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Anderson Review of Educational Research, Vol. 59, No. 3. (Autumn, 1989), pp. 249-270.
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Review of Educational Research Fall 1989, Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 249-270
Critical Ethnography in Education: Origins, Current Status, and New Directions
Gary L. Anderson
University of New Mexico
Interpretivist movements in anthropology and sociology have recently merged with neo-hfarxist and feminist theory to produce a unique genre of research in the field of education known as "critical ethnography." Critical ethnographers seek research accounts sensitive to the dialectical relationship between the social structural constraints on human actors and the relative autonomy of human agency. Unlike other intrrpretivist research, the overridinggoal of critical ethnography is to free individuals from sources of domination and repression. This review traces the development of critical ethnography in education, including a brief discussion of its view of validitj.; discusses its current status as a research genre; and describes criticisms and suggests new directions.
Critical ethnography in the field of education is the result of the following dialectic: On one hand, critical ethnography has grown out of dissatisfaction with social accounts of "structures" like class, patriarchy, and racism in which real human actors never appear. On the other hand, it has grown out of dissatisfaction with cultural accounts of human actors in which broad structural constraints like class, patriarchy, and racism never appear. Critical theorists in education have tended to view ethnographers as too atheoretical and neutral in their approach to research. Ethnographers have tended to view critical theorists as too theory driven and biased in their research. And so it goes. This methodological and theoretical debate in the field of education parallels a reassessment of dominant ideas and methodologies under way in the social sciences and humanities. Geertz's (1983) phrase "blurred genres" characterizes the fluid borrowing that has occurred across disciplines, bringing with it new perspectives and new debates in educational research. In this review I trace the development of critical ethnography in the field of education, including a brief discussion of its view of validity; discuss its current status as a research genre; and describe criticisms and suggest new directions. In the social sciences, the political and intellectual ferment of the 1960s challenged the grand theories and methodological orthodoxy of a previous generation. In sociology the Parsonian notions of function and system equilibrium have been viewed by many as too ihistorical and apolitical to do justice to the richness and diversity of social life. In anthropology, analysis shifted away from taxonomic descriptions of behavior and social structure toward thick descriptions and interpretations of symbol and meaning. And, everywhere, research methods tied to the
The author wishes to thank Ann Nihlen. Paul Pohland, and the reviewers for their suggestions.
Of all the qualitative research traditions available. Anderson assumptions of a positivism borrowed from the natural sciences are increasingly viewed as incapable of providing conceptually sophisticated accounts of social reality. Rist (1973). and linguistics. and Mamism. Smith and Geoffrey (1968). Critical Ethnography and Education In the field of education. Influenced by phenomenology. structuralism. 1988. Current theoretical and methodological dissatisfaction has led to a resurgence of interest in intellectual traditions such as phenomenology. critical ethnography is the result of the convergence of two largely independent trends in epistemology and social theory. the current situation. feminism. 1987). Critical ethnography as a form of representation and interpretation of social reality is one of the many methodological experiments that have grown out of the ferment. p. interpretive ethnographers in anthropology raised fundamental questions about both the practice of ethnography and the nature of culture. Wolcott (1973). Tracing their lineage to Malinowski's (1922) concern with "the native's point of view." they engaged in discussions of the nature of "local knowledge" and viewed social life as consisting of negotiated meanings (Geertz. Jackson (1968). broad paradigms and grand theories are increasingly found lacking in their ability to provide guidance in asking and answering persistent and seemingly intractable social questions. 1980. 1983). 34). the ethnography "movement" began in the field of education during the late 1960s and early 1970s. although chaotic. In periods when grand theories are in disarray. Within disciplines and fields generally. Jacob. Henry (1963). Smith and Keith (1971). and others provided examples of the genre that later educational ethnographers would emulate. and discursive forms of representation themselves. Delamont. (P 9) Thus. ethnography most captured the imagination of researchers in the field of education (Atkinson. Ogbu (1974). Although ethnographies of schooling have been done by a small group of anthropologists for some time. Critical ethnography also owes a great debt to interpretive movements in the fields of anthropology and sociology. The works of Cusick (1973). What characterizes the present postpositivist world of the social sciences is a continued attack on positivism with no single clearly conceived alternative.Gary L. 1973. qualitative sociologists were intensifying their epistemological attack on the pervasiveness of positivist assump- . According to Marcus and Fischer (1986). a new paradigm challenges the dominant paradigm in the field. In most accounts by historians of science. to problems of epistemology. The epistemological movement was the result of a shift in research paradigms within the field of education that reflected an attempt to "break out of the conceptual cul-de-sac of quantitative methods" (Rist. attention turns to epistemological issues and modes of representation. 8). is also full of opportunity. hermeneutics. & Hammersley. hermeneutics. interpretation. The most interesting theoretical debates in a number of fields have shifted from the level of substantive theoretical issues to the level of method. semiotics. While interpretivists in anthropology were shifting their attention from the functionalist notions of systems maintenance and equilibrium to what Geertz (1983) called "the analysis of symbol systems" (p.
197 1. Lacan. 1974. Cole. 1977. This is vital to my purposes where I view the cultural. 1961). 1971. 1964. This "critical" thrust would raise serious questions about the role of schools in the social and cultural reproduction of social classes. not simply as a set of transferred internal structures (as in the usual notions of socialization) nor as the passive result of the action of dominant ideology downwards (as in certain kinds of Marxism).Genovese. At the same time the ethnography "movement" was beginning in education. The result of the interpretivist movements in both disciplines was to highlight the importance of symbolic action and "to place human actors and their interpretive and negotiating capacities at the centre of analysis" (Angus. Analyses of economic and patriarchal determinism were increasingly viewed as inadequate social explanations for persistent social class. Chodorow. In sociology the traditions of symbolic interactionism and ethnomethodology provided legitimation for ethnographic methods. They accelerated the search for representations of social reality capable of providing social explanations sensitive to the complex relationship between human agency and social structure. 1976. 1970. 1972. Habermas. Orthodox Marxist conceptions of false consciousness and economic determinism had long been under attack by the Frankfort School critical theorists. creativity and human agency within the object of study to come through into the analysis and the reader's experience. The British "new sociology" had already produced several prototypes for a dialectical representation of social structure and human agency (McRobbie & Garber. 1977. 1972. and racial and ethnic prejudice. 3-4) Thus. race. Oakley. Bernstein. ethnography allowed Willis to view the working-class adolescents who were his cultural informants as more than victims of "false consciousness": He viewed them as rational social actors who understood or "penetrated" the structural constraints on their social class but who nevertheless. 1979. 1986a. 1953. adopted the attitudes that condemned them to a . 1975. 1971. Marcuse. Also. Lukacs. 1975. but the methodological implications of their critique were generally left unclear. through their very resistance to the dominant school culture. 1978. Giddens. 197 1. (pp. The ethnographic account. and gender inequities. Bourdieu & Passeron. Willis (1977) described how ethnography provides a methodological vehicle for theoretical advances in Marxism. without always knowing how. 1983) were a watershed.Critical Ethnography tions in their field. 1975. Gramsci. Braverman. Bowles and Gintis's (1976) impressive structuralist account of the role of American schooling in social reproduction and the theoretical and epistemological critiques that followed it (Cohen & Rosenberg. p. Both interactionists and ethnomethodologists were concerned with social interaction as a means of negotiating meanings in context. Poulantzas. Jameson. 6 1). "neo-Marxist" and feminist social theorists in other disciplines were producing works that soon would make their way into American educational discourse (Althusser. Willis. Williams. Foucault. but at least in part as the product of collective human praxis. de Beauvoir. Sharp & Green. Freire. Horkheimer. can allow a degree of the activity. 1977. The interpretivists' focus on human agency and local knowledge appealed greatly to many neo-Marxists and feminists who were trapped in the theoretical cul-de-sac of overdeterminism. Millet. 197 1 . 1972. 1971 . 1974. 1977). gender roles.
ambitions. They are often viewed with skepticism not only by the educational research establishment. The elaborate data analysis procedures of ethnographic semantics (Spradley. 1982. often even invoking the language of positivism to do so (Goetz & LeCompte. Critical Ethnography and the Issue of Validity Throughout the development of critical ethnography as a research genre. To the extent that they suggest that the final analysis is more the result of methodological rigor than the creative act of researcher interpretation. The resulting theory of resistance or cultural production and the emphasis on human "agency" or "praxis" is echoed by critical feminists: Insofar as a deterministic emphasis served to underscore the larger structural facticity of women's oppression by demonstrating how women's personalities. . .Gary L. Kirk & Miller. they are attempts to fit ethnography into a positivistic framework. while anthropologists have been moving in the direction of experimentation with more "literary" approaches to ethnography (Clifford & Marcus." To the extent that these procedures provide the reader with a record of the decision-making process that produced the final analysis. behaviors and role acquisitions are products of patriarchal culture and patriarchal institutions. . 1980) and microethnography (Green & Wallet. had to work hard to legitimate their methods to the educational research establishment. at once. 1986. it will replace the positivistic methods of conventional sociology with those of a critical ethnography which attempts. pp. This uneasy alliance raised serious questions about the compatibility of theory-driven social agendas on one hand and phenomenological research methods on the other. concrete realities which women and men create and share. Ironically. A critical feminism will attempt to overcome the aforementioned inadequacies of gender-role research in two primary ways. . 1981. 1985).' were well entrenched among a small segment of American educational researchers. Epistemologically and methodologically. 1988). they are valuable. (DiIorio. To many. both an epistemological contradiction and an inevitability. albeit differentially. their mamage seemed. but also by fellow . Van Maanen. The longstanding practice of ethnography in anthropology has provided many educational researchers with a legitimate methodological tradition. 1979. 1981) have been particularly popular in education because they lend legitimacy to ethnographic accounts and protect educational ethnographers from accusations of mere "story telling. Nonetheless. educational researchers have been moving to systematize ethnographic research in an attempt to make it more scientific." Educational researchers using qualitative methods have. it is now time to move beyond such models to explore more critically the relationship between macrostructural conditions and the immediate. 22-23) As the 1980s began. it was extremely significant. ethnographic methods. however. Metatheoretically.. perhaps its most serious methodological challenge has been the "validity issue.to probe the lived-realities of human actors and the conditions informing both the construction and possible transformation of these realities. attitudes. it will seek to eliminate assumptions of a micro-macro dualism in its analysis of social arrangements and social life by focusing analysis upon the interpenetration of structure and consciousness in the situations and relationships of everyday life. over the years. Anderson life of factory labor. Critical ethnographers are in a double bind. as well as critical theory and critical feminism.
Critical Ethnography ethnographers who have taken care to build procedures for "objectivity" into their work (see the critique of Willis by Hammersley & Atkinson. Critical ethnographers. to use Geertz's (1973) expression. analytic categories that are not viewed wholistically become ideological in that they lead to the reproduction of a particular set of social relationships. 13). their attempt to locate their respondents' meanings in larger impersonal systems of political economy. "can be seen not as concepts designed for the analytic description of what surrounds us. p. therefore." "dropouts. 1979. and to seek understanding. can be accused of merely participating in the reproduction of this social form. but systematically and critically unveiled" (Thompson. That is. p. Rather. 1985a. (For a more complete discussion of these issues than will be found in this review. attempt to ensure that participants in research "are not naively enthroned. Simon & Dippo. . 1986b. This view is not limited to cultural informants but is also applied to the social science constructs employed by ethnographers. see Angus. according to critical ethnographers. critical ethnographers in education do not view such categories as "giftedness." "political. and the resulting conceptual "front-endedness" of much of their research raises validity issues beyond those of mainstream naturalistic research. critical ethnographers engage in standard practices associated with what Lincoln and Guba (1985) called the "trustworthiness" of ethnographic research. 1982. such as member checking and triangulation of data sources and methods. 1986a." "public relations. they are." "effective" schools. Masemann. 143). their agenda of social critique.) Like other ethnographers-particularly those who define themselves as interpretivists-critical ethnographers aim to generate insights. more "experience-near" than the researcher's. and West. Analytic categories commonly used to build theory in sociology and anthropology. Of course. 1980-1981. 1984. as much as to explain. In order to deal critically with our categories of analysis. p. Reynolds." and so forth. Thus. 1981. what Lather (1986a) called "openly ideological research. 1983. 1979. they are able to highlight their ideological aspects and the interests that benefit from the maintenance of current definitions. (Barnett & Silverman. Thomas. Lather. but as concepts which are themselves part of that process which is the reproduction of our own social form" (Barnett & Silverman. or even "education" as nonproblematic. by placing them in a more wholistic social context." "property. themselves. Critical ethnography is." "management. 1985b. if it does not relate them to a world larger than those categories. although the informant's constructs are. 1986. and the critique of Anyon by Ramsey. 1983. to explain events." "economic. we must have an analysis of them: an analysis which. 1982. categories such as "family. 1983)." The amarent contradiction of such value-based research with traditional definitions of validity has left critical ethnography open to criticism from both within and outside of the ethnographic tradition. Where critical ethnographers differ is in their claim that informant reconstructions are often permeated with meanings that sustain powerlessness and that people's conscious models exist to perpetuate. Nevertheless. the critique of Everhart by Cusick." "stratification. 1986a. after all. 13) Thus. social phenomena. They also share with interpretivist ethnographers the view that the cultural informant's perceptions of social reality are themselves theoretical constructs. Comstock. reconstructions of social reality.
and freeing individuals from sources of domination and repression continues to make any discussion of validity. The critical ethnographer also attempts to integrate and systematize two other forms of reflection-self-reflection (i. unless ethnography is viewed as mere naturalistic description. (d) the researcher's ideological . the ideological nature of knowledge resides in the embeddedness of commonsense knowledge (and social science knowledge as well) in political and economic interests.Gary L. focuses. Most discussions of reflexivity include reflection on the relationship between theory and data (Glaser & Strauss. self-reflective processes that keep their critical framework from becoming the container into which the data are poured. Anderson For critical ethnographers wholism involves more than simply documenting those outside forces and macrostmctural elements that impinge on the local cultural unit under analysis. 6). (c) the research data. (p. even at the most intimate levels of cultural process. A critical wholism recognizes that "the 'outside forces' are an integral part of the construction and constitution of the 'inside. . then. Data must be allowed to generate propositions in a dialectical manner that permits use of a priori theoretical frameworks.. the cultural construction of meaning is inherently a matter of political and economic interests. 1986. 77). involves a dialectical process among (a) the researcher's constructs. In fact. Lincoln & Guba. that is. According to critical ethnographers. but which keeps a particular framework from becoming the container into which the data must be poured. ideally.' the cultural unit itself. 267) Critical Reflexivity Perhaps the most pressing issue facing critical ethnographers today with respect to the validity or trustworthiness of their accounts is the exploration of reflexivity. Of course. Lather (1986b) summed up the tension that an "openly ideological" critical ethnography must resolve. (b) the informants' commonsense constructs. The critical ethnographer's concern with unmasking dominant social constructions and the interests they represent. The most thorough attempt to address this problem has been Lather's (1986a) reformulations of construct and face validity and the addition of what she refers to as catalytic validity or "the degree to which the research process re-orients. as defined by both positivist and interpretivist researchers. 1985). difficult. Building empirically grounded theory requires a reciprocal relationship between data and theory. 1983. and energizes participants in what Freire (1973) terms 'conscientization' " (p.e. Reflexivity in critical ethnography. the issue of reflexivity is at the center of any discussion of ethnographic method. For the critical ethnographer. the notion of reflexivity in ethnographic research is not new.. according to Lather. reflection on the researcher's biases) and reflection on the dialectical relationship between structural/ historical forces and human agency. studying society with the goal of transforming it. self-determination through their participation in the research. 1967) and the effects of the researcher's presence on the data collected (Hammersley & Atkinson. p. Catalytic validity has been achieved. if respondents further self-understanding and. 'neutrally' as absence rather than critically as the result of silencing" (p." (Marcus & Fischer. for example. 67). Erickson (1989) has also recently attempted to define what he called "critical validity": "I have come to see that relativist ethnography is itself evaluative when it reports absences. and must be so registered.
data. The following review represents the outline of a research program that explores schools as sites of social and cultural reproduction mediated through human agency by various forms of resistance and accommodation. & Reich. Garfinkel. 1987. and Cusick. Moreover. 1980. . 1983. The emergence of critical ethnography in education occurred in England. 1983) and the negotiation of research outcomes between the researcher and the researched (Anderson & Kelley. 1967. 1967. see the exchange of critiques by Everhart. and Shutz. readers create their own text from the ethnography. 1985b. (Sharp & Green. Viewing ethnography as an antidote to structuralism.Critical Ethnography biases. 1985a. 1985a. According to Noblit. (For an example of an interpretive standoff based on differing interpretive communities. they were reacting to the absence of human agency in so many Marxist social accounts. and (e) the structural and historical forces that informed the social construction under study. It derives from social interaction" (p. 1975. 1962) and Marxian social analysis. 22) Alarmed by what they saw in Britain as a rush to phenomenology. In the same way that Marx was against starting his analyses of society and history at the level of consciousness but rather sought for the basic societal structures which regulate interindividual action. attempted to achieve a balance between the phenomenological concern with human agency and the Marxian conception of social structure. The tension between the phenomenological and the structural is evident in the introduction to one of the earliest critical ethnographies. Current Status of Critical Ethnography Although still in their infancy. In this way readers draw on perspectives available to them in their interpretive communities. following on the heels of the emergence of the British "new sociology" (Young. However. the potential of systematic self-reflexivity in critical research has yet to be explored in depth. and this text represents a new signification. 14). Westheimer.) Little progress has been made in exploring methods that promote the kind of reflexivity required of the critical ethnographer. Noblit (1989) suggested yet another kind of reflexivity that takes into account the reader of ethnographic accounts.198 1) provide the beginnings of a better understanding of reflexivity among researchers. The reader's text is the result of cumulative reflexivity: "All prior reading gives a context to all future reading. Kushner & Norris. and informants. 1971). Sharp and Green (1975) wished to warn researchers of the dangers of losing sight entirely of the structural. in terms of the structure of opportunities the situations make available to them and the kinds of constraints they impose. Carr & Kemmis. so we need to develop some conceptualization of the situations that individuals find themselves in. The 1970s in both Britain and the United States saw the cross-fertilization of sociological phenomenology (particularly the works of Berger & Luckmann. Collaborative and action research methods (Brown & Tandon. came to critical ethnography with the opposite concern. Early British critical ethnographers. p. like Willis. Stewart. 1985b. then. although the following discussion will be limited to those written in English. Others. 1989). 1983. in a number of languages. critical ethnographies have been written in a number of educational subfields and. with few exceptions (see Reinharz. one's perspective is not simply one's own.
1982. Weis portrayed the ways urban black students are caught between the world of the dominant culture of the institution and the subordinate culture of the black urban underclass. of the urban black community was illustrated through the tolerance shown for women who bring their children to class. this use of ethnography did little to peer inside the black box of how people let themselves get reproduced. each serving students from different social class backgrounds. through field study. Anyon documented the differences in cuniculum knowledge and educational experience that students from different social class backgrounds received. 1 ) American critical ethnographers. (p. Although Willis and Anyon emphasized social class in their accounts. In fact. they served to reproduce a stratified work force whose members were taught to accept their class position. Anderson American critical ethnographers. Anyon's later work focuses on forms of resistance and accommodation and the relationship between gender and class. it has many superior characteristics. Perhaps the most impressive attempt was Anyon's (1980. The difficult thing to explain about how working class kids get working class jobs is why they let themselves. 13 1) If the correspondence principle were true. p.Gary L. and social-class identifications which are the crucial ingredients of job adequacy. Although serving to lend credence to the correspondence principle. for a cogent discussion of the social production/ reproduction distinction). then schools-whether wittingly or unwittingly-were serving a social reproductive function. In Willis's analysis of the behavior and attitudes of the "lads" who participated in the school's counterculture. 1988. but develops the types of personal demeanor. or as Willis (1977) put it: The difficult thing to explain about how middle class kids get middle class jobs is why other kids let them. Following M a n . The structure of social relations in education not only inures the student to the discipline of the work place. 1983). he showed that the "lads" did partially penetrate the system that oppressed them and that their "inappropriate" behavior was a form of resistance. Willis's (1977) work introduced a grounded version of resistance theory and became the standard for critical ethnographies written during the 1980s. turned to theories of social production that view the process of social and cultural reproduction as one filled with complex forms of resistance and accommodation (see Weiler. Giroux. they were acutely aware of the need to understand the ways in which race and gender intersect with social class to reproduce structures of domination in society. also viewed ethnographic methods as a way out of what many saw as structural overdeterminism. the cooperative nature. modes of self-presentation. 1976. For example. Bowles and Gintis's (1976) "correspondence principle" argued that there was a correspondence between schooling and the social relations of production in the work place. drawing on theoretical and methodological critiques of a correspondence approach to social reproduction (Apple. . Weis (1985) extended these categories to black students in an urban community college. Early American critical ethnographers set out to empirically document. (Bowles & Gintis. That is. influenced greatly by Willis (1977) and Bowles and Gintis (1976). self-image. This subordinate culture was not portrayed as inferior-on the contrary. the nature of this correspondence. 198 1) case study of classrooms in five different schools.
(Weis. Aggleton. Aggleton and Whitty. students do not complain. A persistent criticism of educational critical theory is its tendency toward social critique without developing a theory of action that educational practitioners can draw upon to develop a "counter-hegemonic" practice in which dominant structures of classroom and organizational meaning are challenged. see Willis. 1985. to trying to avoid controlling students. but in so doing. Weiler explored the beliefs and practices of teachers and administrators as they attempted to create what she called "feminist counter-hegemony" in schools. She attempted to unravel the complex interrelationships of administrators. 9. (p. 198 1. p. (cited in Weis. 1985. and students as they negotiated and mediated meaning in schools and classrooms. McLeod found that it was the white group rather than the black group that was most alienated from school and that engaged in resistance. Chap. they widened the cultural gap and exposed themselves to even harder blows from a white nation that could neither understand their behavior nor respect its moral foundations. They understand only too well that tomorrow they might have to bring their children to class for similar reasons. in Genovese's ( 1974) words. daughters or children of friends may also be there. Some critical ethnographers are beginning to seek examples of practitioners who are attempting to put critical theory into practice (Comstock. 1983. 156) In another attempt to understand the implications of resistance theory in a multiracial American context. "Monday Morning and the Millenium"). McLeod (1987) studied two groups-one white and one black-of male adolescent "hall hangers" in a Boston housing project. Comgan. teachers. 1977. 1979. 136). In some research programs the outliers are of more interest to the researcher than those cases that fall within a normal distribution. [Blacks] have developed their own values as a force for cohesion and survival. 1985. Through her study of what she referred to as the "gendered discourse of the classroom" (p. Jenkins. 1982). 1986b. to emphasizing participation and nice relationships. As Yates (1986) has pointed out. gender. 1983. . or to forms of action outside the situation of teachers. Weiler showed how teachers' meaning is both affirmed and . Because such theories have been confined to what not to do. teachers have developed their own forms of action.Critical Ethnography While children are often disruptive in the classroom. p. One of the advantages of ethnographic case study research has been its ability to study outliers. 1987. 128) Although many critical ethnographies have attempted to address implications for practitioners (for example. nephews. Humphries. . Male students. ranging from trying to tell students what is wrong with society. know that their nieces. 113) Weis described this subculture as in dialectical opposition to the dominant culture and showed how. and class in student subcultures include those of Angus. . sons. while not the primary caretakers of children. few have taken critical practitioners as objects of study. McLeod used this finding to explore resistance theory and the complex interactions of race and social class. Through the use of female practitioners' life histories and classroom observation. Other studies that have explored the dynamics of race. and Macpherson. 1985. Brah and Minhas. An example of this trend is Weiler's (1988) study of feminist teachers and administrators.
As critical . an impressive critical ethnographic research program of gender and schooling has been developing (Amos & Parmar. & Dowsett. 1986. Ogbu. 1988. 1987). Ginsburg and Chaturvedi ( 1988). 1989). 1985c. et al. 342) Although critical ethnographies have focused on students and teachers both in and out of classrooms. Bates. the custodians of organizational legitimacy. and policy (Everhart. 1981. 1987. 1985. 1988. less ideologically embedded. These studies have portrayed administrators as the managers of organizational meaning. Bennett & Sola. 1982. 1980.Gary L. Connell. Kessler. in press. Wilson. Rosenbrock. 1987. 1982. therefore. private schools (Angus. Pazmino-Farias. 1987). 1989. 1988. and Smyth (in press) described various forms of teacher resistance within a school context. comparative education (Arias-Godinez. Goodman (1985) and Ginsburg and Newman (1985) studied preservice teacher education and explored the processes through which teachers take on their professional roles. and the definers of organizational and social reality. 1985. and as teachers begin to evaluate how they might create more humane and educative life spaces within schools. 1986. 1985. As role becomes less taken-for-granted. McRobbie & Garber. Gitlin. Anderson contested by different students and how. Wexler. 1984. 1979). and Goldstein (1984). Aber (1986). Connell. Kanpol (1988). p. counseling (RobertsOppold. 1985). 1980. parent and community role in schooling (Anderson Brantlinger. early childhood (Miller. Eder & Parker. Sears (1984). 1974). Everhart. Sirotnik & Oakes. More generally. vocational education (Simon. Smyth. 1980. Kessler. 1988). 1986. 1986). Ashenden. other areas in which critical ethnographies remain sparse. McLaren. McRobbie. 1978. In the field of teacher education several critical ethnographers have explored the social reproduction of teachers' roles and have found evidence of teacher resistance. Fuller. Gronn. 1976. Besides administration. Valli. 1983. 1986). but in which some groundwork has been laid. 1983. Gaskell. 1984. 1985. A new generation of critical ethnographers will have to move beyond theories of social production/reproduction within schools to other methodological approaches and levels of analysis. 1978). Their studies emphasized the contested nature of occupational socialization and implications for teacher education programs. Nihlen & Bailey. the possibilities of and obstacles to counter-hegemonic teaching are revealed. All of these studies illustrate the extent to which commonsense conceptions of teacher roles inhibit teacher resistance. Oakes. administrators have received less attention. 1987. Kelly & Nihlen. & Dowsett. Critical perspectives on administration are largely theoretical (see Anderson. Mikel. 1984. 1984. higher education (Gumport. Criticisms and New Directions The purpose of the following section is not to merely reveal the shortcomings of critical ethnography but to draw together and disseminate models from other disciplines and criticisms from within education to lay a groundwork for further theoretical and methodological advancement. resistance becomes those acts that press up against role boundaries. tracking and dropouts (Fine. 1986). Thomas. Bullough. 1987. Smith.. Okazawa-Rey. 1984). Ashenden. Foster. (Bullough. are cuniculum (Anyon. 1981. The few critical studies that have been conducted have explored the cognitive politics of the management of meaning (Anderson. 1986).
and specific historical. Wexler (1987) argued that the locus of analysis of critical ethnography is too site specific. although studies of the effects of mass communication on culture were reported in Hall (1980) and ethnographies of political economy were reviewed by Marcus and Fisher (1986). there have been major changes in U. 12). Also. (Wexler. 1987. inter-institutional relations" (Wexler.Critical Ethnography ethnographers turn their attention to subfields such as administration. is ahistorical in that its preoccupation with education's role in social and cultural reproduction keeps it from analyzing much greater and broader changes in social and cultural forms. in Wexler's view. This is. 1987. Expanding and Shifting the Locus ofAnalysis According to Wexler (1987). and (c) critiquing ideology. p. later. as it is currently practiced. The mass communications/individual relation now already better exemplifies the educational relation than does the school. Critical ethnography. 174) No examples of the type of critical analysis Wexler called for exist in education. 1987. Feinberg's (1983) broader definition of social reproduction may help a new generation of critical ethnographers to rethink current narrower views of the process. . He argued that critical ethnographic accounts fail to focus on broad social transformations (e. 55). The following discussion of criticisms and new directions will be divided into the following areas: (a) expanding and shifting the locus of analysis. which as we know it. It is also due in part to a result of the lack of a sense of historicity capable of analyzing broad shifts in social institutions. Wexler perceived this lack of wholism as more than simply a "levels of analysis" issue. governance. Thus. as well as within. critical ethnographers are accused of ignoring "questions of finance." critical ethnography "languishes within the school institution. Wexler argued. as well as "historically specific 'local' institutional reorganizations" (p. with all its structural imitations of industrial and. In spite of its claim to wholism and its reliance on abstract social theories and categories such as "class" and "state. then it is that relation which is the educational one. social institutions that critical ethnography. Rather. postindustrialism and poststructuralism) and social movements. therefore. the theoretical framework that grew out of the study of student subcultures will be inadequate for the study of other areas of education. semiotic. p.S." leading to the "omission of politically interested social analyses of the infrastructure of education and of its social institutional dynamics" (Wexler. corporate productive organization. at this historical juncture the relation between mass discourse and individual formation and motivation 1s the emergent educational relation. fields and disciplines. and teacher education. Schools. as new modes of education develop. he believes. outside of social history. special education. Similarly. (b) empowering informants. organizational dynamics. is being surpassed.g. political regulation. Where the forces of production become informational/communicational. due in part to a division of labor that has developed among academics who are increasingly specialized and compartmentalized across. and the formation of the subject occurs significantly through mass discourse. is unable to capture.. are no longer the primary educational institutions and. 55). no longer the primary locus of analysis. p.
"Subjects" are those who know and act. . Use of informant narratives. 20) Several research strategies are available to the critical ethnographer concerned about informant empowerment.that one of the significant ways through which individuals make sense of and give meaning to their expenences is to organize them in a narrative form. Where traditional history plays a role in social legitimation. (p. in fact. According to Freire (197 l). 1986. should. He argued that research interviewers have tended to code the responses of informants as if they existed independent of the contexts that produced them. . These stories can then be submitted to close narrative analysis in much the same way that a literary critic might approach a text. He also argued that researchers. Those discussed below are oral history methods. it refuses to separate research and practice. empowerment occurs through "conscientizacao. to the authoritative judgement inherent in its tradition" (Thompson. As research. instead of viewing the stories that respondents tell about their experiences as digressions from the topic at hand. Oral history methods. conscientizacao enrolls them in the search for self-affirmation and thus avoids fanaticism. Wexler (1987) made a connection between empowering research methods and the restoration of historicity to research accounts. by making it possible for men [sic] to enter the historical process as responsible subjects. but it also represents a longstanding methodological tradition in the field of anthropology. p. 1983) and "narratives" (Mischler. They are connected through the assumption. various attempts to restructure the interviewee-interviewer relationship so as to empower respondents are designed to encourage them to find and speak in their own "voices. 1 18) . elicit such stories. "objects" are those who are known and acted upon.. 1971). Life history research offers as a model of social relations in education not system reproduction and resistance. It aims to amplify the capacity for intentional and historical memory. (p. but hermeneutic conversation. however. . use of informant narratives. and collaborative research. In fact. however. conscientizacao does not lead men [sic]to "destructive fanaticism. Anderson Empowering Informants The term empowerment has entered the mainstream of educational discourse and.. According to Mischler." which makes humans subjects rather than objects of history (Freire. the life history movement works to disperse authority. its radical currency has been devalued. life history methods have been ignored by critical ethnographers. The practice of oral history counters the elite assumption of the unreflected silence of ordinary people and makes their self-representing expressions authoritative. Other attempts to empower informant understandings can be found in the use of informant "accounts" (Gilbert & Abell. 1978)." On the contrary. 95) Not only is oral history offering a challenge "to the accepted myths of history. With few exceptions (see Weiler. In a radical sense. 1988). 1986).Gary L. Doubt regarding the possible effects of conscientizacao implies a premise which the doubter does not always make explicit: It is better for the victims of injustice not to recognize themselves as such. The effort to empower respondents and the study of their responses as narratives are closely linked. most current research methods do not give voice to the concerns of social actors and the ways they construct meaning. As we shall see. consequently." (Mischler.
. her research and action agendas merge into a study of women's life histories aimed at "mobilizing the public at large about the problem" (p. 1 19) Another related attempt to empower the voice of informants and to restore its historicity can be found in the work of Soviet literary critic Mikhail Bakhtin. in which the empowerment of the powerless and the eradication of their "culture of silence" becomes the goal. . For example. (p. Thus. in fact. to be empowered is not only to speak in one's own voice and to tell one's own story.. while others are nonlegitimated and therefore. the multiple voices within the individual and within the community struggle to control the direction of the acceptable dialogue. This more activist research. Aronowitz and Giroux (1985) decried the negativism of critical researchers who hold out little practical advice or hope for change to practitioners. Because she is both a researcher and a member of an action group establishing a house for battered women. represent means of access to the informant's inner dialogue. They called for a "language of possibility" and an emphasis on "counter-hegemony" through which the dominant social . Multiple voices within the individual and within the community are in a constant struggle for legitimacy. Collaborative research. but to apply the understanding amved at to action in accord with one's own interests. . His (Bakhtin's) ideas show us that culture should be seen as a collection of historical events laden with a range of possibilities and shaped by the power resources of the individuals present. however. which owes much to Freire's (197 1) work.Critical Ethnography Mischler went on to cite several examples of studies in which respondents such as battered women and flood victims were encouraged to become more active participants in discourse with researchers. neither a unified individual nor a consensual society is possible because both inward and outward speech are dialogical and social. By recognizing and recording the multiple voices occurring within communities. . Wexler's appeal to life history method and Mischler's advocacy of informant narratives may. whether quantitative or qualitative. . There is. vocalized. unspoken. An example of critical feminist work is the much-cited action study done by Mies (1983). Thus. According to Quantz and O'Connor. therefore. In trying to understand human behavior. . That is. also responds to recent criticisms from within critical research. 98-99) What makes the concepts of multivoicedness and legitimated and nonlegitimated voice so powerful is Bakhtin's view that inward speech that becomes outwardly vocalized is probably that which is most compatible with the socially organized ideology. an additional implication of empowerment. ideological expressions may be reinforced. Quantz and O'Connor (1988) argued cogently that through the concepts of "dialogue" and "multivoicedness. Concerns with informant empowerment are also evident in the increasing use of collaborative action research. ." Bakhtin provides a framework for examining cultural continuity and change. (1988. Through their narratives people may be moved beyond the text to the possibilities of action. with its emphasis on the application of critical theory to practice and its effort at researcher/practitioner collaboration. pp. . 133). we must be cognizant that some voices are legitimated by the community and. He also suggested a link to social action. or rejected. reinterpreted. It also owes much to feminist researchers who have critiqued the aloofness and distancing methods of traditional maleoriented research. we should be able to analyze the specific factors which affect the formation in historical situations of legitimated collusions and subsequent social actions.
Gary L. 1987). there is an immobilizing tautology implicit in most critical research-"nothing can be done until the basic structures of society are changed. 1984) make a critical approach to the ethnography of communication. 198 1) and discourse analysis (Thompson. According to Willis. Anderson assumptions that permeate everyday life are challenged. then it must address its impact on educational practitioners. there has been little evidence in practice of a recognition by critical ethnographers in education that language is a social phenomenon that is enmeshed in relations of power and processes of social change. that is. this no longer seems to be the case. insisting that the lack of a wholistic approach to ethnography by microethnographers renders them incapable of revealing the broader social forces that inform the lives of social actors in specific social settings. critical sociolinguists (Fowler & Kress. Following Edmonds (1979). (p. outside-in approaches to critical ethnography are still the rule. and other social theorists (Habermas. both sound techniques within the school and an effective political program outside the school. the tendency toward collaborative action research and the negotiation of research outcomes with informants indicate a growing willingness among researchers to truly ground their critical analyses in the "trenches" of educational practice. Theoretical advances in multilevel analysis (Knorr-Cetina & Cicourel. There is an increasing awareness among critical ethnographers that if educational critical ethnography shares with applied educational research the goal of social and educational change. 1970). Smith. Erickson (1986) has criticized radical research that views teachers and students as victims of structural inequality for just this reason. Critiquing Ideology Although techniques of ethnomethodology and discourse analysis as a critique of ideology have been used extensively by critical feminists (Harding. Wexler (1987) has criticized critical ethnographers for acting like voyeurs. Cazden (1983) made a similar point: Social change of all kinds-from nuclear disarmament and removal of toxic wastes from the environment to more effective education in individual schools-requires some combination of the technical and the political. 1979). 186). 198 1. They have further criticized microethnography for its tendency "to direct the attention of policymakers toward personal change without structural change" (Ogbu. This may be in part because critical ethnographers have tended to favor macroanalysis. Although top-down. he pointed out that differences in student achievement between classrooms with similar socioeconomic backgrounds indicate that teachers and principals can make a difference in student achievement. p. 1987. Although the attribution of methodological "narrowness" to microethnography and discourse analysis may have been justified at one time. but the structures prevent us making any changes" (p. Asserting the importance of one does not negate the necessity of the other. 13). Kress & Hodge. both at the level of microsocial interaction and . viewing their research subjects' lives with the detachment characteristic of television viewing. even critical practitioners may succumb to either hopelessness or lowered expectations. 39) Unless critical ethnographers can provide an approach to educational and social change that includes both the technical and the political. 1979.
critical feminists. Glazer (1987) provided some flavor of the current theoretical positions. but in recent years. and Freirian empowering r e ~ e a r c h I . However. (p.S. drawing on neo-Marxist theory. seem to underestimate in their own work the potential of sociolinguistic analysis to systematically explore how relations of domination are sustained through the mobilization of meaning. Traditionally such an interest was expressed in terms of the links between language and perception.Critical Ethnography mass communication. For if the language of everyday life is regarded as the very locus of ideology. how to gain and maintain site access when doing controversial research. distancing tendencies of much neo-Marxist ethnography are increasingly challenged by the merging. are struggling with the ways patriarchy intersects with social class and race in women's oppression. I have tried to capture some of the tensions in this marriage of critical social theory and ethnographic methods. language and thought. neo-Marxist critical ethnography. critical ethnographers in education. collaborative tendencies of feminist research. a longstanding interest among discourse analysts is that of the relations between linguistic and nun-linguistzc activztj. how to negotiate outcomes with informants. 1977) or "elaborated" and "restricted" codes (Bernstein. though by no means neatly integrated with. As Thompson (1984) pointed out. Freire's work has inspired critical pedagogists. and how to systematize reflexivity. Fiore & Elsasser. It is this increasingly sociological turn which has rendered discourse analysis relevant to. Categories like "cultural capital" and "symbolic violence" (Bourdieu & Passeron. not only plausible but imperative. Conclusion Lather ( 1986a) divided critical research into three overlapping traditions: feminist research. 1987). language and culture. then it is of the very utmost importance to examine the methods which have been elaborated for the analysis of ordinary discourse. The largely phallocentric.~ have combined these under the critical ethnography rubric to emphasize the commonalities in their research programs and to highlight those areas where they can learn from each other. . 1980. there is as yet little practical advice. Likewise. 99) Critical educational theorists have appropriated many of the theoretical aspects of the work of such linguists as Pierre Bourdieu and Basil Bernstein. Issues of gender equity and social equality become inseparable in critical feminist research. if not critical ethnographers. The future of the mamage will depend on an ongoing dialogue between social theory and the dayto-day experience of the critical ethnographer in the field. Critical ethnographers need to begin sharing insights from their research on such concepts as how to write a reflective journal. Notes ' The theoretical debates within feminism are complex. some of the principal tasks in the study of ideology. Although there is a growing body of epistemological and methodological analysis in the writing on critical ethnography. discourse analysts have paid increasing attention to the ways in which language is used in specific social contexts and thereby serves as a medium of power and control. (Finlay & Faith. to explore the relevance of emancipatory approaches to educational settings in the U. 1971) turn up frequently in critical educational discourse. 1982). with few exceptions (see Collins.
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