research findings23 on the Delhi Iron Pillar shown to have been originally belonged to Udayagiri. Pillar in all probability served as a Gnomon of height 24 Units (obliquity ≈ 240 = latitude) which gave at the place of latitude equal to say 23.5 or 24 degree an equinoctial shadow of ≈10 Units. 24 Units taken as 24ft when converted to inches yields 288 (represents the longitude of Śrāvana naksatra having the appellation Trivikrama or Vikrama, the title that Candragupta-II adopted. With the same inches or units the base was 16 in diameter while top 13 units. Description of the Pillar and location suggest that the Visnudhvaja in fact was the Purānic Indradhvaja erected for Indrotsava on the day of summer solstice and symbolized the Visnunābhi or the Ecliptic North Pole (α =2700, δ = 66033'38") located on Draco depicted in solar myths as Ananthanāga. Bālasubrahmanyam's description24 of the wheel of rāśis found in the ruins as beginning with Dhanu suggests that the place was probably an ancient seat of Indigenous sidereal astronomy which conceived Zodiac as Mūlādhāra Cakra25. No other explanation is known for a circle of signs beginning with Dhanu. Declination of ENP or Visnu-nābhi equal to 900-obliquity = 66034' suggests that the point is circumpolar at the latitude equal to obliquity and will be on the horizon for lower transit. So the


place in question was selected for erecting the Visnudhvaja on serious astronomical considerations. Further, inscriptions and coins have brought out the fact that Candragupta-II had adopted the title of Vikramāditya or Vikramārkka and thus explains the legendary association of Kālidāsa with Vikramāditya. Numismatic evidence renders irrefutable evidence for the fact that Candragupta-II indeed was the real Vikramāditya of legends and patron of Kālidāsa. Candragupta coins had his figure on side inscribed with short name as Candra while on the reverse Brāhmi had the legend "Candragupta Vikramāditya, King of Kings, and a devotee of Visnu" around the figure of a peacock.

IV. Kālidāsa and Vākataka Association (Prbhāvatī and Pravara Sena-II)
(a) Evidence of Inscriptions and astronomical indications of Meghadūt Prabhāvatī's Copper plate inscription 26 obtained from Pune also suggests the religious importance of ekādaśīvratam and the disbursement of gifts with pārana or culmination of the fasting on Dvādaśī. Pune inscription gives the day as Kārttikā Śukla 12, the day after the rise of Visnu after Cāturmāsya. Issued at the Vākātaka capital Nandivardhana near Rāmagiri, the inscription pertains to the gift of the Danguna to a Brāhmin. The inscription is undated as far as the present author could ascertain. Prbhāvatī Guptā's second inscription27 that has come down to us of Amarāvati (Riddhapur) is issued in the 19th year of Pravarasena in the capacity of Queen Mother and the plate contains reference to the Rāmagirisvāmi. Year is mentioned as 'ekonavimśati' and the day is same as Kārttikā Śukla 12. Association of Prabhāvatī Guptā with Kālidāsa receives adequate support as Rāmagiri finds mention in the inscription and also in the Meghadūta of Kālidāsa. First of the inscriptions is of the time when she was regent at Nandivardhana and the tribute to Rāmagirisvāmi on Kārttikā Śukla 12 may be linked to the Kālidāsa's reference in Meghadūta of the end of his exile on Kārttikā Śukla 11 as we noted earlier. We have already dated Kālidāsa's reference to the coincidence of the solstice with Āsādhā Śukla (11) as 21 June 397 AD. Also, as we saw above, Yaksa's banishment was to expire on 11th of lunar Kārttikā which fell in the year 397 AD on 1920th October 397 AD. Against the above background, it can be surmised that the inscription issued as regent by Prabhāvatī Guptā may correspond to the 20 October 397 AD when Kālidāsa got his exile to Rāmagiri over. Meghadūta astronomical indications of Āsādhā Śukla (11) and Kārttikā Śukla 11 thus gets correlated to Prabhāvatīguptā's inscription issued at Nandivardhana as regent and the date can be safely accepted as 20/21 October 397 AD. It may be noted here that Pravarasena ascended the throne in 400 AD to rule for another 40 years and in his 19th year of rule Prabhāvatī Guptā's inscription described her as Queen Mother and grand mother i.e in 419 AD,

both Kālidāsa and Prabhāvatī had become advanced in age. Same inference follows from the legend that Kālidāsa wrote Kumārasambhavam in celebration of the birth of Kumāragupta who ascended the throne in 414 AD. Pisāroti 28 has referred to Bhoja's statement in Śrňgāraprakāśa of Kālidāsa's lost work 'Kuntaleśvaradautyam' in which Kālidāsa, Vikramāditya and Kuntaleśvara (King of Vākātaka) are characters. Bhoja's account linking Kuntaleśvara with Kālidāsa supports the association of the great poet with the Vākātaka King Pravarasena as the Vākātaka inscriptions describe the Kings as Kuntalesvara.29 (b) Pravarasena-II as Disciple of Kālidāsa The Prakrt-kāvya Setubandha or Rāvanavadha had been of disputed authorship as few scholars had ascribed the same to a Kāśmīra Pravarasena of the 6th century AD. But researches have brought in new light and according to Mirashi:30 "Pravarasena II is the reputed author of the Setubandha, a Prakrt kavya in glorification of Ramacandra. This work has been highly praised by Sanskrt poets and rhetoricians. According to a tradition recorded by a commentator of this work, it was composed by Kālidāsa, who ascribed it to Pravarasena. The latter is also known as the author of some Prakrt gathas, which were later, incorporated in the Gāthasaptaśati" This legend reminds us of the dispute on the authorship of Saundaryalahari between the Vākātaka-Pravarasena-II and Kāśmīra-Pravarasena and the identification of the author of Setubandha as Vākātaka Pravarasena-II leads us to infer that Pravarasena grew up as a disciple of the great poet Kālidāsa. Gāthāsaptaśatī written in Mahārāstrī Prakrt is known to contain the verses authored by Pravarasena-II and as mentioned earlier, this Prakrt work has a clear mention of Kālidāsa as the court poet of Vikramāditya.

V. Conclusions
Discussion given above achieves satisfactory reconciliation between legends, known historical facts and inscriptional records with the astronomical dating possible from astronomical references in Kālidāsa's works. Important inferences of the study are: 1. Kālidāsa accordingly was the court poet of Candragupta Vikramāditya whose reign was between AD 375 and AD414. 2. Sengupta's astronomical dating of Kālidasa to the middle of sixth century is shown to be not in agreement with well known historical facts and inscriptional records. 3. The astronomical references of Meghadūta and Raghuvamśa are shown to match with the same phenomenon as described by Sengupta occurring during the historical time frame of Candragupta Vikramāditya (AD375-414), celebrated Candra of the Gupta coins and the Iron Pillar at Delhi which originally belonged to Udayagiri.


4. Kālidāsa's reference to the first day of Āsādhā and the approaching Nabhas i.e. beginning of solar Kataka coinciding the solstice on Āsādhā Śukla (11) which is known as Śayana ekādaśī is shown to be of the date 21 June 397 AD with computational as well as historical evidence. First of Āsādhā as such would have been 12 June 397 AD when the Yaksa addressed the clouds. 5. Prabhāvatī Guptā's inscription of the time when she was regent at Nandivardhana and the tribute to Rāmagirisvāmi on the day of Kārttikā Śukla 12 is shown to be matching with the expiry of the banishment of Yaksa on 11th of lunar Kārttikā, 19-20th October 397 AD. 6. Kālidāsa's reference in Śākuntalam involving the simile depicting a total lunar eclipse and conjunction of the liberated Moon with Rohinī is shown to have happened on the night of 4-5 November 412 AD.

VI. References
1 2 3

Maxmuller, History of Indian Literature, 1878. Dasgupta, SN; A History of Sanskrit Literature, University of Calcutta, 1975 Ibid., p.124., Dasgupta has added the note: "The literature on the subject which is discussed threabare without yielding any definite result, is bulky and still growing" An exhaustive list of references is also available in the note. Ibid., p.731., Dāsgupta has quoted the original references to point out that scholarly opinion is divided on the issue of 'borrower': Aśvaghosa in his Saundarananda and the Buddhacarita borrowed from Kālidāsa or Kālidāsa who came later borrowed from Aśvaghosa? Sircar, DC., Selected Inscriptions, Vol.I, Calcutta, 1965, p.296 Reference (4) above, p.732: Dāsgupta says - Buhler's idea if correct, Kālidāsa must have lived and attained fame before the year 473 AD. Society reflected in the different Mandasor inscriptions bear uncanny similarity to the descriptions in the works of Kālidāsa. Ibid., p.732 gives the original reference of 1873: Monatsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1873, p.554 ff and Z.D.M.G., 1876, p.302 ff. Ibid., pp. 733 -735. Ibid., p.738 has discussed the issue with the original references and notes. Hoernle., AFR, Indian Antiquary, 1912, p.156 and other works of DR Bhandārkar (Ann. of Bhandārkar Inst., 8, 1926-27, p.200 ff, Asutosh Memorial Volume, p.72ff; Haraprasāda Śāstri MM, JBORS, 2, 1916, p.31ff. Also BC Majumder, Ibid p.388ff, believed that Kālidāsa belonged to the second half of the period between 404 and 533 AD. Sengupta, PC., Ancient Indian Chronology, University of Calcutta, 19xx, XXVI. Time Indications in Kālidāsa, pp. 263-278. Mirashi, VV, Dr., supported the view that Kalidas was one of the courtiers who had come from the Gupta capital to Vākātaka capital to assist the queen mother Prabhāvati. Thus





8 9




Kālidās lived here for full one calendar year and composed his immortal poem Meghadoot here on Ramgiri hillock.
12 13 14 15 16

Śarma, Vijendra Kumar, Dr., Meghadūt, p.9, Sahitya Bhandar, Subhash Basar, Meerut Thapar, Romila, A History of India, Vol.I, Penguin Books (1990) p.140 Basham, AL., The wonder that was India, Rupa &Co, 1997, p. 66-67 all inscriptions of Guptas and Vākātakas, site furnishes all Gupta inscriptions.
Mirashi, VV, Dr., Studies in Indology, Vol. I, p. 12f


Sengupta, PC., Ancient Indian Chronology, University of Calcutta, 19xx, XXVI. Time Indications in Kālidāsa, pp. 263-278. Ibid, p.267. Ibid, p.276. Sharan, AM., Bālasubrahmanyam, R., Date of Sanakanika inscription and its astronomical significance for archaeological structures at Udayagiri, Current Science, Vol. 87, No.11, 10 December 2004, pp. 1562-1566. Śarma, Vijendra Kumar, Dr., Meghadūt, pp.5-9, Sahitya Bhandar, Subhash Basar, Meerut Dass, IM, Balasubrahmanyam, R., Estimation of the original erection site of the Delhi Iron Pillar at Udayagiri, IJHS, 39.1, INSA, New Delhi (2004), 51-74. Balasubrahmanyam, R., The original image atop the Delhi Iron Pillar, IJHS, 39.2, INSA, New Delhi (2004), 177-203 Chandra Hari, K., True Rationale of Suryasiddhanta Indian Journal of History of Science (IJHS), IJHS Vol. 32(3) 1997, pp.183-190, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi-2. Also other works like Sidereal Zero point – A Mathematical Solution, IJHS, 35 (2), 2000, pp.117-122, INSA, New Delhi-2







26 both the available inscriptions of Prabhavati and the related references of DC Sircar (SI, Bk. III, No.60, pp.411-15), VV Mirashi etc. D. C. Sircar, SI. Bk. III, No. 61, pp. 415-18, V. V. Mirashi, CII, V, No. 8, Mirashi, Inscriptions of the Vakatakas (C. I. I., Vol. V), p. 6 f., Inscription of the 19th regnal year Ibid., Vol. V, p. 34 f Samskrita Sāhitya Caritram, Vol. 2, p. 116, Kerala Sāhitya Academy, Trichur, 1991. EI. Vol. IX (1907-8), pp. 270 ff. & Pl, Balaghat inscription, Mahurjahari plates etc mentions the Vākātaka King as Kuntalādhipa. Mirashi, VV., Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. I, p. 81 f: Quoted at english/gazetteer/yavatmal/his_ancientperiod.html


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