Military Resistance

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5.20.13

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Military Resistance 11E13
THE LESSON HERE? DROP IT DOWN HIS SHORTS

[Thanks to SSG N (ret’d) who sent this in with caption.]

There It Is:
Afghanistan Now And Forever Plan:
Top American Senator Says The United States May Keep A Force Of 6,000 To 12,000 Troops In Afghanistan After 2014
May 19, 2013 Daily Pakistan Observer Washington --The United States may keep a force of 6,000 to 12,000 troops in Afghanistan after 2014, when Afghan forces will be responsible for security across the country, a top American Senator has said.

“We are planning to keep a force of perhaps 6,000 to 12,000 after 2014 when all combat forces are to be out of Afghanistan,” Senator Carl Levin, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said during a Congressional hearing.

AFGHANISTAN WAR REPORTS

Bend Soldier Killed In Afghanistan ReEnlisted Recently

Army Spc. Brandon J. Prescott, a 24-year-old soldier from Bend, was killed Saturday, May 4, 2013, by a roadside bomb in Afghanistan. (U.S. Army) May 7 By The Associated Press PORTLAND — The family of a Bend soldier killed by a roadside bomb last weekend said he had recently re-enlisted because he didn’t want to leave his unit. Spc. Brandon Joseph Prescott died Saturday along with four other Fort Bliss-based troops when an improvised explosive device struck the vehicle in the Maiwand district of Afghanistan’s Kandahar province. An Army statement Monday identified the others as Spc. Kevin Cardoza, of Mercedes, Texas; 1st Lt. Brandon James Landrum, of Lawton, Okla.; Spc. Thomas Paige Murach, of Meridian, Idaho; and Staff Sgt. Francis Gene Phillips IV, of Meridian, N.Y. All served in the 1st Battalion, 36th Infantry, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 1st Armored Division, based at Fort Bliss in El Paso, Texas, said Maj. Joe Buccino, the Army post’s spokesman. They were deployed in December for a nine-month assignment, and Prescott served as assistant team leader of his unit. The 24-year-old was due to return home in September but had already signed up for another three years in the Army, his twin brother, Aaron, told The Oregonian newspaper . Aaron spoke to his brother four hours before he was killed. “He was a hero and an inspiration for all of us,” Aaron Prescott said. “Before he left for Afghanistan, he told us that if he died, he wanted us to be proud of him and hold our heads up because we know he was doing something he loved.” Prescott grew up in Dana Point, Calif., and graduated from Dana Hills High School in 2006. Two years later, their mother, Tracey Prescott, moved the brothers to Bend, where he took classes at Central Oregon Community College. Their father, Joseph Prescott, lives in Montgomery, Texas. There were two sets of twin boys in the family: Aaron and Brandon, and Jake and Josh, 23. Aaron, Jake and Tracey Prescott were traveling to Dover, Del., to claim their brother’s remains. Tracey Prescott described Brandon as a selfless, humble man who loved his family and the beach. “I’m a broken woman right now,” Tracey Prescott said. “I’m sad and angry, but also very, very proud of my son.”

Powerful Blast Hits Governor’s Compound In Northern Afghanistan
May 19, 2013 Press TV

Several people are feared dead or injured after a huge explosion rocked a governor’s compound in northern Afghanistan, Press TV reports. Afghan security sources said the explosion took place in the vicinity of the governor’s compound in the capital city of Sar-e Pol Province in the country’s north on Sunday evening. The blast happened in a parking lot located very close to the compound. Eyewitnesses say thick plumes of smoke were seen rising from the governor’s complex. There were no immediate reports of casualties from the bomb attack and no group immediately claimed responsibility for the incident.

POLITICIANS REFUSE TO HALT THE BLOODSHED THE TROOPS HAVE THE POWER TO STOP THE WAR

FORWARD OBSERVATIONS

“At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. Oh had I the ability, and could reach the nation’s ear, I would, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. “For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. “We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake.” “The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppose.” Frederick Douglass, 1852

Wars throughout history have been waged for conquest and plunder and it is the working class who fights all the battles, the working class who makes the supreme sacrifices, the working class who freely sheds their blood and furnishes their corpses, and it is they who have never yet had a voice - in either declaring war or making peace. It is the ruling class that invariably does both. They alone declare war. They are continually talking about patriotic duty. It is not their patriotic duty but your patriotic duty that they are concerned about. Their patriotic duty never takes them to the firing line or chucks them into the trenches. -- Eugene V. Debs

“The Courts Have Issued Several Judgments Which For The First Time Permit The Distribution Of Political Literature Within Military Installations”
“In A Sweeping First Amendment Decision, The Court Declared That The Military Did Not Have The Right To Restrict Access To Parts Of An Installation Generally Open To The Public”

From: SOLDIERS IN REVOLT: DAVID CORTRIGHT, Anchor Press/Doubleday, Garden City, New York, 1975. [Now available in paperback from Haymarket Books] ******************************** We have seen numerous examples in which not a lack of authority but its very excessiveness have increased dissension and unrest. Stern discipline has frequently only exacerbated internal difficulties and strengthened GI resistance. Servicemen rooted in a society increasingly skeptical of authority and established institutions must inevitably rebel against the arbitrary punitive methods of the military establishment. The present, medieval system is also fundamentally incompatible with the changed nature of modem military forces. The increasing pace of technological change and introduction of new and sophisticated military job specialties have changed the demands of military service, requiring greater abilities and more individual, initiative on the part of each soldier. Military discipline and training, derived from times when armies had to be forced into open fire in mass infantry lines, can only impede the individual responsibility required in many modern military occupations. Moreover, an increasing number of servicemen work in a bureaucratic or technical environment similar to that found in many civilian jobs. Indeed, many now live off post and commute to their forty-hour-a-week military job very much in the manner of the average civilian. To claim that strict disciplined is necessary for proper job performance is absurd.

*********************************** One of the most controversial subjects of military reform is the administrative discharge system. Nearly five hundred thousand Vietnam-era veterans have received less-than-honorable separations, often resulting in a lifelong barrier to GI benefits and decent employment. Since adaptability to the military has little or no relation to one’s ability to function in civilian life, the permanent deprivations of a “bad” discharge constitute a vindictive and senseless form of oppression. Given the frequency with which commanders resorted to discharges as a means of eliminating political opponents, many punitively released veterans must be counted among those who resisted the military and the Vietnam War. Similarly, the disproportionate number of blacks who received “bad” discharges were often leading activists in the GI movement and in many cases were victims of overt discrimination and repression. ***************************** Some may object that proposals for military democracy are hopelessly utopian, that military authorities will never yield to demands for GI rights. While the ultimate goals of the GI movement are admittedly distant, the resistance effort has not been without impact. Indeed, the pressures of continuous political struggle have resulted in important gains in recent years. Perhaps the clearest example of progress in the campaign for enlisted rights is the increasing influence of civilian federal courts in the affairs of military discipline — what might be termed “the civilianization of military law.” In the past decade, servicemen have pushed relentlessly for Bill of Rights protections, and, through an unprecedented wave of GI court suits, have persuaded federal judges to assume jurisdiction over many crucial areas of military justice. The vaguely worded catch-alls, Articles 133 and 134, have been seriously challenged; court-martial defendants have won the right to individual counsel; various unjust and discriminatory regulations have been nullified; the right to onpost distribution of political literature has been granted; etc. The intrusion of civilian legal standards into the world of the military marks an important and potentially fundamental change in the nature of military law.

There have been literally hundreds of GI court cases, and it would be impossible for us to discuss even a fraction of them here. Rather, we shall review a few of the recent landmark decisions with greatest consequence. One of the most important of these involved two Fort Ord soldiers, Don Amick and Ken Stolte, who in 1968 distributed a leaflet urging fellow GIs to join an anti-war union. The two were court-martialed under Article 134 for “disloyal statements” and sentenced to three years in prison. In January 1973, however, Washington Federal District Judge Aubrey Robinson ruled that the Army had incorrectly interpreted the article in charging the two and threw out their convictions. The Robinson decision was extended two months later, when a Washington Appeals Court declared that Article 134 was in fact unconstitutional because of vagueness and inadequate standards of guilt. The case involved Marine Pfc Marl Avreeh, who had been convicted in Da Nang, during 1969, of anti-war activities. The courts have issued several judgments which for the first time permit the distribution of political literature within military installations. In November of 1972, the Supreme Court ruled that the conviction of antiwar activist Tom Flower for distributing literature at Fort Sam Houston was unconstitutional. In a sweeping First Amendment decision, the court declared that the military did not have the right to restrict access to parts of an installation generally open to the public. In a following case, Jenness v. Forbes, a Rhode Island district court decided that Socialist Workers Party candidate Linda Jenness could not be prevented from distributing political literature at Quonset NAS.

Where We Are Now:
“At A Certain Stage Of Their Development, The Material Productive Forces Of Society Come Into Conflict With The Property Relations Within The

Framework Of Which They Have Hitherto Operated”
“From Forms Of Development Of The Productive Forces These Relations Turn Into Their Fetters”
“At That Point An Era Of Social Revolution Begins”
Preface To A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Karl Marx, 1859 [Excerpt] In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite, necessary relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production corresponding to a determinate stage of the development of their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which there arises a legal and political superstructure and to which there correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual lifeprocess in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but on the contrary it is their social being that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or – what is merely a legal expression for the same thing – with the property relations within the framework of which they have hitherto operated. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. At that point an era of social revolution begins. With the change in the economic foundation, the whole immense superstructure is more slowly or more rapidly transformed. In considering such transformations it is always necessary to distinguish between the material transformation of the economic conditions of production, which can be determined with the precision of natural science, and the legal, political, religious, artistic or philosophic – in short, ideological forms in which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it out.

Just as one does not judge an individual by what he thinks about himself, so one cannot judge such a period of transformation by its consciousness, but, on the contrary, this consciousness must be explained from the contradictions of material life, from the conflict existing between the social forces of production and the relations of production. A social order never perishes before all the productive forces for which it is broadly sufficient have been developed, and new superior relations of production never replace older ones before the material conditions for their existence have matured within the womb of the old society. Mankind thus inevitably sets itself only such tasks as can solve, since closer examination will always show that the task itself arises only when the material conditions for its solution are already present or at least in the process of formation.

Rage Against The Machine’s USO Concert Convinces Entire Audience To Defect:
“Half An Hour Later Kandahar International Airport Was Under Control Of Rebel Forces”

19 May 2013 by drew, The Duffel Blog

KANDAHAR, AFGHANISTAN — A Rage Against the Machine USO reunion tour took an unexpected turn Sunday after the entire audience defected and swore allegiance to the Taliban, sources reported. Opening with their hit “Wake Up” to cheers from the audience, the song later reached the final verse, with the lyrics: “Through counter-intelligence it should be possible to pinpoint potential trouble-makers … And neutralize them, neutralize them, neutralize them,” as the audience screamed in elation. “Neutralize them! That’s what we do motherfuckers!” Private First Class Nathan Jackson shouted along with other soldiers. “Neutralize this, asshole!” he screamed, taking off his reflective belt and throwing it at a nearby Staff Sergeant. He then began to rock so hard he shoved his hands in his pockets. Nearby non-commissioned officers realized they needed to calm the crowd, and did so by bringing out Tyler Jay Satterfield to play calmer music. Opening with the popular EAS Song, Jay caused the crowd to start chanting “Never Re-up! Terminal Lance!” After Jay left the stage, Rage began a cover of Anti-flag’s “Die for the Government,” where singer Zach de la Rocha repeated the line “You’re gonna die for the government, die for your country that’s shit” four times. Soldiers in the audience became rowdy as their hearts and minds were swayed by the music. “That’s right!” Jackson screamed, “I will never pledge allegiance to their flag!” Despite the troops swearing to defend the flag when they enlisted, the crowd began to riot as security guards attempted to quell the growing violence. After realizing they were supporting a fascist government, soldiers began firing their weapons in the air. A First Sergeant tried to calm the crowd but spontaneously combusted after an entire platoon took off their eye protection and threw into a bonfire. “Death to the war pigs!” de la Rocha shouted, whipping the crowd into a frenzy. Soldiers tore their uniforms off and disavowed all ties to the United States. Half an hour later Kandahar International Airport was under control of rebel forces. After overthrowing the tyrannical rule of an elected president, the rebels asked de la Rocha what to do. “Um, why are you asking me?” La Rocha said. “I sold out years ago.” When word of the riot reached Gen. Joseph Dunford, commander of US forces in Afghanistan, he simply shook his head and asked “who the hell thought that was a good idea?”

At press time, Dunford had signed an order limiting all USO tours to shitty country music bands.

DO YOU HAVE A FRIEND OR RELATIVE IN THE MILITARY?

U.S. soldier in Beijia village Iraq, Feb. 4, 2008. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)

Forward Military Resistance along, or send us the email address if you wish and we’ll send it regularly with your best wishes. Whether in Afghanistan or at a base in the USA, this is extra important for your service friend, too often cut off from access to encouraging news of growing resistance to injustices, inside the armed services and at home. Send email requests to address up top or write to: Military Resistance, Box 126, 2576 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10025-5657.

OCCUPATION PALESTINE

Usual Zionist Terror Mob Stones Palestinian Children
May 17, 2013 by Saed Bannoura - IMEMC & Agencies Thursday May 16 2013, a number of extremist Israeli settlers attacked several schoolchildren in Orif village, south of the northern West Bank city of Nablus.

Local sources reported that the settlers hurled stones at the students as they were leaving their school in the village, The terrified children ran away, some suffered anxiety attacks, the sources said. In related news, extremist settlers invaded the Einabous village, south of Nablus, and tried to burn a local school. Eyewitnesses said that local villagers noticed the settlers who ran away leaving behind fuel and matches.

13 Year-Old Palestinian Boy Beaten By Usual Zionist Terror Mob

The young Qaryut boy here has his entire right leg in a cast, expecting potential surgery (photo: ISM) 16th May 2013, International Solidarity Movement, Team Nablus Qaryut, Occupied Palestine At about 2pm on 16 May, a 13 year-old boy was shot at and beaten by settlers; he broke bones in his leg running from the shots at him and from being beaten. After falling, the boy was threatened with his life by settlers, but soldiers arrived and stopped the settlers from killing him before threatening the young boy with three guns while he lay injured and immobile on the ground. Initial medical attention was not allowed during the time Israeli soldiers had taken the boy into their custody, implying that he would be treated in an Israeli ambulance.

However, three hours later, the boy had to be picked up, untreated, by the Red Crescent and taken to Rafidia hospital in Nablus. When solidarity activists saw the boy, his entire right leg was wrapped in a cast.

Nablus’ Rafidia Hospital took this X-ray showing the teenager’s broken bones from his attack (photo: ISM)

Later he described that he was sitting on his land which is close to an illegal Israeli settlement bordering Qaryut and famous for attacks such as olive tree torching. Settlers shot at him and he ran from the shots. When he fell, the settlers beat him and were going to kill him, but soldiers arrived and told the settlers could not. Afterwards, the soldiers also shouted at the boy with guns pointed at him. The boy may undergo surgery for his broken bones. Just two days before this attack, Qaryut faced an olive tree torching attack from another nearby illegal Israeli settlement and the village has a history of well-documented settler attacks on its land. In addition, Israeli military have closed a Qaryut road to Nablus and Ramallah for Palestinian use as the road is not far from illegal Israeli settlements on Qaryut land. Currently, 15 mostly young Qaryut men have been arrested for activism in peaceful demonstrations against the key road’s closure.

“His House Is Attacked By Israeli Settlers At Least Two Times Per Week And Has Been Vandalised Over 100 Times”
“When We See The Settlers, We Send The Children To Another House. We’re Afraid. There Is No Safety”
“It Is My Father And Grandfather’s Land, But Now Settlers Are Planting, And I Can’t Even Enter It. They Want To Confiscate The Land And Houses”
“The Government And The Settlers Are One”
May 19, 2013 By Jillian Kestler-D’Amours, Inter Press Service [Excerpts] ASIRA AL-QIBLIYA, Occupied West Bank, May 16 2013 Ibrahim Makhlouf reaches for two wooden planks lying in the hallway and places them expertly in an L-shape along the seams of his front door. “Open (the door),“ he beckons, knowing that doing so is nearly impossible. “Every night, we put this here,” he explains. “For the settlers.” Makhlouf’s home sits on the outskirts of the West Bank village of Asira Al-Qibliya, only 500 metres from the illegal Israeli settlement outpost of Shalhevet Farm, an offshoot of the equally illegal settlement of Yitzhar. Makhlouf told IPS that his house is attacked by Israeli settlers at least two times per week and has been vandalised over 100 times. The windows on Makhlouf’s two-story

home all have bars on the outside to prevent them from shattering when settlers throw stones.

Ibrahim Makhlouf stands on the roof of his home in the West Bank, from where he can see the Israeli settlement outpost of Shalhevet Farm. Credit: Jillian Kestler-D’Amours/IPS

“When we see the settlers, we send the children to another house. What can we do?” Makhlouf, who lives with his wife and six children, said. “We’re afraid. There is no safety.” Since the Shalhevet Farm outpost was established in 1999, Makhlouf said he has been barred from accessing some 16 dunams of his family’s land, which was traditionally used to plant figs, grapes, olives and other trees, and from using a freshwater spring. “It is my father and grandfather’s land, but now settlers are planting, and I can’t even enter it. They want to confiscate the land and houses and control the whole area to extend their settlements,” Makhlouf said. “The (Israeli) government encourages them, with money and protection from the soldiers,” he added. “The government and the settlers are one.” 38-year-old Munir Jibreel Qaddous, a farmer from the West Bank village of Burin, told IPS about being viciously attacked by Israeli settlers in 2011, while the Israeli army and police looked on and did nothing. White caravans of the settlement outpost of Bracha B, an extension of the Bracha settlement, overlook much of Burin’s farmland, and settlers regularly vandalise Palestinian property and attack their homes in the village, Qaddous explained.

Data collected by Yesh Din shows that between 2005-2012, over 91 percent of complaints filed by Palestinians against acts of Israeli settler violence were closed without an indictment. Of this, 84 percent were closed due to the Israeli police’s failure to properly investigate the crimes. According to Israeli human rights group Yesh Din, some outposts aim "to create Jewish continuity and connect isolated settlements with settlement blocs, in order to prevent future evacuation. Even though each of these outposts is home to only a few dozens of families, the outposts can completely control the land or the road around it."

TROOPS INVITED:
Comments, arguments, articles, and letters from service men and women, and veterans, are especially welcome. Write to Box 126, 2576 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10025-5657 or email contact@militaryproject.org: Name, I.D., withheld unless you request publication. Same address to unsubscribe.

“I Am Not Allowed To Go There Anymore, But I Still Think About My Village After All These Years”
“Al-Qastina Crosses My Mind Very Often”
“It Doesn’t Make Sense That I Cannot Be In My Home, On My Land, In The Place Where I Grew Up”
“I Still Dream Of The Days Of The Land"

Ghatheyya Mifleh al-Khawalda (80) was 15 years old when she fled her home during the Nakba of 1948

Ghatheyya dotes on her 15-month-old grandson, Saleh May 15, 2013 The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) [Excerpt]

Today is Nakba Day, the day on which Palestinians mourn the loss of their homeland in 1948. 65 years ago, in May of 1948, Ghatheyya Mifleh al-Khawalda was a carefree 15-year-old girl who lived with her mother and sister in the village of al-Qastina in Mandatory Palestine, when they were forced, along with the rest of their village, to flee in the face of imminent threat from Jewish militias. For some time, the people of al-Qastina had received word of terrible attacks against other villages nearby, in which many had died. Fearing a similar fate, they left their home, and would never return to live there again. They became victims of what is referred to as the Nakba, meaning ‘catastrophe’, the mass forced displacement of Palestinians from their homes in order to make way for citizens of the Jewish State of Israel which would be established soon afterwards. Yet, Ghatheyya still dreams of her home in al-Qastina. She has had the chance to see her old village several times since 1948, passing through the town in taxis in the 1980s and early 1990s, when accompanying her daughter to Jordan for medical treatment. "The first time I asked the taxi driver to bring me there, he refused, saying it was too far out of the way. “After that, I would pretend I was only going to al-Qastina, to make sure that the driver would bring me there and I could see my home. I didn’t have time to try to find my old house, as we would just pass down the main street in the car. “Sometimes, the driver would only drive on the highway nearby, so I just saw the outline of the village. “Of course, I recognised my home, although the only place that was still the same was an old car garage. “I am not allowed to go there anymore, but I still think about my village after all these years. “Al-Qastina crosses my mind very often. “It doesn’t make sense that I cannot be in my home, on my land, in the place where I grew up. “I still dream of the days of the land." [To check out what life is like under a murderous military occupation commanded by foreign terrorists, go to: www.rafahtoday.org The occupied nation is Palestine. The foreign terrorists call themselves “Israeli.”]

DANGER: POLITICIANS AT WORK

CLASS WAR REPORTS

Red Brigade Confronts India Sex Criminals:
Group Of Delhi Women Enforces Its Own Vigilante Style Of Justice, Even Using Physical Intimidation Against Harassers:
“The Red Brigade Has Been Elevated From A Gang Of Slum Women Looking To Cause Trouble, To Empowered Women Who Can Help Their Community”
“They’ve Drilled Into Their Low-Cast Low- Income Community That Girls Are Important, And Taught Them That They Deserve Justice If They Are Attacked In Any Way”
[Thanks to Alan Stolzer, Military Resistance Organization, who sent this in.] 17 May 2013 by Divya Gopalan, Al Jazeera [Excerpts] The December 16 gang-rape in Delhi sparked protests across the country and opened India’s eyes to atrocities committed against women and girls on a daily basis. The demonstrations and media scrutiny forced the government to respond. It drew up a new sexual offences bill that updated the archaic piece of judiciary that once constituted as laws to protect women.

The police also came in the spotlight, partly for their failings in investigating the violence. But more importantly, for an issue that is prevalent across the country - refusal to register complaints of sexual assault. But what’s most apparent is that any change will take years, and there is no interest in changing how India’s police operate in the rest of the country’s states. The reality is, little has changed for Indian women and girls. Aside from a media far more willing to expose sexual attacks on minors, females aren’t any safer, or any more likely to get justice. For one group though, there has been a transformation in the past few months. Usha Vishwakarma, a 25-year-old teacher in a slum area, started Red Brigade after her colleague tried to rape her. She managed to escape, but when she tried to report the incident, she was told by her school and the police to stop making a fuss. She later found out that almost all her students had been sexually abused. They faced anything from daily harassment, like cat calls and molestation, to rape. She realised that the community preferred to remain silent, and the police weren’t interested in taking any action. Instead the victims’ parents would pull their daughters out of school to keep them "safe". The Red Brigade started off as a group that enforced its own vigilante style of justice. If a girl or a woman was assaulted in any way, the group would confront the perpetrator. If he didn’t respond, they would tell his parents and family, and if that didn’t have any impact, they would use physical intimidation. All the Red Brigade girls are trained in martial arts. Here’s the transformation I mentioned earlier: When they started, they received little recognition. In fact they were ostracised and called "Call girls" and other demeaning names. Mothers would warn their daughters to stay away from the group, while men, intimidated by them, would spread nasty rumours about them. But since December, when in India it was suddenly OK to talk about sexual abuse, the Red Brigade has been elevated from a gang of slum women looking to cause trouble, to empowered women who can help their community. In fact just a couple of weeks ago they won a national bravery award. And rightly so.

The group has grown, and to their credit, they’ve managed to get dozens of girls back into schools. They’ve drilled into their low-cast low- income community that girls are important, and taught them that they deserve justice if they are attacked in any way. Boys and men in their slum in Madiyav, are now more wary of harassing their neighbours. In fact, according to the group, the number of assaults and molestations have decreased. Usha wants to take her message further. She wants other communities to adopt their model of empowering females. And it seems there is much interest. All the members of the Red Brigade are planning to continue their education. They plan to be doctors, lawyers, and policewomen, but ultimately members of society - women who can fend for themselves and give back to their community. Two Red Brigade members tell their stories: Lakshmi, 16: When eve teasing in our area started to increase, we didn’t know what to do. If we complained, we’d be told to stay home and stop our education, which we did not want. So some of us got together and we found out that it’s happening to all of us. We decided we should stand together against the boys that were demeaning us. If the police were receptive, strong and powerful we would not have needed our group to fight against the molestation. Pinky, 17: When I was in 9th grade, my school principal tried to touch me while pretending to teach me to tie my tie. He was known for touching other girls, too, but when they told their parents they were taken out of school. I told Usha about this as I didn’t want to be pulled out of school. She confronted the principal. But he stayed, and I had to leave the school. I ended up doing my board exams on my own.

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Vietnam GI: Reprints Available
[THEY STOPPED AN IMPERIAL WAR]

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