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THE EDONIANS

Peter DELEV

The Edonians, Ἠδῶνες or Ἠδωνοί in Greek texts, 1 were a Thracian people on the lower Strymon. 2 Their name was probably the best known among the many tribal names of the region, and Greek and Latin poets would sometimes use it as a loose synonym for the Thracians in general. 3 Their history was never written, and the scattered pieces of information that have been passed down to us by various ancient authors do not permit its full reconstruction and refer mainly to a rather brief period of time in the fifth century B. C. Greek tradition gave most Thracian tribes eponymous mythological ancestors, but we remain in the dark as to whether this reiterates local Thracian beliefs or was mainly a creation of the Greek colonists in the archaic age, when mythological constructions seem to have

Schol. in Lycophron. 418 suggests a difference in the usage of the two names, implying that although they belonged to the same tribe, the Edones lived near the sea and the Edonoi – in the interior: Ἠδωνοὶ καὶ Ἤδωνες Θρακῶν ἔθνη, ἀλλ' οἱ μὲν Ἤδωνες παρὰ θάλασσαν οἰκοῦσιν, οἱ Ἠδωνοὶ δὲ τὴν μεσόγαιαν. 2 The Edonians are qualified as Thracians by Herodotus (7.11) and many other ancient authors. Cf. E. Oberhummer. Edones. – RE 5.2, 1905, 1974; Δ. Σαμσάρη. Ἰστορικὴ γεωγραφία τῆς ἀνατολικὴς Μακεδονίας κατὰ τὴν ἀρχαιοτήτα. Θεσσαλονίκη, 1976, 62-65; F. Papazoglou. Les villes de Macédoine à l'époque romaine. Paris, 1988 (= BCH suppl. 16), 385-413. 3 W. Smith (Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, London, 1854, 807, s. v. Edones) quotes as examples of such usage Aesch. Pers. 493; Soph. Ant. 955; Eurip. Hec. 1153; Ov. Met. 11.69; Trist. 4.1.42; Propert. 1.3.5; Hor. Carm. 2.7.27; I do not however find it equally evident in all these instances.
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been a popular addiction in the Greek world. Edonos (Ἠδωνός) is said to have been a son of Ares and Callirhoe the daughter of Nestos, and a brother of Biston and Odomas; 4 other versions make him the son of Paionos and grandson of Ares, 5 or a brother of Mygdonos. 6 It is doubtful whether these mythological links may have any value beyond the mere reflection of the geographical proximity of the Edonians with their neighbours the Bistonians, Odomanti, and Mygdonians, with the Paeonians of the Strymon, and with the river Nestos. A loose idea of common ancestry and therefore the eventual appurtenance of the Edonians, Bistonians, Odomanti and Mygdonians to a larger tribal group could eventually (but very insecurely) be extrapolated from these mythological stemmata; this however is not feasible in the case of the Paeonians who were not of Thracian stock. The belief that all these peoples were descendants of Ares should probably be interpreted as an acknowledgement of their warlike character. Several other mythological figures bear some conjectural relevance to the shadowy early history of the Edonians. The story of Lycurgus, the son of Dryas and offender of Dionysos, briefly mentioned by Homer in the Iliad, 7 was developed by Aeschylus into a full tetralogy, of which only fragments have survived; the first tragedy significantly bears the name of Ἠδωνοί. 8 Sophocles calls Lycurgus a “king of the Edonians” (Ἠδωνῶν βασιλεύς). 9 In the version of Apollodorus Lycurgus, the son of Dryas, was the king of the Edonians living near the river Strymon, and the first man to defy and drive away Dionysos. The god took refuge in the depth of the sea with Thetis, daughter of Nereus, while his train of attendants, the Bacchantes and Satyrs, were all taken hostage. Then suddenly all the captives were miraculously set free, and Lycurgus was seized
Herodian. de prosod. cathol. p. 37, 185; Steph. Byz. s. v. Βιστονία. Ibid. 6 Steph. Byz. s. v. Ἠδωνοί. 7 Hom. Il. 6.130-140. Homer makes no mention of the Edonians in this text. 8 K. Deichgräber. Die Lykurgie des Aischylos, Göttingen, 1939. 9 Soph. Ant. 955-964. Cf. Strabo 10.3.16 (C 471).
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with insanity by the will of Dionysos. In his madness he killed his own son Dryas, thinking he was trimming a wine and chopping on him with an axe; only when he had cut off all his limbs did he regain his consciousness. As the land refused thenceforth to give crop, the god gave an oracle that only the death of Lycurgus would restore its fertility. On hearing this the Edonians brought him to Mt. Pangaeum and left him there tied, to meet his end torn into pieces by horses. 10 Thamyris the son of Philamon, the mythical singer who dared to invite the Muses to a musical competition and was blinded for his audacity, 11 was also sometimes associated with the Edonians 12 or with Mt. Pangaeum, where the event would have taken place according to some authorities. 13 A different version makes Thamyris a king in the Athos peninsula. 14 Another mythological story eventually connected with the Edonians was that of king Rhesus, best known from the description in the Iliad of his untimely death in the Trojan war, on the very night after his late arrival. 15 Homer does not specify the tribal affiliation of Rhesus and his Thracians, but calls his father by the name Eioneus, 16 an ancient name of the river Strymon. 17 Later authors make Rhesus a son of Strymon and one of the Muses (differently identified, sometimes as Euterpe or Clio). 18 The name of
Apollod. bibl. 3.5.1 (3.34-35). The earliest mention of this popular story is in Hom. Il. 594-600. 12 Suda s. v. Θ άμυρις: … Θρᾷξ , ἐξ Ἠδωνῶν, τῆς ἐν Βρίγκοις πόλεως, υἱὸς Φιλάμμωνος καὶ Ἀρσινόης … οἱ δὲ ἀπ' Ὀδρύσσης. 13 Aeschyl. fr. 84; Euripid. Rhes. 915-925; most ancient authors however follow Homer in placing the musical competition in Messenian Dorion, retaining the Thracian (sometimes Odrysian) origin of Thamyris. 14 Strabo 7 fr. 35; Eustath. ad Hom. Il. 1.462: κα ὶ ὅτι ἐν τῇ ἀκτῇ τῇ περὶ τὸν Ἄθων Θάμυρις ὁ Θρᾷξ ἐβασίλευσε. 15 Hom. Il. 10.434-441, 470-525. 16 Ibid. 435. 17 Schol. Hom. Il. 10.435; Phot. bibl. cod. 186 p. 131b; Eustath. ad Hom. Il. 3.107. 18 Euripid. Rhes. 279, 349-352, 393-394; Schol. Euripid. Rhes. 346, 393; Apollod. bibl. 1.3.4.
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who had come to the lower Strymon and the region called Daton from Macedonia.75 implies indirectly that Daton was in Edonian land.Rhesus reappears in connection with the Athenian foundation of Amphipolis in 437 B. 36. 19 20 4 . 346: ἔστιν ἱερὸν τῆς Κλειοῦς ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει ἱδρυθὲν ἀπέναντι τοῦ Ῥήσου μνημείου ἐπὶ λόφου τινός. 19 the tomb of Rhesus was situated on a hill inside the city. in other cases (namely that of Rhesus) the avoidance of such an association could eventually reflect a notion of chronological discrepancy based on the assumption that the Edonians were a newer population which was not present there at the time of the Trojan war (taken here as a general chronological notion of the mythological past rather than as a definite date). None of these mythological stories could be taken as direct evidence for the earlier history of the Edonians. 6. it is no mere coincidence that their tribal name is never mentioned in the oldest variants of the myths. The idea of manifold migratory movements affecting the Lower Strymon area can be deduced from a number of ancient texts. Polyaenus describes in a stratagem how the founder Hagnon had his remains transferred from Troy in a red mantle and buried on the site in order to fulfill an oracle. In some cases the later association with the Edonians could be attributed to their dominant position in the area in the age when classical Athenian drama elaborated actively on the inherited mythological tradition. he seems topographically connected with the territory which later belonged to the Edonians. Euripid. strat. opposite a shrine dedicated to his mother. The story of Rhesus in the tenth song of the Iliad (which seems to belong to a later stratum of evidence compared with the main body of Polyaen. Schol. 20 and presumably received a heroic cult in later times. 21 Although Rhesus is usually characterized more generally as a "king of (the) Thracians". Herodotus 9. 21 Strabo 7 fr. on Edonian land. C. namely those in the Homeric poems.53. Rhes. According to Strabo Rhesus was king of those among the Odomanti. Edonians and Bisalti.

Stratifying Herodotus: Local Tribes between the Lower Axios and the Nestos.2. Fragmenta varia. which (if veritable at all. 106-107. 2005. reaching as far as the Ionian Sea in the west and the river Peneus in the south. София. Delev. Στρυμών) who might eventually draw on the authority of Herodotus. 7. n. 28 The Bithynians are ignored completely in the Homeric poems. v. Στρυμόνιοι) and Stephanus Byzantinus (s. 30 The two А. Ἄ s. v. v. Политическа история на траките.2. 26 these informations of Herodotus can be split effectively into two chronological independent sets: the eventual invasion of the Mysians and Teucrians from Asia into Europe.20. 27 It is mentioned briefly also by late authors like Hesychius (s. cit. 29 would be in a fragment of Aristotle preserved in Pliny the Elder and Stephanus Byzantinus. and probably equal to the Thracians of Rhesus) from the Strymon to Asia. 26 P. h. – Thracia 16. Byz. 27 which would post-date the time of Homer or at least the main part of Homeric evidence. 7. which is doubtful) would probably be of really early date.75. known previously as Strymonians. Plin. 24 Hdt. and the migration of the Bithynians (or Strymonians. 25 Hdt.2. Hdt. καὶ Κιμμερίδα Κιμμερίων ἐνοικούντων ἑκατὸν ἔτη. Delev. 478 (= Steph. fr. 23 Herodotus affirms as well that the Strymonians had been driven from their previous territory by the Mysians and Teucrians (Μυσοί καὶ Τευκροί) from Asia who had invaded Europe „before the Trojan war“ (πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν) and had subdued „all the Thracians“. if we take into account the date of the described events and not that of their documented fixation in writing. ντανδρος: … Ἀριστοτέλης φησὶ ταύτην ὠνομάσθαι Ἠδωνίδα διὰ τὸ Θρᾷκας Ἠδωνοὺς ὄντας οἰκῆσαι. 29 The procedure is outlined in P. Op. 24 some of them settled on the Strymon and were later known as Paeonians (Παίονες). 22 23 5 .Homeric information) 22 could eventually be linked with the migration of a large group of Thracians from the lower Strymon to Asia Minor as mentioned by Herodotus. 25 As has been demonstrated elsewhere.13. 28 The earliest mention of the name of the Edonians. 44. 30 Aristot. these were later called Bithynians. Фол. 1972. 5.

14. dein Cimmeris. 32.parallel texts impart that the Aeolian city of Antandros in Asia Minor was once called Edonis. Ovid. 10. 35 Hom.51. Solin. 40. As to the probable definition of the time of that migration. when it was occupied by the Cimmerians for a hundred years. Byz.12. carm. n. s. n. dein Cimmeris). 3 fr.3. 16. measures about 150 km. 6 .4.123: rursus in litore Antandros Edonis prius vocata. 6. Hygin. being mentioned by Homer. Salust.41. on which lay Antandros. the association of the Mygdonians with Phrygia and the Phrygians seems more relevant and significantly appears very early. 33 The first of these various localizations is particularly interesting because of its geographical proximity to Antandros. h. 31 Strabo 12.4. cf.1.35 Pausanias would even presume that the names Phrygians and Mygdonians were interchangeable. 36 It seems reasonable therefore to suggest that the migration of the Edonians 5. cathol. Ἀντιόχεια. h. and later Cimmeris. Steph. Strabo 11. 36 Paus.22. being inhabited by Edonian Thracians. 5.1. so the Edonian presence in Antandros should be dated before the Cimmerian invasion of Asia Minor. Il.145. 6.8.1. fab.42.16. should be added the more ample evidence on the presence of Mygdonians in Asia. notably in an area adjacent to Bithynia and Mysia on the southern coast of the Propontis. 96). 191. The order is explicitly mentioned by Pliny (Edonis prius vocata. 3. To this singular piece of information. to the mouth of the river Rhyndacus on the Propontis. Μυγδονία. Strabo and Pliny suggest that Mygdonia in Mesopotamia got its name only after the Macedonian conquest of Asia.31 in Greater Phrygia 32 and eventually also in Northern Mesopotamia. 12. hist. p. de prosod. met. 32 Plin. 3. because its landscape resembled European Mygdonia. cf. and the distance to the middle course of the same river less than 100 km. Hor. Byz. Steph.22. probably in the eighth century B. v. 34 hence the possibility to think that the Edonians and Mygdonians would have migrated to Asia together and in one and the same age. 5. s. 70. 2.1. Plut. Herodian.185-186. v. 12. implying the participation of a part of the Edonians in a migratory movement to North-Western Anatolia.45.4.10-11. 34 The distance from the bay of Adramyteion on the Aegean coast. 23. 33 Polyb. Plin.9.27. mentioned by Strabo as the western frontier of Mygdonia. C.2. Lucul.1.

only about 654 or 652 B. C.12. Oxford. 1. Vol. C. 7. 427-429. 42 Ibid. C. Historical Geography and Prehistory. 37 N. G. in 679 – Cilicia. 37 7 . G. A History of Macedonia. 428. 41 N. did they reach Lydia. 1972. N. the European Edonians must have passed through some of the most interesting and brilliant phases of their history. cf. 410-411. L. L. Oxford. namely that the Edonians migrated to Asia Minor in the first half of the seventh century B. and were defeated by Asarhaddon probably in Cappadocia. notably in the verses of Archilochus and Callinus. is considered possible. Vol. yet the remaining traces are so meagre that even the determination of their definite geographical position remains impossible. Hammond. the ethnic identification of which according to me is not conclusive. C. G. his enemies. C. G. is attested both archaeologically.. The theory is based on archaeological material. also Hdt. 42 Thracian presence in the area in this age and into the fifth century B. the Cimmerians were the allies of the Assyrian king Sargon II against Urartu. 428. for which a date as late as 800 B. 1966. in 696-695 B. Cf. L. C. Epirus. 39 Ibid. 38 Ibid. in a number of rich grave finds N. 427. 40 In the seventh and sixth century B. they invaded Phrygia. capturing Sardis some ten years later. A History of Macedonia. L. 40 In 714 B. 4.and Mygdonians from Europe to Asia would have taken place together with that of the Phrygians. 1. together with the Cimmerians and Treres. C. Hammond has suggested another option.20. through the Caucasus and Urartu. and in 705 B. Hammond has brought forward a consistent theory of Edonian expansion in this age. C. suggesting they conquered Mygdonia and much adjacent territory in the Chalcidic peninsula and in the interior as far west as the lower Axios 41 and possibly pushed some of the Paeonians to the upper and middle Axios. Hammond. 38 But the assumption of a wide impact of the Cimmerian invasion in the Balkans reaching as far as Macedonia and Epirus 39 seems to contradict the well-grounded idea of their penetration into Asia Minor from the east. Hammond. It is in the time of this last events that the presumably Thracian Treres appear together with the Cimmerians as a menace for the Greek cities in Anatolia.

57-58. Σισμανίδης. Κ. Cf.99. Hammond. 88-89. 45 N. G. Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Θεσσαλονίκης. A History of Macedonia. Institutions. L. C. – ΑΜΗΤΟΣ. 2. Vol. A History of Macedonia. Hammond later linked the Edonian expansion to the Axios. Vol. G. T. 46 it remains open to speculation in what ways the earlier movements of large masses of population in a west-to-east direction across the lower Axios. 1985. L. L. G. Ayios Vasilios and Zeitenlik. 44 Thuc. The Macedonian State. to the Persian invasion of the area under Megabazus in the late sixth century B. Among the notable features of these graves are the golden face masks or gold plaques laid as mouth-pieces. N.44 In a modified version of his theory. and also whether they already inhabited in this age their later territory on the lower Strymon and in the vicinity of Mt. Oxford. Origins. Chauchitsa. 2. 43. easily placed in the later reign of Alexander I. fr. 1987. G. 1989. or were the original settlers of these more western parts. Το αρχαϊκό νεκροταφείο της Αγίας Παρασκευής Θεσσαλονίκης. ὁ πρότερον Ἡδωνὸς καλούμενος. Borza. 1979. 2. 348. s. 11. idem. 428-429. Magn. 550-336 B. Αθήνα. Oxford. presumably in the seventh and sixth centuries B. 1. 1. (including the Bottiaei and the Pierian Thracians) had Σίνδος. 436.from various locations. Pangaeum. 1990. despite the often quoted passage in Thucydides which links their (final ?) expulsion with the advance of the Macedonians across the Axios. C.4. The Macedonian State. Κατάλογος της Έκθεσις. L. Ayia Paraskevi. N. 352. Hammond. In the Shadow of Olympus. 43 and by the evidence of a number of ancient texts. notably at Sindos. Even the time of that movement is not definitely attested. v. N. Θεσσαλονίκη. Τιμητικός τόμος για τον καθαγητή Μανόλη Ανδρόνικο.99. Hammond. Princeton. as Hammond has suggested. Strabo 7 fr. Ἐχέδωρος: Ποταμὸς Μακεδονίας. The Emergence of Macedon. Griffith. G. Etymolog.45 But the question remains open whether the Edonians and other related Thracians were moving (or expanding) from east to west in the seventh or sixth century. 46 Thuc. 43 8 . 787-811. where he suggested Lete and Sindos were among the seats of their royal power.4. E. Hammond. A History of Macedonia.C. Vol. 43. or only moved there in the course of the same migration which made them abandon the more western area. 36. and History. Μέρος δεύτερο.

of the “Thracian Brygi” who attacked Megabazus in 492 B. 48 Hdt. 48 and who should have represented a formidable force to dare the whole Persian army. Hesych. the eventual discovery of archaeological proofs for the ethnic and tribal (?!) attribution of the rich necropoleis at Sindos and Ayia Paraskevi or of some of the still unlocalized major mints in the area could perhaps one day bring in more clarity. Ὀδωνίς· ἡ Θάσος τὸ πάλαι. 51 and later the Teians re-established Abdera in the middle of the sixth century. C. 47 Another unsettled problem is posed by the appearance. s. Vol. 6. C. de prosod. could also have been active participants in the events near the mouth of the Nestos somewhat further east. Odonis. for the migration of the Bottiaei from the Macedonian plain to the Chalcidic peninsula. The ancient name of Thasos. 50 Archil. The eventual participation of the Edonians in the often troubled relations of the early Greek settlers with the local population also remains ambiguous due to the lack of any precise information. 62. mentions in a famous fragment fights with the Saioi (presumably equal to the Sapaioi). All these are questions without ready answers. Σάϊοι. p. 1. 50 The Edonians. 433-434. is unknown. v.. 49 suggests the initial inhabitants of the island might have been of Edonian or related stock. A History of Macedonia. v.affected the Edonian presence in the west. Hammond. 6 Diehl. their fate after the establishment of the Parians in the seventh century B.45. Steph. cf. s. N.168. Byz. Cf. Σάπαι. cathol. who was among the seventh century settlers of the island. 51 Hdt.1-2. L. G. It is also very unfortunate that we do not possess a more detailed account of the activities of the Athenian tyrant Peisistratus in the The finds from pre-Persian Olynthos suggest a date of about 650 B.20. if we assume that they already occupied the more eastern reaches of their later territories. where the seventh century Clazomenian settlers under Timesios were expelled by unnamed Thracians.3. s. 49 Hesych. 47 9 . v. presumably somewhere in the same area. Herodian. but that would rather have been on the continent across where the Parians were also trying to establish a presence. Strabo 12. C. Archilochus. 1. fr.

5. C. Aristagoras and the Athenians were in some way ensuing from the successful operation of Peisistratus. cit. Op. 1.3.1-2.. Rumours about the Pangaeum silver which had made the fortune of Peisistratus several decades earlier would have been circulating in the Greek world. 140-141. and real Pangaean silver coined by Abdera. 4. Σαμσάρη. The request was granted immediately and Histiaeus departed without delay for Thrace.11.2. 52 The Edonians are never mentioned by name in connection with these events. Hdt. Ath. Papazoglu. 5. 56 It could be inferred that at the time of the settlement of Histiaeus the Edonians were in control of at least a part of the lower Strymon valley. Hdt. 124. cit.107. 12. F. presumably around or shortly before 510 B. being already tyrant of Miletus and therefore not craving more power. Thuc. 56 Δ. Thasos or some of the earlier “tribal” mints in the area could actually have appeared already by that time on markets Aristot. 55 Hdt.. briefly remarked by Herodotus and Aristotle. Cf.1. it remains however uncertain how far to the east. 53 Herodotus explicitly places Myrcinus in the lands of the Edonians (Μύρκινον τὴν Ἠδωνῶν) 54 and near the Strymon (παρὰ Στρυμόνα ποταμόν).11. near the place where the Angites flows into the Strymon. 55 a plausible modern localization puts it to the north of Amphipolis. 52 53 10 . 5. pol. It would be pertinent to ask ourselves about the eventual sources of the information on which Histiaeus based his demand and the subsequent expedition. 390-391. and their eventual role can only be suggested on the insecure basis of the assumption that the later attempts at settling in Edonian territory by Histiaeus.68. cf. Upon his arrival in Sardis Darius offered Histiaeus of Miletus a choice of reward for having guarded the Danube bridge.23. 54 Hdt. Histiaeus asked for Myrcinus in the lands of the Edonians so that he might build a city there.Pangaeum area. Op.2.4. The earliest mention of the name of the Edonians in Europe in a certain chronological context is connected with events which followed the return of king Darius from his Scythian expedition. west or south their territory went at the time.64. Diod. 15.2.

2-17.1) Megabazus found that Histiaeus was already fortifying his settlement at Myrcinus (5.36. – ГСУ ФИФ 66. 59 which followed shortly after the departure of Histiaeus for Myrcinus. Thracian Tribal Names by Hecateus. 1975 [1972/1973]. Or perhaps Hecataeus. V. and the geography of the area makes it impossible for them to have escaped the events unaffected. lead by Thracian guides.1). both Paeonian and Thracian. during his action on the Strymon (5. the Milesian erudite and geographer who counselled Aristagoras later 57 and whose extensive knowledge on Thrace is beyond any doubt. It is most annoying that Herodotus omits the Edonians from his account of the expedition of Megabazus against the Strymonian Paeonians. 5. А.11.1-2).58 being already in possession of precise information on the Pangaeum area gained through personal travel or diligently collected from other sources. Фол. 3 – История. thereafter the Paeonians scattered and gave themselves up. 17-34. 61 Hdt.1-3: the Paeonians gathered in arms and marched towards the sea (πρὸς θαλάσσης) to defend their territory at a coastal pass (τὴν πρὸς θαλάσσης ἐσβολὴν φυλάσσοντας). 5. 59 Hdt.in the Persian Empire. – Terra Antiqua Balcanica 6. 57 58 11 . but not the Edonians. as sugHdt. 125. following the direction taken by the modern road from Xanti to Drama via Stavroupolis and Paranestion rather than going as far inland as to reach the river Arda. the Persians of Megabazus surrounded their position by an inland route (τὴν ἄνω ὁδὸν τρέπονται) and attacked their cities which were left without protection.15.23. One suggested reconstruction of the stratagem of Megabazus 61 sends the Paeonians defending the pass of Akontisma to the east of Neapolis (Kavala). 5. then the Paeonian brothers Pigres and Mantyes incited in Darius the wish to deport the Paeonians and he sent to Megabazus his orders (5. 60 The order of events is definite in the text of Herodotus: on his very arrival in Sardis Darius awarded Histiaeus with Myrcinus and he departed right away (5. 60 A number of other tribes are mentioned in his text. Velkov. could have passed this on to Histiaeus.14.1). 1991.12-14. 21-24. while the Persian army would have surrounded them along the pass between the mountains Bozdag (Falakro) and Chaldag (Lekani). кн. Тракия в периегезата на Хекатей. Проучвания върху гръцките извори за древна Тракия.12-17. 23-24.

124. 1921. Pangaeum to the plain of Philippi.2.” 62 12 . Пеония. 64 Hdt. София. Megabazus led his army through Thrace. For the king's orders to him were that he should conquer Thrace. but disregards one important circumstance – namely the evident assumption of Herodotus that Myrcinus was a possession for which Histiaeus had to ask the Persian king.2. 66 We are led therefore to suppose that Persian authority must have been established already as far as the Strymon. This would have been among the previous achievements of Megabazus. 44. 63 Assuming this was already comprising in this age the territory stretching from the lower Strymon along the Angites valley and the northern foothills of Mt. 5.1. whose activities in Thrace prior to the Paeonian expedition are briefly. Delev. 23. 66 Herodotus qualifies twice the transaction as the giving of a present or reward (δωρεή. Кацаров. P. 5. subduing to the dominion of the king all the towns and all the tribes of those parts (πᾶσαν πόλιν καὶ πᾶν ἔθνος τῶν ταύτῃ οἰκημένων ἡμερούμενος βασιλέι). and which Darius had the power to give him as a gift. not really a gift of something Darius was already in real possession of. 5. 64 This could not possibly be a result of the expedition of Megabazus against the Paeonians. and that the Edonians had been subjected to Persian power. 109. then the Persians having surrounded their position would in their turn also have passed through Edonian territory along the Angites River to reach the Strymon.23. 65 Note 60 supra.2: “After Perinthus had been brought under. It fits well with the geography of the region and the topographic details mentioned by Herodotus.2). notes 15 and 16. but emphatically characterized by Herodotus.2.11. 63 who could have been their active or passive allies in the defensive operation. 67 Hdt.gested by Katsarov. which was not even conceived by Darius until after Histiaeus had left for Thrace.1. 124. 67 We Г. 62 This disposition presumes that the Paeonians would have marched across the main territory of the Edonians. Принос към старата етнография и история на Македония. note 28. 65 And it doesn’t seem very convincing to think that what Histiaeus asked for (and received) was just permission to attempt a settlement in foreign country.. Op. cit.

) to warrant its mention in the text of Herodotus. The notice of Herodotus about the Thracian guides of Megabazus 69 might then refer to his eventual Edonian (or possibly Odomantian ?) allies in the operation. 5. It seems possible in view of these circumstances to suggest that the Paeonians would have gathered to a defensive position at the south-eastern end of their own territory. in the Strymon valley upstream from the mouth of the Angites and the site of Myrcinus. and the other bestow as his royal property Myrcinus. The idea that the expedition of Megabazus against the Paeonians must have been a continuation of previous Persian advance in the area which would already have brought the limits of Achaemenid power very close to their tribal territory. 70 it The area was close enough to the sea (the confluence of the Strumon and Angites at less than 20 km.68 then Megabazus would have passed through the plain of Philippi and across the interconnected mountainous ridges to the northwest of the Angites. or the Edonians had not waited for his arrival and had sent themselves the tokens of their submission.remain ignorant whether he had effectively reached the lower Strymon with his army. According to Herodotus. 5. 68 13 . makes us rethink the interpretation of the whole campaign. as Persian subjects and allies they would not have been mentioned among the hitherto unconquered enemy tribes in the area. 70 Hdt. at the time of the deportation of the Paeonians Histiaeus had already started fortifying Myrcinus.14. a territory (probably with an existing settlement) on Edonian land.1: παρὰ Στρυμόνα ποταμόν. Sharliya (Vrondu) and Ali Botush (Orvilos). and that the Edonians would have been Persian subjects or allies in this conflict. to enter the Strymon valley either near Seres or eventually even near Demirhisar (Siderokastron). 69 Hdt. but the result must have been there. the Zmiynitsa (Menikion). practically contiguous with that of the Edonians in the Strymon valley. and already known to both Histiaeus and Darius in Sardis. This suggestion has the further benefit of explaining why Herodotus omits the Edonians from the list of tribes that escaped deportation.23.2. so that the one could ask for.

1-3. Thuc. it might have been abandoned for good. left in the hands of his Ionian companions. and subsequently took him along to Susa. or could have gone on without Histiaeus. cf. upon his return to Sardis with the abducted Paeonians counselled Darius to prevent the accomplishment of the project. 7. L. 8. who counts 32 years from the death of Aristagoras to the 71 72 14 .2.2. but the latter seems less probable in view of the hostile attitude of Megabazus and its approval by the king. Hammond. probably in 497 or 496 B. 73 his seat of residence might have been at Eion on the Strymon mouth or further west in Acanthus. 4.1-4.1. 2. T.102.1. 75 Cf. 73 On Bubares: Hdt. possibly as its Persian governor. 59-60. pointing out the inherent dangers in letting the untrustworthy Greek build a fortified city in a region abundant in wood and silver and heavily populated. Bubares the son of Megabazus who married the daughter of the Macedonian king Amyntas and later oversaw the construction of the Athos canal for king Xerxes. But Megabazus who had discovered what he was doing.21.124. A History of Macedonia.136. Griffith.22. 5.23. 72 Herodotus says nothing of the fate of the establishment at Myrcinus.2. G. 7. G. 5. Justin.71 Darius listened to the advice and called Histiaeus to him under the pretext of making him a royal counsellor. 74 Hdt. C. Hdt.24. Persian presence in the lower Strymon area must have been permanent henceforth. at a time when the counter-attacks of the Persians had gained momentum and a number of rebellious Ionian cities had already fallen in their hands. 74 escaping from Miletus with all who chose to follow him some time after the Sardis campaign. The Myrcinus episode of Histiaeus had a continuation 15 years later when his successor and son-in-law Aristagoras attempted to revive his establishment in Thrace. Vol.remains unknown whether his activities were in any way affected directly by the military actions in the vicinity. seems to have remained in the area for some time after the Paeonian campaign. 5. although Herodotus does not dwell particularly on the subject.5. 75 Though at first successful Hdt. N. 5.

45 Herodotus describes the attack of the “Thracian Brygi” (Βρύγοι Θρήικες) on the land army of Mardonius. 78 The anonymous city mentioned by Herodotus is here of some interest. The Edonians are again omitted from the brief narrative of Herodotus about the expedition of Mardonius in 492 B. The two Myrcinus episodes with Histiaeus and Aristagoras attest. and their ability to withstand attempts at settlement speaks of political strength. says that Aristagoras „was expelled by the Edonians“ (ὑπὸ Ἠδώνων ἐξεκρούσθη). able to withstand a siege.68. Aristagoras then ventured on an expedition and was routed with his whole army „by the Thracians“ (ὑπὸ Θρηίκων) while besieging a city (πόλιν περικατήμενος). 77 while Diodorus is even more specific when he asserts that after the death of Aristagoras the colonists were driven out „by the Thracians who are called Edonians“ (ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν τῶν ὀνομαζομένων Ἠδωνῶν). the Edonians present in a key area of the Lower Strymon region. C. 77 Thuc. 79 The Persian army would have marched both ways. through their territory. 6. 386. Their position was both strategically and economically important. 15 . 79 Hdt.. presumably crossing the Strymon at the Ennea Hodoi ford near the site of the future Amphipolis. 389 opts for 496 B. Hammond argues for a differentiation between the “Thracian Brygi” and the Bryges who migrated long ago from Lower Mace- defeat of Sophanes and Leagros at Drabescus. in its advance and subsequent retreat. 4. another 29 years to the foundation of Amphipolis by Hagnon.in occupying the area. 12.2.102.2. 76 Thucydides who also mentions briefly the episode (placing however the establishment of Aristagoras at the site of the future Amphipolis).126.C. In 6. 5. it must have belonged to the Edonians and was evidently a fortified place.2. 76 Hdt. Hammond 1955.43-45. 78 Diod. C. in the late sixth and early fifth century B. Two details in the brief narrative of Herodotus deserve particular mention.

A History of Macedonia. 82 At Thermopylae Herodotus lists them between the Bottiaei and Chalcidians on one side and the Pierians on the other. 81 Once in 6. 83 Hdt.donia to Phrygia. on the slopes of Mt. G.3 and 5. L. 8. Orbelus (Belasitsa). 60-61.).5.. 57-58. G. A History of Macedonia. but I think he is wrong in placing them far to the north.20: ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Βρῦγοι καὶ Βρύγες καὶ Φρύγες οἱ αὐτοί. presumably somewhere in the vicinity of Lake Bolbe. 80 16 . T. Vol.45 where their night attack on Mardonius is explicitely placed “in Macedonia” (ἐν Μακεδονίῃ). 80 His remark that in 492 B. 550-336 B. 82 Hammond (N. G. Oxford. Vol. 84 N. 2. 43. the Brygi would have been out of the then Macedonian territory. G. The Brygoi of 492 B. despite the double statement to the opposite effect in Herodotus. 7. 83 so a position in the eastern parts of the Chalcidic peninsula. Griffith. This however fits badly with the assumption that in this age the Edonians controlled a continuous territory between the Strymon and the Axios.C. possibly together with the Bottiaei. and an eventual localization in the area between Lake Doiran and the Strumitsa valley. A History of Macedonia. C. 81 seems perfectly sound. L. 84 the rich contemporary centres of western Mygdonia and Amphaxitis (Sindos. Hammond. for Herodotus lists the Bottiaei and Brygi separately at Thermopylae (Hdt. etc. Vol. The other point concerns the extent of territory effectively dominated by the Persians. T. Griffith.127). 61) suggests an identification with the anonymous Thracians “beyond the Crestonians” mentioned by Herodotus in 5.3. Cf. G. 7. Griffith. C. C. if Edonian at all. seems a reasonable suggestion.185. They could not have been the Bottiaei themselves (although this would have furnished a good explanation for the extermination of the population of Olynthus by Artabazus in 480 B. 2. 1979. Hammond. N.44 where Herodotus implies that all the peoples to the east of the Macedonians had already been conquered by the Persians prior to the expedition of Mardonius (the Brygi evidently were not). L. 2. Hammond. T. The Macedonian State. and then in 6. Lete. would in such case belong to separate and politically independent divisions of the tribal group.185). where they would have been out of the way of the army of Mardonius. could have been a remnant of the Phrygians left in Ematia and later expelled by the Macedonians. Herodotus states that Mardonius subjugated N. Hdt. G. G. however Strabo 12. Hammond. L.

their position would have remained practically independent. C. 85 The latter must have been true since the campaigns of Megabazus for the Strymonian Edonians and all the tribes to the east of them with few exceptions. could be brought forward as an argument. Borza. idem. the Sapaeans. 7. N. L. the Dersaeans. E. 87 As regards the Macedonians.the Macedonians during the campaign of 492 B. 1982.. where the community using the necropolis at Sindos was still living through a flourishing age in the early fifth century B. the conflicting views of Nicholas Hammond (N. For the timber trade R. and the Satrae. 104-105). Trees and Timber in the Ancient Mediterranean World. T. C.111 mentions the Satrae “who were never subject to anybody”. 2. Philip II. 2-8. G. Even at that stage. 1982. 102.1. the extent of territory which Mardonius subdued before his ignominious retreat should not be overestimated and probably did not exceed the territory of the Brygi. 6. Borza (eds. 88 All this leaves enough free space for an independent position also of the tribes to the east of the Axios. – In: W.). 109. 85 86 17 . Alexander the Great and the Macedonian Heritage. The Natural Resources of Early Macedonia. C.44. the Ciconians. 34-45. Adams and E. 8. Hdt. 123-126. idem. but no more – a situation which evidently left the latter enough freedom to trade in strategic shipwood with the Athenians. C. both Amyntas in 512/510 and Alexander in 492 could have acknowledged a formal obedience. on the eve of Xerxes’ invasion. Herodotus offers a list of the Thracian tribes through the territory of which the great army passed: the Paeti. Timber and Politics in the Ancient World: Macedon and the Greeks. In the Shadow of Olympus. 88 Cf.. the Edonians. 1987. Washington D. he adds that they all joined the land army of Xerxes except Hdt.. the Bistonians. Griffith. 86 but the appearance of the warlike Brygi in 492 suggests that the territories to the west of the Strymon had not previously been thoroughly reduced. Vol. – Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 131. while all the tribes to the east of Macedonia had already been enslaved previously. 58-60) and Eugene Borza (In the Shadow of Olympus. Hammond. C. A History of Macedonia. G. the official Achaemenid enemy.116. 87 Hdt. Meiggs. Describing the march Xerxes along the Aegean coast of Thrace in 480 B. the independent behaviour of the anonymous king of the neighbouring Bisalti and Crestonians in 480 B. Oxford. L.

Κίκονες. and probably on the southern slopes of the latter. who reached the Strymon at Ennea Hodoi near Eion in the land of the Edonians. along the coastal range of Mt. 7. in an east to west sequence. 7. 93 It is usually presumed that the enumeration of the tribes in the text of Herodotus follows more or less strictly their geographical order. 89 18 . and that of the Bistonians – by the Bistonian Lake at Porto Lagos. Pangaeum on his right. cit. 94 Of the remaining tribes the position of the Pierians. 92 Hdt. 92 Heading then into the Chalcidic peninsula through Argilus. Σαπαῖοι. Pangaeum remained aside from the main route of Xerxes. There the Magi sacrificed white horses and 18 local boys and girls who were buried alive. Op. and the Sapaeans to the west of the Bistonians. eventually on both sides of the mouth of the Strymon.the Satrae. Symbolon and on the southern slopes of Mt. Herodotus mentions his passing through the lands of the Pierians past the fortresses of Phagres and Pergamus. 90 Hdt. Stagirus and Acanthus. 7. 94 Δ. Σάτραι. Pangaeum. The position of the Ciconians to the west of the lower Hebros is pinpointed by the site of Maroneia. 7. 90 Returning then to the march of Xerxes.112. 91 The Paeonians. beHdt. Δερσαῖοι. Βίστονες. the tribes of the Pangaeum and Chalcidice were also forced to join the Persian army.113-114. were warlike and possessed a famous sanctuary of Dionysos. 93 Hdt.. where bridges had been prepared in advance. so it could be presumed that the Paeti lived to the east of the Ciconians. The Pieres are easily localized in and around the coastal ridge Symbolon south of Mt. dwelled on high mountains. Xerxes had Bisaltia on his right.115. 7. Ἠδωνοί. 91 Hdt. 89 The following chapter contains a brief digression on the Satrae: they had never been subjected to any man.111. keeping Mt. 68-69. Herodotus mentions that the region stretching from the Pangaeum to the river Angites and to the Strymon was called Phyllis. Doberes and Paeoplae who dwelled to the north of Mt.110: ἔθνεα δὲ Θρηίκων δι' ὧν τῆς χώρης ὁδὸν ἐποιέετο τοσάδε· Παῖτοι. Σαμσάρη. where the clan of the Bessi served as prophets. Pangaeum. across the Hebros.

Pangaeum. 2. Тракийските сатри. has prompted modern science to extend their territory to the north of Mt. Pangaeum and thus their place in the enumeration just before the Pierians is appropriate. 95 96 19 . τὰ νέμονται Πίερές τε καὶ Ὀδόμαντοι καὶ μάλιστα Σάτραι. 123-137. and some authors have even included the Rila and Vitosha further north. 1974.. Byz. Принос към етногенеза на тракийските племена. sometimes to the nearer mountain ridges of Bozdag (Falakro). ἐν τῷ χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα ἔνι μέταλλα. It is interesting to notice that Herodotus does not include the Edonians in this list of the tribes working the mines on Mt. s. This. Steph. Pangaeum. Сарафов. 95 The name of the Satrae disappears from ancient texts after Herodotus. 7. 97 Later T. 149-176. – ГСУ ФЗФ 67/1. Thuc. Odomanti (mentioned only here in the enumeration) and Satrae had mines for gold and silver. seems perfectly clear in the text of Herodotus and is confirmed elsewhere. but was known to Hecataeus. sometimes also to the whole of Mt. Pirin. 99 Hdt. it seems certain that in the list of the tribes along the route of Xerxes Herodotus mentions the Satrae as inhabitants of Mt. Sarafov suggested the idea that the territory of the Satrae should also be extended to the east across the Nestos to include most or all of the Rhodope massif. this becomes the more evident with the very specific notice that while passing the lands of the Pierians the Persian army had on its right Mt. the detailed review of these different localizations in Т. Sharlia (Vrondou) and Ali Botush (Orbelos). 99 Cf.99. ἐὸν μέγα τε καὶ ὑψηλόν. his digression in 7. 98 Ibid. 97 Cf.tween the Thasian establishment of Neapolis (Kavala) in the east and the mouth of the Strymon in the west.3. 98 Whatever the case. Σάτραι. Pangaeum.111 creates a definite impression that they were a numerous population spreading over high mountains in the deeper interior.112: ἐκ δεξιῆς χειρὸς τὸ Πάγγαιον ὄρος ἀπέργων. vv. and the association with the Bessi whom Herodotus mentions rather enigmatically as prophets in the Bacchic sanctuary of the Satrae. Pangaeum where the Pierians. Σατροκένται. 96 Although Herodotus places them explicitly as one of the tribes working the silver mines on Mt.

Steph. roughly between modern Kavala and Hrissoupoli and towards the interior. Cf.114. is not at all a plain. 7. Schol. Orpheus Unmasked. mentioning that the tract of land around Mt. where the presence of a considerable Early Iron Age settlement has been established archaeologically. 104 Hdt. comprising most of the valley of the Angites.2. 100 101 20 . Pangaeum surrounded by the Angites and the Strymon was called Phyllis. s. 7. Philippi. 104 There remains little space for the Dersaeans. and Herodotus even supplies a name for it.31. Ptolemaeus (3. 2229-2230 (s. 105 Thuc. opening to the east into the plain of Philippi and probably reaching near the coastal area of the Thasian Peraea along the bay of Neapolis (Kavala). 100 Ennea Hodoi was near the site of the future Amphipolis. On Datos cf. A. was according to Herodotus also in Edonian land. 102 It could be assumed that the territory of the Edonians surrounded the northern slopes of Mt. Herodian.75. probably on the so-called “Hill 133”. 102 Hdt.The tribes of the Dersaeans and Edonians must therefore be placed in the remaining space between the Sapaeans to the east and the Satrae and Pieres to the west.3. 2. 2. 75. cathol.1: ἐν Ἐννέα ὁδοῖσι τῇσι Ἠδωνῶν. It cannot escape notice that the name of the Edonians appears once more in the text of Herodotus: Ennea Hodoi (The Nine Roads) where the Strymon was bridged in advance. but contains small pieces of lowland between the modest Hdt.12.7. called Datos or Daton and famous for its natural wealth. Daton). 28) places in Edonis.113. v. Pangaeum. 1998. Isaac. Archibald. 565. Il. B. ad Hom. Φυλλίς. Leiden. Aeschin. besides Amphipolis. Eistath. 105 the region between the plain of Philippi and that of the Nestos. Philippson in RE 4. v. 9. whom Thucydides qualifies as “plain dwellers”. The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest. The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace. 89. 103 It is in this area. C. that according to Herodotus the Edonians annihilated the ten thousand Athenian colonists in 465 B.101. 6. Z. 101 together with the evidence about Myrcinus further upstream this piece of testimony marks the southern end of the lower Strymon valley firmly as Edonian territory in this age. 1986. H. de prosod. p. Byz. p. Oesyme and Neapolis. 103 Cl. Oxford.

6. T. 9.98. seems quite probable. A History of Macedonia.185. 111 The identification of these Strymonian Thracians in the vicinity of Eion with the Edonians. Hammond. Aeschin. 108 Hdt.89. 109 Hdt.107. for they were able to molest the neighbouring Greek cities.. Diod. 7. the retreating army of Artabazus sustained heavy losses through hunger. 9. The Persian garrison at Eion on the Strymon mouth remained in position under its valiant commander Boges until 476 B. and the events in 476 must have set a bad start to Hdt. Schol. 110 Plut. Aeschyl.4. Pers. Cimon 7. Plutarch mentions the presence in Eion of Achaemenid notables.32.31. but Herodotus does not mention them particularly. 1. Stegno and Marouska.2. 111 Ibid. 106 Hammond offers a plausible interpretation of a passage of Aeschylus’ “Persians” describing the retreat of the army of Xerxes to demonstrate that at the time Edonis comprised land on both sides of the lower Strymon. L. 110 The Persians at Eion received help. notably food. 109 and that was very close to the main territory of the Edonians. 7.1.ridges of the Lekani. from the Thracians “living across the Strymon” (τοὺς ὑπὲρ Στρυμόνα Θρᾷκας). fatigue and the attacks of the Thracians. G. whose name disappears completely after the casual notice of Thucydides. Herodotus mentions briefly that in 479 B. C. This could have been the country of the Dersaeans. G. 106 107 21 . although not explicit. 108 but the “inland road” followed by Artabazus is not reliably identifiable and it remains questionable whether the Edonians were taking any part in these skirmishes. 61-62. 494-495: Β όλβης θ ' ἕλειον δόνακα. Πάγγαιόν τ' ὄρος. C. against whom Cimon had to take action during the siege of the city. N. 2. Pangaeum. 11. 107 the text however is elusive and should not be taken as a conclusive piece of evidence. Thuc.60. Edonian contingents should have been present among the Thracian levies in the Persian army both at Thermopylae and at Plataea. 2. and of adequate military forces.2. between Lake Bolbe to Mt. Halkero. Griffith. Ἠδωνίδ' αἶαν. Vol.

2. 118 must now be reviewed in the light of the new dates suggested for some of the local tribal coinages by the important numismatic finds from Asyut 119 Schol. taking Persian captives. which would have followed the campaign of Alexander. 112 22 . 84. 115 The whole conception of the eastern territorial expansion of Alexander in the years immediately following the defeat of the Persians. 119-123. 2. 113 Demosth. 2. the Athenians met there neither Persians. mentioning the names of Lysistratos. who should in all probability be identified with the Edonians. 119 M. Aeschin. 2.31. 1967. Cf. 116 based mainly on the later and unspecific evidence of Thucydides 117 and Strabo. Waggoner. and dedicated a golden statue at Delphi from the booty. but were routed by the unnamed local Thracians (διεφθάρησαν ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν). In the Shadow of Olympus. 1975. 114 But there are strong grounds to doubt the veracity of this piece of information.2). Kimon’s capture of Eion. A scholion to Aeschines mentions the defeat of an Athenian force at that same time from unnamed Thracians in action which was presumably directed against Ennea Hodoi. A History of Macedonia. 12. 136-137. Borza. Griffith.99. 118 Strabo 7 fr. The golden satue is also mentioned by Herodotus (8. J. A History of Macedonia. The Asyut Hoard. Smart. Lycurgos and Cratinos. Aeschin. It cannot be reconciled with the mentioned Athenian action against Ennea Hodoi during the siege of Eion. T. L. L.121. Hammond. C. 2.113 Hammond seems to accept the event as real and argues for its dating before the Athenian siege of Eion in 476 B. 6. G. Vol. 102.31.4. 117 Thuc. nor the Macedonian king. Hammond.21. – JHS 87. Vol.their subsequent relations with the Athenians. N. 116 N. 11. 115 Schol. 114 N. London. Griffith. Archaic Greek Coinage. G. The “Letter of Philip” published among the works of Demosthenes contains the otherwise unattested information that the Macedonian king Alexander had occupied the site of the future Amphipolis (Ennea Hodoi). such details add to the credibility of the story. Price. D. T. G. 112 Another obscure event of these years could have affected the Edonians on the Strymon. G. E. 102.

or Lycian hoard). who are among the tribes definitely attested as having been conquered by the Macedonians. 21-28. 1-2. 122 and deserves full credibility. 1987 (BAR Int. Cf. Price. but were evidently so close to warrant their equation by ancient authors.100. Fried. by several ancient authors. Diod. 44-45. cf. near the future Amphipolis. cf. – ibid. 4. C. cit.. 124 The new settlers portioned the surrounding territory in allotments. 1. Diod. 11. in the seventies and sixties of the fifth century. The story is told. Op. cit. cit. J. Antalia. Isaac.100.. M. Diod.100.2. Paus. although this was further north. Op.125 then venturing further inland 126 were defeated and presumably perished to the man... of the ten thousand Athenian colonists who had settled at Ennea Hodoi. M. 9.5.102.. 24-30.70.2. Kagan. 1. J. 123 Thuc.29. Thucydides (1. 1-10. Ennea Hodoi and Amphipolis were easily identified even with Myrcinus. 24-25.3) mentions explicitly that the occupied territory had belonged to the Edonians. The Decadrachm Hoard: Chronology and Consequences. cit.70. 124 The sites of Ennea Hodoi and Amphipolis might have been different.68. J.. in 465 B. B. H. 1. The Decadrachm hoard: an introduction.75. Next we come to what might be considered the most noteworthy event in the known history of the Edonians – the rout. the ten thousand colonists gathered among the Athenian citizens and the allies 123 advanced inland from Eion and settled on the site of Ennea Hodoi. Price. Oxford. 125 Diod. 1. Kagan.100. e. 126 Thuc. 122 Hdt.102.4-5. Op. 12.. Thuc.5. 120 The coins of the Bisalti in particular.1. Fried. Op. 11. Series 343). The Coinages of the Northern Aegean. 11. – ibid. H.3: μυρίους οἰκήτορας αὑτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων.70. S. 4. Coinage and Administration in the Athenian and Persian Empires. Thuc. are now to be dated entirely in the period after the defeat of the Persians. – In: I. 120 23 . together with The so-called “Decadrachm hoard” (alternatively known as the Elmali. g.3: ἐς μεσόγειαν.68.5: ὕστερον δὲ αὐτῶν ἀναβάντων εἰς Θρᾴκην. with little variations of detail. J.100. 12. 121 the Bisalti enjoyed then a span of particular prosperity and were evidently independent. The Athenian expedition was undertaken simultaneously with the suppression of the Thasian uprising and was lead by the strategi Sophanes the son of Eutychides and Leagros the son of Glaucon.and Lycia. 43-47. 1. Carradice (ed). 121 S. Thuc. ἃς εἶχον Ἠδωνοί.

Harpocr. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. v. Drabescus. 130 Thuc. 130 Pausanias adds the plausible detail that the Athenians were surprised by the enemy. civ. 1.68. Smith. 2229-2230 (s.5: ὑπὸ τῶν Ἠδωνῶν καλουμένων. Neapolis No 5.4: Ἠδωνοὶ. the Edonians alone according to Herodotus. Cf. including the gold mines mentioned by Herodotus.2: περὶ Δράβησκον. s. 9. Diod. 9. Herodotus says that the disaster took place at Daton in a battle for the gold mines there.100.127 while Thucydides and Diodorus place the battle at Drabescus. 127 24 .86: ἐν Δάτῳ.their generals. London. Hdt. 129 and a coalition. which Thucydides names as the place of the battle. v. 135 A. The two differently attested locations of the battle are however more difficult to explain. 134 W. Philippson in RE 4. 128 there is a further discrepancy in the indication of the victorious enemy. App. especially in view of the considerable number of the Athenians. 4. and would give a reasonable explanation to the various definitions in the extant sources. 131 Pausan 1. 4.75: ἐν Δάτῳ περὶ τῶν μετάλλων τῶν χρυσέων μαχόμενον. 133 Cf. London. 132 together with the traditional identification of Daton with Philippi 133 or Neapolis 134 or rather the whole plain of Philippi. “the united Thracians” according to Thucydides. 132 W.2: ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν.29. Drabescus has alternatively been identified with Zdravik (now renamed Draviskos) near Amphipolis. 1.29. 2. 1854. Isocr. 1854. However. Drabescus.2: ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν.3: ἐν Δραβησκῷ τῇ Ἠδωνικῇ.75: ὑπὸ Ἠδωνῶν. Cf. Cf. v.68. has formerly been identified with modern Drama. Δάτος. 129 Hdt. Diod. 11. 8. Daton). v. 135 this gave a reasonable solution to the problem. 131 A coalition including some of the neighbouring tribes and headed by the Edonians who were the main victim of the Athenian expansion seems probable in this war. 1. 12. with this the whole foundation at Ennea Hodoi collapsed. 128 Thuc.102. Smith. Diod. 12.4: ἀνέλπιστοι ἐπιθέμενοι. 439.70. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.105.100. Pausan 1.411 s.3: διεφθάρησαν … ὑπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ξυμπάντων.787 s. and the incredible one that they were struck by lightning.

138 and thus evidently different from the better attested synonymous region to the north-east and east of Mt. 4. 140 On the coins of Getas cf. L'hellénisme primitif de la Macédoine 136 25 . Σαμσάρη. 140 This claim results from the analysis of Δ.above the left bank of the Angites at the entrance of the gorge which the river cuts between the Pangaeum and Menikion mountains. 4. 136 A way out of the apparent contradiction between the localizations of Daton and Drabescus. civ. cit. 137 R. cf.2. – RE 4. Op.13. Strabo 7 fr. J. Philippson. N. Myrcinus and Drabescus as a place-name in the vicinity of the Στρυμονικóς κóλπος. Eighth and Ninth Books with Introduction and Commentary. 146-149. who suggested that Herodotus would have confounded the objective of the expedition (Daton) with the scene of the battle (Drabescus) which is conveniently placed at a difficult section of the road between Amphipolis and Philippi. bell.. C. 2229-2230. Macan. 139 Wherever the battle really took place. 1901. Svoronos. the main events of 465 B. Daton. seem out of question: the Athenians had attempted a major advance in the Strymon area... This would have been Getas. 33. this more recent identification seems also better founded and more consistent with the data in the extant sources. 1976. Θεσσαλονίκη. 139 App. Herodotus: The Seventh. F. known from a series of heavy silver coins bearing different versions of the inscription “Getas king of the Edonians”. App.105. Papazoglou. Op. In a recent development of our knowledge on one important source of information – the silver coins abundantly minted in the region in the late sixth and earlier fifth century B. Ιστορική γεωγραφία της Ανατολικής Μακεδονίας κατά την αρχαιοτήτα. cit. London. 138 Strabo 7. 137 Another possible solution however is suggested by a fragment of Strabo mentioning Daton alongside Argilus. 754-755.105. alternatively given by Herodotus and Thucydides as the site of the battle. W. costing the life of most or all of the ten thousand Greek colonists. has been proposed long ago by Stein. Δ. 1908. Σαμσάρη. and this was dramatically thwarted by the Edonians.33. Pangaeum. cf. 391-392. C. civ. 141-143 . it now seems possible to identify the king of the Edonians who won this great battle.

pl.. VIII/2. C. M. Berlin. The reverse types are two – a shallow quadripartite incuse square and a cross-spoked wheel in a rectangular incuse. 143 All three are reported in a “very fresh condition”. Kagan. cit. – In: Stephanos nomismatikos. Й. C. Монетите на македонските царе 1. 144 S. Op. 44. Op.. The common obverse type displays a naked herdsman capped with a petasos leading a couple of bulls usually to the right. Fried. 49-52. Loc. Price. Waggoner. Юрукова. and for that matter in all the coin hoards that can be dated with some certainty before Asyut. 1919 (extrait de JIAN 19). 22-25. Paris-Athènes. Монетите на тракийските племена и владетели. 142 S. 142 the closing date of the non-Lycian part of which is placed now around 465-462 B. ΓΕΤΑΣ ΗΔΟΝΕΟΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ. Geburtstag.. N. 144 It could be presumed that the coinage of Getas falls in the period immediately preceding the closing date of the hoard. Edith Schönert-Geiss zum 65. Op. H. thus around and before the mid-sixties of the fifth century B... 1998. There were no Getas coins in the Asyut hoard. closing around 475 B. and all three belong to the later type of the coins of Getas. there were three Getas coins in the later Decadrachm hoard. Price. with the inscription on the reverse. София. cit. 143 J. linear quadripartite incuse square. 141 M. around the four sides of a shallow. 14-15. cit. cit. Д. 613-626. both evolve from presumably earlier variants prouvé par la numismatique et l'or du Pangée. 2000. Op.datable coin hoards. Ямбол. 1992. 21-24. cit. 29. 26 . I/5. C. pl. Tatscheva. 2. 141 On the contrary. J. 120-121. M. Fried. having a weight of about 29 grams and usually measuring between 31 and 34 millimetres. The coins of Getas are tristaters by the weight system used in the North Aegean tribal coinage. Драганов.

the Athenians met with strong resistance from the “barbarians”. 147 Polyaen. Perdrizet. who could be no other than the Edonians. Derroni. Inst. Amphipolis. of Class. 1972 (=ΑΕΠ 13). No 10. 6. – RE 1.53.2.68. Δ. 7-24. this was in part the cause for the later easy change of sides. J. Op.. Cormack. and on uninscribed coins. Danoff. 314-315. Following the failure in 465 B. 1941. numismatical and archaeological data. the Athenian element being small. Λαζαρίδη. 1965. 392-397. P. along the sides of the incuse square. 145 27 . Diod. 146 On the history and archaeology of Amphipolis cf. X. Études amphipolitaines. O. – RE Suppl. strat. Thuc.102. F. 145 while the later history of the city is known from a combination of ancient texts with epigraphical. a single bull) could well belong to the coinage of Getas. 4. 147 Cf. Αθήνα. 17-19. – University of London. Σαμσάρη. C. and the cross-spoked wheel as a reverse type – on coins of the Ichnae and on numerous anepigraphic coins. 146 The population of the new establishment was to a large extent drawn from the neighbouring Greek cities. strat.. Eion – Amfipol – Hrisopol.where the inscription is on the obverse to later variants with inscriptions placed on the reverse. Papastavru. Similar obverse types appear on coins of the Orresci. J. 12. F. some of which by their obverse types (e.3-4. Αμφίπολις και Άργιλος. 1939. cit. O. Roger. 136-138. 1953. J. the Athenians at last succeeded in their repeated attempt to establish a strong outpost up the Strymon from their base at Eion. According to the stratagem of Polyaenus. – ZRVI 36/2. Op. Amphipolis. including fractions. The Lion of Amphipolis. – Der Kleine Pauly 1. 1894. Papazoglou. Δ. Beiheft 37]. Greek Inscriptions from Amphipolis. Amphipolis. Le monument de lion à l'Amphipole. In 437 B. Cambridge. Hirschfeld. 6. 1963. 1949-1952. Polyaen. 1936 [= Klio.. g. 1922. Amphipolis. cit. J. the merit belonging to the talented strategus Hagnon. – BCH 63. 4-42 . C. this time the operation ended in success. Ichnae. Geschichte und Prosopographie. Papastavru. Broneer. The foundation of Amphipolis is briefly noted in the written sources. Papazoglu. when Amphipolis defected to Brasidas. C. 36-57. which occupied a strategic and easily defendable position.53. but Hagnon outwitted them and put in place the fortifications of the city. – BCH 46. Leipzig. Studies Bull.

and the otherwise unknown Droi. The town came over to the side of Brasidas after its Edonian king Pittacus had been killed by the sons of Goaxis and Thuc. but could probably also be related in some way with the establishment of the Athenians in Amphipolis. C. 149 Steph. His detailed account of the dramatic events around Amphipolis in 424-422 B. 150 Among the events following immediately on the capture of Amphipolis Thucydides mentions a dramatic episode in near-by Edonian Myrcinus. In the winter of 424 B. and the Dersaeans. Byz. 150 The events in 424-422 are discribed in detail by Thucydides. However. the Odomanti. s. According to him. who inhabited the plains. however contains some further information on the Edonians.101. Παναῖοι. who would be rather far away from the scene of action if the localization suggested supra is correct. ὅσοι πεδία εἶχον. 149 But why should Thucydides mention the shadowy name of the Panaeans instead of the well-known one of the Edonians? Their appearance in this text not only implies some sort of political decentralization and autonomy. who are described by Stephanus Byzantinus as a constituent tribe of the Edonians living near Amphipolis. all of whom were independent. ἔθνος ᾿Ηδωνικὸν οὐ πόρρω ᾿Αμφιπόλεως. On second glance we notice the presence of the Panaeans (Παναῖοι). the great army of Sitalces inspired with fear the Thracians living beyond the Strymon to the north. 148 The evident fact is the omission of the Edonians from this enumeration. C. C. Brasidas attacked by surprise and successfully took Amphipolis. inflicting a very painful loss to Athenian interests. the Droi. 2. 148 28 . did not affect directly the territory of the Edonians. such as the Panaeans.3:ἐφοβήθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ πέραν Στρυμόνος πρὸς βορέαν Θρᾷκες. which mentions even the Dersaeans. v.The expedition of the Odrysian king Sitalces in 429 B. Παναῖοι καὶ ᾿Οδόμαντοι καὶ Δρῶοι καὶ Δερσαῖοι· αὐτόνομοι δ' εἰσὶ πάντες. but gave occasion for an interesting notice we find in the text of Thucydides. Thucydides says nothing more on the subject. The brief narrative of Diodorus is based on Thucydides and adds nothing of real importance. and never again mentions the name of the Panaeans in his work.

and his overthrow permitted the successors (the sons of Goaxis ?) to change sides. Who they were. 4. Would this not be identical with the territory of the Panaeans mentioned above.6. Discribing the actions of Brasidas early in 423 B. who lived near Amphipolis? The idea is further supported by the following piece of information we get from Thucydides: in 422 B.68. The result of the battle would have left the Edonians and the Greek city of Amphipolis in good relations for the ensuing period of time. C. Olophyxos and Dion. 153 Thuc. Acrothous. and why the queen Brauro sided with them against her husband. and we can only guess at their mutual relations. 152 The neighbouring Odomanti however took side with the Athenians and their king Polles supplied them with an unnamed number of mercenaries.his own wife Brauro. 5. 5. πελταστὰς καὶ ἱππέας· καὶ Μυρκινίων καὶ Χαλκιδέων χιλίους πελταστὰς εἶχε πρὸς τοῖς ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει. Cleonae. It is important to note however that Myrcinus evidently had a separate government. 151 The persons involved in this coup d’état are otherwise unknown.107. remains a mystery. these were inhabited by a mixed population composed of bilingual barbarians (ξυμμείκτοις ἔθνεσι βαρβάρων Thuc.. was evidently of pro-Athenian sympathies. Diod. Πιττακοῦ τοῦ Ἠδώνων βασιλέως ἀποθανόντος ὑπὸ τῶν Γοάξιος παίδων καὶ Βραυροῦς τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ.2. it evidently constituted an independent political entity at this time.6. Thyssos. before the battle of Amphipolis. 153 It is interesting to note how Myrcinus is again noted separately from the other Edonians. he lists the small towns on the peninsula of Athos. and separately another thousand peltasts from Edonian Myrcinus and the Chalcidians.. καὶ τοὺς Ἠδῶνας πάντας παρακαλῶν. in a passage which comes between the last two quoted instances.4. 12. The former king. C. Cf.3: καὶ Μύρκινός τε αὐτῷ προσεχώρησεν Ἠδωνικὴ πόλις. Brasidas recruited 1500 thracian mercenaries and the whole army of the Edonians comprising light infantry and cavalry.4: ἅμα δὲ καὶ παρεσκευάζετο Θρᾷκάς τε μισθωτοὺς πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους. Thucydides mentions the Edonians once more in his history. 152 Thuc. probably as the centre of a tribal area (Phyllis ?). 151 29 . Pittacus.

The picture drawn by Thucydides of the mixed communities of the Athos peninsula is often also taken to demonstrate a final stage in the processes of multiple migrations and ethnic displacement in the greater Chalcidic peninsula. the citizen army was defeated in regular battle after the “neighbouring Thracians” who had seemingly come to the aid of 154 Thuc. is the last we ever hear abot them as direct historical evidence relating to a certain time and chain of events. Abdera on the other hand met with unexpected disaster when the northern tribe of the Triballi reached the city in a plundering raid in 375. In the Chalcidic peninsula Olynthus went through its brief period of might and power as head of the Chalcidian league. Diod. but Greek Sane and Dion didn’t and Brasidas ravaged their territory. the Edonians there could accordingly be taken as remnants of those displaced from Mygdonia.5. C. comprising a small Chalcidic element. cf. the consistent efforts of the Athenians to regain Amphipolis however all failed. Crestonians and Edonians.4. if finally unsuccessful attempt to tecover her previous might. In the fourth century Athens recovered from its defeat in the Pelopponesian war and undertook a comprehensive. or earlier still by other groups on the move.109. 12. reflected in the long series of stamped amphorae in which the famous Thasian wine was exported om industrial scale in the fourth and third centuries. Potidaea and Eion remained the main bases of the active Athenian political activity in the area in the second quarter of the century. predominant Pelasgians (from the Tyrsenians who once inhabited Lemnos and Athens).διγλώσσων). although some of these would have affected their territory.68. 30 . Most of them submitted to Brasidas. The island of Thasos started a long period of economic prosperity and flourishing trade. the ethnic reality must have been much more versatile. 154 This singular picture of scattered ethnic elements living in mixed communities is in clear contradiction with the easily preconceived ideas of compact and definite tribal territories. and also some Bisalti. The little Thucydides says about the Edonians in the later fifth century B. 4. either soon before by the advance of the Macedonians in the fifth century.

preseded by the abberviated royal title BA. Bonias. Op. usually bearing the inscription ВЕРГ. appears the name of Spokes.). Юрукова. and only the timely arrival of an Athenian fleet saved the city from being taken and pillaged.155 The Edonians would have been directly affected by these events. although we have no evidence on their origin. or they could have taken part themselves in the plundering of the territory of Abdera. they are usually considered Odrysian rulers. C. Op. 158 And finally. Some coins minted in this period could eventually belong to Edonian rulers.. Berlin. This brings us to the time of Philip II. evidently another otherwise unknown local ruler. 104-106. Peter. An abundant silver coinage from about 400 B.the Abderites suddenly changed sides. 227246 and esp. 157 On the obverse of an abderite drachma from about 360 B. towards the middle of the century the coins of Cetriporis 159 recall the historical data of the brief rule of Berisades and his sons. 1997. 71. Die Muenzen der Thrakischen Dynasten (5-3 Jahrhundert v. Une inscription de l’ancienne Bergè. 43-47. 243). 159 Ibid. 2000. Bergaeus. he is not mentioned in written sources and his tribal affiliation is unknown. 68-70. The existence of silver drachms with the full inscription ΒΕΡΓΑΙΟΥ however make this suggestion 158 Й.36. in the years after the death of Cotys I. 156 Another local dynast. 15. cit. 157 U. 155 156 31 .1-4. possibly among the unnamed “neighbouring Thracians” who took part in the stratagem. C. cit. C. Z. might in fact belong to the city of Berge (cf. cit. although any more definite attribution remains impossible.. Й. and put an evident end to the independent history of the Thracian tribes in the Pangaeum area. 29.Chr. their territory could have been ravaged by the Triballian hordes. – BCH 124. Peter. It has been suggested that some or all of these coins. Юрукова. Op.. Diod. seems to have minted bronze and silver coins later in the fourth century B. of whom Cetriporis was presumably the eldest. established Philippi and Amphipolis as major centres of Macedonian power. who annexed the lands of the Edonians early in his reign. in the name of Saratocus was minted somewhere in the Pangaeum area. U.