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SOURCE (OR PART OF THE FOLLOWING SOURCE): Type Dissertation Title Space in archaic Greek lyric: city, countryside and sea Author J.G.M. Heirman Faculty Faculty of Humanities Year 2012 Pages 226 ISBN 978 90 5629 700 8

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UvA Dissertation
Faculty of Humanities
From the end of the twentieth century onwards space has become a ‘hot topic’ in literary studies. This thesis contributes to the spatial turn by focusing on space in archaic Greek lyric (7th–5th c bc). A theoretical framework inspired by narratology, phenomenology and metaphor theory is applied to archaic lyric poems in which city, countryside and sea are of importance. Heirman argues that space is predominantly symbolic: the city is a political or an erotic metaphor, the countryside an erotic symbol, and the sea a symbol of danger. He also attempts to connect the symbolism of space with the context of the symposium, in which the lyric poems were performed: city metaphors are linked with sympotic plays of ‘guessing’, the erotic activities in the countryside reveal a projection of erotic fantasies of the symposiasts, and the danger at sea serves to reinforce the cohesion of the sympotic group. Jo Heirman was educated at Ghent University (Belgium), where he obtained a Master’s Degree in Classics in 2008. In 2008 he was appointed as a PhD-researcher for a project of Irene de Jong on ‘Space in Ancient Greek Literature’ at the University of Amsterdam. He has written several articles on space which combine classics and literary theory. By the end of 2012 he will have edited a conference volume on the ideological role of space in ancient and modern literature with Jacqueline Klooster (The Ideologies of Lived Space in Literature: Ancient and Modern, Academia Press Ghent).

Space in Archaic Greek Lyric: City, Countryside and Sea
jo heirman

Space in Archaic Greek Lyric: City, Countryside and Sea Jo Heirman

9 789056 297008

SPACE IN ARCHAIC GREEK LYRIC: CITY, COUNTRYSIDE AND SEA

The publication is made possible by a grant from the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) and the Institute of Culture and History, University of Amsterdam (IC&G).

Lay-out: Jo Heirman Cover design: René Staelenberg, Amsterdam

978 90 5629 700 8 e-ISBN 978 90 4851 638 4 (pdf) e-ISBN 978 90 4851 639 1 (ePub) NUR 617 / 635
ISBN

© J. Heirman / Vossiuspers UvA – Amsterdam University Press, 2012

All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book.

in het openbaar te verdedigen in de Agnietenkapel op donderdag 23 februari 2012. België . COUNTRYSIDE AND SEA ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof. dr. van den Boom ten overstaan van een door het college voor promoties ingestelde commissie. te 14:00 uur door Jo Gaby Marc Heirman geboren te Dendermonde.SPACE IN ARCHAIC GREEK LYRIC: CITY. D.C.

H. I. dr. J. van der Liet Dr. dr.J.H. de Jong Prof. Demoen Prof. dr.F.Promotiecommissie Promotor: Overige leden: Prof.P.J.A. Lardinois Prof. A. Klooster Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen . H. K.M. dr.

................... COUNTRYSIDE AND SEA ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………………....................................................................... THE ROLES OF SPACE ..............1.................................................. THE DICTION OF SPACE: ITS USE AND EFFECT ....…7 TEXTS............ 73 3.......... Fields (ἄρουραι)............................................... Ibycus’ Ode to Polycrates ......... The Plain in the ‘new Archilochus’ and Bacchylides 13…………………………………………………...........2....1............. 39 2....... 75 3............... 46 2......2..4....SPACE IN ARCHAIC GREEK LYRIC: CITY...... 63 Politics as War: Theognis 233-234 and 235-236 . 29 Symbolic Form: Metaphor and Personification ............ 40 2.. 86 5 ...... 75 3.......1.................1..... 17 1. 83 3.............11 INTRODUCING SPACE IN LYRIC……………………………….....3................................3.2...............2....13 1.............. 39 2........................ TRANSLATIONS......2............. 81 3........ THE COUNTRYSIDE AS SETTING .... City Metaphors .............. 32 2.... 29 Symbolic Associations ...........2........ Space as Symbol ..... 26 1..3......................... The Shore .................... 63 Love as War: Archilochus 23 and Theognis 949-954 .................2.................... Space as Setting and Frame ....1....1. The ‘new Archilochus’ ........................... 17 1...... THE COUNTRYSIDE AS EROTIC SYMBOL ... 86 3............ INTRODUCTION ...............................................2..1...2. THE COUNTRYSIDE ......................... ABBREVIATIONS…………………..................................... 75 3............ A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF SPACE ........................3...................2............................2............................................................... THE CITY ..... 55 2............3............ 22 1......... City Personification: Theognis 39-52 and Solon 4 ... THE CITY AS PERSONIFICATION AND METAPHOR 55 2.....3......................................... INTRODUCTION ........................... 67 2............... 80 3........... The River ....2.1...................................... MYTHOLOGICAL CITIES AS SETTINGS AND FRAMES ..............2....................................... CONCLUSION ..................................... 39 2.2.....

..............................................1........................ 136 4...................................................................................... CONCLUSION .......... 101 Theognis 1249-1252 ........... 86 Fields and Erotic Associations: Sappho 96............................................ 175 EPILOGUE: THE SYMBOLISM OF SPACE AND THE SYMPOSIUM……………………………………………………….219 SAMENVATTING…………………………………………………........................ SEA SIMILES .............3.. 88 3.................1.....................5..................... 146 4........................................ THE SEA .Fields as Metaphors: Pindar Pythian 4 and 6............................... INTRODUCTION .................... 95 Gardens as Metaphors: Archilochus 196a............................................. 115 4.........................183 INDEX OF PASSAGES……………………………………………............ Pindar Pythian 4: The Argonauts’ Sea Journey .......... 173 5......2. Anacreon 346<1> ... Pindar Olympian 9 ............................................................................ 141 4..................2.................................. 115 4.......................4...........3............... Gardens (κῆποι)....................................... 166 4............................................. 12424 4...............3............. Semonides 7 ..4........................1.....................2. Before and After the Sea Journey ........................ 116 4...3............................ THE SEA AS SETTING AND FRAME IN MYTHOLOGICAL JOURNEYS ....................2..........217 SUMMARY…………………………………………………………...............3......................4...................... 107 Sappho 2. 109 3.................................... Theognis 581-582 ......................3................ Bacchylides 17: Theseus’ Sea Journey .... THE SEA AS SYMBOL OF DANGER ......... 115 4............................................ 112 4..... 99 Anacreon 417 .....223 6 .............................................................. CONCLUSION ..............................................4...2..... 137 4.........................................1.2.... During the Sea Journey ............................... 100 Archilochus 196a.......... Meadows (λειμῶνες) ................. 146 4.......................2.... Bacchylides 13 .......177 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………............. 96 3............ CONCLUSION ....... 96 Gardens and Erotic Associations: Ibycus 286 ..............

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis has not been the work of myself alone: many people have contributed to it and I wish to express my gratitude to them. I would like to give special thanks to other colleagues at the University of Amsterdam: Prof. Dr. even praise. Prof. I am grateful to the Institute of Culture and History at the University of Amsterdam for aiding me by providing all necessary facilities to conduct my research in the best possible manner and by allowing me to partake in many interesting courses. Prof. Albert Rijksbaron for his erudite advice on textcritical and linguistic matters. The first person I wish to thank is my supervisor. Niels Koopman and Paul van Uum for their most useful comments on draft versions. she has generously and rigorously helped me improve the structure and content of my work. Prof. Oikos. Marietje van Erp Taalman Kip for her meticulous correction of my chapters about the city and the sea. I must thank. PhD students in Classics are able to be in contact with junior and senior researchers and partake in numerous research groups. he deserves special thanks for helping me flesh out my research ideas and constructively commenting on my 7 . who offered many suggestions for revision in a lively evening discussion of a section of my chapter on the countryside. I wish thank the former director. especially one who shares the goal of approaching ancient Greek literature from the perspective of modern literary theory. It was an honour for me to work with such a leading scholar. From the very early (and naive) draft versions to the final revisions. and the members of the Amsterdam ‘Hellenistenclub’. as well as the current director. As an expert of archaic Greek lyric. seminars and master classes. who made this thesis possible by obtaining NWO-funding for a research project on space in ancient Greek literature and selecting me as her PhD student. André Lardinois. the National Research School in Classical Studies. which I found to be one of the most positive surprises in Dutch academic life. Mathieu de Bakker. Thanks to Oikos. Ineke Sluiter. In particular. Dr. such as a particularly memorable one in Athens. Professor Irene de Jong. Jacqueline Klooster.

Severine. Prof. Hans Bernsdorff and Fabian Meinel. Paul. his cheerful presence has always stimulated my pleasure in academic life. Caroline Trieschnigg and Robert Clear. Prof. Flor. Dr. Anika Nicolosi and Dr. Ron). Lucia Athanassaki. as well as to the ‘Philologische Studiefonds’ for a grant. and Timothy Holt and Enrico Prodi for detailed reactions to my writings about the city and the countryside. Ellen. Anastasia Peponi. Dirk Obbink for allowing me to attend his classes on lyric and discussing with me his edition of the ‘new Archilochus’. Pieter Borghart. Maarten de Pourcq. I wish to thank the scholars who were so kind to send me texts which I was unable to consult: Prof. Prof. Rogier. these include my colleagues and friends of ‘PC Hoofthuis 337’ (David. Prof. my sisters Evy and Karolien. the students of Greek and Latin at the University of Amsterdam. and my wonderful and amazing love Sanne (you 8 . I would also like to acknowledge researchers from abroad who helped me sharpen my thoughts and analyses. Laura Swift. my Belgian friends (in particular AnneSophie. Annelies Bossu and Zoë Ghyselinck for their detailed and constructive comments on several draft versions. In addition to my Oikos colleagues. where I was able to conduct my research in January-February 2010. my pub friends Simon and Cristina. Koen de Temmerman. Elton Barker. Dr. Kristoffel Demoen for his willingness to explore the possibility of a joint PhD. new and old. Ewen Bowie. Yannick. I also owe thanks to classicists at the University of Oxford.chapter about the sea. Tim Whitmarsh for arranging my stay in Oxford. Finally. Dr. Floris Overduin. Claude Calame. need to be warmly thanked. Special thanks also to other members of Oikos who commented on sections of my thesis. namely Dr. In the first place I wish to thank the staff of classics at Ghent University. and Dr. from inside and outside academia. in particular to Dr. Fiona Hobden. friends. Dr. Zoë). Dr. I also wish to express my gratitude for feedback about my work to Dr. Dr. Last but not least. Niels. where I obtained my bachelor and master degrees in Classics: especially Prof. Dr. Prof. Dimitris Yatromanolakis. Lien. Chris Carey.

9 . My warmest gratitude for their endless support and confidence in my abilities goes out to my parents Eddy and Anne-Marie.rock my world!). to whom I dedicate this thesis.

.

Cambridge (Mass. Hesiod: The Shield.) 1999 (first edition 1924) ---. Cambridge (Mass. TRANSLATIONS. Other Fragments. Greek Lyric II: Anacreon. Cambridge (Mass. Pindar: Nemean Odes. Gerber. Greek Elegiac Poetry from the seventh to the fifth Centuries BC. Campbell. Cambridge (Mass.) 2007 ---. Catalogue of Women. Books 13-24. Pindar: Olympian Odes.TEXTS. Books 13-24.) 1992 G. ABBREVIATIONS TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS In principle I use the Loeb editions. Cambridge (Mass. Greek Lyric I: Sappho. Cambridge (Mass. Isthmian Odes. Cambridge (Mass. Corinna. Race. Cambridge (Mass. Testimonia. Books 1-12. Cambridge (Mass. Cambridge (Mass. Homer: Odyssey I. Books 1-12. Hesiod: Theogony. Greek Iambic Poetry from the seventh to the fifth Centuries BC. which are not systematically noted.) 1995 (first edition 1925) ---.A. Cambridge (Mass. Most.T. Cambridge (Mass. this is explicitly mentioned.) 1988 ---.) 1995 (first edition 1919) ---.H. Translations are taken over. Choral Lyric from Olympus to Alcman. with minor adaptations. and Others. Alcaeus. and Others. Fragments.) 1997 11 . Cambridge (Mass.) 2002 (first edition 1982) ---. Murray. Homer: Iliad I.E. Homer: Iliad II.) 2006 A.) 2001 (first edition 1991) ---.) 1995 (first edition 1919) W. When I adopt a different reading from another edition.) 2006 (first edition 1999) ---.) 2006 (first edition 1999) D.) 1997 ---. D. Works and Days. Homer: Odyssey II. Greek Lyric III: Stesichorus. Simonides. Cambridge (Mass. Greek Lyric IV: Bacchylides. Pythian Odes. Ibycus. Anacreontea.

) 2003 ---. Greek Epic Fragments from the seventh to the fifth Centuries BC.).R.).G. Leiden forthcoming des LfgrE KG LSJ SAGN 1 SAGN 2 SAGN 3 Standard abbreviations as found in LSJ apply for ancient authors and works. de Jong . Narratees and Narratives in Ancient Greek Literature. Göttingen 1955-2010 R. Time in Ancient Greek Literature.H.).H.R. Gerth.A.) 2003 ABBREVIATIONS DNP H. Nünlist (eds. Schneider . Space in Ancient Greek Literature.R. Kühner .R.J. Cancik .M. Bowie (eds. Mackenzie (eds. Homeric Hymns.J.L.F.F. Snell . Lexikon frühgriechischen Epos. Ausführliche Grammatik der griechische Sprache. Studies in Ancient Greek Narrative 3.J. Cambridge (Mass. with revised supplement) I. Oxford 1996 (9th edition. Mette (eds. 12 . Studies in Ancient Greek Narrative 2. Leiden 2004 I. Nünlist . Studies in Ancient Greek Narrative 1. Cambridge (Mass.F. Hannover 1890-1904 H.).H. Der Neue Pauly. Stuart Jones . de Jong (ed. Brill Online B.). de Jong . Leiden 2007 I.). Narrators. West. Lanfester (eds. Scott .B.M.J. Liddell . Greek-English Lexicon.

The reason for this neglect is probably a consequence of the influential idea of Gotthold Ephraim Lessing in his Laocoon (1766) that literature is essentially a temporal art – as opposed to spatial arts. The frameworks for understanding cultural progress privileged temporal stages. ‘Des espaces autres’. In a brief essay. space has been neglected in favour of time in literary analysis. such as archaeology.2 His prediction was accurate: the end of the twentieth century witnessed a ‘spatial turn’ in humanities. which has lead to a focus on space and its constitutive role in a variety of fields. 4 For the ideological role of space see further Heirman-Klooster forthcoming. Henri Lefebvre and Edward Soja. 3 On the ‘spatial turn’ see especially Döring-Thielmann 2008. Until recently. Foucault 1994 (1967). which was dominated by a historical outlook.4 The shift in attention from time to space is also attested in literary studies. sociology and ethnography. 7. who focused on space as a social construct in relation to issues of power and knowledge. such as primitiveness to civilisation and simplicity to complexity. ‘l’époque actuelle serait peutêtre plutôt l’époque de l’espace’. 1 2 13 . public life. however. power structures and human-environment interactions. At the end of the twentieth century. Warf-Arias 2009. time has been the dominant trope in the teleologically haunted Western humanities. This has been noted especially by philosophers like Michel Foucault.INTRODUCING SPACE IN LYRIC ‘L’espace ! Voici peu d’années. Foucault announced that after the nineteenth century. 3 It has by now been acknowledged that space is a social construct which is fundamental for our understanding of people’s identity. ce terme n’évoquait rien d’autre qu’un concept géométrique. such as painting or sculpture – a claim Lefebvre 1974. with further references.’1 Up until the twentieth century. Hallet-Neumann 2009. space began to demand its place next to time. anthropology. 752. celui d’un milieu vide.

My thesis sets out to fill this gap. Recently. Actually. the topic will be discussed by specialists in all genres of Greek literature from Homer to Flavius Josephus. It makes use of the latest ICT in combination with close textual study to investigate the geographical concepts through which Herodotus describes the conflict between Greeks and Persians. space has become a ‘hot topic’ in literary studies. my thesis may shed new light on archaic Greek lyric. on space in the ancient novel (papers in Paschalis-Frangoulidis 2002). 2-7. Hallaq-OstleWild 2002 (modern Arabic literature). research has been conducted on the relation between literary space and cartography (papers collected in BonnaféDecourt-Helly 2000). 2 and 18. StörmerCaysa 2007 (mediaeval literature). in de Jong’s forthcoming volume: archaic Greek lyric. apart from a brief survey of space in the choral lyric poets Pindar and Bacchylides by Bruno Currie. for it implies that all poems were accompanied on a lyre and fails to take into account that elegiac lyric was accompanied on an aulos and that iambic lyric was probably not musically 5 6 14 . on space in relation to myth. as demonstrated by the proliferation of books on the essential role of space in a particular genre or period. Clay 2011). 7 a Genette 1969. Archaic lyric is here understood in its broad sense. Gerber 1997. 1. the term ‘lyric’ is a misnomer. which is devoted to space (forthcoming). however.repeated by the narratologist Gérard Genette.5 From the end of the twentieth century onwards. Andrew 2007 (Russian fiction). Moreover. 43. led by Christopher Pelling and Elton Barker (2008-2012). One of these is the Herodotus Encoded Space-Text-Imaging Archive (HESTIA). xiv. At the same time. Nagy 1990. Budelmann 2009. To mention just a few: Berghahn 1998 (modern English novels). ritual and identity (Calame 2006). 7 See Campbell 1982 (1967).6 The growing awareness of the importance of space in literature has also affected the study of ancient Greek literature. Another is the third volume of the series Studies in Ancient Greek Narrative edited by Irene de Jong. One genre will not be considered. several projects are currently running on space in ancient Greek literature. and on space in connection with issues of visualisation and ‘mapping’ of the plot (Purves 2010.

Calame 1998 and Yatromanolakis 2008. archaic Greek lyric is further subdivided into iambic and elegiac poetry (poets like Archilochus. especially between monodic and choral lyric. of archaic Greek history and society. For archaic lyric poetry as a representation of archaic Greek history or society cf. with ample secondary literature for individual poems and fragments. and what is preserved is often highly fragmentary. For the Alexandrians. Traditionally. studies of archaic Greek lyric aimed at a better understanding of its dialects and metrical systems. Adkins 1985. Budelmann 2009. Semonides. meter. Ruijgh 1980 (a good survey of lyric in general). 15. Herington 1984 and Gentili 1988 (1985. 10 Cf. 9 For lyric meters see Thomson 1961 (1929).general denominator of all kinds of non-hexametric poetry from the seventh till the fifth century BC. for the problems involved in these subdivisions. Gerber 1970.9 Currently. I refer to Harvey 1955. especially Ch. Krummen 1990. content. Stehle 1997. Davies 1988. as their canon of nine lyrics was a canon of nine melic lyric poets. Only the corpus of Theognis and part of Pindar’s poetry has been passed down through a direct manuscript tradition. The acknowledgement that lyric poems were primarily meant to be delivered orally for various audience of listeners and in various modes has caused a ‘performative turn’:10 scholars now accompanied. Felsenthal 1980 and Cassio 2005 (choral lyric). Golston-Riad 2005. Adkins 1972 and Podlecki 1984. much of archaic lyric poetry has been lost. function and modes of performance. For lyric dialects see Nöthiger 1971 (Stesichorus and Ibycus). Fowler 1987. Pindar. Cole 1988b. Most of it has been indirectly handed down via citations in works of later Greek and Roman authors. 15 . Hutchinson 2001. or concerned literary interpretation. while other poems are preserved on papyri. cf. The latter is further subdivided into monodic or solo lyric and choral lyric. and melos or lyric in its strict sense (poets like Anacreon. Kowalzig 2007 and Athanassaki 2009. Campbell 1982 (1967). Solon and Theognis). 1 and 3) were the first to draw attention to the performance of archaic lyric poetry. 8 Unfortunately. for instance. heterogeneous in language. Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977). Dale 1950. the focus lies on the contexts and modes of performance of lyric poetry. Alcaeus. De Martino-Vox 1996. Simonides and Sappho). 8 Needless to say that this is a simplified classification. often in a bad state. Bacchylides. lyric poetry encompassed only melic poetry. For literary interpretations see. Hooker 1977 and Bowie 1981 (Alcaeus and Sappho). So far. later especially Bowie 1986.

in Hornblower 2004 and Eckermann 2007. referential and semantic use and differences in effect with respect to the context in which the diction is used. This is the approach I will undertake. The second and most central research question is a literary one and concerns the roles of space in archaic lyric poems. These types are much understudied: no in-depth study has been conducted on the city in archaic Greek lyric. i. geistesgeschichtliche approach to ancient Greek poetry. the hic (et nunc) of the enunciation of archaic lyric poetry. a collection of articles in Arethusa 2004 and Cazzato 2011. By investigating these three types of space together.e. This kind of research has been conducted in Peponi 1992. Space is a concept which can be approached from many different angles. Elliger 1975) and the sea (Lesky 1947. countryside and sea. I hope to offer a fairly broad view of the presentation of space in archaic lyric poetry. In the first chapter a theoretical framework will be developed for a linguistic and literary analysis of these types of space. One is to examine (temporal and) spatial deixis. for Bacchylides and Pindar. the role of space within the poems has largely been neglected: this will form the subject of my thesis. Another is to focus on the culturalhistorical significance of sanctuaries or places such as Salamis or Thebes mentioned in archaic lyric poems. Another way to consider space is to focus on the literary roles of ‘types of space’. especially because most of these studies are rooted in a Snellian. such as an island or the underworld. The linguistic research question concerns the diction of space in comparison to epic poetry (especially epithets). as well as on the places where the poems were performed. which I examine from the perspective of various modern literary theories and again 16 . on Pindar) need updating. I will focus on differences in lexical. This approach has been undertaken in Veta and Catenacci 2006 as well as. I will focus on three dominant and recurrent types of space: city. The question is then what I understand by space. while older studies on the countryside (Treu 1955. Parry 1957.concentrate on the way archaic lyric poetry was performed and how this affects the understanding of the poems. Péron 1974. However.

17 . Each of these chapters consists of a section on the role as setting and frame and the role as symbol. the countryside (chapter three) and the sea (chapter four). The language of lyric poetry is a mixture of several dialects (such as Aeolic. countryside or sea is of importance.e.e. 1. which I subdivide into symbolic associations and symbolic form. Because of my micro-analytical focus. For the sake of clarity. Cf. which is itself a mixture of Ionic with Aeolic and Achaean elements. micro-analytical readings of archaic lyric poems.12 11 12 A good survey of lyric dialects is offered in Ruijgh 1980. Ionic and Doric) with an epic Kunstsprache. I will quote the relevant parts of the poems at the beginning of each of my analyses. 416.e. and frame.1. I then concentrate on the symbolic role of space. A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF SPACE 1. with close attention to the diction in both sections. This is partly due to the fragmentary state of most archaic lyric poetry. A list of all the poems discussed can be found in the index of passages. Ruijgh 1980. The theoretical framework will be employed in three subsequent chapters on the city (chapter two). 11 While the scarcity of extensive epigraphic material limits our knowledge of the dialects of archaic Greece. THE DICTION OF SPACE: ITS USE AND EFFECT My first research question is linguistic and concerns the lyric diction of space. see further supra n9.in comparison with epic poetry. the scenic backdrop. I will limit my study to a representative corpus of 33 poems by a wide range of poets in which the city. Attic. all other places referred to which do not constitute the actual setting of the narrative. i. but it is also my hope that these detailed discussions are of interest to students of archaic lyric poems who do not specifically engage in the study of space. I first discuss the role of space as setting. i. My investigation will unfold along detailed. metaphor and personification. i.

the lyric diction of space will be examined in comparison to epic poetry. There has been much debate whether the Homeric epics were textually fixed around the moment of composition and. The ‘dictation theory’. still without written texts (mid eigth . Lexicon des frühgriechischen Epos. 13 14 18 . Barry Powell and Martin West. (2) more formative. (3) first transcripts in Athens thanks to the Peisistratids (mid sixth till latter part of the fourth century BC). 49-53. Hesiod’s poetry and what has been preserved from the cyclic epics. (5) more fixed period of scripts in Alexandria (from the second century BC onwards). West 1995.mid sixth century BC). must be addressed. the Homeric epics in particular. 29-112 and 1997. by Burgess 2001. if so. whether these versions significantly differed from the later ones by the Peisistratids in sixth-century Athens and. i.13 Before explaining how the diction will be investigated. Panhellenic reperformance period. from those of the Hellenistic Alexandrians. by which I understand the Homeric epics. methodological issues concerning the fixation of both lyric and epic poetry. 15 Nagy 1996. when the Greek alphabet developed (around the eighth century BC). Janko 1998. 14 argues that the Iliad and the Odyssey were textually fixed around their moment of composition. According to these scholars. with ‘transcripts’ appearing only from the sixth century and significantly different fixed ‘scripts’ being the work of the later Alexandrinian scholars.15 Cf. the early fixed texts did not undergo any drastic changes in sixth century Athens or later in Hellenistic Alexandria. It claims that there was a long and multiform tradition of oral recomposition in performance. Because epic poetry forms the point of comparison for my analysis of space in lyric poetry. finally. defended by Richard Janko.middle of the second century BC). for these affect the way in which the comparison is made.g. Nagy distinguishes between five phases in particular: (1) most fluid period without written texts (early second millennium to the middle of the eight century BC).the epic Kunstsprache is well known from epic poetry. the Homeric Hymns. 185-220. followed e.e. This theory has been countered by Gregory Nagy’s ‘evolutionary theory’. (4) period of standardisation of transscripts (latter part of the fourth . Powell 1991.

53-54 (on the Theognidea). Blaise 2006. they consider both genres as symbiotic poetic traditions For the former possibility see Gerber 1997. 72-75 and Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010. Nagy 1990. 16 Recently. especially 9 and 1216. Bakker 1998. who demonstrates in detail that no direct. 18 Lardinois 2006 (see also Budelmann 2009. scholars 17 have made clear that orality and literacy should not be too sharply distinguished from each other. as the Epic Cycle is no longer considered to be later than the Homeric epics: see especially Burgess 2001. Cf. 3-4 and Morrison 2007. Because of the uncertainty of the dates of the fixation of epic and lyric poetry. 40-42 (in general). 102111 (on Solon). In this respect. however. 17 Thomas 1992. 20 The same debate presently runs in epic poetry itself. 47-55 (on Solon).20 Instead. 22-29. Stehle 2006. 29-37. also Fowler 1987. from the seventh till the fifth century BC. the versions of the poems we now have display significant changes due to oral reperformances. oral reperformances of these poems. and did not undergo important changes. 175-190. the other holds that they were textualised only in the fifth and fourth centuries BC after continued reperformance and considerably differ from the original compositions. Calinescu 1993. verbatim allusions to specific Homeric passages are found in archaic Greek lyric before mid sixth century BC. One theory is that all surviving examples were textualised around their moment of composition. Swift forthcoming. In this light. it is also important to point out that certain lyric meters were older than the epic hexameter (see Nagy 1974). Irwin 2005. 128-131. Irwin 2006. Barker-Christensen 2006. scholars19 are no longer inclined to discuss the relationship between both genres as if lyric poetry were dependent on or even subordinated to an earlier fixed set of Homeric texts. 20-39. especially 15-28 and 43-52. 16 19 . Dalby 1998.A similar debate regarding the fixation of archaic lyric poetry is ongoing. For the latter cf. i. 19 Martin 1997 and 2001. the synthetic suggestion made by André Lardinois 18 regarding the fixation of archaic lyric poems seems likely: while they were probably already textualised during the seventh till the fifth century BC. 8).e. They have shown that a long transition from pure orality to widespread literacy lasted from the archaic through the classical age and that the early presence of textual versions of poems did not exclude later.

for example. Egoscozabal 2004.30. in epic poetry). Maehler 2004.22 Recently. i. not ‘nameless’ as in epic poetry). in Ibycus 282. Secondly.8 about Pergamum. 39-52. significant effects. 96-97) that lyric diction is conventionally epic without any differences. ἀνώνυμος in Ibycus 282.15.e. 22 See most notably Page 1963. instead of about people as in epic poetry). differences in meaning (e. Finally. Graziosi-Haubold 2009. meaning ‘unnameable’. scholars have argued that such diction is deliberately appropriated to achieve various. the sea noun with which the epithet βαθύς (‘deep’) is combined is πόντος. 38-41) and the elegiac poetry of Archilochus (cf. Another type of lexical differences can be added to this: epithets can differ from epic poetry in formation (ἱπποτρόφος. there can be semantic differences. In a martial context.g. 96-102: these scholars refute an older theory (defended by Page 1963. 24-52. for instance. Kirkwood 1974. it can be appropriated to establish a heroic effect when used about soldiers who fight for their polis See. 21 20 . Cairns 2010. insofar as words that refer to people or objects in epic poetry are used about space in lyric poetry (e. A second point of attention concerns the effect of the diction. Létoublon 2008. 119-163. To begin with the former. Fowler 1987. The differences in the combinations of epithets and nouns have been pointed out especially as regards Bacchylides (Robbins 1997. 19. for instance. however.g. while in epic poetry it is used with ἅλς. in Ibycus 282. According to a traditional belief.1 and Theognis 10. For my present purposes this means that I will concentrate on the way archaic lyric poetry differs from epic poetry in the handling of a common reservoir of diction. ‘horse-rearing’. diction shared with epic poetry merely serves to evoke an ‘epic atmosphere’ in archaic lyric poetry. In particular. I will focus on two sorts of differences: differences in lexical. 119-164 and Schrerer 1963. ‘much-suffering’. In Archilochus 105.that draw upon a common stock of diction and themes. Campbell 1976. referential and semantic use and differences in effect. without assuming the priority of epic poetry over lyric poetry. ‘grazed by horses’. scholars21 have noted that archaic lyric poetry lexically differs from epic poetry in its particular combinations of epithets and nouns. as opposed to ἱππόβοτος. ταλαπείριος. there can be referential differences. 53). 287.

23 21 . most scholars agree that epithets are an instrument of versification and that the very frequent ones have no contextual relevance (e. ‘swift’. 25 For a concise state of the art on Homeric epithets I refer to de Jong 1998. 29 However. it would be very unlikely that epithets in archaic Greek lyric bore no For the former see Irwin 2005. 121-126. Elliger 1975.E. 29 Le Meur 1998. Harvey 28 assumed that poets made use of epithets merely as an ornament to set up an ‘epic’ tone. θοός. LfgrE. I cannot avoid the much debated question whether epithets are ornamental or contextually relevant. or. His criteria for deciding whether an epithet is particularised are: metrically equivalent epithets.27 However. of ships anchored at beaches). 119-165. especially part one. 158-159. at first A. 27 For the ornamental use of the epithet cf. θοός and Parry 1971 (1928). used by Helen in response to Priam’s question who the tall and strong Greek hero who surpasses all the others is.g. s. 11 (on epithets of nature in the Iliad). epithets separated from their noun. epithets in enjambment. 25 and it has sharpened dramatically since Milman Parry’s argument that the Homeric epithets.v.24 Given the comparison to epic poetry. This debate has especially dominated Homeric scholarship. 26 At present. This idea became widespread in commentaries on lyric poets and has recently been restated as regards epithets of lyric landscapes in particular. have no value other than metrical. excluding a small number of ‘particularised’ ones. determinative epithets. on the contrary.(the elegies of Tyrtaeus and Callinus). 26 See Parry 1971 (1928). 28 Harvey 1957. 24 Cf. An example from the Iliad is the epithet πελώριος (‘mighty’) of Ajax in 3.339. to establish an anti-heroic effect when used about warriors who flee from the battlefield (‘new Archilochus’). they also allow for instances where epithets can be argued to be contextually relevant. both the use and effect of the diction will be investigated with special attention to them. As for the epithets in lyric poetry. 93-97 and Bonnafé 1984. for the latter see BarkerChristensen 2006 and Swift forthcoming. 23-24.23 Because epithets are clear markers of diction shared with epic poetry and because they often concern space.

30 31 22 . THE ROLES OF SPACE My second.2. 28. 33 De Jong 2007. 3. i. I hope that with the Bergson 1956. The contextual significance of epithets has. for. Segal 1976. 19-20 as well as by Robbins 1997. amongst which narratology.e. followed by Maehler 1982. Alessandra Romè and Anne Broger32 have demonstrated that in Alcaeus and Sappho epithets acquire different overtones than in epic poetry. see also Grethlein-Rengakos 2009. I will investigate whether the contextual relevance of epithets. Focusing on epithets of space. 32 Romè 1965. 14. Romè and Broger. especially 304-309. intensifying pathos or marking changes of tone. often called the grammar of narrative. as suggested for melic lyric poetry by Segal. political and erotic ones. in non-epic poetry there was no need of fixed formulae to memorise large-scale poems. as Irene de Jong has pointed out. been demonstrated for melic lyric poetry. 33 Although my theoretical framework is primarily intended for archaic Greek lyric. as Leif Bergson30 has pointed out in his study of epithets in tragic poetry. more central research question is literary and regards the roles of space in archaic lyric poetry. Charles Segal31 has shown that in Bacchylides epithets are important signposts that direct the narratees through the narrative. for which epic poetry will again serve as a point of comparison. Narratological theories will be particularly important. in fact. To investigate the roles of space. as it helps us to order and understand certain aspects of the texts we study’. I will make use of several modern literary theories. such as the Homeric epics. because of the different contexts in which they are used. for. 287. by underlining significant turns of events. ‘narratology. indeed is comparable to our grammars. 24-25 and 2004. 1.contextual significance. The irrelevance of mnemonic devices implies that lyric and tragic poets had much more freedom when handling epithets. Broger 1996. applies to archaic lyric poetry in general.

. which has widened the field to other genres which initially fell beyond its scope. 130-134. and is as such one of the basic operations at 34 35 See also Heirman 2011b for my model of space. literary and cultural theory. 7-8. an impressionistic and evaluative procedure of analysis.necessary modifications it may also be of use to students of space in other literatures. some methodological issues concerning the transfer of narratology to archaic Greek lyric poetry need to be addressed. while lyric critics did not engage in narratological analyses. The latter has been deplored by lyric critics such as Eva Müller-Zettelmann and Margarete Rubik:35 While.. however. see also Müller-Zettelmann 2002. independent of culture and period. 23 . and a terminological pluralism that defies constructive academic debate. used to structure experience and produce and communicate meaning.narratology at the beginning of the twenty-first century can rely upon a sizeable corpus of internationally recognised and widely applied theoretical frames of reference. high time to lift the theory of poetry to a level that corresponds to the level of reflection in modern literary studies by means of a transfer of theories from other fields.34 Because my theoretical framework starts from narratology. Until recently. ‘modern’ poetry theory forms an enclave far from the influences of mainstream literary theory and still works with axioms derived basically from post-Romantic conceptions of genre and reception.. therefore. narratology and lyric poetry criticism were firmly separated from each other: narratologists focused on novels and epic poetry. The results are a failure to make use of the results of modern linguistic.. Peter Hühn and Jörg Schönert have pioneered narratological analyses of lyric poetry. It is. Recently. in the wake of the ‘transgeneric’ turn in narratology. Müller-Zettelmann-Rubik 2005. To methodologically justify this approach. they argue that ‘[n]arration is an anthropologically universal semiotic practice.

36 They contend that the same narrative techniques are at play in prose and lyric poetry. such as the distinction between story and discourse and the narratorial standpoint. 1.e. 347-350 (on Keats).work even in lyric poetry’. Cf. this genre includes many brief stories: in Archilochus’ iambic poetry. The critical response to the SAGN’s analysis of choral lyric poetry only highlights the relevance of extending its approach to the whole of archaic Greek lyric poetry. they are publishing an ongoing series of narratological studies of English and German lyric poetry from the sixteenth through the twentieth century. see also Hühn 2002. independently of the work done by the Hamburg scholars. 51-52 and Lardinois 2006. there are many political. like the Hühn-Schönert 2005. forthcoming on space). ‘because it allows. also to iambic. 36 24 . She also discusses other points of connection. as Ewen Bowie 40 has argued. 137-148. too. The importance of narration in iambic lyric might be explained. i. 40 Bowie 2001. while Irene de Jong included the choral lyric poets Pindar and Bacchylides in the three series of her Studies in Ancient Greek Narrative because their Epinician Odes contain long mythological narratives (2004 on the narrator and narratee. 134-146 (on Herrick. Browning and Coleridge) and Short 2001. points out that mediation is at play both in prose and lyric poetry. because. for instance. For instance. as André Lardinois has noted. the presentation of events from a particular perspective. followed in Kantzios 2005. 37 Hühn and Schönert have also put this transfer into practice: with their colleagues from Hamburg. A narratological approach seems justified especially for iambic lyric. Kenaan on SAGN 2 in AN 8 (2009). elegiac and monodic lyric. 38 See Hühn-Kiefer 2005 and Hühn-Schönert-Stein 2007. by the fact that the iambic meter lends itself well for the telling of stories.38 Narratology has recently also been applied to archaic Greek lyric poetry. 13-14 and 2004. although not necessarily in the same way. also MüllerZettelmann 2002. 25-26. 2007 on time. particularly in light of the work by Hühn and Schönert. erotic and military stories as well as animal fables. and Hühn-Sommer 2012. both use mediation.e. 37 Müller-Zettelmann 2002. 39 Scodel on SAGN 1 in BMCR (2005).39 i. In 2007 Andrew Morrison published a book on the narrator in archaic lyric and Hellenistic poetry.

45 In this respect. Thus. but in such cases I will use the term ‘speaker’ instead of ‘narrator’. Generally 41 Lardinois 2006. past or present experiences. or someone else’s. I will not be so rigid as to exclude these non-narrative (parts of) poems from my corpus.43 the narration of personal experience is common. conveying his or her. too. 109 and Carey 2009. Monika Fludernik. most are lost: see recently Lulli 2011. 16 and 32. unfortunately. However. who adopt the term narrator for all archaic lyric poetry. narration ultimately depends on experientiality: it is enough if there is an anthropomorphic agent. is taken into account. such as Semonides 1 about the vain hopes of man. and thereby fall outside the scope of these two categories. by which a narrative is considered a mere sequence of two or more events. It is clear that narration can be at play in elegiac and monodic lyric.42 Fludernik argues against the reduction of narration to sequentiality. According to her. where. about past or present experiences (especially in elegiac and monodic lyric poetry). an external narrator recounts past or present events (especially in iambic and choral lyric poetry). if the recent definition of narration by one of the leading narratologists. 43 Gentili 1988 (1985). Fludernik 1996. there are also (parts of) archaic lyric poems which deal with omnitemporal state of affairs. this definition justifies a broadening of the narratological approach from choral and iambic lyric poetry to most elegiac and monodic lyric poetry. x and Morrison 2007.45 Now that the transfer of narratology to archaic lyric poetry has been argued for.44 and experiential. As for archaic Greek lyric. also the historical and mythological stories in long elegiac. 26. I deviate from Hutchinson 2001. narration seems to be at play in the whole of archaic Greek lyric in two forms: sequential. as Bruno Gentili and Chris Carey have pointed out. However. in the case of mythological narratives. Consequently.hexameter. 19-22. 41 42 25 . time has come to build up my theoretical framework for the analysis of the roles of space. these cannot be considered narratives. to speak of a narrative. in which an internal narrator or. 44 Cf. of which. for the free flow of sentences from one line to the next’. 151.

321-322. their hermeneutical value for the analysis of literary texts has yet to be demonstrated. 87-97 (Iliad). providing a scenic backdrop against which the narrated events take place. 313 and 320. the basic role of space is that of setting. the distinction is based on a difference in gradation according to the dominant role. Buchholz-Jahn 2005. are not mutually exclusive.1. so that it requires a serious effort for the narratees’ imagination to concretise it. 46 26 . 106. 552-553. I distinguish between two roles: one as setting and frame and one as symbol. 1. As Theodore Andersson. It can also remain implicit and vague. 36 and 126. Bal 1997 (1985). Although these raise some interesting theoretical challenges. Ronen 1986. 47. 133-141. Christos Tsagalis and Irene de Jong have demonstrated. 48 For the distribution of space see Zoran 1984. Although there is more attention to space See Chatman 1978. 263-300 and especially Dennerlein 2009. Zoran 1984. i. de Jong forthcoming b (Iliad and Odyssey). For a detailed state of the art of narratological theories of space I refer to Dennerlein 2009. 13-47.48 Because epic poetry serves as a point of comparison. Bal 1997 (1985). van Baak 1983. it is relevant to point out that the dominant role of space in the Homeric epics is that of setting. The relation between space and imagination has now become the focus of attention in cognitive narratology: see Ryan 2003. 138-139. These roles. indications of the setting are distributed either throughout the narrative (at moments when the action requires an explanation of the locale) or concentrated at the beginning (as a kind of synoptic description).47 Whether detailed or not. 47 On the attention paid to space see Chatman 1978. Herman 2002.2. Ryan 2012. 423. Space as Setting and Frame According to many narratologists. In this respect. Tsagalis 2010.speaking. to the extent that it turns into a description. van Baak 1983. 135-136. 49 Andersson 1976. 15-52 (Iliad and Odyssey). as the setting can acquire symbolic overtones.46 The setting can be very concrete and detailed. however.e.49 in Homer space is often reduced to set the scene of the narrative and mentioned only when relevant to the plot: more interesting than space an sich is what happens in space.

i. or emotions. as the space which is the setting at the beginning of the narrative can later become a secondary or distant frame and vice versa. As regards the Homeric similes about the sea. this applies especially to the Odyssey: when Odysseus finds himself on Scheria.1-8. Ithaca is a distant frame. insofar as ‘they contain an impossible.16-22. whereas the latter. however. 9. that Cf. 13. especially the distant frames. when returned home. or. 301-305. See further 4. Scott 1974. Frames and setting can be interchanged in the course of the narrative. The narratologist Ruth Ronen has demonstrated that the narrative also encompasses several ‘frames’. 15. 62-66.52 A case in point is the moment Odysseus arrives in Ithaca (see Od. their main role is to illustrate an event. is that the former constitutes the ‘actual’ space of the narrative. 124 and 130. according to Ronen. i. To take the Iliad as an example.624-629). of the narrative. Coffey 1957.3. 52 Ronen 1986. imagined or believed situation which cannot be or is not actualized’. Fränkel 1999 (1921). 51 Ronen 1986. for instance. in other words.e. and in the Homeric similes in the Iliad. 429. Ithaca is the setting and the stops on his long voyage have become distant frames.e. 50 27 . are sometimes counterfactual or hypothetical. the confusion or distress felt by a mass or hero (Il. 14. 2. because of the theme of Odysseus’ wanderings. especially 423-429 (followed in Ryan 2012).187-258). For the narrator and the narratees it is clear that Odysseus has returned home. 51 These frames are classified by their distance from the setting: the setting is surrounded by or juxtaposed with ‘secondary’ background frames and frames that are more ‘distant’ from the setting. space is essentially subordinated to the plot of the narrative.381-384). Another important aspect of the relation between setting and frames. while the sea is the secondary frame and Greece a distant frame. As for the Homeric epics. the setting is the Trojan plain.50 The spaces referred to in the narrative are. the noise of the attack or withdrawal of a fighting mass (Il. places which do not constitute the actual locale.207-210 and 394-397. not restricted to the setting.in the Odyssey. 15.

which was originally designed as an analytical instrument to trace generic divisions throughout the history of the Western novel from ancient Greece to Rabelais: Bakhtin 1981 (1938). Ch. also Bal 1997 (1985). also Bakhtin’s chronotope theory for the relation between time and space. Slater 1983. move back in time to the earliest point – typically with the particle γάρ or a relative pronoun – then move forwards in time again (usually in greater detail) until the point of departure is See de Jong 2001. deals with the number of times an event is recounted in the narrative: one event can be narrated once (singulative) or more than once (repeating). for a discussion of this passage as an instance of a ‘delayed-recognition’ story-pattern.e.g. Order and frequency are handled in a particular way in epic and archaic lyric poetry (especially Pindar) in what are known as ‘lyric narratives’. Keunen 2007 and Bemong a.Ithaca is the actual setting. Frequency. and several events can be recounted only once (iterative). Schadewaldt 1966 (1938). 54 Duration concerns the narrative rhythm or speed. 4-6. For this purpose I will make use of the popular. presented rapidly and in broad strokes (summary). 80-113 and de Jong 2007. as they begin in ultimas res. 118-126. is not aware of his homecoming at first. ad loc. Cp. However. or in great detail (scene). xiv. sometimes to the extent that the narrated time comes to a complete standstill (pause). 53 28 . 84. order and frequency by the ‘founding father’ of narratology. finally. threefold division of time in duration. with the use of dramatic irony. further e. 55 For ‘lyric narrrative’ (also called ‘epic regression’) in epic poetry and Pindar see Krischer 1917. i. de Jong 2001. cf. Gérard Genette. but believes that he has arrived in an unknown country: he still considers Ithaca a distant frame. as an event of the story can be passed over in silence in the narrative (ellipsis).o. 136-140. the relation between narrated time and narrating time.55 The order of lyric narratives is anachronical. the character inside the story. 54 See Genette 1983. Odysseus. 2010. Order regards the question whether the events are narrated in a chronological sequence. a place he hopes to reach eventually. This example shows that the narrator can handle setting and frames to build up an effect of dramatic irony.53 In my analyses of setting and frame I will focus on the way they are affected by the temporal structure of the narrative.

spatial marks on the Trojan battlefield. Symbolic Associations A first type of the symbolic role of space is when space. 56 is semantically charged to the extent that it has symbolic associations. while the countryside has religious and mystical associations in Romantic poetry. as the event mentioned in the beginning is repeated in the end. 1. The order influences the frequency of the events recounted. with spaces that are the product of the imagination of the narrator (or speaker) or a character and exist only in his or her mind but not in the actual world. as Herman Meyer and Gerhard Hoffmann have shown. The question then is how the anachronical order and the repetition of certain events affect the setting and frames of the narratives.2. while the rugged mountains 56 Meyer 1975 (1963). 29 . I distinguish between two types of symbolism of space: symbolic associations and symbolic form.e. i.e. it acquires symbolic associations in some cases. Space as Symbol The role of space is not restricted to that of setting and frame: space can also have a symbolic role. Although space primarily has a role as setting and frame in the Homeric epics. Hoffmann 1978. are associated with security for the Trojans in the Iliad. metaphor and personification. such as the oak tree near the Scaean gate. Making use of phenomenological theories and metaphor theories. For instance. In archaic Greek lyric the repeated event is often used as a thematic parallel between the mythological narrative and the situation of the narrator. Sometimes the symbolic associations become so dominant that we are dealing with imaginary instead of real spaces. the city of Babylon has associations with perverse sexuality from the Old Testament (the ‘Whore of Babylon’).reached. As an example. i.2.

10). Clay 2011. However. The savage and lonely life in the countryside seems to be set against the socio-political. 54-78. Elliger 1975. urban life is often opposed to the simple and honest life in the countryside. the only example she is able to offer is Pythian 9. 2) as a wolf-like figure (λυκαιμίας. ad loc. the narrator recounts a kind of beauty conquest of women in a precinct. At the end of the fragment. 150-163. Reinhardt 1988 (on Theocritus). 123-142 and van Baak 1983. ‘civilised’ life. Does this mean that the opposition between city and countryside is maintained. as he catches a glimpse of the civilised life in bitter contrast to his own rustic life? Or does it weaken the opposition. For the island of Polyphemus cf.57 The symbolic associations of different types of space are sometimes opposed to each other in ways that vary cross-culturally.106-115). 58 Lotman 1990. Trachsel 2007.and caves on the island of the Cyclopes are associated with a lack of civilisation in the Odyssey (9. where Cyrene and Telesicrates 30 . the complex. as it indicates that life in the countryside is not so hard after all? Even if the former were more likely. a fragment by Alcaeus (130b) contains a dramatic monologue in which an exiled narrator complains that he has been driven out of the city (lines 8-9) and spends a ‘rustic life’ (ζώω μοῖραν ἔχων ἀγροϊωτίκαν. as the narrator only briefly forgets the hardship of his life at the countryside. 103-105. above all. In Hellenistic poetry and. it would be too tentative to conclude on the basis of one fragment that the opposition between city and countryside applies to archaic Greek lyric poetry. 66-98.58 A wellknown example is the opposition between city and countryside. Thorton 1984. longing for the agora and the boulē (lines 3-5). the opposition might not be as strict as it seems. a risk in studying 57 For the symbolic associations of the spatial marks on the Trojan plain I refer to Elliger 1975. However. as Jurij Lotman and Joost van Baak have demonstrated. 57-62. 45 (in general). 59 As for archaic Greek lyric. or even reinforced. 363 (on Theocritus) and 438 (on Horace). van Baak 1983. de Jong 2001. in Roman bucolic poetry. 60 Steiner 1986. 59 Cf. close to which he apparently finds himself. 92-94 observes an opposition between the countryside as wild and hostile and the city as a source of blessings in Pindar’s Epinician Odes.60 More generally speaking.

the island of Lemnos in Sophocles’ Philoctetes 686-706 and 1452-1467. northern Greece. for my purposes.types of space as a set of binary oppositions is that no gradations or intermediate dimensions are taken into account. 61 Cf. it seems more fruitful to investigate the symbolic associations of types of space an sich. 33-106. fertile city after their trails in rugged. 62 i. which. 1 and 270. 64 For tragic poetry see Rehm 2002. so that the complexity of space is overlooked or left unexplored. 216-219 and 222-229 (‘erlebte Raum’). 114-137. 55-79 (‘gestimmte Raum’). This means that the observation of symbolic associations is ultimately a matter of interpretation that cannot be proven with certainty. Bollnow 1963. For a complication of the opposition between city and countryside in antiquity I refer to Rosen-Sluiter 2006. Assert 1972. as it often serves as an outer arrive at a southern. countryside and sea. are the city. Meyer 1975 (1963). we are dealing with the ‘psychologising function’ of space. Of course. However. 43-49 and Klooster forthcoming. This function has been argued to be typical of the countryside in ancient Greek poetry. 63 Cf. 61-67.63 In tragic and Hellenistic poetry desolated landscapes sometimes mirror the protagonists’ loneliness and despair (cf. expanding on the belief that man and countryside were still closely connected to each other in ancient Greece. of mirroring someone’s feelings or contrasting with them.e. it is often difficult to exactly decide whether we are dealing with symbolic associations. and the Syrislandscape in Argonautica 4.1235-1250). 62 See Bachelard 1989 (1957). O’Toole 1980. Parry 1957 and Segal 1963.61 Therefore. 31 . 135-136 and 140. In some cases the symbolic associations of space are connected to the mood or emotions of the characters or the narrator (or speaker) located in that space. 229-242 and Hoffmann 1978. Hillebrand 1971. In these cases. For Hellenistic poetry cf. but even in this poem city and countryside are not directly set against each other. 64 For archaic Greek lyric many scholars have even argued that the primary function of the countryside is psychologising. Rehm 2002. it is still possible to substantiate the observation on the basis of close attention to the diction and the context in the particular poem. for they range from manifestly marked to more implicit. Jenkyns 1998.

165-174.reflection of inner moods. it is important to address the radical changes in the way metaphors have been studied from the last century onwards. Bremer 1975. 203-212. sometimes picking flowers. 23. While in the first type the symbolic role has been proven to stem from an association with something else. 19-99 and Leezenberg 2001.65 Symbolic associations of space can also be standardised as literary motifs.69 Treu 1955. i.68 In order to make clear how I will analyse the use of metaphors of space in archaic Greek lyric. See further 3. which is associated with virginal innocence and abduction. The flowery meadow is the place where a young and innocent girl finds herself. 60-66.3. Cairns 1997. especially in poets like Alcaeus. Elliger 1975. here it stems from the representation of something else. 118-143. 176-202.66 Symbolic Form: Metaphor and Personification A second type of the symbolic role of space is the symbolic form. For the ‘meadow of love’ motif in Greek poetry see Motte 1973. especially in comparison with epic poetry. 68 For metaphors in archaic Greek lyric see Steiner 1986 (on Pindar) and Crowther 2003 (on Archilochus). 45-70. space as metaphor or personification. 67 As studies of metaphor in Pindar and Archilochus have demonstrated. 38-48 and 208213. An example from ancient Greek poetry is the motif of the ‘meadow of love’.3. 67 That metaphor is a form of symbol has been argued in extenso by Ricoeur 1976. 69-148. When they are not restricted to one specific poem but are at play in a wider literary tradition. before being abducted by a man. 33-38. as told in the Hymn to Demeter. Calame 1999 (1992). Le Meur 1998. For the domination of similes over metaphors in epic poetry see Stanford 1972 (1936). 69 For a detailed state of the art of metaphor theories I refer to Biebuyck 1998. the use of metaphors is characteristic of archaic Greek lyric.e. 65 66 32 . they should be examined against the background of that tradition. where similes prevail over metaphors. the most famous example is the abduction of Persephone by Hades. Jenkyns 1998. Sappho and Ibycus.

for I shall steer towards grassy gardens. which has been influential Ancient views on metaphor are discussed in Stanford 1972 (1937).71 The idea of metaphor as a substitution soon came under attack.. 1406b and Quint. Aristot.’ Although most scholars agree that the spatial references are metaphors for the pudenda muliebria. 7-27.. 71 Cf. φίλη· σχήσω γὰρ ἐς ποη[φόρους κ]ήπους.A. 3-77 and Innes 2003. Being aware of the inadequacy of the substitution theory.. some think that the gardens stand for the mons Veneris. 8. For instance. 70 33 .Up until the early-mid twentieth century metaphor theorists followed ancient theories of metaphor (Aristotle.6. This theory. while others suggest pubic hair.3. I..158-177.9-10: Il.3. An example from archaic Greek lyric that illustrates the problems involved in this idea is a piece from Archilochus’ Cologne Epode (fragment 196a). 72 The impossibility of precisely determining the referents derives from the fact that metaphors are no mere substitutions. Rhet. Inst. in which a man persuades a girl to sexually engage with him. 20. 72 See further my discussion of the fragment in 3. do not begrudge me (to go?) under the coping and the gates. a substitution of one word or expression in terms for another (the classical. Quintilian) 70 by analysing metaphor as an abbreviated simile.2 and 3. it is unclear which female genitals each reference precisely points to. Aristotelian example being Achilles equated with a lion). Orat. ‘But.. Cicero. Richards and Max Black proposed the interactionism theory in the mid-twentieth century. my dear..3. In lines 21-24 he makes use of spatial metaphors to seduce the girl: θρ]ιγκοῦ δ᾽ ἔνερθε καὶ πυλέων ὑποφ[ μ]ή τι μέγαιρε.

Crowther 2003. especially 93-98. 4 (1992). i. for in De Oratore 3. for archaic lyric poetry see Steiner 1986. 1-10. Lakoff-Turner 1989. To understand the function of metaphors of space in archaic lyric poems.g. Leidl 2003 and the papers collected in Harrison-Paschalis-Frangoulidis 2005 (on the ancient novel). however.76 but also provoked a high interest in the workings of metaphor outside literary texts (for example in advertisements).. 84-91. for ancient Greek literature Sluiter 2005 and 2011. from a means to inform or explain something. Cicero did not limit the use of metaphors to literature.in classical scholarship. 63-65. Cognitive metaphor theory not only brought along a new perspective on metaphors in literature. that metaphor is a verbal phenomenon inherent to literary language has been questioned during the past few decades: metaphor is now considered a cognitive phenomenon generally characteristic of human thought. It is interesting to note that in contrast to Aristotle. ‘subsidiary subject’ and ‘system of associated commonplaces’). I will adopt the findings of cognitive metaphors theorists. as exemplified by metaphors like life as a journey and debate as war. 14. 63-65 and above all Charteris-Black 2005. 74 Richards 1965 (1936). Nünlist 1998.e. Black 1954-1955 (he chose for the less influential terms ‘principal subject’. for instance. For metaphor as an indirect expression of emotions see 73 34 . For the persuasive function of metaphor see Lakoff-Turner 1989. 75 Lakoff-Johnson 2003 (1980). 77 For metaphor as cognitive elucidation see Lakoff-Turner 1989. 1-2. These theorists speak of varying functions of metaphors. Mark Johnson and Mark Turner75 deconstructed the interactionist scheme of tenor-vehicle-ground and defined metaphor as a process of mapping of concepts from one domain (the ‘source domain’) to another (the ‘target domain’). to a means to persuade or indirectly express emotions.77 Which of See e. as cognitive elucidation. 76 Cf. the special issues on the cognitive value of metaphors in Poetics Today 13. 74 Its assumption. 3 (1999). The cognitive metaphor theory developed by Georke Lakoff.155 he says that even peasants use metaphors. 1 (1993) and 22.73 holds that the metaphorical referent (the ‘vehicle’) and the non-metaphorical referent (the ‘tenor’) interact with each other against a commonly shared background of similarities and differences.

these functions are at play in a particular poem will be decided on the basis of the poem as a whole. 79 Biebuyck 1998. 80 What often helps clarify whether we are dealing with personification is a comparison of the diction to other early Greek poetry:81 if nouns. 81 I use ‘early Greek poetry’ for epic and archaic lyric poetry throughout my thesis. This approach is. Biebuyck 2007.69-74. for instance. Crisp 2003 and Müller 2009.e. since smallscale lyric poetry often includes only one metaphor. we can conclude that we are dealing with personification of space. prison metaphors constitute a key theme of the plot. 127-129. 2011. however. which does not form part of a larger plot.6-9 and h. adjectives or verbs used about space in a lyric poem refer to human beings elsewhere in early Greek poetry. The Hymn to Delos is a notable exception with its extended personification of the island of Delos (see further de Jong forthcoming c). although instances of nature physically responding to the numinous power or presence of gods are not uncommon. 2009b. h. 35 .82 In my Fainsilber-Ortony 1987. because it isolates the metaphor from the rest of the text. Yatromanolakis 1991 and the papers collected in Stafford-Herrin 2005. 89-97 and 163-346.9-14. 28. For personification in ancient Greek literature see Webster 1954. see also Il. 73-76. Fludernik 2009. Personification of space is relatively scarcely attested in epic poetry. 82 Especially in the Homeric Hymns: h. Biebuyck-Martens 2009. i. 14. Gunther Martens and Monika Fludernik. 78 A fourth approach to metaphors is the narratological one by Benjamin Biebucyk. I will also be looking at instances of personification of space. 501. In Charles Dickens’ Little Dorritt. In addition to metaphors. when inanimate subjects are endowed with human traits. Kövecses 2000 and Knowles-Moon 2006. 80 For personification in literature see Paxson 1994. less useful for my purposes.27-29. 79 These scholars argue that metaphors have an important. 78 This avoids the critique by Biebuyck-Martens 2011 that cognitive metaphor theory is not useful to study literary metaphors. Steen 1999. 27. thematic function within the plot of a narrative and require hermeneutic participation by the reader. suggesting that life itself should be considered a prison. Ven. 13. 194. 119120 and 2011.347-349. Th. 5. For the application of cognitive metaphor theory to metaphors in lyric poetry in relation to the poem as a whole see Steen 1999 and 2009.

including archaic Greek lyric. Jeffrey Hurwitt and Richard Jenkyns. Claudian. In Statius’ Silvae (4. 86 Copley 1937. the shores and woods are said to be moving in rage (Fervent litora mobilesque silvae). Although these subtypes of personification are largely based on Webster 1954.84 Firstly. Rome is anthropomorphised as a woman wearing a laurel headdress and a golden diadem. According to Ruskin. of course. for example. by which space is endowed with physical or mental life.115-120).86 who have pointed out instances of the pathetic fallacy in Greek and Latin literature. 10. rage or calmness. when space is endowed with feelings normally ascribed to human beings.61).85 This subtype is best known from Romantic poetry. the pathetic fallacy occurs only in Romantic poetry. 187 and Yatromanolakis 1991. Book 6). which is more standard. the bodily appearance of space as man or woman. e. I distinguish between several subtypes of personification. In a poem by William Cowper. namely ‘prosopopoiia’. for instance. Roman poetry (especially Ausonius. which can. it is said that ‘The fruitful field / Laughs with abundance’ (The Task. there is what John Ruskin has called the pathetic fallacy. 37ff. Jenkyns 1998. overlap. One of the aims of this thesis is to investigate whether there is pathetic fallacy of space in archaic Greek lyric. I made some modifications: I replaced Webster’s ‘animisation’ by ‘pathetic fallacy’.g. This has been partially refuted by Frank Copley. Prudentius and Rutilius Namatianus). and I added a fourth category. Hurwitt 1981. as scholars have pointed out. 87 For the anthropomorphisation of Rome in late antiquity see Roberts 2001.83 or are other functions involved? In what follows.87 See Biddle 1991. 85 See Ruskin 1907 (1856). 205-245. where the city of Rome is presented as a woman whose attributes reveal the status and power of the Empire.analyses I will investigate the functions of personification in relation to the poem as a whole: is it used only as a means of dramatisation. 22-25. In a poem by Rutilius Namatianus (1.3. there is anthropomorphisation. but not in Greek or Latin literature. 83 84 36 . Thirdly. This is a popular type of personification in late antique. for example. A second subtype of personification is activisation.

the countryside and the sea. The first flush of the tropics in my blood. Sydney. 37 . Forcing strong wills perverse to steadfastness.A final subtype of personification is prosopopoiia.18). exclaims: ‘Greeting! My birth-stain have I turned to good. in which several cities utter exclamations. for instance. A famous example from Latin literature is Cicero’s In Catilinam (1. the attribution of speech to space. in which the Roman patria accuses Catiline of having committed crimes against her and asks him to leave Rome out of fear of him. it can be put employed in the next three chapters about the city. And at my feet Success!’ Now that my theoretical framework of space has been set out. An example from modern lyric poetry is the Song of the Cities by Rudyard Kipling.

.

this chapter focuses on the roles of the city in archaic Greek lyric. Anderson 1997. My analyses will focus on the way setting and frame are affected by the temporal structure of the narratives. 90 As for the diction.e. 2. I will examine contemporary cities (πόλεις. several papers in Bernardini 2000 and 2004 and Fartzoff 2009. THE CITY 2. 15-37 and de Jong forthcoming b.LXIX4708) and Ibycus’ Ode to Polycrates (fragment 282). as well as by the use of diction shared with epic poetry.Oxy.1.1 and 1. Firstly. My discussion is based on two fragments related to the Trojan saga: the ‘new Archilochus’ (P.2. 39 .2). 90 For diction and time see further my introductory chapter (1. the scenic background against which the events take place. in epic and tragic poetry 88 but not in lyric poetry. INTRODUCTION Considerable attention has been paid to the presentation of cities. Setting out to fill this gap.e. by examining the particular combinations of epithets and nouns and the formation of an epithet. most notably Troy.1) and metaphors (2. Scully 1990. as well as semantic differences or 88 Cf. a place far removed from that scenic backdrop. especially epithets. by their chronological or anachronical order and the frequency of the events recounted.3.2). Secondly. See also more in general Demoen 2001. i.2.3.89 and as distant frame.2. ἄστεα) as personifications (2. 89 For the role of Troy as setting in the Iliad see Anderson 1976.e.1). MYTHOLOGICAL CITIES AS SETTINGS AND FRAMES This section offers a discussion of mythological cities with a role as setting similar to Troy in the Iliad. giving careful consideration to the diction used of the city. I will discuss mythological cities (especially Troy) as settings and frames in war narratives (2. i. I will also investigate whether there are lexical differences from epic poetry. i.

insofar as epithets are used of cities instead of people. which has few changes in comparison to his original edition of 2005. 20-22 (link with Pi. θεοῦ κρατερῆ[ς ὑπ’ ἀνάγκης See D’Alessio 2006. the text of the ‘new Archilochus’ has not yet appeared in the Loeb editions. 9-41 and Swift forthcoming (comparison of the theme of flight with the Homeric epics). Lulli 2011. 98-105 and forthcoming.93 I hope to give an impetus to further literary discussions. Hesiod and Pindar. recent years have witnessed an increasing number of publications dealing with the interpretation of the text. 210-256. [ . . of the city in this chapter and of the coastal plain with a river in the next chapter. In the most recent edition94 the ‘new Archilochus’ runs as follows: ] . AloniIanucci 2007. Obbink 2006. Nicolosi 2006. D’Alessio 2006. and discussions of the myth in relation to other ancient Greek literature and iconography. 1-7. 1-7 (connection of line 14 with Hesiod). Henry 2006. Lulli 2011. [ . 19-20. 2. 11-15. For the most recent apparatus criticus I refer to Lulli 2011.1. The ‘new Archilochus’ With the new Archilochus fragment (P. For the second category see Mayer 2006. ] . Nicolosi 2007. 90. 92 For the first category cf. 524-528. 91 40 .differences in meaning and referential differences. 1-4. textual criticism has been the main scholarly focus.2. Bernsdorff 2006.LXIX4708) we have the first known example of a mythological narrative in elegiac couplets from the archaic Greek period. Barker-Christensen 2006. 2007 and Burzacchini-Nicolosi 2008. 89-98. Since the fragment was only edited in 2005. .2. 9). 93 See 3.92 With my analysis of space. 297-324 and Burzacchini-Nicolosi 2008. . 5-18.Oxy. . 529-542 (commentaries with many intertextual parallels).[ εἰ δὲ] . N. The text and translation I use derives from a forthcoming article by Dirk Obbink. 91 Nonetheless. . Luppe 2006. West 2006. . ] . . These mainly fall into two categories: intertextual discussions with comparisons to Homer. 94 Because of its recent edition.

760. See further 3. Il.327: ἀσπασίως φεύγοντες ἀνέπνεον Ἕκτορα δῖον. see also Lulli 2001). ἀ]σ̣πάσιοι δ’ ἐς νέας ὠ[κ]υ̣π̣όρ[ο]υ̣ς [ἔφυγο̣ν̣96 π̣αῖδές τ̣’ ἀθανάτων κ̣α̣ὶ ἀδελφεο̣ί. also West 2006). 3. Obbink 2005 and forthcoming has ἐσέβαν (cf. 5 κ̣α̣ί π̣οτ̣[ε μ]οῦνος ἐὼν̣ Τήλεφος Ἀρκα̣[σίδης Ἀργείων ἐφόβ̣ησε πολὺν στρατ̣[όν.1: ἐσβὰς ἐς νέα. [οὓς Ἀγαμέμνων 15 Ἴλιον εἰς ἱερὴν ἦγε μαχησομένο̣[υς. αἰχμητ̣α̣ί περ̣ ἐόντε[ς]. Diomedes] fled to the ships’). 11. Obbink forthcoming is more hesitant and has only π̣]ήμ[α]τ’ .] ἦ τ̣όσα δὴ μοῖρα θεῶν ἐφόβε̣ι̣..2. ‘they [sc. the Greeks] gladly had respite in their flight for godly Hector’.366: φεύγων ἐς νῆας..85. for [εἵμ]εθα̣ cf.] ο̣[ἱ δὲ φέβοντο ἄλκι̣μ̣[οι. Il. ‘he [sc. This is the reading adopted in Obbink 2006 (see also Swift forthcoming.οὐ χρή] ἀν̣[α]λ̣[κείη]ν̣ [κ̣]αὶ κακότητα λέγει̣[ν· π̣]ήμ[α]τ’ ε̣ὖ̣ [εἵμ]εθα̣95 δ̣[ῆι]α φυγεῖν· φεύγ[ειν δέ τις ὦρη. 4. 95 41 . [. ἐυρρείτ̣ης δὲ Κ[άïκος π]ι̣π̣τ̣όν̣των νεκύων στείνετ̣ο καὶ [πεδίον 10 Μ̣ύσι̣ο̣ν̣.483 and 4. while Nicolosi 2006 and 2007 has ἀνέβαν (with ἐς in Od..3. although not with ships). Hdt.]εθα̣ 96 The supplement ἔφυγο̣ν̣ has been suggested by West 2006 (cf. ο]ἷ δὲ τότ̣ε̣ β̣λαφθέντες ὁδοῦ παρὰ θ[ῖν’ ἀφίκοντο. Darius] went aboard ship’. ‘he [sc. οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ θῖν̣α̣ πολυφλο̣ίσβοι[ο θαλάσσης χέρσ’] ὑπ’ ἀμειλίκτου φωτὸς ἐναιρό[μενοι προ]τ̣ροπάδην ἀπ̣έκλινον ἐυκν̣ήμ̣[ιδες Ἀχαιοί. 10.

.]... also Henry 2006 and Lulli 2011).. Several other supplements have been put forward (for a list of them see Burzacchini-Nicolosi 2008.Τε]ύθραντος δ̣’ ἐρ̣ατὴν πρ̣ὸς πόλιν [ἐ]ξ̣[έπεσον.].70: ἀμφ᾽ Ἑλένῃ καὶ κτήμασι πᾶσι μάχεσθαι. namely Μυσίδα. .[ . on the other hand. .. 3. Therefore. .. ‘battling for Helen and all possessions’. . ]η̣ν̣.. ... Il. Il. Ἡρακλ]έη̣ς δ̣’ ἤν̣τησ[ε] βοῶν̣ ταλ̣[α]κάρδιον [υἱόν οὖ]ρον ἀμ̣[εί]λ̣ι̣κ̣[τον] δηίωι ἐν [πολ]έμ̣[ωι Τ]ήλεφον ὃς Δ̣α̣ν̣α̣οῖσι κακὴν̣ [τ]ό[τε φύζαν ἐνόρσας 25 ἤ]ρ̣ειδ̣ε[ν [πρό]μαχος.. 97 42 ...]. cf.368: ἀφραδίηι πολέμοιο. .].. 538. 98 The reading of Obbink 2005 and forthcoming is αἶψα ἄκτ]ην (cf. ‘by folly in war’).]. . but there are two problems with this supplement: there is already a noun that functions as direct object. ἔ]ν̣θ̣α̣ [μ]έν̣ο̣ς πνείοντ̣ε̣ς ὁμῶς αὐτ̣ο̣[ί τε καὶ ἵπποι ἀ]φ̣ρ̣[αδί]ηι97 μεγάλως θυμὸν ἀκηχ̣έ[δατο· 20 φ]άντ̣ο̣ γ̣ὰρ ὑψίπ̣υλον Τρώων πόλιν̣ εἰσ[αναβαίνειν ]η̣ν98 ̣ δ’ ἐπάτευν Μυσίδα πυροφόρο̣[ν. θα .. and it is hard to imagine that a coast would bear wheat (πυροφόρο̣[ν)... for why would the Greeks become distressed for the sake of Helen? The noun ἀ]φ̣ρ̣[αδί]ηι.[.[ .. I believe it is best to remain prudent and accept only the two legible letters. but I choose for his initial reading ἀ]φ̣ρ̣[αδί]ηι (Obbink 2005. . The mention of Helen at this point in the story would be odd. 2. . none of which have gained general approval.. makes perfect sense in the context of the Greeks’ delusion of being in Troy (see further infra).[.[. ] .. ] ..... [ . n27). see also Henry 2006 and Lulli 2011).. πατρὶ χαριζόμ̣[ενος. . as Nicolosi 2006 and 2007 does. [ Obbink forthcoming has ἀ]μφ’ Ἑ[λέν]ηι (cf..

43 .16.. P. they arrived at that shore. O. A second justification for flight is an exemplum in the form of mythological narrative. Gladly did the sons of the immortals and brothers fled to their swift ships. fleeing is deemed rightful if it is compelled by a god (lines 2-4). Against an accusation of cowardice..13. 4. And Heracles encountered them [sc. N. as he shouted to his brave-hearted son Telephus. One does not have to call it weakness and cowardice [sc. but in fact they trod wheat-bearing Mysia. Even once Telephus from Arcadia put to flight the great army of Argives. 233. snorting fury along with their horses. strove in the front on that occasion to gratify his father.g. who. whom Agamemnon was leading to sacred Troy to fight.52. and they fled. a relentless guardian in destructive battle. Pindar’s Epinician Odes (e. And there.. we did well to hasten to flee from dreadful calamities. the well-greaved Greeks turned off with headlong speed to the shore of the loud-roaring sea.. so greatly was the fate of the gods routing them . The beginning of the fragment discusses a justification for retreat.although they were spear-men. having to retreat]. 4. 216 and Nünlist 2007. The fair-flowing river Caicus and the plain of Mysia were being filled with falling corpses. I.. 1. they came in great distress of spirit by their folly: for they thought they were ascending the high-gated city of the Trojans. the Greeks]. see further Pfeijffer 2004. the brave ones.: there is a proper time for flight. The mythological narrative is temporally structured as a ‘lyric narrative’. and they set upon the lovely city of Teuthras. because they had lost their way. a device known from epic poetry and Pindar’s 99 For ποτε cuing a transition to a mythological narrative cp. And being slain at the hands of the relentless man [sc. if it is under the compulsion of a god.25). indeed. which starts with π̣οτ̣[ε (‘once’)99 in line 5 and ends where our fragment breaks off. On that occasion. It recounts the Greeks’ fight with and flight from the Mysian Telephus after they had left for Troy but mistakenly landed in Mysia.. inciting unfortunate flight in the Danaans. Telephus]. 3...

Slater 1983. referred to in the lines preceding the mythological narrative. called the city of Teuthras (Τε]ύθραντος. 4-5) or flashback (D’Alessio 2006. Th. 591 and 607. Lulli 2011. treading in it and coming to or moving away from it.103 In the ‘new Archilochus’. 136-140.20 and 25. Stes. which only once refers to a city elsewhere in early Greek poetry (h. 1131 and 1348.28.239. it moves forwards again:101 the Greeks lose their way en route to ‘sacred’ Troy (with τότε in 16 referring to their sea voyage). 2. ἐρατός is used in a martial context. 84 and de Jong 2001.100 After mentioning the Greeks’ fight with the Mysian Telephus and their flight from the battlefield to the shore (lines 514a).31. Thgn. Schadewaldt 1966 (1938). 537. Ap. who says that in epic and archaic lyric poetry ‘ἐρατός and related words are very common in a context of music. which is enabled by the half-god Heracles (lines 22-25). Thgn. 2. which they believe to be Troy (lines 16-21).226. 100 44 . 477. 9. arrive at the Mysian shore and set upon the Mysian capital.πόλιν. Archil. Pi.291. P. The city which is the setting of the narrative is the Mysian city. 101 Because the ‘lyric narrative’ is structured as first moving backwards and then forwards. Thereupon. of the Cretans’ hometown)..532. 278. I. See also Fowler 1987.12. Music and festivities: Th.2. Tyrt. one should not speak in terms of analepsis (Bernsdorff 2006. 10.1 and 3. 7. 45. Ap. His assistance to Telephus makes a thematic parallel with the retreat under the compulsion of a god.lyric poetry.2. as the For ‘lyric narrative’ (also called ‘epic regression’) in epic poetry see Krischer 1917. 401 and 443. 136. however. who was the stepfather of Telephus and the former king of Mysia. 118-126. xiv.2. the story moves backwards to its beginning: the Greeks’ journey to Troy (14b-15). 65 and 70. Pi. in contrast to the frequent use of the related epithet ἐρατεινός of cities.17. 18. O. The epithet used of it is ἐρατήν (‘lovely’). poetry and festivity’. frr. 422. h. See also 1. 102 Cf. line 17). 103 Beauty and youth: Sol. 571. 3. 124.99. 311 and Burzacchini-Nicolosi 2008. Il. 1. 99). music and festivities.102 the latter in a context of beauty and youth. 583. in Pindar cf. 14. 21. Both ἐρατεινός and ἐρατός occur especially in peaceful contexts: the former in a context of inhabiting a city. The narrative then ends where it began: with the Greeks being put to flight by Telephus.2.. Nicolosi 2007.79.1.1 and 140b. 4. 10. 778.

προσπίπτω II).106 A sense of irony.9. are less likely.2. suggested by Obbink 2005 and forthcoming. 1. Its use can be interpreted as referring to the situation before the Greeks’ attack. on their way to ‘sacred Troy’. 23-40. he stresses the importance of the battle by the epithet ἱερήν (‘sacred’) of Troy. e.107 when the narrator renders the Greeks’ The supplement [ἐ]ξ[έπεσον.). however.1 and 4. seems to be evoked in this fragment by the fact that the Greeks are defeated in Mysia. Scully 1990. s. see also LSJ.218. 100-118. At the same time.Greeks set upon ([ἐ]ξ̣[έπεσον) 104 the ‘lovely city’. Troy (Ἴλιον) is the distant place to which Agamemnon is leading the Greeks (lines 14b-15).5. Firstly.g. as it was built by gods and consists of many temples and cults for its tutelary deities. Other supplements suggested. See further 3.25. 36-52. for in early Greek poetry the epithet conveys that Troy is under divine protection. Il.v.2. the epithet might contrast with the impending situation around the city.. thus enhancing the grimness of the attack. ad loc. especially Th.g. mentioned twice in the narrative (lines 15 and 20). Nevertheless. used in a context of city attack from the fifth century onwards (cf. 33-38 and 101-148. s. Moreover. de Jong 2004 (1987).105 The city which is the distant frame is Troy. as I noticed myself when having a look at the papyrus in Oxford. Locher 1963. has been accepted by other scholars as well (e. ἱερός. 21. Richardson 1993. 104 45 . εἰσέβαλον (Luppe 2006) and εἰσανέβαν (West 2006). 105 Cp.v. when the Mysian city was still lovely. The narrator immediately links the journey to Troy with future battle in Troy through the participle μαχησομένο̣[υς used for the Greeks. the reading [ἐ]ξ[έπεσον in combination with πρ̣ὸς πόλιν is only possible if it is considered a kind of forerunner of the verb προσπίπτω. Aloni-Ianucci 2007 and Lulli 201). because a ξ is visible. 107 For ‘embedded focalisation’ see Bal 1997 (1985). The second time Troy is mentioned is in an instance of ‘embedded focalisation’. where the epithet-noun combination ἐρατεινὰ ῥέεθρα (‘lovely streams’) contrasts with the present horrible situation of a river filled with bodies of Trojans killed by Achilles (cf. 106 See LfgrE. a less significant town. if we are aware that the narratees have already been informed (lines 8-10) that the ‘lovely city’ will be surrounded by a plain and a river filled with corpses later in the story.

I prefer the former.320 and 24. if Apollo had not supported the Trojans. 111 For dramatic irony in the use of ‘embedded focalisation’ due to the characters’ limited knowledge I refer to de Jong 2001b (with an eye on Homer and Herodotus). because the movement it expresses and the aspect of duration parallel the use of ἐπάτευν in the next line (21). while the second is a praeteritio focusing on praise of the Greeks (10-46) which leads on to the final praise of Polycrates (47-48). 108 46 . has been taken over by Obbink forthcoming (cf.37-38: φῆ γὰρ ὅ γ᾽ αἱρήσειν Πριάμου πόλιν ἤματι κείνωι.2. Cf. 14 and LfgrE. 2. Il. 112 For lyric poetry cf. 13. and is known as the earliest extant encomium in Greek literature. s.700). line 20). The verb φάντ̣ο̣ already suggests that the Greeks were mistaken. see Obbink 2005 and Luppe 2006). For epic poetry cf.74=17. φημί I3b. where the Greeks would have taken ‘high-gated Troy’. which can be divided in two parts: the first concentrates on the sack of Troy (lines 1-9). the fool’). who sacked the city.2).2.645 and 22.109 and this is confirmed in the next line (21). 69-80 on epithets of Troy in epic poetry. Agamemnon’s mistaken dream of conquering Troy in Il.17. 282. Ibycus’ Ode to Polycrates Ibycus 282 is an ode dedicated to Polycrates. 6.112 underscores the Greeks’ mistaken belief that they have arrived in Troy. νήπιος (‘for he [Agamemnon] believed that he would take the city of Priam on that day.544. tyrant of Samos. 16. ὑψίπυλος. Il.46. where ‘high-gated Troy’ tastes the valour of Automedon.111 The use of one of the stock epithets of Troy in early Greek poetry. 9.v. 109 For this use of φημί (in epic poetry) see Fournier 1946. The supplement εἰσαναβαίνειν. where the narrator explicitly says that the Greeks in fact ‘trod wheat-bearing Mysia’ (ἐπάτευν Μυσίδα πυροφόρο̣[ν]): 110 the narrator juxtaposes the distant frame (Troy) and the setting (Mysia) as imagined space against actual space to create an effect of dramatic irony. 2.2. B. Another supplement suggested is εἰσαφικέσθαι (cf. see further Scully 1990.698 and 21.belief of ascending (εἰσ[αναβαίνειν) 108 the city of the Trojans (Τρώων πόλιν̣.1. 110 For a discussion of Μυσίδα πυροφόρο̣[ν] see 3. The bulk of the Ode consists of a mythological narrative about the Trojan War.2. Il. and Ibyc.14 about ‘the unnameable day of the capture of high-gated Troy’ (see further 2. suggested by West 2006.

The fragment. substitutes for thought’. 74. loosely bound together with tedious repetitions and odious turns of phrase’. who calls the diction ‘infelicitous’ and ‘trite’. which ‘all come straight from the Epic. Bonnano 2004. of which we miss the opening strophe.g. unadapted. Harvey 1955. Müller-Goldingen 2001. runs as follows: . 174-192. Harvey 1955.The mythological narrative is characterised by a marked use of diction shared with epic poetry. 43-44.1 and my discussion of the ‘new Archilochus’ and Bacchylides 13 in 3. and…stand uprooted. contextual significance. without much. Page’s harsh verdict set the tone for further discussions of the Ode. Woodbury 1985. 222-223. especially on a lexical level. e. in the words of Francesco Sisti: ‘l’imitazione omerica è superficiale e limitata alle espressioni più convezionali dello stile epico. 113 114 47 .. 74-75. determinano una andatura goffa e artificiosa’.115 In light of the fact that in other archaic lyric poets such as Archilochus and Bacchylides diction does differ from epic poetry. and that epithets do have strong contextual significance.116 I will try to review this negative judgment of Ibycus through a detailed investigation of the use of the diction about the Trojan city and its effects. 22-23. 76. 198. Gli epiteti ricorrenti. Péron 1982. Maehler 1963.2. 116 See further 1.. This was pointed out for the first time and at the same time criticised by Denys Page: he judged the narrative ‘little more than a series of epic formulae. 165-166. rather pinned than painted in’. if any. l’uso di clausole formulari fra le più note. 222-223. by intensifying pathos. Nöthiger 1971.]α̣ι Δαρδανίδα Πριάμοιο μέγ’ ἄσ]τ̣υ περι̣κ̣λεὲς ὄλβιον ἠνάρον̣ 1951. 115 Sisti 1967. also e. Although scholars have noted that certain epithets and epithet-noun combinations are different from those used in epic poetry. spesso fuse fra di loro. 113 To this he added that ‘[a]nother typical fault is observed in the excessive accumulation of epithets’ as part of ‘a cento of Homeric formulae hung on a feeble framework.g. Cf.114 the common opinion remains that the diction is conventionally epic and ornamental.

Ἄργ]ο̣θεν ὀρ̣νυμένοι Ζη]ν̣ὸς μεγάλο̣ιο βουλαῖς 5 ξα]ν̣θᾶς Ἑ̣λένας περὶ ε̣ἴδει δῆ]ρ̣ιν πολύυμνον ἔχ[ο]ντες πό]λεμον̣ κ̣ατὰ [δ]ακρ[υό]εντα, Πέρ]γαμον δ’ ἀνέ[β]α ταλαπείριο̣[ν ἄ]τα χρυ]σοέθειραν δ[ι]ὰ Κύπριδα. νῦ]ν̣ δέ μοι οὔτε ξειναπάτ[α]ν Π̣[άρι]ν̣ ἦν] ἐπιθύμιον οὔτε τανί[σφ]υρ[ον ὑμ]νῆν Κασσάνδραν Πρι]ά̣μοιό τε παίδας ἄλλο̣υ[ς Τρο]ίας θ’ ὑψιπύλοιο ἁλώσι̣[μο]ν̣ ἆμ]αρ ἀνώνυμον, οὐδ’ ἐπ̣[ελεύσομαι ἡρ]ώων ἀρετὰν ὑπ]εράφανον οὕς τε̣ κοίλα̣[ι νᾶες] πολ̣υγόμφοι̣ ἐ̣λεύσα̣[ν Τροί]α̣ι κακόν, ἥρωας ἐσ̣θ[λούς· τῶν] μὲν κρείων Ἀγαμέ̣[μνων ἆ̣ρ̣χε Πλεισθ[ενί]δας βασιλ̣[εὺ]ς̣ ἀγὸς ἀνδρῶν Ἀτρέος ἐσ[θλὸς π]άις ἔκγ̣[ο]νος. καὶ τὰ μὲ[ν ἂν] Μ̣οίσαι σε̣σοφι̣[σ]μ̣έναι εὖ Ἑλικων̣ίδ[ες] ἐ̣μβαίεν λόγω[ι· †θνατ[ὸ]ς δ’ ο̣ὔ̣ κ̣[ε]ν̣ ἀνὴρ διερὸς [……]†117 τὰ ἕκαστα εἴποι, ναῶν ὅ̣[σσος ἀρι]θ̣μὸς ἀπ’ Αὐλίδος Αἰγαῖ̣ον διὰ [πό]ν̣τον ἀπ’ Ἄργεος ἠλύθο̣[ν ἐς Τροία]ν ἱπποτρόφο̣[ν, ἐν δ]ὲ φώτ̣ες

10

15

20

25

30
117

The problems with this reading are discussed in detail in Hutchinson 2001, ad loc.

48

35

χ]αλκάσπ[ιδες, υἷ]ε̣ς Ἀχα̣[ι]ῶν· τ]ῶν μὲν πρ[οφ]ερέστατος α[ἰ]χ̣μᾶι̣ ἷξε]ν πόδ[ας ὠ]κὺς Ἀχιλλεὺς καὶ μέ]γ̣ας Τ[ελαμ]ώ̣νιος ἄλκι[μος Αἴας ……]...[……]λο[.].υρός.118 ………κάλλι]στο̣ς ἀπ’ Ἄργεος ……..Κυάνι]ππ[ο]ς ἐς Ἴλιον119 …………..] …………..]..[.]…

40

…………..]α χρυσόστροφ[ος Ὕλλις ἐγήνατο, τῶι δ̣’ [ἄ]ρα Τρωίλον ὡσεὶ χρυσὸν ὀρειχάλκωι τρὶς ἄπεφθο[ν] ἤδη Τρῶες Δ[α]ναοί τ’ ἐρό[ε]σσαν μορφὰν μάλ’ ἐίσκον̣ ὅμοιον. τοῖς μὲν πέδα κάλλεος αἰέν· καὶ σύ, Πολύκρατες, κλέος ἄφθιτον ἑξεῖς ὡς κὰτ ἀοιδὰν καὶ ἐμὸν κλέος.

45

…they destroyed the great, far-famed, prosperous city of Priam, descendant of Dardanus, setting off from Greece by the plans of great Zeus, enduring much-sung strife over the beauty of auburn Helen in a tearful war, and ruin ascended much-suffering Pergamum due to the golden-haired Cyprian. But now it was not my desire to sing of Paris, deceiver of his host, or of slim-ankled Cassandra and Priam’s other children and the unnameable day of the capture of high-gated Troy, nor
Campbell 2001 (1991) supplements with πυρός and tentatively translates with ‘who threw fire (on Troy?)’. However, the π is far from certain: others read γυρός (Page 1962, Gerber 1970 and even Campbell 1982 (1967)). Therefore, I believe it is better to remain prudent and print only ., as Davies 1991 and De Martino-Vox 1996 do. 119 In my analysis I do not pay attention to the mention of Troy and Argos in lines 36-37, because this part of the fragment has been too badly preserved.
118

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shall I recount the proud valour of the heroes, whom hollow, many-bolted ships brought to be an evil to Troy, noble heroes: they were commanded by lord Agamemnon, Pleisthenid king, leader of men, noble son born to Atreus. On these themes the skilled Muses of Helicon may well embark in story; † but no mortal man in his life † could tell in detail, the great number of ships that came from Aulis across the Aegean Sea away from Greece to horse-rearing Troy, with bronze-shielded men on board, sons of the Achaeans; among them foremost with the spear went swift-footed Achilles and great and brave Telamonian Ajax...; (with them also went) from Greece to Troy Cyannipus, the most handsome man…and goldengirdled Hyllis bore…, and to him Trojans and Greeks likened Troilus as gold already thrice-refined to orichalc, judging him very similar in loveliness of appearance. These always have a share in beauty: you too, Polycrates, will have imperishable fame as song and my fame can give it. The setting of the first part of the narrative is Troy, as lines 1-9 focus on the sack of the Trojan city. Ibycus’ Ode is one of our few extant places in ancient Greek poetry in which the fall of Troy is recounted in some detail. 120 In epic poetry there was an entire Ilioupersis as part of the Epic Cycle, but we only possess fragments of it and a summary in Proclus’ Chrestomathia: the Odyssey (8.492520) is the only of the surviving epic poems that recount the fall of Troy.121 From lyric poetry we know of an Ilioupersis by Sakadas, which has been lost, and one by Stesichorus, of which only a few scraps have been preserved (frr. 196-205; S88-143); sparse references to the fall of Troy are attested elsewhere in lyric poetry (most notably in Pindar).122 In tragic poetry the fall of Troy serves as the background against which other parts of the Trojan saga are recounted: only the situation before (e.g., Sophocles’ lost Lacoön) or after (e.g., Sophocles’ lost Ajax Locrus and Polyxena, Euripides’

For the fall of Troy in epic and tragic poetry see Anderson 1997. In the Iliad only indirect hints are found: in speeches by Trojan or Greek characters, in similes about burning cities, through connections with the destruction of Thebes and by the death of Hector (see further de Jong 2009). 122 I. 5.36-38; O. 8.45-46; P. 5.83-85 and 11.33-34; Pae. 6, triad B. Besides in Pindar, also in Alc. 42; B. 13.166-167 (see 3.2.2); Thgn. 1231-1232.
120 121

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Troades and Hecuba) the fall is dramatised, since the fall itself could, of course, not be staged. As for the destruction of Troy recounted in lines 1-2, the Trojan city is referred to by the noun ἄστυ, with Δαρδανίδα Πριάμοιο μέγ’ as a fusion of two epic formulae before the noun, i.e. Πριάμοιο Δαρδανίδα and ἄστ̣υ μέγα Πριάμοιο, 123 and two epithets after the noun, περι̣κ̣λεές and ὄλβιον. The epithet περικλεής (‘far-famed’) is attested only here in early Greek poetry: 124 it slightly differs in formation from περικλυτός (‘very glorious’), used of cities in the Odyssey.125 The use of the epithet in connection with a destroyed city can be interpreted in the sense that the fame of Troy persists even after the city has been sacked. This may have metapoetic implications, because it is perpetuated by epic and lyric poets, like Ibycus, who sing of Troy (cp. line 7 about the δῆ]ρ̣ιν πολύυμνον, ‘much-sung strife’, and the end of the Ode about the lasting fame of poetry). Moreover, if we consider that by destroying a far-famed city the Greeks have become famous themselves,126 the opening lines seem to pave the way for the praise of the Greeks in the rest of the Ode. The next epithet of Troy is ὄλβιος (‘prosperous’). The fact that in most epic and other lyric poetry the epithet is used of people, while here (and in Pindar) of a city 127 suggests a mild degree of personification. In epic poetry the epithet often has the connotation of past prosperity, which is explicitly marked by
Cf. Harvey 1955, 222; Sisti 1967, 70; Hutchinson 2001, ad loc. Cf. later in A.R. 1.1322, where it is also used in combination with ἄστυ (about the foundation instead of the destruction of a city). 125 Of the Myrmidones, ruled by Achilles: Od. 4.9; of Ithaca, to which Odysseus and Telemachus go to kill the suitors: Od. 16.170 and 24.154. 126 Cp. the use of the epithet ἀγακλυτός of the Greek heroes who won the Trojan War in the Odyssey (in Od. 8.502 of Odysseus; in 14.237 of Idomeneus; in 21.295 of Eurytion; in 24.103 of Amphimedon). 127 Cf. Hutchinson 2001, ad loc.; for Pindar see N. 4.24 (Thebes), 9.3, (Aetna) O. 13.4 (Corinth), P. 10.1 (Sparta). For its use of people see LfgrE, s.v. ὄλβιος for epic poetry (if not used of people, ὄλβιος is neuter plural and denotes prosperous gifts by the gods). For lyric poetry see Alc. 42.14, B. 3.8, 5.50, 17.102, Pi. N. 1.71, O. 7.10, P. 1.65, 6.5, 9.4, frr. 120 and 131, Sapph. 112.1, Simon. 521.2, Sol. 23.1, Thgn. 165, 167, 934, 1013, 1253, 1335 and 1375.
123 124

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s. 75-76..128 A sense of pathos is evoked by the use of the epithet with the verb ἠνάρον: in light of the use of the verb ἐναίρω in connection with the killing of people (and animals) in epic and other lyric poetry. about Priamus in Il. 59 and see further infra my discussion of lines 27-28.v.65-66: ἔσχον δ’ Ἀμύκλας ὄλβιοι Πινδόθεν ὀρνύμενοι (‘they took Amyclae. ἐναίρω. 128 52 .. Ἄργος VI. about Odysseus in Od. The difference has also been noted by Page 1951. s. LfgrE. Wathelet 1992. 133 and 231. 131 For a similar use of the present participle to widen the temporal horizon after mention of city destruction in archaic Greek lyric see Pi. 286.g. 19.543. 100-101. 1. 132 and war at Troy (lines 3-7). also 2. 132 See Cingano 2004. the prospered ones. ad loc.3. 133 For the meaning ‘delusion’ see epic poetry: LfgrE. For lyric poetry (only Pindar) see Slater. Thgn. Hutchinson 2001. Although these explicit markers of temporality are here lacking. setting off from Pindus’).138).. 129 the city is personified as someone whose blessedness came to a brutal end through murder (‘activisation’). 24.. For Argos as Greece cf. it is clear from the opening lines that the diction of the Ode differs from epic poetry on a lexical as well as a referential level and that this diction has important contextual effects. Drews 1979. ad loc. s.35 and 13. s. ἄτα. of revealing a balance between praise and pathos. 166. A sense of pathos is also evoked by the second mention of the fall of Troy in line 8. Bonnano 2004.2.1.3. The image of ἄ]τα ascending (ἀνέ[β]α) the citadel of Troy (Πέρ]γαμον) may recall the Trojan horse: if we consider that in early Greek poetry ἄτα means ‘delusion’ or ‘ruin’.130 Thus. further B. De Martino-Vox 1996.v. 103. 4.temporal adverbs such as πρίν (‘before’) and ποτε (‘once’) (e. 17. 13.2. 130 For ‘activisation’ as a subtype of personification see 1. also epic poetry: LfgrE. P.v. s.131 the Greek Heimat of all warriors who fight against the Trojans. 129 Cf. For ‘ruin’ see lyric poetry: Pindar. 133 the noun might convey both the delusion of Contrast this to the use of the epithet about cities in a current state of prosperity in Pindar (see the instances noted above).420 and 18.e. cf. ἀάτη. ἐναίρω for its use in epic poetry.v. Simonini 1979. ad loc. Sol. only in Od. when the story widens its temporal horizon to cover the departure from Argos (Ἄργ]ο̣θεν ὀρ̣νυμένοι). i. the idea of pastness may still be felt.263.v.80. Gerber 1970. the verb is not said of people (or animals) but of the skin (disfigured by weeping).

134 135 53 . The phrase Τρο]ίας θ’ ὑψιπύλοιο ἁλώσι̣[μο]ν̣ ἆμ]αρ ἀνώνυμον is similar to that in Stesichorus 89.. Bonnano 2004. Simonini 1979.1. 76. ad loc. 136 The end of the Trojan War seems to be connected to its beginning. 133. 136 Cf. which caused ‘the day of capture of spacious Troy’ (εὐρυ]χόρ[ο]υ Τρο<ί>ας ἁλώσι[μον ἆμαρ. Gentili-Catenacci 2007. 71. Maehler 1963. 16.137 The narrator mentions the fall of Troy for the third time in the praeteritio (lines 14-15a). ad loc.1. Hutchinson 2001.511. line 11).27-30. The latter explains the use of the epithet ταλαπείριο̣ν of Πέργαμον. ad loc. Nöthiger 1971. of πρέσβυς in Cypr. 287. Of ἱκέτης in Od. in which a Trojan says that they are misled by a trick with a horse.193 and 14.84. De Martino-Vox 1996.135 a personifying image with a sense of pathos is evoked of the Trojan city as a human being in deep suffering (‘pathetic fallacy’). 168. consequently. whose choice for the charming Aphrodite led to the abduction of Helen and. Barron 1969. For the Judgment of Paris in early Greek poetry see Cypria and Il. 163-164.138 We find the epithet-noun combination ἁλώσιμον ἆμαρ with the genitive Τροίας both in Stesichorus and Ibycus. to the Trojan War. ad loc. In Ibycus the epithet ὑψιπύλοιο is used with Τροίας (not εὐρυχόρου). See also Sisti 1967. 19.. of ξεῖνος in Od. as the mention in line 9 that the goldenhaired Cyprian (χρυ]σοέθειραν δ[ι]ὰ Κύπριδα) caused the sack of Troy is probably an allusion to the Judgment of Paris. the epithet ἀνώνυμον is added to the noun ἆμαρ: it is used of a person in the sense of ‘nameless’ in epic poetry Cf. as it seems to foreshadow134 the suffering because of the ruin of Troy. 17. 76. 289 and Hutchinson 2001. ad loc. 137 Cf. h. also Hutchinson 2001. 24. 7.24. Maehler 1963.379. Ap.2. presumably to pave the way for the praise of the Greek heroes who sacked the city. 76 for the proleptic use of the epithet. ad loc. 6. which often appears in the context of the destruction of a city in early Greek poetry. If we are aware that the epithet is used only of people (ἱκέτης. for pathos being evoked by the epithet ταλαπείριο̣ν.. πρέσβυς) elsewhere in early Greek poetry. ξεῖνος.139 Moreover. 139 See my discussion of the ‘new Archilochus’ in 2. fr. Gerber 1970.the Trojans who think that the horse is an offer of the Greeks to the gods and the consequent ruin of Troy. 138 The parallel has been noted by Simonini 1979.

the question. in Od. GentiliCatenacci 2007. too. which Hutchinson leaves unanswered. who believes that the epithet has the same meaning as in epic poetry. in lines 17-18). ad loc.(Od.v. denotes the place of departure. ad loc. 8. This is unlikely.g. but contends that it is the place where the Greek army gathered before moving to Aulis. Hutchinson 2001. the meaning in the only other lyric instance. This is. 140 54 . A final allusion to the fall of Troy seems to be made in lines 27b-30a. on the other hand.). LSJ.. O. the epithet also has a connotation of ‘hateful’ (cf. the mention of the ships (ναῶν ὅ̣[σσος ἀρι]θ̣μός) and the Aegean Sea (Αἰγαῖ̣ον διὰ [πό]ν̣τον) makes clear that there is movement over sea (from Greece to Troy) instead of over land (from the city of Argos to Aulis). ad loc. as Cingano himself admits for line 3. the meaning of δυσώνυμος.1.141 and.1. The setting is the Aegean Sea. 166) or ‘inglorious’ (cf. but in Ibycus’ Ode of the day of the capture of Troy in the sense of ‘unnameable’. has proposed that ἀπ’ Ἄργεος intruded into line 28 because of the similar line-ending in 27. however. 222.571) (Nöthiger 1971.552). Scholars have suggested that besides the primary meaning ‘unnameable’. Pi. 289 and Hutchinson 2001. e. In contrast to its Cf. 19. i. the city from which they have departed (ἀπό of ἀπ’ Αὐλίδος as prefix of ἠλύθο̣ν) and the Greek homeland from which they are moving away (ἀπό of ἀπ’ Ἄργεος as a preposition). s. because just as in line 3 Argos rather seems to refer to Greece in general instead of to a city in particular. The distant frames are. Furthermore.. also the mention of ships. Harvey 1957. κοίλα̣[ι / νᾶες] πολ̣υγόμφοι̣. problematic.430. Aulis and Argos. Troy. on the one hand. the place to which they are heading. scholars have altered the text to make it intellegible. This phrase reveals the spatial situation of the bulk of the praeteritio (lines 15b-46) about the excellence and beauty of the Greeks.140 as in his praeteritio the narrator says that he does not wish to recount the fall of Troy. for instance. De Martino-Vox 1996. 73 does not believe that Argos denotes the place of departure. 141 See LSJ. Gerber 1970 ad loc.v. However. Both of these connotations are based on the supposition that the destruction of Troy reflects an anti-Greek perspective.e.82) (Simonini 1979. ἀπέρχομαι. contra Maehler 1963. which implies that the narrator sings the praise of the Greeks while they are on board ship (cf. when the narrator says that ships come ‘from Aulis across the Aegean Sea away from Argos to horse-rearing Troy’. Supposing that Argos. because the repeated mention of the fall of Troy serves as a means to praise the Greeks in the rest of the Ode. 1. 75. s. Only Cingano 2004. n3.. ad loc. remains what would have stood in the place of ἀπ’ Ἄργεος.. ἀπό I 1 and KG II.

Argos.ornamental use of places in other early Greek poetry.142 the use of the epithet ἱπποτρόφος (‘horse-rearing’) of Troy in Ibycus’ Ode may hint once more at the tale of the Trojan horse. 142 143 55 . it is also personified. See further my introduction for metaphor and personification (1. 11. Tyrtaeus. Theognidea or Corpus Theognideum.3.1) and metaphor (2. 144 I speak of ‘Theognis’ in the sense of. 10. 507.41.3. Both poems describe disorder and impending rise of tyranny and civil strife in a city as a result of hybris. the fall of Troy by the wooden horse would be foreshadowed already at the moment the Greeks are only on their way to Troy. City Personification: Theognis 39-52 and Solon 4 City personification is most strongly at play in two elegiac poems: Theognis144 39-52 and Solon 4. In that case. Solon) and anonymous poems.g. In this section I turn to contemporary cities with a more dominant symbolic role of personification (2. I offer the texts and translations of the relevant (parts of the) poems. Op. Mimnermus. see further Nagy 1985 and Colesanti 2011). Before embarking on my discussion.2). 2.3. greed and unjust leadership of aristocrats. to whom the poems are directed.114. 145 The instances of personification in both poems will be discussed together to facilitate the comparison.2).2. 76-85. selections from other elegists (e. usually with some slight variation’ (Gerber 2006 (1999). THE CITY AS PERSONIFICATION AND METAPHOR My analysis of Ibycus 282 has shown that although the Trojan city primarily has a role as setting and frame. Pi. and interchangeable with.3. 7. together with numerous verses repeated throughout the corpus. 63-72 and Faraone 2008. Thrace. ‘an anthology containing genuine works of Theognis. N. 145 See further Irwin 2006. B. cities of the Greeks.1. My discussion focuses on two points: the diction used of the cities in comparison to epic and other lyric poetry and the functions of the personifications and metaphors.143 2.

......... have noble men destroyed a city. From these things arise civil strife. and tyrants.. Van Groningen 1966. and I fear that she will give birth to a man who will set right our wicked insolence....... whenever this is dear to base men. ad loc. 56 ..... κύει πόλις ἥδε.. ἀγαθοὶ πόλιν ὤλεσαν ἄνδρες· ἀλλ’ ὅταν ὑβρίζειν τοῖσι κακοῖσιν ἅδηι. These townsmen are still of sound mind. Κύρν’...Theognis 39-52: Κύρνε.... do not expect that city to remain calm long. ἐκ τῶν γὰρ στάσιές τε καὶ ἔμφυλοι φόνοι ἀνδρῶν μούναρχοι τε· πόλει μήποτε τῆιδε ἅδοι. Never yet... οὐδεμίαν πω. lines 9-22: οὐ γὰρ ἐπίστανται κατέχειν κόρον οὐδὲ παρούσας εὐφροσύνας κοσμεῖν δαιτὸς ἐν ἡσυχίηι .. the spilling of kindred blood... but their leaders have changed and fallen into the depths of depravity... Solon 4. profit that comes along with public harm. ἀστοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἔθ’ οἵδε σαόφρονες. 152.. εὖτ’ ἂν τοῖσι κακοῖσι φίλ’ ἀνδράσι ταῦτα γένηται...146 μηδ’ εἰ νῦν κεῖται πολλῆι ἐν ἡσυχίηι. ad loc............ may they never please this city. but the manuscripts (OXUrI) have ἀτρεμέεσθαι (cf. but whenever the base take delight in insolence and ruin the people and give judgments in favour of the unjust for the sake of their own profit and power....... even if it now lies in complete calmness..... Garzya 1958. ἡγεμόνες δὲ τετράφαται πολλὴν εἰς κακότητα πεσεῖν. Cyrnus.......... δῆμόν τε φθείρωσι δίκας τ’ ἀδίκοισι διδῶσιν οἰκείων κερδέων εἵνεκα καὶ κράτεος.... ἔλπεο μὴ δηρὸν κείνην πόλιν ἀτρεμέεσθαι. this city is pregnant.. 40 45 50 Cyrnus. 10 146 Gerber 2006 (1999) has ἀτρεμιεῖσθαι.. Campbell 1982 (1967)......): see further infra..... κέρδεα δημοσίωι σὺν κακῶι ἐρχόμενα. δέδοικα δὲ μὴ τέκηι ἄνδρα εὐθυντῆρα κακῆς ὕβριος ἡμετέρης..

.... 57 ....... Stahl 1992. who bears silent witness to the present and the past and who in time assuredly comes to retribution.. 19 and 22... This is now coming on the whole city as an inescapable wound. ἐς δὲ κακὴν ταχέως ἤλυθε δουλοσύνην......3). Adkins 1985.. ὃς πολλῶν ἐρατὴν ὤλεσεν ἡλικίην· ἐκ γὰρ δυσμενέων ταχέως πολυήρατον ἄστυ τρύχεται ἐν συνόδοις τοῖς ἀδικέουσι φίλαις.... yielding to unjust deeds…sparing neither sacred nor public property...... and the city quickly comes to wretched slavery:147 this arouses civil strife and slumbering war. 118. one from one source... οὔθ’ ἱερῶν κτεάνων οὔτε τι δημοσίων φειδόμενοι κλέπτουσιν ἀφαρπαγῆι ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος. ad loc. 1... they generalise the particular situation in the city (for gnomic aorists and their use with generic present tenses see further Rijksbaron 2002 (1984). 408....) I consider it a gnomic aorist... which makes an end to the lovely youth of many. but just like most other commentators (Siegmann 1975. Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010............4 and 3. A first subtype of city personification attested in both poems is anthropomorphisation. ad loc. ἣ στάσιν ἔμφυλον πόλεμόν θ’ εὕδοντ’ ἐπεγείρει...82...... they steal with rapaciousness.. 269. τοῦτ’ ἤδη πάσηι πόλει ἔρχεται ἕλκος ἄφυκτον. with the example of Hdt.. one from another. Mülke 2002. the bodily presentation of the city (πόλις) as a 147 Gerber translates the aorist ἤλυθε as a past tense.194. and they have no regard for the august foundations of Justice. for at the hands of its enemies the much beloved city is quickly being worn out amid conspiracies dear to the unjust...... 31-33..... Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977).....15 20 πλουτέουσιν δ’ ἀδίκοις ἔργμασι πειθόμενοι ........ ad loc.. just like the aorists in lines 15-17 and 20: in combination with the generic present tenses in lines 8-14. For they do not know to restrain excess or to conduct in an orderly and peaceful manner festivities of a banquet that are at hand…they grow wealthy.... οὐδὲ φυλάσσονται σεμνὰ Δίκης θέμεθλα ἣ σιγῶσα σύνοιδε τὰ γιγνόμενα πρό τ’ ἐόντα τῶι δὲ χρόνωι πάντως ἦλθε ἀποτεισομένη...

a leader of grievous strife’). 10. 30-31. 90-91 and 1985. This is suggested by the referential difference in the use of the verbs κυέω and τίκτω.e. lines 93-95a).126. A more hostile stance towards tyranny is adopted in a doublet of lines 39-40 later in the Theognidea (lines 1081-1081b). In Pindar’s Second Olympian Ode. 19. Lardinois 2006. τίκτω 2. rather than as personification. Slater. For τίκτω (women and goddesses) see LfgrE.29.2. 36 and 54 and 19.v. 150 Scholars have tried to find out which particular tyrant is alluded to: some (West 1974. dedicated to Theron of Acragas after his victory of the chariot race. s. it is said that ‘no city for a hundred years has given birth to a man more beneficent in his mind or generous with his hand for his friends than Theron’ (τεκεῖν μή τιν᾽ ἑκατόν γε ἐτέων πόλιν φίλοις ἄνδρα μᾶλλον / εὐεργέταν πραπίσιν ἀφθονέστερόν τε χέρα / Θήρωνος. 5. 44-46.2). 1.151 For personification and its subtypes see my introduction (1. representing the inhabitants of the city. 41-42. χαλεπῆς ἡγέμονα στάσιος (‘an insolent man. 149 The presence of these verbs (and activities) makes it less likely that we should interpret the use of πόλις as metonymical. but that its effects are positively valued: it conveys to the aristocratic addressees that. it seems better to speak of the rise of tyranny in general (cf. because the city is presented as a general. von der Lahr 1992. if they do not take up their responsibility. 87-89. However. someone from outside the aristocratic circle will seize power and restore order. i. The one to whom the city is about to give birth is ‘a man who will set right our wicked insolence’. An overtly positive stance towards a monarchic rule by the anthropomorphisation of a city as a woman giving birth is attested elsewhere in archaic Greek lyric. τίκτω a (Pindar). as the tyrant is considered one who commits hybris himself: while line 1081 is the same as 39. 68). Nagy 1983. which refer to females in epic and other lyric poetry.v.119. For κυέω (women and mares) cf. Il. 151 For a discussion of the difference I refer to Nagy 1983. 85-88 and 1985.150 It is somewhat paradoxical that the birth of a tyrant is feared.49. paradigmatic polis rather than the city of Megara in particular. Irwin 2005. probably a tyrant who will bring an end to the aristocratic misconduct.human being. 425) have argued for the tyrant Theagenes of Megara. 17. B. 68-69 and Calame 2004. in 1081b we have ὑβρίστην. s. 148 149 58 . von der Lahr 1992.117 and 23.266.148 In Theognis 39-40 the city is anthropomorphised as a pregnant woman who is about to give birth.

19. 1215) or marriage (Pi. in line 18.4). Thgn. 315.122. Masaracchia 1958. Firstly. the city (πόλις) is anthropomorphised as a slave. e. 1.152 This is suggested by the referential difference in the use of δουλοσύνην. By the use of the epithet κακήν (‘wretched’) of δουλοσύνην city slavery is negatively qualified.3-4 and 11. 300b-301. frr.153 Secondly. 10a.7. which is used of slaves in the household (Od.3-4 and 11. the popular anthropomorphisation of a city.In Solon 4 anthropomorphisation is twice at play. 9.31 and 205. a person deprived of his civil rights.124. but also because the connection of tyranny with civil strife and war is a recurrent theme in ancient Greek literature (cf.423) and people enslaved as a result of tyranny (Sol. ‘and many of the poor are going to a foreign land. ad loc. Tuplin 1985). 131. ad loc. 1.366. frr. 155 For the latter cf.3). Stahl 1992. but this is the theme of lines 23b25. Simon. 264 believes that slavery has to be connected with debts because of poverty. 12.275). as it is considered the cause of civil strife and war (cf. to praise the city of the Athenians for whom the poem is destined.9-10). P. which deal with the situation of the poor only (τῶν δὲ πενιχρῶν / ἱκνέονται πολλοὶ γαῖαν ἐς ἀλλοδαπὴν / πραθέντες δεσμοῖσί τ’ ἀεικελίοισι δεθέντες.e. h. Henderson 2006. The reference to city slavery is probably an allusion to the rise of tyranny. lines 19-20). 8. but mostly of female εἶδος and of youth. i. Th.155 In Solon’s poem its use of the city (ἄστυ) of the speaker evokes an image of a city as a person he dearly loves: this points at their emotional bond and at Cp.4).g. 1305. 22. Hes. not only because δουλοσύνη is the result of tyranny elsewhere in Solon’s poetry (9. 3. 15.45 and 17a. 154 It is used of a city only twice: to describe Thebes (Od.2-3. in line 21 there is mention of the ‘much beloved city’ (πολυήρατον ἄστυ).15) in epic and other lyric poetry. 3.6. 98-104.82. but as a tyrant itself. Of youth: Od. Nub. 154 Of female εἶδος: Hes. 30. and Athens (B.2.37. 153 Cf. Ven. debts because of poverty (Thgn. fr. Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010. sold and bound in shameful fetters’). see further Connor 1977.2.. Mülke 2002. eleg. h. Rauflaub 1979. also Ar. in contrast with the dreadful situation caused by Oedipus. 11. Cer. 908. 392-393. 152 59 . 51-52 and Hdt. Thgn. In epic and other lyric poetry the epithet πολυήρατος is used of a whole range of nouns. in the fifth and fourth centuries BC (especially Thucydides. Irwin 2005. 225 and 274. not as slave because of tyranny.3.

the spilling of kindred blood and tyrants is ultimately directed to the aristocratic addressees. 10.22. 196a. P.17 (see 4.the same time contrasts with the dreadful attitude of the aristocratic leaders towards the city (cf.g.22.2.16. 7. A. 18. by which a city is endowed with physical or mental life. 731-740.g.35. where the city (πόλις) ‘will take pleasure in festivities’ (θαλίηις τέρψεται).96 and 6.2) and 130.4.75. Pi.296. N. lines 22 and 9-14). where it is said that ‘there would be little joy for the city’ (σκιμκρὸν δ’ ἄν τι πόλει χάρμα γένοιτ’) from an Olympian victory. and Xenoph. 203. It is clear from the referential difference in the use of the verb ἅδοι: in epic and other lyric poetry the verb ἁνδάνω is used with a dative of person to convey that someone or something pleases someone else. 4. O. 24. In Theognis 47-48 the city (πόλις) is activised as a person who now lies in complete calmness but will not remain calm for long.35-42) or passionate (in comedy. s. 55.157 Although the emotions of delight are attributed to the city. h.502. 158 For ἡσυχίη used of persons see Od.2.70 and 4. Ar. 34 and 44.36 and 8.93 and 9.15. the wish that the city may not be delighted in civil strife. even though citizens have been washed over at sea (see 4.29. 2. 156 60 . Hipp. 2. and historiography. 157 Cf. 6. 568 and 1268. 851-852. 34.v. 9.2 for a discussion of the poem).18. 2. For lyric poetry Pi. presented as romantic (in tragedy. 543. I. LfgrE. Thgn. Merc. 1.1. 356. fr.2. 13. Pericles’ Funeral Oration in Thu. 115. N.14 and 129. Sol. the loving relationship between a city and its citizens in ancient Greek literature. Simon. and philosophy. because it would not fatten the city treasury.457. 3.20.158 It is also communicated with the verb ἀτρεμέεσθαι:159 the Cp.12. when emotions of delight are attributed to the city (πόλει). This is evinced by the referential difference in the use of the verb κεῖται and the noun ἡσυχίηι. e. For κεῖμαι of persons see Od. h.8 and 36. P. 6.83.23. 1. 21. A final and most frequently attested subtype of city personification is activisation.1. 14. 4. e. Thgn.18. which denote rest and calmness of people in epic and other lyric poetry. P.4. 5.g. e. O. For similar instances of the ‘pathetic fallacy’ in archaic Greek lyric see Archil. Tyrt. Merc. Archil. Sapph. 5.17. See further Yatromanolakis 2005. e. Grg. Alc. Pi.156 A second subtype of city personification is the pathetic fallacy.16.38.15 and 8. ἁνδάνω for epic poetry. 428. Pl. Archil. It occurs only in Theognis’ poem (lines 51-52).g. Eq. Eu.51. 26. 481d and 513a). 1.

.. In Solon’s poem activisation is twice at play. while the more frequently attested adverb ἀτρέμα(ς) (‘without motion’) is mostly used of people who are sitting. ad loc.e.verb ἀτρεμέω is attested in early Greek poetry only in Opera 539. 152. ad loc. to leave the text unchanged’). Because τοῦτ’ at the beginning of line 17 refers to the assured retribution of Dikè told of in lines 15-16. For epic poetry cf. 131). ad loc. 161 Cp. 13. 61). caused by the misconduct of the aristocrats (cf. ἕλκος. 7 in 4.3. ad loc.. ad loc. s.. ἔλπομαι d for Pindar: O. ἄφυκτον. Henderson 2006. s. Firstly. Aeschylus’ Agamemnon 640.200 (sitting).. are necessary. 13.g. Pi.8. s. if we are aware that the retribution of Several conjectures have been suggested for the manuscript reading ἀτρεμέεσθαι (OXUrI): the most noteworthy are the aorist ἀτρεμέ’ ἧσθαι (Young) and the future ἀτρεμίεσθαι (Bergk.48 and 4. N.271. where it is used of goose pimples. West. 1.v. 1134. 13.2. also Garzya 1958.161 This is suggested by the referential difference in the use of the noun ἕλκος.29. Slater. 14. Il. Henderson 2006. Masaracchia 1958.64 and fr. LfgrE.92 (sleeping). Therefore. Campbell 1982 (1967). the city (πόλις) is activised as a vulnerable human being in line 17. 160 Cf.v.. I follow the manuscript reading ἀτρεμέεσθαι (cf.52. 10. e. See also my discussion of Semon. Thgn. 3. Degani-Burzachini 2005 (1977). 8. Il. conveys the inescapability of the wound. 264. see also originally Gerber. that ‘it would be better. Gerber). Mülke 2002.v. 2. 163 the harm to the city is caused by the goddess Dikè. Od.. However. 162 See Adkins 1985. lines 44-46 and 49-50). which refers to the wound of a person in epic and other lyric poetry.309.355 and 13.280 and 438 (standing). however. i. 162 The epithet used of ἕλκος. for the verb ἔλπομαι can be constructed with a present infinitive in the sense of ‘expect’ or ‘suppose’ (cf. standing or sleeping. Mülke 2002.. ad loc.160 The activisation of the city as a person who will turn from calmness to agitation renders the imminent turmoil in the city. the harm to the city. ad loc. however. Mülke 2002. 1. who notes in 1970. ad loc. Van Groningen 1966. for lyric poetry see Archil. None of these conjectures. 159 61 .352 (sleeping). LfgrE. ad loc. P. ad loc. Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010. where a common wound befalls a city (πόλει μὲν ἕλκος ἓν τὸ δήμιον τυχεῖν) because of the death of many soldiers in war (parallel noted by Gerber 1970. 131. 163 Cf. ἔλπομαι/ἔλπω 1aαbb for epic poetry.

see further my discussion of Archil. ad loc. they have a persuasive function: 168 the aristocratic addressees are emotionally engaged by the anthropomorphisation of the cities and the attribution of emotions to the cities. In this way. 16. The question. First of all. Thgn. also Adkins 1985. are considered responsible: they are called ‘unjust’ (ἀδικέουσι) and even enemies (δυσμενέων). In three instances active forms of the verb are used of Odysseus’ household (οἶκος). who point out that Solon 4 is a speech to persuade. In this way.167 as they present the disastrous situation in the city in a vivid and dramatic manner. 167 For personification and dramatisation see Biddle 1991.166 Again the aristocrats. rather than a political treatise (contra Jaeger 1926. 15. their basic function is that of dramatisation. ad loc.3. Mülke 2002. 124-125 and especially Irwin 2005. Stahl 1992. See also my introductory chapter (1. as one segment of the city.288. including personification. 10. the aristocratic.2). Campbell 1982 (1967). is which function the city personifications in both poems have. ad loc. Yatromanolakis 1991. 164 the aristocrats are ultimately responsible for harming their own city. 391-392. a geographer. 108. 85-198. in order to be persuaded to take action and prevent the disastrous events from unfolding.387. in lines 21-22 the city (ἄστυ) is activised as a human who is being worn out (τρύχεται). 187. 168 For the persuasive function of metaphors.169 See Linforth 1919.2). 201.177. and Mülke 2002. 752. Henderson 2006. ad loc.. 37ff.Dikè is the result of the misconduct of the aristocrats. both instances of activisation in lines 17 and 21-22 create a grim image of a city as a human being afflicted by his own citizens.309. 23 (2. 169 A modern parallel of a (more explicit) persuasive function of personification can be found in a novel written by the French Nobel Prize winner Jean-Marie Gustave Le Clézio. For the use of persons see Od. as is clear from the referential difference from epic and other lyric poetry. worn down by the suitors. the aristocrats. Next. 1. and Irwin 2005. Stahl 1992). In Ourania the internal narrator.2. Cp. Siegmann 1975.84 and 17. 166 See Adkins 1985. 165 Cf.165 Secondly. gives a lecture 164 62 . is guilty of wounding the whole city. the image of the ‘inescapable wound’ acquires grim overtones that are reinforced by the use of the noun πόλει with πάσηι. where all passive and most active forms of the verb τρύχω refer to people. finally. who meet in conspiring factions. 131.

35.3. le corps desséché et stérile d’une veille à la peau grise. 170 I have written an abbreviated version of this section in Dutch in Heirman 2011. 57. 22. also Thgn. 96). erotic city metaphors (Archilochus 23 and Theognis 949954). See further Hasler 1959. Van Groningen 1966..2. un corps vivant à la peau sombre. First..le portrait de votre Vallée et de sa terre fertile. du fait de votre âpreté ou au gain de votre inconscience.. his share of honour is slight. 71. décharnée. City Metaphors Cities can also be used as metaphors in archaic Greek lyric. Cyrnus. which he ends as follows: ‘J’ai fait pour vous.. about a Mexican valley for a Mexican audience. ad Thgn. 122-123. il me semblait que je peignais pour vous le corps d’une femme. The efforts the aristocrat makes for the people are made clear by his metaphorical representation as an ἀκρόπολις and a πύργος: Ἀκρόπολις καὶ πύργος ἐὼν κενεόφρονι δήμωι. von der Lahr 1992.. ὀλίγης τιμῆς ἔμμορεν ἐσθλὸς ἀνήρ. depuis son émergence de la fôret jusqu’aujourd’hui. next. 93.2).un corps de femme indienne plein de force et de jeunesse.. En le faisant. 63 . 171 For ἐσθλὸς ἀνήρ as an aristocrat cf. Gerber 2006 (1999). 35. Κύρν’. vouée à la mort prochaine’ (p. I discuss political city metaphors (Theognis 233-234 and 235-236) and. à l’ère de la monoculture intensive. In this poem the speaker complains about the lack of recognition an aristocrat (ἐσθλὸς ἀνήρ)171 gets from the ‘empty-minded people’ (κενεόφρονι δήμωι).2.170 Politics as War: Theognis 233-234 and 235-236 The first city metaphors I discuss occur in Theognis 233-234. 186 and 441. Although a noble man is a citadel and a bastion for the empty-minded people. For metaphors see further my introduction (1.2. Prenez garde à ce que ce corps de femme si beau et si généreux ne devienne.

23. 7.20 it is said of a soldier who bravely fights and whom the people see as a bastion (ὥσπερ γάρ μιν πύργον ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ὁρῶσιν). the scholia are our only sources that equate the names with Myrsilus and Pittacus (cf. the addressee For epic poetry see Od.494 and 504. In Pindar Pythian 5 the metaphor has a political sense on top of its martial sense:175 the prosperity of Battus. the πύργος metaphor has a political sense in Alcaeus as well. because the names mentioned at the right-hand parts of the end of Alcaeus’ fragment. Κλεανακτ̣ίδαν and Ἀρχεανακτ̣ίδαν. in Alcaeus 112. 8. 174-175).g. 220-228. is called a bastion of the city (πύργος ἄστεος. 5.In epic and other lyric poetry. Pi.38. Tyrt. However. s.48 and O. This leads to another difference from its literal usage: whereas a citadel provides martial defense.49 and Thgn. the noun ἀκρόπολις literally refers to the citadel of a city.174 in Callinus 1. Page 1979 (1955). O.12. I. founder and first king of Cyrene. mostly in a martial sense of a warrior whose solid defense in battle is praised: in Od. line 56). 174 Cp. 175 According to Longo 1974. even if these tyrants were alluded to. also the use of the adverb πυργηδόν (‘like a citadel’) of soldiers fighting in close array to prevent a breakthrough of the enemy in the Iliad (12. a connection with the metaphor is hard to defend. in order to legitimise and even praise the reign of Arkesilas IV of Cyrene. 15. 172 64 . in Theognis’ poem an aristocrat provides martial protection by his military prowess as well as political protection by his role in the polis.v. The noun πύργος usually refers to a bastion of a city in epic and other lyric poetry.43.10 warlike men are praised by being called a bastion of the city (ἄνδρες γὰρ πόλιο̣ς πύργος ἀρεύιοι).556 Odysseus praises Ajax as a bastion lost to the Greeks (τοῖος γάρ σφιν πύργος ἀπώλεο). refer according to the scholiasts to the Mytilenean tyrants Myrsilus and Pittacus. 8. In light of the fact that a citadel provides solid defense to the inhabitants of a city.173 In some instances it is used as a metaphor. 13. For lyric poetry see e.9 and 15. 98.152. Moreover. the aristocrat is represented as a source of protection for the people. πύργος. 1232. Pi. for lyric poetry Archil. 11.172 but it is used as a metaphor for a person in Theognis 233. as the part of the fragment between the end and the metaphor consists of hardly anything but lacunae. 173 For epic poetry see LfgrE.618).

πρέπει means ‘it is fitting’ (LSJ.37). ἀλλ’ ὡς πάγχυ πόλει. West and Ferrari). The reason why I am inclined to opt for ἔτι πρέπει is because it reflects a common paleographical error. Although stricto sensu it refers to the speaker and the addressee Cyrnus. In order to explain the use of πόλει with ἁλωσομένηι we need to take the use of ἧμιν into account. Just as ἐπιπρέπει. because the verb is never attested in an impersonal form and its meaning ‘to turn/leave/entrust to’ (LSJ. the πύργος metaphor seems to have a martial as well as a political sense. too. 227-257 (especially 254-257) for other ways in which Arkesilas’ reign is justified in Pythian 5: through his dependence on the supposed divine right of the Battiads to rule and their special status in the form of a hero cult. and well indicates the change in the situation compared to the previous distich (see further my discussion of the poem). the transposition of letters (π and τ). 4. In the distich that follows Theognis 233-234 another city metaphor is used (lines 235-236): Οὐδὲν ἔτι πρέπει177 ἧμιν ἅτ’ ἀνδράσι σωιζομένοισιν. a conjecture for the reading of the manuscript (A) ἐπιτρέπει. Cyrnus. Garzya. s. It is no longer fitting for us to regard ourselves as men who are being saved. s. 177 Gerber reads ἐπιπρέπει (see also Young and Van Groningen). Κύρνε.v. HG. which is here unexpressed (as in X. The fact that πύργος is used in a similar metaphorical sense as ἀκρόπολις strengthens the martial-political importance of the aristocracy. which is generally considered implausible. ἁλωσομένηι. ἐπιπρέπω II and πρέπω III. while at the same time it adds a particular effect of praise. the fact that the former takes an aristocratic stance throughout the Theognidea and See further Currie 2004. but as a city that will be completely conquered. as instead of a monarch an aristocrat is praised as someone who provides protection for the people on a martial and a political level. I follow another conjecture: ἔτι πρέπει (see Hudson-Williams. but here the ideological stance differs.4) when used impersonally with a dative and an infinitive.v. ἐπιτρέπω) does not fit the present context.of the Ode.176 In Theognis. 176 65 .1.

My interpretation differs from that of commentators (Van Groningen 1966. Od.e. 39-52 in 2. 6.6: τὸ μὲν ἁλῶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν ἀμφοτέρας τὰς διώξεις ἐν ἴσαις ἐλπίσι θῶμεν αὐτῶι εἶναι (‘Let us presume that his expectations of conviction or acquittal were the same in the one suit as in the other’). ad loc. is not only that the parallel stems from a later period in a different. 174 (with examples from American politics) as well as to Sluiter 2005.) who believe that ἁλωσομένηι has to be interpreted in a legal sense of ‘condemned’ or ‘convicted’. cp. In light of the fact that they are used by an aristocrat who addresses his fellow aristocrats. This brings us to the question which function the metaphors in Theognis have. discussed in detail in Irwin 2005.81). Lakoff 2002 (1996).14 and Stes. 7-9 (with the example of the ‘war against Islamism’ in Dutch politics). their function might be to establish what in metaphor theory has been called ‘cognitive elucidation’. Pi. ad loc. for it is hard to imagine how and why a city would be ‘condemned’ or ‘convicted’. 178 66 . also my discussion of Thgn.42. 91-111. For modern parallels of ‘politics as war’ I refer to the metaphor specialists Gibbs 1994. 179 Cf.27. but also that the legal sense does not fit the use of the verb with the noun πόλει. however.374 and 4. 180 Cp.. however. 3. the presentation of a situation or an event in a new light to deepen the recipient’s See especially Cobb-Stevens 1985. With the metaphorical-political sense of ἁλωσομένηι-πόλει Theognis’ poem differs from most other early Greek poetry. 400-403. i.1. and cf. the epithet ἁλώσιμος (Ibyc.230. Kövecses 2005. In this way. 22. so that politics become represented as war:180 aristocrats think of their political power as a source of protection for the people which has to be consolidated but which nevertheless collapses..11) and the noun ἅλωσις (Pi. insofar as city conquest stands for the impending downfall of the aristocratic power. as in Antiphon’s Against the Stepmother for Poisoning 2. the use of war imagery in a political context in Solon 4 (especially lines 1-8). ἁλωσομένηι-πόλει is a political metaphor. Figueira 1985 and von der Lahr 1992.3. B. 89. The political sense of the metaphors reveals that in both poems martial diction is adapted to a political context.291.indirectly addresses his fellow aristocrats through the latter 178 implies that the poem is about the situation of the aristocracy in general.3. Pae. the erotic metaphor of city conquest infra. Il. 140-145. 2. 8. oratory context.179 Both Theognis 233-234 and 235-236 show that references to (parts of) the city are metaphorical for aristocrats. O. where the verb ἁλίσκομαι is used in a literal sense of city conquest. Gerber 1970 and 2006 (1999). Problematic. Cf. 282.

.]. οὐ]δ᾽ οἷός εἰμ᾽ ἐγὼ [α]ὐτὸς οὐδ᾽ οἵων ἄπο. . . . . . . . . . . Gerber) by considering them separate poems.awareness of it. .]ισ[. . . . . . . ἐπ]ίσταμαί τοι τὸν φιλ[έο]ν[τα] μὲν φ[ι]λεῖν.] .].]. . . as the speaker wishes to make clear to his fellow aristocrats through the metaphors that their former political superiority is being threatened: in lines 233-234 their martial and political importance is undervalued by the people. . .]. . Love as War: Archilochus 23 and Theognis 949-954 I now turn to erotic city metaphors in archaic Greek lyric. . . . . .4. . . . . . . .ω [ . . . . …. . . . 182 Although some editors (Laserre-Bonnard.]. .[. . . . . on the basis of discussions of Archilochus 23 and Theognis 949-954. . . . . .4. .]ν[ .[. . . because no paragraphus is visible. .2). 10 ἐμοὶ μελήσει. Bossi.[. . which he ends with an image of a woman conquering a city:182 . . .] . . . . . . . .].1. 181 67 . . . [θ]υμὸν ἵλαον τίθεο. . . . . . . . . . . . .2. . Tarditi) treat fragments 23 and 24 as one poem. . Lobel. . ἐς τοῦτο δή τοι τῆς ἀνολβίης δοκ[έω ἥκειν. Adrados. . . .]. . . . .[. . . ἀνὴρ τοι δειλὸς ἆρ᾽ ἐφαινόμην. which has been lost. . . . . . .]. . . because there is a difference in subject matter: in fragment 23 a man holds a speech of defense to a woman. .[.[. . τὴν δ᾽ ἐγὠνταμειβόμ[ην· ‘γύνα[ι]. . .]. . .ιχα. and in lines 235236 their political dominance is over. . with a speech of his own. .181 In both Theognidean poems there is a tone of nostalgia.γει[ 5 .2). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Slings. I follow the common opinion (cf. . . . . . . . . . . . . .[ .[.]. . . . . . . Peek. . . . .[ ]. Treu. . . . . In Archilochus 23 a man responds to a speech of a woman. . . . φάτιν μὲν τὴν πρὸς ἀνθρώπω[ν κακὴν μὴ τετραμήνηις μηδέν· ἀμφὶ δ᾽ εὐφ[ρόνι. . . while fragment 24 is about the return of a sailor after a sea voyage (for the latter see my discussion in 4. . . .[. . .]. . For cognitive elucidation see my introduction (1.[. γὰρ ἐργματ[ .]. . West. . See also my discussion of the ship of state metaphors in 4. . . .

]. 29. have no fear of the evil rumour that people spread. which apparently have made her distrust him.15 20 τὸ]ν δ᾽ ἐχθρὸν ἐχθαίρειν τε [κα]ὶ κακο[ μύ]ρμηξ. 9-15. Crowther 2003. not the sort of person I am and my ancestors were. 79-80. Kamerbeek 1961. 73-74. . . 7. πό]λιν δὲ ταύτη[ν .e. The problem with the latter is not only that Hdt. 183 68 . a female ruler of Halicarnassus praised in Hdt. 21. for it could easily refer to fragment 19. you will surely be envied by many people. but now you have captured it with the spear and you have gained great fame. or the wife of the Lydian king Candaules. 1. You turn towards that city. λόγωι νυν τ[ῶιδ᾽ ἀλη]θείη πάρ[α.12. σὺ δ[ὲ ν]ῦν εἷλες αἰχμῆι κα[ὶ μέγ᾽ ἐ]ξήρ(ω) κ[λ]έος. 96. as for kindly report (?). i. in which there is mention of Gyges’ possessions. 119. (lines 8-16) and urges her to retain her dominance over the For Artemisia cf. Rankin 1977. Rule over it and retain your dominance. for she is already the Queen (for other objections against Clay’s hypothesis I refer to Bossi 1990. that will be my concern. 184 E. Do you think I have reached such a degree of misery? I seemed to you then to be a base man. Kirkwood 1974.2. 1. . but also that the end of the fragment is not really in line with the story: Candaules’ wife would not capture the city.183 I rather side with other scholars. Some scholars assume that the man talks about an actual city conquest by a woman. Artemisia.2 does not necessarily refer to fragment 23. who refers to Hdt. Indeed I know how to repay love with love and hatred with hate and biting abuse (?) like an ant.68-69. West 1974. Slings 1987. κείνης ἄνασσε καὶ τ[υραν]νίην ἔχε· π[ο]λ[λοῖ]σ[ί θ]η[ν ζ]ηλωτὸς ἀ[νθρ]ώπων ἔσεαι. ἐ]πιστρέ[φεα]ι[. 110).g. Burnett 1983.. οὔ]τοί ποτ᾽ ἄνδρες ἐξε[πόρθη]σαν. . ad 8-21.[.99 and 8. There is truth then in what I say. which states that the story of Gyges and Candaules was mentioned in a iambus of Archilochus.12. because he tries to persuade her to reject the slanders spread by his enemies. Adrados 1981 (1956). ad loc. Luppe 1995. . For the wife of Candaules see Clay 1986.’ …for deeds…I replied: ‘Lady. Make your heart propitious.184 who consider the city a metaphor for the man who is speaking to the woman. Men have never sacked it.

ad 8-21 respectively) or that it is a phallic symbol (Crowther 2003. and cf. Lobel’s supplements πό]λιν and ἐ]πιστρέ[φεα]ι[ in line 17 have been accepted by most editors (Tarditi. 9.57. however. has been adopted in most editions (West.453-462 and Od. even though he considers it probable). οὗτος CIb: Pi. a woman captures a city as a soldier with a spear. expresses that she is the only one who is privileged to engage erotically with him.1).467. s. with the example of Archil. for usually the speaker is referred to by ὅδε (‘thishere’) instead of by οὗτος (‘that-there’) (see KG II. Achilles speaks of a girl whom he conquered with his spear after he had sacked a wellwalled city. 23 the use of οὗτος could be explained by its connotation of familiarity (see KG II. which implies that penetration is carried out by a woman. Slings does not accept the latter supplement. Ph. i. 6.city.467. This also explains the jealousy of other people. the man himself. 325-368 and E. Lyrnessus (δουρὶ δ᾽ ἐμῶι κτεάτισσα πόλιν εὐτείχεα πέρσας).1. not in Tarditi or Slings. although the latter calls it a ‘logical supplement’).2.e.5 and LSJ. S.v. To begin with the former.3. 185 69 . PhD 69c).188 On the metaphorical level this implies that the woman erotically dominates the man. but that only the woman has captured it (εἷλες) and is able to rule over it. Th.g. himself (lines 17-21).e. 16. suggested by Lobel.e. Bossi. 188 My suggestion that the reference to the spear represents the woman as an αἰχμητής counters the opinions that the reference is unimportant or too concrete to fit the metaphor (see West 1974. The metaphor of city conquest reveals a gender reversal compared to epic poetry. i. 1249-1254). The use of ταύτην with πόλιν about the speaker may surprise. also 3. A.187 In Archilochus’ fragment. 187 For the captivity of women as a stock element of city conquest in epic poetry see further e. Gerber. which is unlike other male archaic poetry. West. In Archil. 119 and Slings 1987. Pl. as is particularly clear from the word groups εἷλες αἰχμῆι and μέγ᾽ ἐ]ξήρ(ω) κ[λ]έος.2. 186 The supplement ἐξε[πόρθη]σαν. in the Iliad a man sacks a city and takes a woman captive with his spear: in Il.29. The latter opinion is further complicated by the acknowledgement of metaphor specialists that metaphors are no mere substitutions of referents (see further 1.3 on Thgn. see also in tragic poetry e. OT 56. Bossi and Gerber. 96). 196a.523-530. 8. for instance.1.g Il.185 The metaphor of city conquest has an erotic sense: his statement that men have never sacked (ἐξε[πόρθη]σαν)186 the city. 561-565. expressing what is known to the female addressee. N. i. sc. as an αἰχμητής.

with the male in the active role and the woman in the passive one’. Anacr. 4.91. and did not mount the chariot. 196b-197a).g. A second lyric poem that contains an erotic metaphor of city conquest is Theognis 949-954: νεβρὸν ὑπὲξ ἐλάφοιο λέων ὣς ἀλκὶ πεποιθὼς ποσσὶ καταμάρψας αἵματος οὐκ ἔπιον· τειχέων δ’ ὑψηλῶν ἐπιβὰς πόλιν οὐκ ἀλάπαξα· ζευξάμενος δ’ ἵππους ἅρματος οὐκ ἐπέβην· πρήξας δ’ οὐκ ἔπρηξα. 417 and Archil. κλέος (‘fame’) is the result of the fighting by male warriors in the Iliad. and not completed.3. 24. saying that the glory of her virtue will never perish (τῶι οἱ κλέος οὔ ποτ᾽ ὀλεῖται ἧς ἀρετῆς. and not accomplished. 190 Cf. completed. 25-26 (see e. and not performed. 7. and not done. accomplished. I have done. ἤνυσα δ’ οὐκ ἀνύσας.3). δρήσας δ’οὐκ ἔδρησ’. 191 whereas in Archilochus the woman acquires it through her erotic activity with the man. Il. Agamemnon praises Penelope’s loyalty to Odysseus in bitter contrast to his own wife Clytaemnestra.3. and did not sack it. 197 and 207. 196a.where ‘erotic desire is typically presented in accordance with the active/passive model. The image of city conquest in line 951 is presented along with other images which all serve to point out. as is particularly clear from the final distich. I snatched a fawn from under a doe with my claws. 190 On the metaphorical level there is an ideological reversal compared to the Odyssey: in the Odyssey Penelope gains κλέος from her faithful and chaste life during Odysseus’ long-lasting absence. καὶ οὐκ ἐτέλεσσα τελέσσας. 5. 950 Like a lion trusting in its might.189 As for the latter. 70 . 17.131. that the narrator did something which gave him the 189 Greene 2008. performed. I mounted the high walls of a city. both discussed in 3. 191 In Od. but it is attributed to a female warrior in Archilochus. I yoked horses. and did not drink its blood. for instance.

Admittedly. My interpretation of the metaphor differs from the biographical explanation by Crowther 2003.. where ‘Sappho’ prays to Aphrodite and begs: ὄσσα δέ μοι τέλεσσαι θῦμος ἰμέρρει. he nonetheless thought that the point might be political.2.power to do something else which he did not complete. ad loc. was the first to point out the erotic parallels. 6. cf. τέλεσον (‘fulfill al that my hearts longs to fulfill’).1). especially erotic ones. most of the parallels which Van Groningen lists are from a later period (Theoc.3 on Anacr.3. ad loc. cf. Rhianus)..193 This is also suggested by erotic uses of the verbs in the final distich. Burnett 1983. Although Van Groningen 1966..195 In Archilochus 23 this might serve a persuasive purpose: metaphors are highly persuasive.1 on Anacr. ad loc. 119. 195 See my introduction (1. because these are often difficult to talk about in a straightforward manner.2). The erotic sense of the image of city conquest is clear from that of the other images: the image of a lion snatching a fawn reappears in the predominantly (homo)erotic book 2 of the Theognidea (1278cd) and is charged with a more manifestly erotic sense in the Anthologia Palatina (12. also my discussion of the ship of state metaphors in 4. all the images seem to convey that the narrator did something which gave him erotic power over his partner but did not complete his erotic actions. ad loc. 196 For the persuasive function of metaphors see my introduction (1. Gerber 2006 (1999).. ad loc. speculatively thinking of Miltiades after his defeat at Paros. but for ἐτέλεσσα τελέσσας there is a parallel from Sapph. 1. Cp.2. 196 In this light. and AP).3. because they are not only based on emotions but also activate emotional responses by the receiver.134.). 193 That the poem is erotic has been argued by most scholars: Hudson-Williams 1979 (1910).3. Ferrari 1989. recounted in Hdt. also the erotic metaphor of horse-back riding in Thgn. also my discussion of city personification (2. indirectly. 417.26-27. 346<1> and 3. Carrière 1975 (1948).194 The erotic metaphors of city conquest in Archilochus 23 and Theognis 949-954 are used because metaphors may be employed to express emotions and experiences. 267-270 (with Van Groningen 1966. West 1974.g. Anacreon 346<1> and 417). ad loc.. 97-99: because 192 71 . while the image of yoking a horse is attested as an erotic metaphor elsewhere in archaic Greek lyric (e.2).146.1. 194 See Van Groningen 1966. ad loc.4. ad loc.192 In this way. the metaphor of city conquest suits the See further 3.

544 (αἱρέω).1. 50. In Theognis 949-954 the indirectness could be linked with ancient Greek views on metaphors as enigmas or riddles.. Pi.296. 20. he could easily compare love to war. the symposium.153. 61-64 and Collins 2004. 2. Il. 9. 51-57. 278 and 328. 1. 18. with reference to Theognis (257-260. 239 and 416. 15. for the ‘lyric I’ in general see further Slings 1990.367. 43a. 16-17).199 The erotic sense ‘Archilochus’ was a soldier.415. 24.92.374.e. Plutarch’s Symposium of the Seven Sages and fragments of the New Comedy. B. See further the epilogue to this thesis for the performance contexts of archaic Greek lyric.35.708. also 1458a26) and Theognis’ ‘ship of state’ metaphor (671-682).729. 170. cf. 7. be it the poet or someone else’ (Tsagarakis 1977. and to turn towards him. Il. Hes. see also my discussion of the ‘ship of state’ metaphors in 4. line 681): the riddling nature of the metaphors seems to be hinted at by the playful juxtaposition of participles and main verbs in the final distich of Theognis 949-954. 861-864 and 1229-1230) and based on evidence from Aristophanes’ Wasps.122. 16.861. Il. For lyric poetry see Pi.245 (ἀλαπάζω). Stehle 1997.37 and 7. 11. known from Aristotle’s Rhetorica (1405b4-5: μεταφοραὶ γὰρ αἰνίττονται.136.71. 72 . This riddling use of metaphors could be connected with the performance context of the Theognidea. 15. 24. Crowther argues.308 (πορθέω). 198 For the sympotic play of guessing. we have to bear in mind that ‘[a]n Iambic ‘I’ is not the key to the private character of the person which it represents.198 In terms of erotic metaphors of city conquest. 66. 141.28. 228 and 329. i. The connection between this play and the use of metaphors has been made for the horse metaphor in Thgn. Gerber 1997b.584. N.12. 6. I refer to Martin 2001. 16.2.40. 1249-1252 by Vetta 1980.31 and N.man’s speech to persuade the girl to reject the slanders. spread by his enemies. 13. 129 and 668.406. O. 6-8 and Budelmann 2009. 199 For epic poetry cf. 4. fr. However. 197 where a popular form of competitive entertainment was that of εἰκάζειν (‘guessing’). 69-74 and Aloni 2009. Il. 5. 4. 21. 4. Od. 2. 37. Archilochus 23 and Theognis 949-954 differ from epic and other lyric poetry. Aloni-Ianucci 2007. 12. 21.36. 19.454. 3.291. 127-129. ad loc. 2. where the verbs αἱρέω. 9. I. in which a riddling message has been hidden for the aristocrats (ταῦτά μοι ἠινίχθω κεκρυμμένα τοῖς ἀγαθοῖσιν.29 (αἱρέω). 9. 92-93. 215.4.71 and 558. 4.62 (πέρθω). I. 6. ἀλαπάζω and πορθέω/πέρθω are used in a literal sense of capturing and sacking a city. 197 That Theognis’ poems were most likely performed in the context of the symposium is the common opinion in lyric scholarship: see Bartol 1993. Gerber 1997.

a place distant from the action. 3. also the use of war imagery in Sappho’s erotic poetry (frr. in the particular combinations of epithets and nouns and the formation of epithets. i. 4. ‘She fled from his advances’ and even the verb ‘conquering’ itself). For modern (English) parallels of ‘love as war’ I refer to the metaphor specialists Lakoff-Johnson 2003 (1980).291. the political metaphor of city destruction in Thgn. 1 and Lyne 1980. Barsby 1991 (1973). Am. 202 Cf.e.reveals that martial diction is adapted to an erotic context in both poems. In this case. 235-236 supra. where the lover is represented as a helpless.228. ad Ov.R. 1.e. 50 and 8083).4. there are earlier instances in Hellenistic poetry and its origins can ultimately be traced back to archaic Greek lyric. 49 and Kövecses 2005.9. mythological cities predominantly have a role as setting similar to Troy in the Iliad. 73 .. 17. a semantic level. in differences in meaning of epithets. Firstly. 200 This can be regarded as a reversal of a practice in the Iliad to describe military clashes on the battlefield as erotic encounters (cf. 200 Cp.g. and above all in Latin elegiac poetry in the form of the ‘warfare of love’ motif (militia amoris). 15.127-128. Although Latin scholars 202 often consider it to be a typically Latin elegiac motif resulting from Roman military culture. 201 Examples are 13. Pi..509-510. much of the diction apparently shared with epic poetry (especially epithets) actually differs on a lexical level.g. most famously employed in Ovid’s Militat omnis amans (Amores 1. N. or as distant frame. the scenic backdrop to the action. 1. i. the use of ὀαριστύς and μείγνυμι). 31 and 44). 45. A.32 and P. Cp. See further Monsacré 1984.26 (πορθέω). discussed in detail in Rissman 1983. 63-77. and a referential level. so that love becomes represented as war. 22. ‘every lover is a soldier’). unarmed victim of an armed Eros (cf.201 The use of the war ‘frame’ for erotic matters is very popular in Hellenistic Greek poetry. e. 26 (e. 71-78. 16.275-298 and several epigrams in AP 12. insofar as epithets are used of cities instead of 10. CONCLUSION This chapter has illustrated two of the roles the city can play in archaic Greek lyric. 2.54 (πέρθω). however.

The function of political city metaphors is to establish ‘cognitive elucidation’. In this respect. Their function is to dramatise the narrative and persuade to take action. either as a means of persuasion or to evoke a play of guessing. but the roles of the Trojan city as setting and distant frame predominate. are personified or metaphorical. while that of the erotic city metaphors is to express sexual experiences in indirect manner. the distinction between setting and symbol is one of gradation according to the dominant role.people. 203 Instances of personification have been revealed by referential differences in the use of the diction compared to epic and other lyric poetry. Secondly. In the case of the metaphors martial diction has been adapted to a political and an erotic context: the capture of a city becomes a metaphor for an erotic ‘conquest’ or the downfall of political power. 203 74 . Particularly when combined with the anachronical order of a ‘lyric narrative’. i. My discussion of Ibycus 282 has also pointed out instances of personification about Troy. the dominant effect of the diction is that it enhances the grim overtones of the attack or destruction of a city. contemporary cities have a symbolic role.e.

207 For the Trojan plain in the Iliad see Elliger 1975. the symbolic-erotic role of fields (3. whether cultivated or left in its natural condition. which forms the subject of the next chapter.1). while nature includes the sea.2. focusing on the different roles of the countryside. as in the Iliad. 33-38. 150-163.2) and.2 (and 4.3. I will discuss the role of the coastal plain with a river as battlefield setting (3.e. 205 In this chapter I will re-evaluate this view. because landscape refers only to detailed descriptions of large areas of the countryside.3. Trachsel 2007. but excludes brief and evocative references.2.207 My discussion is based on close-readings of two fragments related to the Trojan saga: the ‘new Archilochus’ and Bacchylides 13. 3.1). THE COUNTRYSIDE AS SETTING: THE COASTAL PLAIN WITH A RIVER IN THE ‘NEW ARCHILOCHUS’ AND BACCHYLIDES 13 This section considers the coastal plain with a river as battlefield setting.2.206 Firstly. gardens (3.3. 176-202. Bonnafé 1984 and Jenkyns 1998).e. 206 I prefer the term countryside to ‘landscape’ (Elliger 1975 and Le Meur 1998) and ‘nature’ (Treu 1955. 23. Le Meur 1998. secondly. 79-98. My analyses will focus on the way the See Parry 1957 and Segal 1963.2. INTRODUCTION Expanding on the belief that man and countryside were still closely connected to each other in archaic Greece. 43-61. For the ‘psychologising function’ see further 1. Elliger 1975. 15-37. the river (3.3). Thornton 1984. 204 205 75 .4. de Jong forthcoming b. Both fragments will be discussed and compared against the background of the Trojan battlefield in the Iliad in three separate parts.3. THE COUNTRYSIDE 3.2. 203-212. Treu 1955. land outside the city.3).2) and meadows (3. dealing with the plain (3. i. Andersson 1976. i.204 scholars have argued that in archaic Greek lyric the countryside primarily has the ‘psychologising function’ of mirroring the mood or emotions of the human subject.1. the scenic backdrop against which martial events take place.1 on the sea).2) and the shore (3. Jenkyns 1998.

I will offer the text and a translation of Bacchylides 13. descendant of a distinguished Aiginetan family. 76 . After an introductory section. with a brief overview of the mythological narrative and its temporal order. which has largely been lost.209 Bacchylides 13 is an Epinician Ode dedicated to Pytheas. ὅστ` ἐπὶ πρύμναι σταθ[εὶς ἔσχεν θρασυκάρδιον [ὁρμαίνοντα ν[ᾶας θεσπεσίωι πυ[ρὶ καῦσαι Ἕκτορα χαλ[κοκορυστά]ν. ὁππότε Π[ηλεΐδας τρα[χ]εῖαν [ἐν στήθεσσι μ]ᾶνιν ὠρίνατ[ο Δαρδανίδας 105 110 208 209 For diction and time and see 1. the use of diction shared with epic poetry (especially epithets) affect the depiction of the settings.1 respectively. Ajax and Achilles. against the Trojans (100167).2. more extended mythological story about the fight of the descendants of Aeacus. a combination of boxing and wrestling. for the ‘new Archilochus’ I refer to my chapter on the city. after his victory of the pancration. the narrator tells the mythological story of Heracles and the Nemean lion (43-57).2.1 and 1. See 2. above all. tells a second. ταχύν τ᾽ Ἀχιλλέα εὐειδέος τ᾽ Ἐριβοίας παῖδ᾽ ὑπέρθυμον βοά[σω Αἴαντα σακεσφόρον ἥ[ρω. at the Nemean games. The central myth about the Aeacidae runs as follows: 100 τῶν υἷας ἀερσιμάχ[ας.1. praises the victor and his city (58-99).208 Before embarking on my analyses.temporal order of the mythological narratives and. and (after a badly preserved piece) concludes by praising the victor and his city again (175-231).

[124-132: sea simile]211 ὣς Τρῶες. Λυκίων τε Λοξίας ἄναξ Ἀπόλλων· ἷξόν τ᾽ ἐπὶ θῖνα θαλάσσας. 77 ..115 120 τ᾽ ἔλυσεν ἄ[τας. οἳ πρὶν μὲν [.]ν210 Ἰ]λίου θαητὸν ἄστυ οὐ λεῖπον. φοιβὰν ἐσιδόντες ὑπαὶ χειμῶνος αἴγλαν· πασσυδίαι δὲ λιπόντες τείχεα Λαομέδοντος ἐ]ς πεδίον κρατερὰν ἄϊξαν ὑ[σ]μίναν φέροντες. ὤτρυνε δ᾽ Ἄρης ε]ὐεγχής.. ἀτυζόμενοι [δέ πτᾶσσον ὀξεῖαν μάχα[ν.. 211 The sea simile will be discussed in detail in the chapter on the sea: 4. Maehler and Irigoin.. Β]ρ[ι]σηΐδος ἱμερογυίου.. λαοφόνον δόρυ σείων· ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ πολέμοι[ο λῆξεν ἰοστεφάνο[υ Νηρῆιδος ἀτρόμητο[ς υἱός. 135 140 145 210 Just like Jebb. εὖτ᾽ ἐν πεδίῳ κλονέω[ν μαίνοιτ᾽ Ἀχιλλεύς. ἐπ[εὶ] κλύον [αἰχματὰν Ἀχιλλέα μίμνο[ντ᾽] ἐν κλισίασιν εἵνεκ[ε]ν ξανθᾶς γυναικός.. but I find it too speculative on the basis of one end-ν only.3. ὦρσάν τ[ε] φόβον Δαναοῖς... θεοῖσιν ἄντειναν χέρας. Campbell follows the emendation πολύπυργον of Blass and Desrousseaux.1.

μ]έλλον ἄρα πρότε[ρο]ν διν]ᾶντα φοινίξει[ν Σκ]άμανδρ[ον. after they had seen a bright light under the storm cloud. Ares of the mighty spear urged them on. θν]άισκοντες ὑπ[᾽ Αἰα]κίδαις ἐρειψ[ι]πύ[ργοις. ἦν <δὲ> μ]έγ᾽ ἡμιθέοις ὄνααρ] ἰσόθεον δι᾽ ὁρμάν. and they reached the shore of the sea. shield-bearing hero. lord of the Lycians. bringing violent battle. ἆ δύσφ]ρονες. but in bewilderment they cowered for fear of the keen fight. Previously they would not leave the wondrous…city of Ilium. and they roused fear in the Danaans. they stretched up their hands to the gods. ἦ μεγάλαισιν ἐλπίσιν πνε<ί>]οντες ὑπερφ[ία]λόν θ` ἱέντες] αὐ[δὰ]ν Τ[ρῶε]ς ἱππευταὶ κυανώπιδας ἐκπέρσαντες ὤισθεν] νέας νεῖσθαι πάλιν εἰλα]πίνας τ᾽ ἐν λαοφό]ροις ἕξειν θ[εόδ]ματον πόλιν. so when the Trojans heard that the spearman Achilles was remaining in his tent on account of the blonde woman. lovely-limbed Briseis. By the strong- 78 . Ajax.150 155 ν]αυσὶ δ᾽ εὐπρύμνοις παρα<ὶ> μάρναντ᾽. bronze-helmeted Hector as he was raging to burn the ships with awful fire. After having left Laomedon’s walls with all speed they rushed into the plain. after Peleus’ son had stirred up harsh wrath (in his breast) and freed the Dardanids from ruin. when Achilles was furiously raging on the plain. brandishing his host-slaughtering spear. who stood on the stern and kept off bold-hearted. But when the fearless son of the violet-crowned Nereid ceased from the fight [sea simile]. 160 165 Of their sons who rouse the fight I shall shout aloud swift Achilles and the high-spirited son of fair Eriboea. ἐναριζ[ο]μ[έν]ων δ᾽ ἔρ]ευθε φώτων αἵμα]τι γαῖα μέλα[ινα Ἑκτορ]έας ὑπὸ χειρ[ός. and Loxias Apollo.

79 .2. dying at the hands of the citadel-wrecking Aeacidae. This enables him to turn to a eulogy of the Aegenitan victor and his city because the Aegenitans considered Aeacus their mythical king. 212 Cf. misguided ones! Breathing forth great hopes and uttering arrogant shouts those Trojan horsemen (thought that they would lay waste) the dark-eyed ships (and return home again) and that their god-built city would hold feasts in (its streets). 140-141 and Carey forthcoming. Cairns 2010. Ah. In truth they were destined first to crimson the eddying Scamander. the narrator looks forwards to the eventual defeat of the Trojans by the Aeacidae (157-167) and finishes the mythological narrative with a praise of the Aeacidae as he promised in the beginning. For the ‘new Archilochus’ see 2. (121-140) and to the fight on the plain and the Greeks’ withdrawal to the shore (141-149). which moves backwards and then forwards again in time (usually in greater detail) until the point of departure is reached. with the battle at the ships (150-156).sterned ships they fought. the mythological narrative has the temporal order of a ‘lyric narrative’. With ἀλλ` ὅτε in 121 the story progresses to another mention of Achilles’ retreat from the battlefield and the Trojans’ resulting relief.1 and cf. Just as in the ‘new Archilochus’. the narrator begins with the battle at the ships of Ajax against Hector (105-109). which is illustrated with a sea simile.2. The story moves backwards with ὁππότε in 110 to Achilles’ withdrawal from battle and the consequent relief felt by the Trojans (110-113) and to Achilles’ furious killing on the plain and the resulting fear of the Trojans before his retreat with πρίν in 114 (114-120).1.212 After announcing that he will sing of the Aeacidae (100-104). also 1. and the dark earth reddened with the blood of men slain by the hand of Hector. The story then ends where it started. for he was a great (boon) to the demigods in his godlike charge. Thereafter.

Both scenes taking place on the Trojan plain entirely depend upon Achilles: his presence brings about defeat for and fear from the Trojans (cf. In the ‘new Archilochus’ the Mysian plain (πεδίον Μ̣ύσι̣ο̣ν̣)213 forms the setting of the battle between the Greeks and the Mysians before the Trojan War.2.2. Nicolosi 2006 and 2007 and Nicolosi-Burzacchini 2008. when the narrator corrects the Greeks’ belief that they are in Troy by saying that they actually trod ‘wheat-bearing Mysia’ (Μυσίδα πυροφόρο̣[ν. West 2006. The same applies to Bacchylides 13. when the Trojans rush with all speed into the plain to start a violent battle (lines 141-144). when he is furiously raging on the plain (lines 118-120). while his absence leads to success and gives them relief (cf. Aloni-Ianucci 2007. 214 It is later mentioned before the fight between the Greeks and the Mysians. lines 138-140 and 145). lines 116-117). The Plain in the ‘new Archilochus’ and Bacchylides 13 In the Iliad the Trojan plain is the largely unspecified setting of the battle between the Trojans and the Greeks. line 21). a similar epithet is used of the Mysian plain. who offers no supplement.1. to whom the Ode is dedicated. 214 See further my discussion in 3. ultimately. πυροφόρον. It occurs at a later moment 80 . The epithet used of Mysia. as the noun of Μ̣ύσι̣ο̣ν̣. has a particular effect due to the anachronical order: since the narratees know from the beginning that later the Mysian plain will be filled with corpses.2.50-51. This leads to the praise of Achilles and. of the Aeginetan victor. The first is before Achilles’ retreat from battle.215 213 Except for Luppe 2006. in which two martial scenes are envisaged on the Trojan plain. the description of the plain’s fertility before the battle takes place creates a grim effect. because Achilles’ grandfather Aeacus was considered the mythical king of Aegina. and the second is immediately after Achilles’ withdrawal. as it is being filled with the bodies of the defeated. Lulli 2011) defend the supplement πεδίον.3. 215 In the Telephus myth recounted in Pindar’s Isthmian 8. all scholars (Obbink 2006 and forthcoming. ἀμπελόεις (‘vine-covered’).

For the dramatic irony see Carey 1999. The slaughter of the Trojans near the Scamander is recounted in a highly condensed form by the narrator in Bacchylides 13. so that the ‘deep-eddying in the story.. This facilitates the transition from the mythological narrative to the eulogy of the Aegenitan victor and his city.e. 11). Maehler 1982. 218 Cf. as he promised in the beginning (lines 100-104).3-35 by the narrator) (cf.216 The only exception is Iliad 21. 66-99.3. Fearn 2007. in this case by the sharp opposition between the fertility of the plain and the bloodiness of the battle. i. Bacchylides’ fragment differs from the Iliad. 216 See Thornton 1984. 8) and ‘whirled about in the eddies’ (ἑλισσόμενοι περὶ δίνας.2. de Jong 2004 (1987). 81 . too. In Isthmian 8. where the Scamander turns into the setting of and even falls victim to Achilles’ wanton outrage.724-725 and 12.. Carey forthcoming.217 The fact that the slaughter near the Scamander is ascribed to both Achilles and Ajax in Bacchylides’ version enables the narrator to end the narrative with praise of the Aeacidae. McDevitt 2009. 88-89 and 2007b. The River In the Iliad the rivers Scamander/Xanthus and Simoïs define the natural borders of the Trojan battlefield and are associated with security for the Trojans. 140.2. 217 As for the use of external narratorial prolepsis. within the scope of the narrative. while external prolepses are mostly made by characters (only in 2.218 The image of the Scamander turning crimson (φοινίξει[ν) and eddying (διν]ᾶντα) with the corpses of the Trojans in Bacchylides 13 recalls the beginning of Iliad 21: the Trojans ‘were forced into the deep-flowing river with silver eddies’ (ἐς ποταμὸν εἰλεῦντο βαθύρροον ἀργυροδίνην. who creates an effect of dramatic irony by juxtaposing the Trojans’ vain hopes of winning the Trojan War (cf. 155-156 and Trachsel 2007. 102. ad loc. lines 157-163) with his omniscient anticipation of their defeat by the Aeacidae near the Scamander (lines 164-167). where narratorial prolepses are usually internal. 2526). ad loc. which is not recounted in the Archilochean fragment. 26 and Morrison 2007. a grim effect is established by epithet. namely when Achilles ultimately defeated Telephus and ‘stained vine-covered Mysia with blood as he sprinkled the plain with the dark blood of Telephus’ (ὃ καὶ Μύσιον ἀμπελόεν / αἵμαξε Τηλέφου μέλανι ῥαίνων φόνωι πεδίον).

). 27. 82 . I.44-45. 13 and 27: the noun αἵμα is combined with the verb ἐρεύθω (cf. It seems that this grimness is taken over in Bacchylides. 15) was filled with Trojans and its water was reddened with their blood (ἐρυθαίνετο δ᾽ αἵματι ὕδωρ. where Croesus. for in Pi. 3. A similar image is attested in B. who prophesies that Achilles ‘will crimson the eddying Scamander as he kills the battle-loving Trojans’ ([δινᾶ]ντα φοινίξειν Σκ[άμανδρον / κτείνον[τα φιλ]οπτολέμους / Τρῶας]). as he is filled with corpses (πλήθει γὰρ δή μοι νεκύων ἐρατεινὰ ῥέεθρα. ad loc. 221 According to Obbink 2005. too. mounting the pyre to commit suicide.36b-38a. The Iliadic scene of a lovely river filled with corpses is similar to the image of the fair-flowing river Caecus (ἐυρρείτ̣ης δὲ Κ[άïκος) 220 and the Mysian plain being filled (στείνετ̣ο) with falling corpses (π]ι̣π̣τό ̣ ν̣των 221 νεκύων) in the ‘new Archilochus’ (lines 8b-10a).Xanthus’ (Ξάνθου βαθυδινήεντος. Both in the Iliadic scene and the ‘new Archilochus’ the gruesomeness is underscored by the epithets ἐρατεινά and ἐυρρείτης respectively. as the filling up of the plain takes place at the same time as and because of the falling of the bodies. the mixing of the gold with the blood of the dead Lydians indicates the brutal end of Croesus’ prosperous reign. the present participle makes sense if we consider it simultaneous to the imperfect στείνετο. If we are aware that the epithet refers to the alluvial gold brought down from Mount Tmolus (cf. soon acquires a grim undertone in the Iliad. 13. sketched by the narrator. ad loc. ad loc. 21. the centaur Chiron. 13 is used in a prolepsis of the battle near the Scamander in B. / οὐδέ τί πηι δύναμαι προχέειν ῥόον εἰς ἅλα δῖαν / στεινόμενος νεκύεσσι.42.21) instead of with φοινίσσω. However. and McDevitt 2009. Maehler 1982. and Barker-Christensen 2006. 21). Il.219 This image. but without reference to Ajax and uttered by a character. the river Caicus is mentioned in the battle between the Mysians and the Greeks. laments that Sardis is sacked due to the Persians and ‘the gold-eddying Pactolus is reddened with blood’ (ἐρεύθεται αἵματι χρυσο]δίνας / Πακτωλός). 219 220 The supplement Κ[άϊκοϲ has been generally accepted. 5. the present tense πιπτόντων is ‘odd’.218-220a). for one would expect an aorist or perfect participle (‘fallen’). when the Trojan River Scamander complains to Achilles that his lovely streams are full of corpses and that he cannot pour his water into the bright sea. and the hapax epithet χρυσο]δίνας (if the supplement is correct) is chosen for the participle δινᾶντα. 21. The image reveals two lexical differences from B. as they remind of the natural flowing of the The same image as in B. to which Croesus owed part of his wealth.

in Il. while the dark earth of the shore reddened with the blood of the Trojans slain by Hector (lines 149-154). For the parallel cf. 3. In Homer the expression ἐπὶ θῖν̣α̣ πολυφλο̣ίσβοιο θαλάσσης occurs in four scenes: in Il. 9. ad loc. Ajax and Phoenix go along the ‘shore of the loud-roaring sea’ to pray to Poseidon that they may 222 223 For a discussion of the river scene see 3. The same applies to Bacchylides 13.2.2. Maehler 1982.182 Odysseus. as it results from the Greeks’ erroneous belief of finding themselves on Trojan soil. The Shore In the Iliad the shore forms part of the narrative setting during the battle at the ships (book 15). This scene is later echoed by that of the crimsoning Scamander (lines 164-165):222 the similarity in phrasing makes clear that the Trojans have turned from victors into victims. when the narrator says that the Trojans drove the Greeks back to the shore after Achilles’ withdrawal and fought them by the ships.34 Chryses silently walks along the ‘shore of the loud-roaring sea’ to pray to Apollo for revenge because the Greeks refused to return his daughter. the expression αἵματι γαῖα μέλαινα may add a sense of praise. if we take into account that it recalls its use in the narration of the battle at the ships in Iliad 15 (line 715):223 in the latter the dark earth reddens with the blood of both Greeks and Trojans. but in the former solely with that of the Greeks killed by Hector. and Cairns 2010. ad loc.3. In this way. emphasis is put on Hector’s heroic exploits and the narrator can indirectly praise Ajax. In the ‘new Archilochus’ the shore sets the scene for the withdrawal of the Greeks from the battle against the Mysians: being slain at the hands of Telephus. as the opening of the narrative (lines 105-109) states that Hector is kept from throwing fire in the ships thanks to him. they have become scenes of brutal murder. the Greeks turned off to the ‘shore of the loud-roaring sea’ (line 10).rivers in the peaceful situation before the battle: once lovely or fairflowing. In the ‘new Archilochus’ the harshness is reinforced in light of the fact that the whole battle is pointless.2. 1. At the same time. 83 .

1. The use of ἀσπάσιος seems to align with that in the Iliad. knowing that soon he would have to demand new exertions of them’ (de Jong 2001. 23. line 179).persuade Achilles to reappear on the battlefield. 133. 224 while the loud noise of the sea mirrors the emotional agitation of the despondent people on the shore. on his way ‘to the ship and the shore of the sea’ (ἐπὶ νῆα θοὴν καὶ θῖνα θαλάσσης. 19. by Achilles in Il. mourning for Patroclus. which ‘was literally a godsend to Odysseus-hero. 13. 225 Only in Il. 9. In this case.72. 24. 407) Odysseus sees his comrades crying. Ajax and Phoenix. as is also suggested by instances of the noun θίς without the epithet-noun combination πολυφλο̣ίσβοιο θαλάσσης.226 as the Greeks who are still alive feel relieved that they escaped death at the hands of Telephus (referred In Il.12 Achilles. without realising that he has arrived in Ithaca.59 Achilles is groaning heavily on the ‘shore of the loud-roaring sea’ because of grief over the loss of his friend Patroclus. ad loc.).182 the epithet-noun combination does not seem to have a mirroring function. 8. signalling relief at escape from death in war (by Hector or Achilles). It is clear from this overview that the shore is a place of despondency in Homer. 7. which he exploited to cheer up his despondent men. prayed to by Odysseus.270. Cf. 10 the shore of Circe’s island is thrice a place of despondency for Odysseus and his comrades: Odysseus’ comrades marvel at a stag ‘by the shore of the barren sea’ (παρὰ θῖν᾽ ἁλὸς ἀτρυγέτοιο. moving ‘to the ship and the shore of the sea’ (ἐπὶ νῆα θοὴν καὶ θῖνα θαλάσσης. as they think his companions are all dead. 18. In Od. In Il.220 Odysseus is pacing by the ‘shore of the loud-roaring sea’. heavily lamenting and mournfully longing for his native land. roams ‘along the shore of the sea’ (παρὰ θῖν᾽ ἁλός). 226 By Hector in Il. 224 84 . 21. in Il.350 Achilles bursts out into tears ‘at the shore of the grey sea’ (θῖν᾽ ἔφ᾽ ἁλὸς πολιῆς) after Briseïs has been taken away from him.327. the epithet could be brought into connection with Poseidon.607. who as a sea god is able to stir up the sea. n7 (in a discussion of its use in the Odyssey about relief at escape from death at sea). For the use of θῖνα we need to take into account that the phrase which follows indicates that the Greeks gladly (ἀ]σ̣πάσιοι) fled (ἔφυγο̣ν̣) to their swift ships.225 The question then is whether ἐπὶ θῖν̣α̣ πολυφλοίσβοιο θαλάσσης is used in the same manner in the new Archilochus fragment.118. in Od. 569) Odysseus and his comrades are weeping because they are about to descend into the underworld.448 and 11. also Taaffe 1990-1991.

If line 13 would render the embarking of the Greeks on their ships.483 and 4. In that case.). Schadewaldt 1966 (1938). as in Homer. 229 See further 4. on the contrary. ad loc. 227 As for πολυφλοίσβοιο θαλάσσης. 2. 10. of relief.207-210). of sadness. after they have lost their way en route to Troy (line 16). 4. ‘exempli gratia. xiv). except for West 2006. as it has close parallels with the epithet ἀσπάσιος (e.85. for lyric narratives typically go back with a relative pronoun (see further Krischer 1917.. Darius] went aboard ship’.3. 118126. however.229 Besides retreat.g. the shore also sets the scene for the Greeks’ arrival in Mysia before their fight against Telephus. ‘relentless man’. 136-140. 230 The supplement θ[ῖν’ ἀφίκοντο has been accepted by most scholars.g.760. but. Il. e.327) and ἐς νέας (Il. though without much spirit’. Il. see Obbink 2006 and forthcoming) or ἀνέβαν (with ἐς in Od. in line 11) and arrived at their ships by the shore. 3. the movement backwards to the beginning of the Trojan expedition more likely starts with οὓς in line 14. There are.1: ἐσβὰς ἐς νέα. de Jong 2001. Firstly. 228 Cp.4. Slater 1983. the use of the epithet-noun combination with the noun κῦμα (‘wave’) in epic poetry and Archilochus 13. 227 85 . as it moves backwards from the withdrawal of the Greeks towards the Mysian shore to the beginning of their expedition towards Troy and then forwards Another interpretation should be given if the supplement ἐσέβαν (cf. 84. the supplement ἔφυγον (West 2006) is to be preferred. Secondly. the movement backwards to the beginning of the Trojan expedition would start from line 13 (cf.230 The second mention of the shore makes manifestly clear that the narrative has the temporal order of a ‘lyric narrative’. as he admits himself. but.366). This implies that the shore is not a place of despondency. but. Nicolosi 2007.2. 14. who suggests παρά θ’ ὅρμον ἔλασσαν (‘overshot their (proper) mooring-place’). the feelings of gladness at the start of the expedition might serve as a point of contrast with the Greeks’ emotions at the retreat to the Mysian shore: the shore would then be no longer a place of relief.. two reasons why the interpretation I give is more probable. ‘he [sc. see Nicolosi 2006) in line 13 were correct. mirroring noisy actions and grief respectively: see further 4. its use together with the adverb προ]τ̣ροπάδην (‘with headlong speed’) and the verb ἀπ̣έκλινον (‘turned off’) suggests that it mirrors agitated action instead of emotion: 228 the epithet-noun combination seems to function as a shortened Homeric simile that illustrate the noisy retreat of a fighting mass with a storm at sea (cf. but not about ships. 11. Hdt.to as ἀμειλίκτου φωτός.

I.9 and 11. 4. the meaning of an agricultural field that is fertile and tillable (Pi.3. The anachronical order affects the narratees’ understanding of the second mention of the shore. particularly one that it is fertile and arable or the property of a rich landowner.3) or the possession of a wealthy landowner (Pi. too.again to their arrival at the Mysian shore.35. Fields (ἄρουραι) In epic poetry ἄρουρα primarily denotes an agricultural field. 86 .3). mostly ancestral (Pi. THE COUNTRYSIDE AS EROTIC SYMBOL In this section I turn to areas of the countryside other than a coastal plain with a river and attempt to demonstrate that these have a symbolic. role.8. O. 6. O. archaic lyric fields are also presented symbolically.3. Additionally. fr. either as (erotic) metaphors or as spaces endowed with erotic associations. 1. mainly erotic. 3. Fields as Metaphors A first symbolic presentation of fields is as metaphor.1. 6.15) is attested alongside the broader meaning of land. P.2) and the third with meadows (3. ground or earth in general.3. 5.39.3.34. The first part deals with fields (3. 2. P. with all instances listed. Tyrt. most notably in Pindar. N.3. the second with gardens (3. Most often fields are erotic metaphors for female bodies that receive ‘seed’ 231 For ἄρουρα in epic poetry see LfgrE 1 (agricultural land) and 2 (land. for they had been told that the Greeks would retreat to the same shore after their defeat. N.25. Sometimes its meaning is broadened to include land.106).1).14. 12.19. 6. ground or earth in general). 11. Pae. 52d. 3. 231 In archaic lyric poetry.

was considered a descendant of the Argonaut Euphamus and one of the Lemnian women (cf. A. it is told that ‘in foreign fields then the destined day. lines 50-51). See further DuBois 1988. Van Groningen 1966. a woman’s body of another man: ἐχθαίρω ἄνδρα τε μάργον / ὃς τὴν ἀλλοτρίην βούλετ` ἄρουραν. received the seed of your shining prosperity’ (καὶ ἐν ἀλλοδαπαῖς / σπέρμ᾽ ἀρούραις τουτάκις ὑμετέρας ἀκτῖνος ὄλβου δέξατο μοιρίδιον / ἆμαρ ἢ νύκτες. E. 1271 and 1301. The erotic sense of the field metaphor in lines 254-255 has been pointed out by Braswell 1988. 65-89. for the first king of Cyrene.e. which did not only bear Oedipous but was also ‘sowed’ by him. DuBois 1988.2. lines 257b-258a: τόθι γὰρ γένος Εὐφάμου λοιπὸν αἰεὶ / τέλλετο. i. the addressee of the Ode.(from the man) and bring forth ‘fruit’ (sc. El. 741. for a discussion of Pythian 4.234 Another example of the erotic metaphor of the fields is Theognis 581-582. 233 The Pindaric narrator uses the erotic metaphor of the fields to explain the descendance of the Battiad kings from the Argonauts. 752-754 and S. ad loc. in tragic poetry (A. When the Argonauts stop at Lemnos on their return journey and have sexual intercourse with the female inhabitants. 67-68 and Iakob 1994. Anacr.235 Field metaphors are used without an erotic sense only in one instance: Pindar’s Pythian 6 begins with the words ‘Listen! For again we are ploughing the field of lively-eyed Aphrodite or of the Graces’ (ἀκούσατ᾽· ἦ γὰρ ἑλικώπιδος Ἀφροδίτας / ἄρουραν ἢ Cp. 58.232 An example is found in a mythological narrative about the Argonauts in Pindar’s Pythian 4.1. OT 1256-1257). For the erotic interpretation of Thgn. 432. The ‘shining prosperity’ is that of King Arkesilas IV of Cyrene. 232 87 . 581-582 cf. ad loc. 1027. Battus. lines 255b-257a). 234 See further 4. the use of ἄρουρα as an erotic metaphor for Jocaste’s body. ‘for there the race of Euphamus was planted to continue forever’). Th..1. 235 For μάργος and μαργοσύνη in the sense of ‘lustful’ and ‘lustfulness’ see Alcm. 233 Cf. also the prophecy of Medea at the beginning of the mythological narrative: νῦν γε μὲν ἀλλοδαπᾶν κριτὸν εὑρήσει γυναικῶν/ ἐν λέχεσιν γένος (‘he [Euphamus] will find in the beds of foreign women a chosen race’. ad loc. Thgn. or nights. in which the speaker says that he hates a lustful man who wants another one’s field. Supp. children).

.. σᾶι δὲ μάλιστ’ ἔχαιρε μόλπαι̣.3. Vetta 1979.. 237 For N. for O. 88. s. νῦν δὲ Λύδαισιν ἐμπρέπεται γυναίSee further Gianotti 1975. 82-94 and MacLachlan 1993.]σε θέαι σ’ ἰκέλαν ἀριγνώται.g. 1.8. 6.χ[. they are able to provide a rich supply of songs. ‘for those who plough the fields of the Pierian Muses. Ἀφροδίτη 3: e. frr.19) 236 and similar metaphors about ploughing and cultivating are attested elsewhere in Pindar (N. 68-80. Ag.g.[. However..[. is addressed in erotic terms in Pi.61-63. Ἀφροδίτη 4bβ: Od. because Xenocrates’ son.33-35 (Πιερίδων ἀρόταις / δυνατοὶ παρέχειν πολὺν ὕμνον ἀγερώχων ἑργμάτων / ἕνεκεν.] πόλ]λακι τυίδε̣ [ν]ῶν ἔχοισα ὠσπ. Mullen 1982. Sappho 96 and Anacreon 346<1>.27 cf. .[. because of their proud achievements’) see Gerber 1999. h. s.v.. ad loc. Nünlist 1998.].. fr. an erotic interpretation of ‘ploughing the fields’ seems unlikely. Farnell 1961 (1932).26.2. Thrasybulus. my discussion in 3. 4190) and because she is often related to the Charites in a context of beauty and grace (see LFgrE.33-35 and 10. 18. 124. O. 138) argue that Aphrodite has erotic associations in Pythian 6. I. 6.6 and 3. A. lines 1-3a). In Sappho 96 a girl called Atthis is reminded of a woman who has moved away to Lydia but deeply misses her: ]Σαρδ.192-194.27).237 Fields and Erotic Associations For a second symbolic presentation of fields we need to investigate their presence in two archaic lyric fragments.ώομεν. Ven.. Cypr. 13. 236 5 88 . 137-138. 9.].. In this Ode ploughing the fields seem to be a poetological metaphor for producing poetry..Χαρίτων / ἀναπολίζομεν. as there are no other erotic allusions in this Ode: Aphrodite rather seems to be referred to because of her charm (see LSJ. 3 and 4). Many commentators (Gildersleeve 1965 (1890). O. 9. ad loc.v. since the plural χάριτες sometimes refers to the charm of poetry (e. ad loc. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1922. 87123. 5..

. and has been accepted by all scholars (only Page puts μήνα between cruces.. 118.. and roses bloom and tender chervil and flowery melilot. 238 89 . 185-186).]αλον̣[. Campbell 2002 (1982).[.] πόλυς γαρύει̣ [... which is impossible for reasons of meter and content. but see Heitsch 1967. And its light spreads out over the salty sea and the flowery fields alike.. proposed in Kamerbeek 1956.ισα τό̣δ’ οὐ νῶντ’ ἀ[. Now she is conspicuous among the Lydian women like the rosyfingered moon after sunset.. I prefer the emendation κ[α]ρ̣[τερῶ<ι>.]... 239 Campbell follows Page’s emendation κ[ᾶ]ρ̣[ι σᾶι. 15 πόλλα δὲ ζαφοίταισ’. 240 The scattered remains after line 20 are considered the beginning of a new fragment by most scholars (Kirkwood 1974.]. 84. when remembering gentle Atthis doubtless her tender heart is The noun σελάννα is a conjecture by Schubart for μήνα. Often as she goes to and fro. ad loc.ο̣ μέσσον240 10 20 …Sardis…often turning her thoughts in this direction…(she honoured) you as being like a goddess for all to see. the dew is shed in beauty.]υστονυμ̣[. 391-392. 101 and taken over in Lardinois 2001. and she took most delight in your song. Janko 1982 and Neri 2001 for a refutation of Page’s objections to the conjecture).. while Voigt only adopts the legible letters. φάος δ’ ἐπίσχει θάλασσαν ἐπ’ ἀλμύραν ἴσως καὶ πολυανθέμοις ἀρούραις· ἀ δ’ ἐέρσα κάλα κέχυται. McEvilley 1973. Hutchinson 2001.κεσσιν ὤς ποτ’ ἀελίω δύντος ἀ βροδοδάκτυλος σελάννα238 πάντα περρέχοισ’ ἄστρα. 277. 86 and 2008. ἀγάνας ἐπιμνάσθεισ’ Ἄτθιδος ἰμέρωι λέπταν ποι φρένα κ[α]ρ̣[τέρω<ι>]239 βόρηται. τεθάλαισι δὲ βρόδα κἄπαλ’ ἄνθρυσκα καὶ μελίλωτος ἀνθεμώδης. κῆθι δ’ ἔλθην ἀμμ.... surpassing all stars.

which are suggested by a scene in the Dios Apate in Iliad 14. a subspecies of the lotus.242 The sweet smell of the melilot. tender chervil and flowery melilot). The chervil seems to acquire erotic associations through the epithet ἄπαλος. in which ‘Sappho’ reminds a girl of the good times they spent together. Cf. are associated with female desire in Sappho’s poetry.. 11) to a close-up of the dew and the different species of flowers on the fields (roses. elsewhere in Sappho’s poetry: in Sappho 94 it describes a girl’s neck (ἀ]πάλαι δέραι. while desire is satisfied. line 13). also my discussion of Sapph. This effects a detailed image of the fields. After this top-down movement. in fragment 82 a girl called Gyrinno (τὰς ἀπάλας Γυρίννως).g. putting garlands of flowers. who is compared to the more shapely 241 See McEvilley 1973.3. 348) and other flowers spring up as a result of the erotic encounter between Zeus and Hera. 2 in 3. Snyder 1997. which are connected to the goddess Aphrodite. 241 A good example is Sappho 94. 193. especially roses. Elliger 1975. mainly in an erotic context.. To go there…this…mind…much…sings…(in the) middle. 265-269. in which a lotus (λωτόν. around their necks and satisfying their desire. including roses (βρ[όδων. in which the Lydian woman is compared to the moon. 16) around which garlands are put. which refers to (body parts of) women. 242 Cf. e. frr. 78 and 98. the description ‘zooms in’ from a scenic picture of the ‘flowery fields’ (πολυανθέμοις ἀρούραις. A simile. after a general picture has been provided. 51. 90 .3.consumed by strong desire. The close-up of the flowers and the dew presents the fields as a symbolic space endowed with erotic associations. turns into a description of fields (lines 9b-14) through the mention of the moonlight spreading out over the sea and the fields. Flowers. might underscore the erotic associations of the lotus in early Greeky poetry.

ἐν δέ τε οἶνος / γίγνεται· αἰεὶ δ᾽ ὄμβρος ἔχει τεθαλυῖά τ᾽ ἐέρση (‘corn grows beyond measure. which seem to reflect their latent sexuality. 31-51. for instance.598-599) or cause of it (Od. Ven. Next. including Sapph. 13. 23. it See Hutchinson 2001.3) and female beauty (of Hermione and Helen in 23. 23. who argues that the description is devoid of emotions and appeals to reason as a means to console Atthis (see below for the opinion that the poem is consolatory). Cf.243 Dew has been appropriated in an erotic context in early Greek poetry244 because of its associations with fertility. as the Lydian woman’s heart is said to be consumed by strong desire (ἰμέρωι… κ[α]ρ̣[τέρω<ι>.3). in Alcm.8. 13.1. ad loc.v. 54-60. nor the copious dew’). For the psychologising function of space see also my 243 91 . of Aphrodite in 73. s. 244 See Boedeker 1994.4-5.598-599: ὡς εἴ τε περὶ σταχύεσσιν ἐέρση / ληΐου ἀλδήσκοντος. 90) of Aphrodite.9) is mentioned in connection with love (ἔρωτος in 23. δροσ[ό]εσσα in 71. 88) and neck (ἀμφ᾽ ἁπαλῇ δειρῇ. when the fields are bristling’). 5 of the breasts (στήθεσιν ἀμφ᾽ ἁπαλοῖσιν. The erotic associations the fields acquire through references to flowers and dew seem to have a psychologising function: they seem to mirror erotic desire. 246 Contra Carey 1978. in 126 a female companion (ἀπάλας ἐτα<ί>ρας) in the context of sleeping on her bosom. who is seized with love for her.1. also Elliger 1975. as perceived by Anchises.244-245). 96.80 of the hand (χηρός) of a girl.11. The intriguing question is: whose desire? In the first place it seems to be that of the Lydian woman for the girl Atthis. the virginal daughters of Porthaon find themselves amid flowers and dew (ἐέρ]σ̣η̣ν. who is described in erotic terms. 96 in particular. of Mica in 71. See further LfgrE. φιλότ[ατ’] in 71.244-245: οἱ σῖτος ἀθέσφατος. line 20). in some (badly preserved) fragments of Sappho dew (δροσόεν]τας in 23. and Ferrari 2010 (2007). 351b) as a result of the erotic activities between Zeus and Hera. also other instances of the epithet in early Greek poetry: in h. 16-17) in the stanza that follows the description of the fields. 51-52 for Sapph. who discusses the examples I give. cf. Finally. 192-193 and Snyder 1997.Mnasidica. in the Dios Apate scene in Iliad 14 ‘drops of glistering dew fell off’ (στιλπναὶ δ᾽ ἀπέπιπτον ἔερσαι. ὅτε φρίσσουσιν ἄρουραι (‘as corn with the dew upon the ears waxes ripe. 246 However. ἐέρση and Boedeker 1994. 245 Il. ἐέρσας in 73. and the wine-grape as well: and the rain never fails it. 3. as a sign (Il.245 In Hesiod fragment 26. Od. 35.

could also be the desire of Atthis for the Lydian woman: since ‘Sappho’ is the speaker who addresses the girl and describes the woman in erotic terms, she might project erotic desire for the woman onto the addressee. In any case, a sense of pain is established by their separation because it is impossible to fulfil the desire. This observation accords with a recent suggestion by André Lardinois that the (end of the) poem is not only a consolation, but also or especially a lament: ‘Sappho’ may console Atthis by the thought that the Lydian woman still remembers her and longs for her, while lamenting the impossibility for them to come together and satisfy the desire mirrored by the flowery and dewy fields.247 In Anacreon 346<fr.1> a girl called Herotime is addressed throughout:248 οὐδε...[.]σ.φ..α..[...]..[ φοβερὰς δ’ ἔχεις πρὸς ἄλλωι φρένας, ὦ καλλιπρό[σ]ωπε παίδ[ων. καί σε δοκεῖ μὲν ἐ[ν δό̣]μοισι[ν πυκινῶς ἔχουσα [μήτηρ ἀτιτάλλειν. σ[.].[....]...[ τὰς ὑακιν[θίνας ἀρ]ούρας

5

discussion of Anacr. 346<1> below, and further my introduction (1.2.1) and my discussion of sea poems (4.4.1). 247 Cf. Lardinois 1994, 74 and 2001, 86, who points out that the Lydian woman’s wanderings (ζαφοίταισ’) resemble those of grieving people. For the dominant opinion of consolation see Page 1979 (1955), 95; Saake 1971, 177-178; Carey 1978, 367-368; Hague 1984. 248 Cf. Serrao 1968, 43-51; Cavallini 1990; Kurke 1999, 192; Rosenmeyer 2003, 173177. Some scholars (Bowra 1961 (1936), 287-289; Barigazzi 1956, 140-148; Merkelbach 1958, 96-97; Campbell 1988, ad loc.) believe that in line 3 a boy is addressed and that the address to Herotime in line 13 marks the beginning of a new poem. This belief has been rejected for several reasons. Firstly, the noun παῖς does not necessarily refer to a boy, for in epic poetry (e.g. Il. 1.20 and 443; 3.175) and archaic lyric poetry (e.g. Anacr. 348.2, of Artemis; Sapph. 132.1, of Cleïs) the noun also refers to a girl; the only other time the noun is combined with the epithet καλλιπρόσωπος is even in reference to a girl (Filox. 8, of Galatea). Next, there is no coronis after line 12 that would mark the beginning of a new poem.

92

ἵ]να Κύπρις ἐκ λεπάδνων ....]´[.]α[ς κ]ατέδησεν ἵππους. 10 ......]δ’ ἐν μέσωι κατῆ<ι>ξας ......]ωι δι’ ἅσσα πολλοὶ πολ]ιητέων φρένας ἐπτοέαται· λεωφ]όρε λεωφόρ’ Ἡρο[τ]ίμη.

…nor…but you have a timid heart as well, lovely-faced girl. And (your mother) thinks that she tends you (at home), keeping a firm hold on you. But you...the fields of hyacinth, where the Cyprian tethered mares with yoke straps. And you darted down in the midst (of the throng?), so that many citizens find their hearts excited by passion; Herotime, public highway, public highway. In line 6b the scene shifts from the indoors space of the house, in which the girl’s mother believes that she keeps a firm hold on her (lines 4-6a), 249 to the outdoors space of the ‘fields of hyacinths’ (ὑακιν[θίνας ἀρ]ούρας, line 7). The fields are presented as a symbolic space with erotic associations through the use of the epithet ὑακινθίνας,250 as hyacinths are associated with Aphrodite

The supplements ἐ[ν δό̣]μοισι[ν and [μήτηρ in lines 4-5 were suggested by Gallavotti and have been accepted by most editors (Gentili and Campbell, but not Page). 250 Because ἄρουρα is used with a flower epithet, scholars read the fragment as if λειμών (‘meadow’), on which flowers naturally grow, were mentioned instead of ἄρουρα (Gentili 1958, ad loc.; Serrao 1968, 42; Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977), ad loc.). Some even argue that the scene represents the ‘meadow of love’ motif, in which a young girl is seduced or abducted by a man (Calame 1999 (1992), 165 and Rosenmeyer 2004, 176), but there are no signs of seduction or abduction by a man (see further 3.3.3 for this motif). Slings 1978, 38 goes even further by suggesting that the scenery in lines 6b-9 represents a mixture of the erotic ‘meadow’ of Aphrodite and the chaste ‘meadow’ of Artemis (cf. E. Hipp. 73-81), for the latter proposing the supplement Αἰδώς in line 5b, who represents Artemis as the guardian of the chastity meadow in Hipp. 78. This suggestion, however, is a petitio principii, as it is supported by Slings’ own supplement. Moreover, even if the supplement were likely, this does not make Αἰδώς present in the outdoors scenery of lines 6b-9.
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in early Greek poetry, probably because of their seductive smell:251 in Cypria fragment 4 Aphrodite is clothed in perfumed garments of flowers, including hyacinths (ἔν θ’ ὑακίνθωι); in Alcaeus 196b Aphrodite is present with youths garlanded with hyacinth (νεαίνι[αι / ].ξ ἰακ[υνθ]ω<ι> στεφανώμενοι, 7b-8); in an epithalamium by Sappho (fragment 194, paraphrased in Himerius’ Orationes 9.4), girls are led into the bridal room together with Aphrodite, whose hair is bound with hyacinth (καὶ τῆς μὲν ὐακίνθωι τὰς κόμας σφίγξασα). In Anacreon’s fragment, too, hyacinths are associated with Aphrodite, who ‘tethered mares with yoke straps’ (ἐκ λεπάδνων…κ]ατέδησεν) in the fields of hyacinth. The image of mares252 yoked by Aphrodite seems to be an erotic metaphor for the loss of virginity of girls, as is clear from the parallel image of Aphrodite yoking (ζεύξασ’) a girl who was previously an ‘unyoked filly’ (πῶλον ἄζυγα) in Euripides’ Hippolytus 546-554.253 The connection between the fields of hyacinth and Herotime (cf. σ[.]) seems to render the metaphor of the yoking of the mares as the imagination of the girl’s own desire for the loss of virginity; this would be further underscored if the verb lost in line 6b expressed her longing for the fields.254

Cf. LfgrE, s.v. ὑάκινθος. For the parallels see Gentili 1958, ad loc.; Serrao 1968, 42-43, n16; Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977), ad loc.; Tsomis 2001, 122, n141. 252 That ἵππους represent mares is suggested by –α[ς, presumably the end of an unpreserved epithet. 253 Cf. Kirkwood 1974, 154; Calame 1999 (1992), 165; Tsomis 2001, 122; see also the erotic metaphor of taming a filly in Anacr. 417 discussed in 3.3.3. Interpreting ἐκ λεπάδνων as freed from yoke straps, some scholars (Gentili 1958, 187; Serrao 1968, 43; Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977), ad loc.; Bernsdorff forthcoming) believe that lines 8-9 are about horses ranging free and convey a sense of promiscuity. However, this does not accord with the tethering of the horses expressed by the verb κατέδησεν. The preposition ἐκ makes sense with the verb, if we are aware that it can express the instrument or means by which something is done (see e.g. S. Ph. 563 and 710; cf. further LSJ, s.v. ἐκ III6 and KG II.1.430). 254 See Bernsdorff forthcoming. Other supplements suggest that she moves towards the fields (cf. Serrao’s ῥίμφ’ ἐποίχεαι, ‘go lightly to’; Slings’ ὑπεξέφευγες, ‘withdrew to’), or that she is present in the fields (Gentili’s and DeganiBurzacchini’s βόσκεαι, ‘graze on’).
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While the outdoors scene in the fields seems to reflect the girl’s own erotic desire, that in the city in the next stanza (lines 1014) conveys the erotic effect she has on the citizens, many of whom are excited by passion as she darts in their midst.255 This ultimately leads to hyperbolic mockery of the girl through the use of the double vocative λεωφόρ’, in juxtaposition to her lofty first name Hero-time (‘honoured by the hero’ or ‘honour of the hero’): while the epithet is used of a public highway in epic poetry (Il. 15.682), it here suggests a whore.256 3.3.2. Gardens (κῆποι)

Gardens (κῆποι) are generally cultivated areas of land where fruit trees are grown in epic poetry.257 In archaic Greek lyric gardens sometimes refer to the favourite spot of a venerated hero or god (Pi. O. 3.24, Pelops’ Olympia; P. 5.24, Aphrodite’s Cyrene; P. 9.53, Zeus Ammon’s Libya). In addition, archaic lyric gardens are also presented symbolically, either as metaphors or as space with erotic associations.
For the erotic meaning of the verb πτοέω, ‘exciting by passion’, in ancient Greek literature see, e.g., Alc. 283.3-4; Sapph. 22.14 and 31.5-6; Pr. 856 (cf. Gentili 1958, ad loc. and Serrao 1968, 48). 256 For the mockery of the name see Kurke 1999, 194, n47; contra DeganiBurzacchini 2005 (1977), ad loc., who believe that the name is merely arbitrary. For mockery as a central theme in Anacreon’s poetry, e.g. also in frr. 417 (discussed in 3.3.3) and 347, see Fränkel 1975 (1962), 293; Gentili 1958, xx; De Martino-Vox 1996, 918; Lambin 2002, 111-120. The image of the whore seems to contradict the statement at the beginning of the fragment that the girl has a timid heart. Two suggestions have been put forward to solve this problem: one is that the fragment presents a sequence in the life of Herotime from a timid girl to a public whore (Serrao 1968, 43-51; Cavallini 1990; Kurke 1999, 192; Rosenmeyer 2003, 173-177), another that two girls are set in opposition to each other: a timid girl (tentatively called Smerdeis, a girl mentioned in Anacr. 366) and a whore (Gentili 1958, 181 and 193-194). The former is unlikely in light of the use of present tenses at the beginning and end of the fragment, and the latter because there is no clear indication of an addressee shift. In my view, the contradiction can only be solved if we consider the beginning ironic in light of what follows and the end hyperbolic. 257 Il. 8.306; Od. 4.737; 7.129; 24.247 and 338.
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reading τε ὑπὸ. as τε cannot stand in initial position (cf.3.8). 106 and Slings 1987b.3.v. s. τε I. 260 The reading ἀλλ` ἁθ` ὑπὸ is a conjecture (see Page. further my discussion of the Epode in 3. I. when a man utters σχήσω γὰρ ἐς ποη[φόρους / κ]ήπους (‘I shall steer towards grassy gardens’. ἵνα παρθένων κῆπος ἀκήρατος. 2.11. 1. 6. Denniston 1954 (1934).116. 96 .L.3335 and 10. lines 23-24a) while seducing a girl.1-3). 258 In Pindar’s Olympian 9 the ‘garden of the Graces’ is metaphorical for poetry: in the opening praise of victor and city the phrase ἐξαίρετον Χαρίτων νέμομαι κᾶπον (‘I am cultivating the exquisite garden of the Graces’. Tortorelli) for the codd. since the plural χάριτες sometimes denotes the charm of poetry (e. Campbell.Gardens as Metaphors A first symbolic presentation of gardens is as metaphor. s. O.19) and comparable poetological metaphors of cultivating and ploughing are found elsewhere in Pindar (N. he hints at his intended sexual activities.1-3 in 3.3. P. 13.g.259 Gardens and Erotic Associations For a second symbolic presentation of gardens we need to have a close look at Ibycus 286: ἦρι μὲν αἵ τε Κυδώνιαι μηλίδες ἀρδόμεναι ῥοᾶν ἐκ ποταμῶν. κῆπος..8. Cf. D.1. 50. In Archilochus’ Cologne Epode gardens are metaphors for female genitals. 6. 259 See further my discussion of P.v. De Martino-Vox. 6. which is improbable. αἵ τ’ οἰνανθίδες αὐξόμεναι σκιεροῖσιν ὑφ’ ἕρνεσιν οἰναρέοις θαλέθοισιν. line 27) stands for the production of poetry. Hesychius and Photius.6 and 3.26. ἐμοὶ δ’ ἔρος οὐδεμίαν κατάκοιτος ὥραν· ἀλλ’ ἅθ’ ὑπὸ260 στεροπᾶς φλέγων 5 258 For the metaphorical-erotic sense of the garden see the parallels provided by Merkelbach-West 1974. ad loc.: Archipp.

291.v. 152-153 and 1975. φλάσει (‘will crush’. 1984b.239) and aligns with other examples of textual corruption from φυλάσσω to λαφύσσω (see further the scholars mentioned above). The symbolism of the garden is clear from the fact that it is ‘undefiled’ (ἀκήρατος) rather than cultivated. young virgins. because it well conveys the destructive power of eros and its heat (cp. Davies. Tsomis 2003. 284.. AP 5. The connection between the undefiled garden and parthenoi. which would have been expected. dark and unabashed. 237. 169). West 1966. but this reading is considered implausible (Page. ad loc. Campbell 1982 (1967). νύμφη 1a for their habitats). 193-197 and Gentili-Catenacci 2007. where stands an undefiled garden of girls. Conjectures proposed are τινάσσει (‘shakes’. 199. Luginbill 1995. Campbell 1982 (1967). 236): if the girls would represent one of these groups. LfgrE. n50). In the first half of the poem (lines 1-6a) a spring garden is depicted with quince trees and shady vines. Elliger 1975. and vine flowers growing under the shady vine shoots. But for me love is quiet at no season: like the Thracian North Wind blazing with lightning. n4 and Gentili-Catenacci 2007. In spring bloom Cydonian quince trees.. Hesperides (Calame 1999 (1992). because the static meaning ‘guarding’ does not seem to fit the ferociousness of Boreas (it is nevertheless defended by Gentili 1967. Borthwick 1979. 343-347). ad loc. nowhere in early Greek poetry nymphs are called παρθένοι and nowhere do they inhabit a garden (cf. 262 I do not see why we should consider the girls Charites (De Martino-Vox 1996. Bonnano 1990. Moreover. 178-180. e. as regards the dominant opinion that they are nymphs. 33-34.10 Θρηίκιος Βορέας ἀίσσων παρὰ Κύπριδος ἀζαλέαις μανίαισιν ἐρεμνὸς ἀθαμβὴς ἐγκρατέως πεδόθεν λαφύσσει261 ἡμετέρας φρένας. Tortorelli 2004) and λαφύσσει (‘burns’.. ad loc. Campbell and Cavallini put it between cruces). ad loc. 73-79. a more manifest reference to them would be expected. rushing from the Cyprian with parching fits of madness. 261 97 . 375) or nymphs (Fränkel 1975 (1962). Jenkyns 1982. it [eros] powerfully burns my heart from the roots. Tsomis 2003.g. I opt for λαφύσσει defended by most scholars. 307. ad loc.). Gentili 1984b. s. 262 reveals that the former symbolises the youthful virginity of the The codices read φυλάσσει.). Muses (Tortorelli 2004. watered from flowing streams.

57-60. 675676. fruits sacred to Aphrodite.3. Pi. Tr. 25.4 and 2. and a prescription by Solon (Plu. Sol.63. my discussion of Archil. symbolises the virginal chastity of Hippolytus (and Artemis). Hes.3) states that a bride should eat a Cydonian quince before entering the bridal chamber. Thgn. where the ἀκήρατος λειμών. Il.265 In Ibycus’ poem the reference to blooming Cydonian quince trees implies that the girls will be sexually active in the near future. 263 98 .16. 28. 10. Jenkyns 1982.661-674). for example. 401 suggest that the vines symbolise sexuality.8.56. Tyrt. Aphrodite appears ‘when the gates of spring are opened’ (ὠς γὰρ ὀί[γ]οντ’ ἔαρος πύ[λαι).163. 13.3. 18. n16 and MacLachlan 1993.81 and E. 1305. 102. h. Mimn.484. 1007-1008. also the similar use of θάλλω in Pi. Ven. and in Theognis 1275-1276 ‘Love rises in season. 34 and Davies 1986. fr.145-146 and Ov. P. O. cf.3. This is further evinced by the spring season. B. 264 For the verb see e. For the noun ἔρνος see Il. 5. 1348.latter. Pae 8. and cf. Archaic Greek sources reveal that Cydonian quinces. 4. 375.3. 65 and 9. see further Silk 1974. Bowra 1961 (1936). as it encourages sexual intimacy between the couple. Met. 6. h. in Pi. fr.264 The incipient sexuality of the parthenoi is also symbolised by the Cydonian quince trees and the spring season. 1070. 6. 4. 265 See further Faraone 1999. 1017-1018. 1. h. 994. as it is rendered as a space where love has not yet been made. when the burgeoning earth blooms with spring flowers’ (Ὡραῖος Cp. 9. 10. See also Euripides’ Hippolytus 73-74. Cer. For ἄνθος cf. Od. Sol.87. 158. the connection of ἀκήρατος with virginity.g. 20. Merc. 262. P.28. 14. 69-78. 263 The connection with the young virgins is further underscored by the blooming vine flowers (οἰνανθίδες… θαλέθοισιν) that grow under the vine shoots (ὑφ’ ἕρνεσιν οἰναρέοις). Pi. but they can only provide parallels from Latin literature (Cat. 108. as spring is associated with the awakening of love in early Greek poetry: in Alcaeus 296b. from which Hippolytus has gathered a garland for Artemis. were offered to brides to awaken sexual desire in them for their husbands on their wedding night: in Stesichorus 187 they are thrown to Helen at her marriage with Menelaus.2. Od. 33c. for the verb θαλέθω and the nouns ἕρνος and ἄνθος are sometimes used of people in their youth in early Greek poetry.1. 64.3. 196a in 3.

Cer. Pi.καὶ Ἔρως ἐπιτέλλεται. 198. archaic lyric meadows are symbolically presented as spaces invested with erotic associations. 12. 7. in tragic and Hellenistic poetry. 340. Euripides’ Hippolytus 73-74. Ion 887-896 (Creusa and Apollo) and Mosch. 5. Cattle: Od. see also the brief reference to Medusa and Poseidon in Th. 165-174. 221.605 and 9. 268 Birds and other winged creatures: Il. 72. the goddess of love Aphrodite.151. 266 99 . Cer. Bremer 1975. 3. the first two have erotic associations connected to the ‘meadow of love’ motif. 463 and 467. 104. 28-36 and 63-114 (Europe and Zeus).132. 267 Cp. For a discussion of the ‘meadow of love’ motif in ancient Greek poetry I refer to Motte 1973. 16. where the ἀκήρατος λειμών marks a contrast with the erotic passion of Phaedra in the rest of the play (see further e.49.266 The incipient sexuality of the young virgins in the first half of the poem contrasts with the permanent erotic passion of the mature narrator in the second half of the poem (lines 6b-13).e. 21. 279. 2. Merc. 175.267 as conveyed by the statement that love is never calm for him as well as the image of eros rushing ‘from the Cyprian’ (παρὰ Κύπριδος). Od. 2 discussed in 3. i. 519 fr. and burning his heart from the roots.g. 1-32 and 414-432. also. h. also Cypr. Th.3). 4 and Sapph. h.3.269 Except for two highly fragmentary instances (Simon. 4. Swift 2009. Eur. Meadows (λειμῶνες) In epic poetry meadows (λειμῶνες) are typically uncultivated pieces of grass and flowers where animals reside.72. Cp. h. Cf. ἡνίκα περ γῆ / ἄνθεσιν εἰαρινοῖς θάλλει ἀεξομένη). 32. The best known example of this ‘meadow of love’ motif is the abduction of Persephone by Hades. Goats: Od. Calame 1999 (1992). before being abducted by men.3 for the erotic associations of spring flowers. 269 Cf. 370-371). Eur.461. Od. 38-48 and 208-213. referred to above.268 Occasionally epic meadows are depicted as symbolic-erotic spaces where young and innocent girls find themselves. Of the four symbolic meadows I discuss.3.45 and 159. 503. sometimes picking flowers.3.

278. Other commentators (Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977). h. looking at me from the corner of your eyes. 271 See Rosenmeyer 2004. experienced in horses. do you flee pitilessly from me and suppose that I have no skill? Let me tell you. Hec. Tsomis 2001. 269. 546. I could well put the bit on you. 172-174. in that case we would expect the noun ἵππος (‘mare’) for an adult woman. 227) think that a hetaera is addressed. ἡνίας δ’ ἔχων στρέφοιμί σ’ ἀμφὶ τέρματα δρόμου. where Persephone is playing (παίζουσαν) in a meadow. and cp. following the interpretation of Heraclitus. 77-78. 1308). 142 and Hipp. In lines 9-10 an image is presented of a filly playing and leaping lightly in meadows. Rosenmeyer 2004. 5. cf. 171-173. 120. Hom. why. However. Cer.14-15. 271 That the filly is alone in the meadows Hutchinson 2001. Lambin 2002. which conveys the youthful playfulness and innocence of the girl. δοκεῖς δέ μ’ οὐδὲν εἰδέναι σοφόν. τί δή με λοξὸν ὄμμασι βλέπουσα νηλέως φεύγεις. and with the reins in my hand turn you around the race-posts. 30. νῦν δὲ λειμῶνάς τε βόσκεαι κοῦφά τε σκιρτῶσα παίζεις. instead of πῶλος (‘filly’). 5 10 Thracian filly. who quotes the poem (Alleg. since you have no skilful rider. Instead you graze in meadows and play and leap lightly. 183. δεξιὸν γὰρ ἱπποπείρην οὐκ ἔχεις ἐπεμβάτην. 5). καλῶς μὲν ἄν τοι τὸν χαλινὸν ἐμβάλοιμι. Lys. which is frequently used of young virgins (especially in drama: E. Kurke 1999. where young girls are playing 270 100 . ἴσθι τοι. Ar. Gentili-Catenacci 2007. also h.Anacreon 417 Anacreon 417 offers an extended metaphor of a rider and a filly for a man addressing a girl:270 πῶλε Θρηικίη.

.. the man would mock the girl’s youthful innocence before sexually engaging with her after all. experienced in horses’ (lines 11-12) reveals that the man who presents himself as sexually competent (cf. Kurke 1999.g..3. 166.. ad loc.. 274 Cf.. 272 For the erotic metaphor of horse-back riding in ancient Greek poetry cf.273 In this way.1... also σοφόν in line 4) does not have sexual contact with the girl.. E.. Gentili-Catenacci 2007. 275 For mockery in Anacreon’s poetry see further my discussion of fr.275 Archilochus 196a In Archilochus’ Cologne Epode (fragment 196a) a man recounts a conversation in which he seduced a girl and the sexual activities that followed the conversation: ...without being accompanied by a ‘skilful rider.. also infra Archilochus’ Cologne Epode. 279 that the man mocks himself by representing himself as a ‘loser’ who cannot erotically conquer even a young girl.g. 257-260 and Ar. 184... i. 69 and Hutchinson 2001. Hipp. 273 Parallels for the erotic metaphors are. e...... For the suggestion that the poem forms part of the ‘meadow of love’ motif see Calame 1999 (1992). In that case. 101 . ad loc... Thgn. it might be that the man’s wish for sexual activities expressed in lines 5-8 presages what he will undertake after he has spoken to the girl. 346<1> discussed in 3.. Lys. 346<1> in 3...272 He only tries to seduce her by expressing his wish to put the bit on the filly and race with her. This interpretation goes counter to the claim of Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977). to sexually engage with the girl (lines 5-8)... 677.274 However..1... Contra the belief of scholars who hold the hetaera theory (Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977)..) that the verb παίζειν denotes an erotic play and conveys the hetaera’s promiscuity: this interpretation is improbable because the filly (girl) is alone and has no one to ‘play’ with. πάμπαν ἀποσχόμενος· ἶσον δὲ τολμ[ and leaping (παίζουσαι σκαίρουσι) in a flowery scenery..202 and 203 (Asclepiades).. the ‘meadow of love’ in Anacreon’s poem has associations with seduction instead of with abduction........ e. See also the erotic metaphor of yoking mares in Anacr... 545-554 and AP 5.e.3..

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εἰ δ᾽ ὦν ἐπείγεαι καί σε θυμὸς ἰθύει, ἔστιν ἐν ἡμετέρου ἣ νῦν μέγ᾽ ἱμείρε[ι καλὴ τέρεινα παρθένος. δοκέω δέ μι[ν εἶδος ἄμωμον ἔχειν· τὴν δὴ σὺ ποίη[σαι φίλην.’ τοσαῦτ᾽ ἐφώνει· τὴν δ᾽ ἐγὼνταμει[βόμην· ‘Ἀμφιμεδοῦς θύγατερ, ἐσθλῆς τε καὶ [ γυναικός, ἣν νῦν γῆ κατ᾽ εὐρώεσσ᾽ ἔ[χει, τ]έρψιές εἰσι θεῆς πολλαὶ νέοισιν ἀνδ[ράσιν παρὲξ τὸ θεῖον χρῆμα· τῶν τις ἀρκέσε[ι. τ]αῦτα δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡσυχίης εὖτ᾽ ἂν μελανθῆ[ι ἐ]γώ τε καὶ σὺ σὺν θεῶι βουλεύσομεν. π]είσομαι ὥς με κέλεαι· πολλὸν μ᾽ ε[ θρ]ιγκοῦ δ᾽ ἔνερθε καὶ πυλέων ὑποφ[ μ]ή τι μέγαιρε φίλη· σχήσω γὰρ ἐς ποη[φόρους κ]ήπους· τὸ δὴ νῦν γνῶθι. Νεοβούλη[ν ἄ]λλος ἀνὴρ ἐχέτω. αἰαῖ, πέπειρα, δὶς [τόση, ἄν]θος δ᾽ ἀπερρύηκε παρθενήϊον κ]αὶ χάρις ἣ πρὶν ἐπῆν· κόρον γὰρ οὐκ[, ...]ης δὲ μέτρ᾽ ἔφηνε μαινόλις γυνή. ἐς] κόρακας ἄπεχε· μὴ τοῦτ᾽ ἐφ ιταν[ ὅ]πως ἐγὼ γυναῖκα τ[ο]ιαύτην ἔχων γεί]τοσι χάρμ᾽ ἔσομαι· πολλὸν σὲ βούλο[μαι σὺ] μὲν γὰρ οὔτ᾽ ἄπιστος οὔτε διπλόη, ἡ δ]ὲ μάλ᾽ ὀξυτέρη,

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πολλοὺς δὲ ποιεῖτα[ι φίλους. δέ]δοιχ᾽ ὅπως μὴ τυφλὰ κἀλιτήμερα σπ]ουδῆι ἐπειγόμενος τὼς ὥσπερ ἡ κ[ύων τέκω.’ τοσ]αῦτ᾽ ἐφώνεον· παρθένον δ᾽ ἐν ἄνθε[σιν τηλ]εθάεσσι λαβὼν ἔκλινα. μαλθακῆι δ[έ μιν χλαί]νηι καλύψας, αὐχέν᾽ ἀγκάληις ἔχω[ν, ...]ματι παυ[σ]αμένην τὼς ὥστε νεβρ[ μαζ]ῶν τε χερσὶν ἠπίως ἐφηψάμην ...]ρέφηνε νέον ἥβης ἐπήλυσιν χρόα ἅπαν τ]ε σῶμα καλὸν ἀμφαφώμενος ...]ὸν ἀφῆκα μένος ξανθῆς ἐπιψαύ[ων τριχός.

…holding off completely; and endure (I shall endure?)…likewise. But if you are in a hurry and desire impels you, there is among us one who now greatly longs for…, a lovely tender girl. In my opinion she has a faultless form; make her your (loved on)’. Such were her words; and I replied: ‘Daughter of Amphimedo, of a noble and…woman, whom now the mouldy earth covers, many are the delights the goddess offers young men besides the sacred act; one of these will suffice. But at leisure, when it becomes dark, you and I will deliberate on these matters with the help of a god. I shall obey as you bid me; (you arouse in me?) a strong (desire?). But, my dear, do not begrudge me (to go?) under the coping and the gates; for I shall steer towards grassy gardens; be sure now of this. As for Neoboule, let some other man have her. Ugh, she is overripe, twice your age, and her girlhood’s flower has lost its bloom, as has the charm which formerly was on it; for (her desire is?) insatiable, and the sex-mad woman has revealed the full measure of her…To hell with her! (Let) no (one bid?) this, that I have such a wife and become a laughing-stock to my neighbours; I much prefer you, since you are neither untrustworthy nor two-faced, but she is quite precipitous, and makes many her lovers. I am afraid that if I press on in haste (I may be the parent) of blind and

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premature offspring, just like the bitch’. So much I said; and I took the girl and laid her down in blooming flowers. With a soft cloak I covered her, holding her neck with my arm…as she ceased just like a fawn…and with my hands I gently took hold of her breasts…she revealed her young flesh, the approach of her prime, and touching all over her lovely body I let go my…force, touching her blond (hair). In lines 42-43 the man says that he laid the girl down in ‘blooming flowers’ (ἐν ἄνθε[σιν τηλ]εθάεσσι). These flowers do not only reflect the youthful beauty of the girl, as ἄνθος frequently stands for youthful vitality and beauty in other early Greek poetry,276 but also contrast with the loss of beauty of another woman, Neoboule, proposed by the girl as a sexual alternative but described by the man as one whose ‘girlhood’s flower has lost its bloom’ (ἄν]θος δ᾽ ἀπερρύηκε παρθενήϊον, 27) due to sexual lust (cf. lines 19-20 and 38). 277 Moreover, the emphatic mention of ‘blooming flowers’ implies that, despite the lack of a direct reference to a λειμών, these are meadow flowers, which as pars pro toto set the scene.278 Some scholars have argued that they represent a real space, i.e. Hera’s
See my discussion of Ibyc. 286 in 3.3.2. Cp. Hes. fr. 132 (εἵνεκα μαχλοσύνης στυγερῆς τέρεν ὤλεσεν ἄνθος, ‘her tender bloom was lost because of hateful lust’) and especially Archil. 188.1 (οὐκέθ’ ὁμῶς θάλλεις ἁπαλὸν χρόα· κάρφεται γὰρ ἤδη / ὄγμοις, 'no longer does your skin have the tender bloom that it once had: for now your furrow is withered’; see further Brown 1995). Commentators only point out the contrast between the negative use of flower imagery about Neoboule in the man’s speech and its positive use about her in the girl’s speech (καλὴ τέρεινα παρθένος, ‘lovely tender maiden’, line 6); for the latter they note that in epic poetry τέρεινα is used of plants, leaves or grass (Il. 13.180; Od. 9.449 and 12.357) and those surfaces that share the same tactile qualities, such as tears and skin (Il. 3.142 and 4.237), while in Archilochus’ fragment it is used of a female to express her tenderness (DeganiBurzacchini 2005 (1977), ad loc.; Henderson 1976, 164-165; Miralles-Pòrtulas 1983, 134; Slings 1987b, ad loc.; Nicolosi 2007, ad loc.). 278 Cf. Merkelbach-West 1974, 102; Bremer 1975, 272-273; Henderson 1976, 163-164; Stoessl 1976, 252; Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977), ad loc.; Slings 1987b, ad loc.; Calame 1999 (1992), 166-167. This is known from the Homeric epics as the ‘principle of single property’ (e.g., Il. 4.1-4, where the mention of the golden floor and cups evokes Zeus’ splendid palace on the Olympus; see further Andersson 1976, 34-35 and 48-49 and de Jong forthcoming b).
276 277

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precinct at Paros.279 However, this interpretation is problematic for two reasons: it is biographical, as it locates the scenery on the birth island of Archilochus, and it assumes that the scenery in AP 7.351 (Dioscorides), in which the Lycambides speak of an encounter with ‘Archilochus’ in Hera’s great precinct (Ἥρης ἐν μεγάλωι τεμένει), is necessarily the same as that in the Epode. I rather side with other scholars, who consider the meadow flowers an imaginary space with erotic associations connected to the ‘meadow of love’ motif, as they set the scene for an erotic encounter between a girl and a man.280 The opening lines could have contained a more detailed description of the meadow, possibly describing the girl playing and picking flowers before her encounter with the man,281 but this cannot be stated with certainty, since they have been lost. As in Anacreon 417, the ‘meadow of love’ has associations with seduction instead of with abduction, as the man tries to seduce the girl in the meadow: in lines 13-16 he says that one of the ‘many delights the goddess offers young men, besides the sacred act’ (τ]έρψιές εἰσι θεῆς πολλαὶ νέοισιν ἀνδ[ράσιν παρὲξ τὸ θεῖον χρῆμα), i.e. sexual activities except full intercourse,282 will suffice; in lines 2124a he makes use of spatial metaphors about the female genitals to
See Treu 1976, 115-117; Degani 1977, 36-38; Gentili-Catenacci 2007, ad loc.; Nicolosi 2007, ad loc. 280 Cf. Bremer 1975, 272-273; Slings 1987b, ad 42-43; Calame 1999 (1992), 166-167. Other motifs suggested are the locus amoenus (Thesleff 1981, 42; Miralles-Pòrtulas 1986, 137; Peponi 1992, 101-103) and – what could be called – the ‘man meets girl in an isolated place’ motif (Van Sickle 1975, 125; Henderson 1976, 163; MirallesPòrtulas 1983, 143). As regards the former, the mention of meadow flowers is not sufficient to speak of a locus amoenus: water and trees, too, are essential features, and other elements like shade are often added (see further Schönbeck 1962 and Haß 1998). As for the latter, essential to the motif, as is clear from the meeting of Odysseus and Nausicaa in Od. 6, is that man and girl are strangers to each other before they meet (cf. Od. 6.187, where Nausicaa addresses Odysseus as ξεῖν᾽). In the Epode, however, there are several indications that the man knew the girl before: he knows the name of her mother and that she has died (lines 10-12), and he is familiar with the girl’s character (cf. line 36). 281 This was suggested by Merkelbach-West 1974, 102 and Henderson 1976, 163. 282 Cf. Hesychius’ gloss ἐξω τῆς μίξεως (Π 839) for παρὲξ τὸ θεῖον χρῆμα (see also Degani 1977, 21; Burnett 1983, ad loc.; De Martino-Vox 1996, ad loc.; Nicolosi 2007, ad loc.).
279

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Calder 1978. not for the middle sense (cf. 106 and Slings 1987b. 285 Cf.2. forced. However. supra my discussion in 3. 42. Additionally.e. Lys. the middle παυ[σ]αμένην in 46). while the gardens are those of Hera’s temenos in the city.. 287 In this light. μαλθακῆι in 44 and ἠπίως in 48).287 In this respect. line 52). ad loc. I follow Gerber in printing only ὑποφ[. as in the end sexual activities between the man and the girl take place in the meadow. but none have met general approval. cessation’). this is only true for the passive sense of παύομαι. Several emendations have been proposed (ὑποφ[θάνειν by West. if lines 21-24 were to be taken literally. If the emendation λευκ]όν (‘white’) by Merkelbach (followed by Degani. the reference to ejaculation would be even more obvious. 157.283 for he will steer ‘towards grassy gardens’ (ἐς ποη[φόρους / κ]ήπους). and Carey 2009. the man provides no details and clearly refers to only one sexual action. the abundant research conducted to precisely determine which sexual actions the man refers to becomes futile . However.1: ‘Med. According to Slings 1987b. LSJ. that he is gentle to her and that he is not violent (cf. . ὑποφλ[ύσαι by Slings). amongst others.3.: for the gardens cf. ad loc. defend a literal interpretation of lines 21-24a. denotes willing. Gentili-Catenacci and Nicolosi) or θερμ[όν (‘hot’) by West for the beginning of line 52 were correct. for the coping Ar. a sense of ambiguity remains concerning the type of sexual activities and the manner in which they take place in the meadow. s. 286 See Gerber 2006 (1999).. Commentators who believe that the scenery presents a real space. 286 he does not provide more details. ad loc. 284 These attempts seem to have succeeded.. 284 For the metaphorical-erotic sense of the spatial references see the parallels provided by Merkelbach-West 1974. Th. one would expect that movement to take place after the dialogue between the man and the girl. 283 106 .]ὸν ἀφῆκα μένος. Page. παύω I. sexually’. ejaculation (cf. ‘I let go my…force’. the meadow scene aligns The verb we miss at the end of line 21 must have expressed some sort of movement under the coping and the gates. for the gates Ar. 285 but the girl’s perspective is not offered. The man renders the impression that the girl does not resist his sexual advances (cf. thus leaving the end open.v. However.242.suggestions are. παυ[σ]αμένην is ‘not a sign of tenderness. but of taking possession. 60. i. arguing that the coping and the gates form part of the city walls. Therefore. Hera’s precinct in Paros. Pass.express his desire for sexual contact by asking the girl not to begrudge him to go ‘under the coping and the gates’ (θρ]ιγκοῦ δ᾽ ἔνερθε καὶ πυλέων ὑποφ[…). 1163 and AP 5.

g. in line with one of the functions of metaphors to express (sexual) experiences in a vague and ambiguous manner. 289 Commentators have tried to determine with which female genitals the spatial metaphors in particular accord: as for the gardens. In lines 1251b-1252 a beautiful meadow. σὺ μὲν αὔτως ἵππος· ἐπεὶ κριθῶν ἐκορέσθης.2). Slings 1987b.2. 22).3. αὖθις ἐπὶ σταθμοὺς ἤλυθες ἡμετέρους ἡνίοχόν τε ποθῶν ἀγαθὸν λειμῶνά τε καλὸν κρήνην τε ψυχρὴν ἄλσεά τε σκιερά. also my discussion of the erotic metaphor of city conquest in Thgn.289 Theognis 1249-1252 I now turn to the final two symbolic meadows which have erotic associations other than those connected to the ‘meadow of love’ motif. 127-129 (see further 1. 106). 288 Fainsilber-Ortony 1987. masturbation (Rankin 1977. which offers a comparison of a boy with a horse: παῖ. ad loc. 501.g. 1250 Boy. I begin with Theognis 1249-1252. 107 . 43) and ejaculatio praecox (Miralles-Pòrtulas 1983. some think of the mons Veneris (e. 949-954 (2. 133). 71 and Calder 1979. for instance. you came back to my stables.288 the spatial metaphors in lines 21-24a do not make clear which female genitals and thus which sexual activities are referred to. beautiful meadow.with the sexual references in the man’s speech of seduction: the alternatives to full intercourse proposed in lines 13-16 are not specified.2 for the functions of metaphors). cool spring and shady groves. you are just like a horse: after you had got your fill of barley. Knowles-Moon 2006.. longing for your skilful rider. 1249-1252 infra).).. presumably including plants and flowers which naturally grow in meadows and make ‘petting’ (Degani 1977. and.2. Cf. The impossibility of precisely determining the referents derives from the fact that metaphors are no mere substitutions (see further 1. Merkelbach-West 1974. Steen 1999.2 and also Thgn. others of pubic hair (e. Kövecses 2000.

which represents satisfaction from an encounter with another lover. Vetta 1980. A similar image occurs in another poem by Theognis (lines 1267-1270). Ven. in Theognis’ poems the sense ‘rider’ is more likely for two reasons: there is no reference to a chariot and the third and only other instance of the noun in the Theognidea (line 260) definitely has the sense ‘rider’ (cf. 266. which is worth quoting in full: παῖς τε καὶ ἵππος ὁμοῖον ἔχει νόον· οὔτε γὰρ ἵππος ἡνίοχον κλαίει κείμενον ἐν κονίηι. Thgn. ad loc.2. a boy is compared to a horse. 1269 κριθῶν ἐκορέσθης. LSJ. Hupperts 2000. I doubt whether the 290 108 . Ar. 30.v. too.55. 292 Cf. ad loc. h. 59. 1249).them beautiful. a boy (eromenos) does not care who his lover (erastes) is. ἡνίοχος). s. the use of καλός of plants and flowers in early Greek poetry: e. However. Both in 1267-1270 and 1249-1252 the promiscuity of the eromenos is conveyed by the image of a horse satiated with barley (κριθαῖσι κορεσθείς. ἡνίοχος 2b and Van Groningen 1966. 46) argue that anal penetration is alluded to. However. ad loc. Th. loves the man who is at hand. a boy.292 The difference from 1267-1270 is Cp. The erotic symbolism of the meadow is evinced by the fact that it is embedded in an image of a horse with its rider which is a metaphor for the homoerotic. assuming that barley is a metaphor for semen (cp. after it has had its fill of barley.290 is described as having a cool spring and shady groves. Archil. Dover 1978. 994. 216. 16. which is the sense the noun has in epic poetry (see LfgrE. ὣς δ’ αὔτως καὶ παῖς τὸν παρεόντα φίλει. but carries the man who comes next. ἀλλὰ τὸν ὕστερον ἄνδρα φέρει κριθαῖσι κορεσθείς.. Just so.).v. 291 Gerber translates ἡνίοχος in 1268 and 1251 with ‘charioteer’. pederastic love between a young boy (eromenos) and a more mature man (erastes). Pax 965). In lines 1267-1270. Il. as long as he has one. with an explicit point of comparison: just as a horse does not care who his rider is.307.g. 2. Some scholars (Adrados 1981 (1956). too. both of which imply the presence of a burning sun. 1270 A boy and a horse have a similar mindset: a horse does not weep for his rider291 lying in the dust. s. as the ἡνίοχος is carried by a horse.

especially since metaphors.23 and 102. 109 . 9. the meadow is presented as a symbolic space suggestive of homoerotic encounters. the ostracon has ρανοθενκατιου.51 O. 24. 19. 1339.53. 361. Op. for epic poetry Il. 190-197). Campbell. 5. βῶμοι δὲ τεθuμιάμενοι [λι]βανώτωι. Archil. are no mere substitutions of referents (see further 1. 41. ὄππ[αι τοι] χάριεν μὲν ἄλσος μαλί[αν]. 294 The noun ναῦον is a conjecture for the reading ναυγον of the ostracon. 94.632. In this way.293 the erastes makes it seem as if the eromenos returns because of his desire for the former’s sexual skills and a ‘pleasant place’ to make love. Sappho 2 Sappho 2 is a cletic hymn in which the goddess Aphrodite is invoked to come to a sanctuary:294 δεῦρύ μ’ ἐκ Κρήτα̣ς ἐπ[ὶ τόνδ]ε ναῦον295 ἄγνον. Voigt. the metaphor rather seems to render satisfaction by a sexual encounter in the form of satisfaction by eating (see. Another conjecture. because ρανοθενκατιου is followed by a long blank space and for reasons of meter probably belonged to a lost hexametric hymn. Burnett 1983.2. See further McEvilley 1972. 293 For ἀγαθός in the sense of physically ‘skilful’ cf.280. P. 196a supra). 152).100. 295 Before this line. 123. a cool spring and shady groves. Allan-Burridge 2006. 1. Aloni). has gained less success (proposed by Pfeiffer and followed in Kirkwood 1974. on which the fragment has been preserved. for lyric poetry see Pi. Sc. 66.155. 22. and has been accepted by all editors (Page. I. who offers a beautiful meadow. 324-325.1 and 194. 115 and Ferrari 2010 (2007). metaphor should be interpreted so specifically. Pi.284.131. Based on the meaning of πόθος ‘desire’ and ἀγαθός physically ‘skilful’ in other early Greek poetry. For πόθος in the sense of ‘desire’ in early Greek poetry cf. Sapph. 13.28. In this light.that in 1249-1252 the horse (boy) ultimately comes back to his rider (erastes). Thgn. Treu. 8. 21.4. Most editors and commentators consider δεῦρυ the beginning of a new poem. n86 and Ferrari 2010 (2007).2 and my discussion of Archil. 10. ἔναυλον. because the noun would be redundant in light of the similar ἄλσος in line 2.2.1. 196. 17. in general. N. 151. as specialists acknowledge.11.26. fr.

296 The cult place is made up. Therein cool water babbles through apple-branches. there is a meadow grazed by horses and blossoming with flowers near a grove of apple trees. . αἰθυσσομένων δὲ φύλλων κῶμα κατέρρει. take…and pour gracefully into golden cups nectar that is mingled with festivities. and from the quivering leaves deep sleep streams down. Therein too a meadow. grazed by horses. and the winds blow gently…There. έλοισα Κύπρι χρυσίαισιν ἐν κυλίκεσσιν ἄβρως ὀμμεμείχμενον θαλίαισι νέκταρ οἰνοχόαισον 10 15 Hither to me from Crete to this hallowed sanctuary. 110 . 165.1. based on the description of a grove in Strabo 14. . Ferrari 2010 (2007). Lardinois 1994. first of all. and the whole place is put under shade by roses.5 ἐν δ’ ὔδωρ ψῦχρον κελάδει δι’ ὔσδων μαλίνων. Sanctuaries often contained groves of trees. 153-154. blossoms with spring flowers. and altars smoking with incense. 40. i. 78.e. ἐν δὲ λείμων ἰππόβοτος τέθαλεν ἠρίνοισιν ἄνθεσιν. 16 thinks of a cult place in Ortygia. . βρόδοισι δὲ παῖς ὀ χῶρος ἐσκίαστ’. n78 and 1996. Di Benedetto 2006. Some scholars have argued that the poem represents a real space.20. an actual cult place of Aphrodite in Lesbos. where is your graceful grove of apple-trees. as these were considered sacred spaces where the god or goddess would manifest himself or 296 Page 1979 (1955). which is however not said to be dedicated to Aphrodite. by a grove of apple trees. At the sanctuary. Cypris. altars and cool water. αἰ δ’ ἄηται μέλλιχα πνέοισιν [ [ ] ἔνθα δὴ σὺ .

91. as I pointed out in my discussion of See Burkert 2000 (1977).59. 50. The smoke of the frankincense seems to refer to the kindling of fire on altars for ritual sacrifices. 86. the apple trees and the horses). 297 111 .18. see further Bowra 1961 (1936). 299 Furthermore. Cp. especially 38-39 (on Aphrodite) and Bonnechere 2007. 8. 331-333 and Williamson 1995. also noted by Schönbeck 1962. Schönbeck 1962. but also to purify celebrants before they partake in the rituals. Saake 1971. mentioned in Od. 1. 79-80. the meadow with a grove of poplar trees for Athena in Phaeacia in Od. 79-80. mentioned in Pi. above all McEvilley 1972. 301 For the horses cf. 44-49. Elliger 1975. Ven. 60-62. Birge 1982. Cole 1988 and Pedly 2005. Cp.). 304 See especially Heikkilä 1992. the scenery is endowed with erotic associations. ad loc. the grove of Aphrodite in Corinth. 300 See Burkert 2000 (1977). 197. the altar in the sanctuary of Aphrodite in Paphos. 298 Cf. This is suggested by the flowers in the meadow. 86. it contains altars. particularly because of the mysterious bsence of human beings from the sanctuary and because of the magical image of a trance-like sleep that streams down from the leaves. are associated with female desire in Sappho’s poetry. Cf. This would mean that the epithet is not so ornamental as many commentators believe (e. 28. 179 and Le Meur 1998.300 In Sappho 2 horses are mentioned because these animals were sacred to Aphrodite.g. also noted by Heikkila 1992.. 167-168 and 2007. the reference to cool water accords with the fact that sanctuaries usually included streams. Mor. horses are grazing in the meadow. 6.298 Next. 302 See Burkert 2000 (1977). Aphrodite’s cult epithet μήλεια and ancient testimonia in Artem. Sanctuaries typically consisted of grazing areas for animals. 141-142 and Haß 1998. 77. 299 See further Burkert 2000 (1977).291-294. 6. 138d. 54. 36. 10. 49. 141. Il. 303 Cf. 232.820).363 and h.644-648 and Plut. 87-88 and Pedley 2005. with reference to Sappho 2. Aphrodite’s cult epithet ἔφιππος (schol. Noted by Bowra 1961 (1936).291-294. the spring in Athena’s grove with meadow in Od. Broger 1996.304 Flowers.301 Finally.302 Other scholars think that the poem evokes an imaginary space. Williamson 1995.73.herself. fountains or springs. ad loc. 122. for my general claim that epithets bear contextual relevance in archaic lyric poetry see my introduction (1.1). and cp. especially roses that are connected to Aphrodite. 5.. 297 The reason why apple trees are mentioned is because apples were sacred to the goddess Aphrodite.303 Whether real or imaginary. Met. Ov. Calame 1999 (1992). fr. not only to supply water for the trees and the animals (here. 197. Bowra 1961 (1937). 2. Campbell 1982 (1967).

This manner of presentation reinforces the cletic nature of the hymn.2 Aphrodite is garmented ‘in spring flowers’ (ἐν ἄνθεσιν εἰαρινοῖσιν). as it stimulates the goddess’ visit to the sanctuary requested at the beginning and end of the fragment.3.307 3. when the earth blooms ‘with spring flowers’ (ἄνθεσιν εἰαρινοῖς). Burnett 1983. Treu and Campbell. this reading is not supported by textual evidence and the relation between the female body and the sanctuary would be hard to understand (see further Jenkyns 1982. are related to love or Aphrodite in early Greek poetry: in Cypria 4. 305 306 112 . suggested by Vogliano. Cf.2) for the connection between love and spring. who put cruces). 18-19) have argued that the erotic symbolism is specifically metaphorical for the female body: the flowers.305 Spring flowers. and in Theognis 12751276 love is said to rise. would stand for the female genitals. However. as in the Iliad.1. meadows and gardens acquire a symbolicerotic role that is less common in epic poetry. 60. n79 for a refutation of this reading). but not Voigt and Aloni. Focusing on the use of diction shared with epic poetry (especially epithets) and the anachronical order of the ‘lyric narratives’. too. Snyder 1997. Some scholars (Bagg 1964. Fields are presented as erotic metaphors for the female body or have erotic associations with a ‘psychologising function’. as they mirror female desire: the latter nuances the scholarly opinion that the countryside in general See 3. 296b and Ibyc. CONCLUSION This chapter has shown two of the roles the countryside can play in archaic Greek lyric. also Alc. Admittedly. 286 (discussed in 3. a coastal plain with a river has a role as battlefield setting. 53-54. but it has been accepted by most editors (Page. Secondly. 30-32 and Tsomis 2001.306 The erotic associations suggest that the sanctuary with its meadow is presented as a symbolic space characteristic of Aphrodite. 108. for the ostracon reading τωττιτονριννοισ.Sappho 96. ἠρίνοισιν is a conjecture. 307 See further my discussion in Heirman forthcoming. fields. I have suggested that a grim atmosphere is created of the countryside falling victim to wanton violence. for instance. the goddess of love.4. 266-267. Winkler 1996 (1981).3. Firstly.

23 (in the wake of the claim by Parry 1957 and Segal 1963 that in archaic Greece man felt closely connected to the countryside). Jenkyns 1998. Le Meur 1998. or the goddess of love Aphrodite. 308 Gardens are metaphors for female genitals or are associated with incipient sexuality.mirrors all sorts of human feelings. Elliger 1975. 176-202. homoerotic love. Meadows have associations with seduction of girls by men (‘meadow of love’ motif). 33-38. 113 . 203-212. 308 Treu 1955.

.

309 These analyses will focus on the way the presentation of the sea is affected by the temporal structure of the narratives.4) I will focus on the particular ways symbolic associations with danger are conveyed in brief (sections of) poems about sea journeys. Additionally. Péron has demonstrated that in these parts the sea especially has a structuring role. by which actuality and myth are joined. in which he argued that it has symbolic associations with danger. which concerns the relation between the narrated time and the narrating time about the voyage. i.1. 309 The role of the sea in other parts of Pindar’s Epinician Odes than the mythological narratives has been amply investigated by Péron 1974 (followed in Steiner 1986.e. including arrival and departure. an idea is developed or another line of thought is passed on to.e.2. by both their duration. and secondary frame. THE SEA AS SETTING AND FRAME IN MYTHOLOGICAL JOURNEYS My discussion of the role of the sea as setting. In the first two sections I will show that the sea also has a role of setting and frame in mythological narratives journeys (4. THE SEA 4. 66-75). INTRODUCTION To date the sea in archaic Greek lyric has been investigated only in Albin Lesky’s Thalatta of 1947. 4. In the final section (4. and frequency of the events recounted during the journey.4. place close to that scenic backdrop. i. In this chapter I will build upon his findings.e. as it stands for poetic inspiration or changes in destiny. the sea also has a symbolic role. i. in mythological narratives of sea journeys is based on analyses of two voyages: that of the Argonauts in Pindar’s Pythian 4 and that of Theseus in Bacchylides 17.3). scenic backdrop.2) as well as a role in similes (4. 115 .

As the end of the poem suggests. i. This is to be brought in connection with the final appeal of the Ode for return of the exiled Damophilus.69-72. 117-119 and Segal 1986. with Braswell 1988. or homecoming. who had plotted to depose Arcesilas and had been exiled to Thebes. a secondary aim of the Ode was perhaps to encourage the return of the aristocrat Damophilus. 8993.4. 4. Currie 2005. Their return journey is very briefly For the exile of Damophilus see Σ P. Pindar Pythian 4: The Argonauts’ Sea Journey Pythian 4 was written to commemorate the victory of King Arcesilas IV of Cyrene.1.e. 3-6 and 23-30. descendant of the city’s founder Battus.469.310 The bulk of the Ode consists of a long. and Giannini 1995. of Euphamus’ descendants.467. Giannini 1995. 313 On the functions of the mythological narrative see especially Robbins 1975 and Giannini 1979. Hes. where he had known Pindar. The clod betokens the return of Euphamus’ descendants to North Africa seventeen generations later.311 On the one hand. 7. which the Argonaut Euphamus had once received from a mysterious stranger on his return with the other Argonauts and Medea from Colchis. 7-23. emphasis is put on the nostos. 310 116 . of the chariot race in Delphi. Od. This serves to explain the colonisation of Cyrene by the Battiads and to underscore their descent from the Argonauts.2.312 On the other hand.263 and 154. 312 For the historical-political context of Pythian 4 see Braswell 1998. 2-4. but which had been washed overboard. 12. frr. which in turn legitimises their dynasty in times of increasing power of the Cyrenian aristocracy. 311 Pythian 4 is the first instance in Greek literature in which the myth is recounted in detail. Th.313 Little attention is paid to the sea journey of the Argonauts in the mythological narrative. 992-1002. the narrative focuses on a prophecy by Medea about a clod of earth. 254-256. 63. mythological narrative about Jason and the Argonauts. On the theme of nostos see Crotty 1982. 160. at the time of Battus. 103-109. For a comparison of the myth in Pindar with other versions in ancient Greek literature and art I refer to Braswell 1988. It is only briefly alluded to in epic poetry: see Il.

205 φοίνισσα δὲ Θρηϊκίων ἀγέλα ταύρων ὑπᾶρχεν καὶ νεόκτιστον λίθων βωμοῖο θέναρ. λέξατο πάντας ἐπαινήσας Ἰάσων. ἐς δὲ κίνδυνον βαθὺν ἱέμενοι δεσπόταν λίσσοντο ναῶν συνδρόμων κινηθμὸν ἀμαιμάκετον ἐκφυγεῖν πετρᾶν. ἀμπνοὰν δ᾽ ἥρωες ἔστασαν θεοῦ σάμασιν 200 πιθόμενοι. κάρυξε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐμβαλεῖν κώπαισι τερασκόπος ἁδείας ἐνίπτων ἐλπίδας· εἰρεσία δ᾽ ὑπεχώρησεν ταχειᾶν ἐκ παλαμᾶν ἄκορος. 117 . σὺν Νότου δ᾽ αὔραις ἐπ᾽ Ἀξείνου στόμα πεμπόμενοι ἤλυθον· ἔνθ᾽ ἁγνὸν Ποσειδάωνος ἕσσαντ᾽ εἰναλίου τέμενος. κυλινδέσκοντό τε κραιπνότεραι 210 ἢ βαρυγδούπων ἀνέμων στίχες· ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη τελευτὰν κεῖνος 314 See further below and 3. merely to mention their intercourse with the Lemnian women. καί ῥά οἱ 190 μάντις ὀρνίχεσσι καὶ κλάροισι θεοπροπέων ἱεροῖς Μόψος ἄμβασε στρατὸν· ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐμβόλου κρέμασαν ἀγκύρας ὕπερθεν. 314 Their outward sea voyage to Colchis in search of the Golden Fleece is narrated in more detail in lines 188-213: ἐς δ᾽ Ἰαολκὸν ἐπεὶ κατέβα ναυτᾶν ἄωτος.1. who gave birth to the ancestors of Battus. ἐκ νεφέων δέ οἱ ἀντάυσε βροντᾶς αἴσιον φθέγμα· λαμπραὶ δ᾽ ἦλθον ἀκτῖνες στεροπᾶς ἀπορηγνύμεναι. χρυσέαν χείρεσσι λαβὼν φιάλαν ἀρχὸς ἐν πρύμναι πατέρ᾽ Οὐρανιδᾶν ἐγχεικέραυνον Ζῆνα καὶ ὠκυπόρους 195 κυμάτων ῥιπὰς ἀνέμων τ᾽ ἐκάλει νύκτας τε καὶ πόντου κελεύθους ἄματά τ᾽ εὔφρονα καὶ φιλίαν νόστοιο μοῖραν. δίδυμαι γὰρ ἔσαν ζωαί.recounted (lines 251-259a).3.

and bright flashes of lightning came bursting forth. and there was at hand a red herd of Thracian bulls and a newly built. and the latter when they find themselves on land before embarking on their voyage and when they build that precinct. called on Zeus. And from the clouds answered him an auspicious clap of thunder. (god) of the sea. The heroes took fresh courage. trusting the god’s signs. For the two of them were alive. prophesying for them by means of birds and sacred lots.. but that voyage of the demigods finally put an end to them. in other words more attention is paid to what happens on land before 118 . hollow stone altar. from under their swift hands the rowing proceeded ceaselessly. as he announced cheerful expectations.. As they sped on to grave danger they prayed to the lord of ships to escape from the raging and irresistible movement of the clashing rocks. above all. when they pass through the clashing rocks before arriving at Colchis. and would roll more swiftly than the ranks of loud-roaring winds. Then the seer Mopsos. ἐς Φᾶσιν δ᾽ ἔπειτεν ἤλυθον· ἔνθα κελαινώπεσσι Κόλχοισιν βίαν μεῖξαν Αἰήται παρ᾽ αὐτῶι (…) After the pick of the sailors had come down to Iolcus. father of the Ouranides and wielder of lightning. standing on the stern. The role of the sea as secondary frame is more elaborated upon than that as setting. Carried forth by the breezes of the South Wind they came to the mouth of the Inhospitable Sea: there they established a sacred precinct for Poseidon. And after they had hung the anchors above the prow.) In this passage the role of the sea alternates between that of setting and secondary frame. Next they came to Phasis: there they matched strength with the dark-faced Colchians in the presence of Aietes himself (. and on the rush of the winds and of the waves to be swift-moving and the nights and paths of sea and days to be propitious and on their homecoming to be favourable. the captain took a golden bowl in his hands and. Jason praised and mustered them all. the former before the Argonauts build a precinct for Poseidon en route and.αὐταῖς ἡμιθέων πλόος ἄγαγεν. The seer bade them to fall to the oars. gladly sent the host on board.

46. θοᾶς Ἀργοῦς in line 25). 315 119 . Contrast this with Apollonius’ Argonautica. the Argonauts immediately reach the ending point of their journey: the river Phasis in Colchis (ἐς Φᾶσιν δ᾽ ἔπειτεν / ἤλυθον. 319 Of Boreas in Il.g. Diosc. ὠκυπόρους. line 188) by the Thracian Chersonese (cf. ad loc.318 After the passage through the Black Sea. Pi.171 and 19. in an extreme form of summary. A first indication is given in lines 194-195. h. where the rowing is said to proceed ceaselessly (ἄκορος) under the swift hands (ταχειᾶν ἐκ παλαμᾶν) of the Argonauts. Clare 2002. 9. B. ad loc.and during the sea journey than to the voyage itself. 3. ad loc. of ἄνεμοι in Pi. ad loc. 15.74.. where the Argo’s route is charted with great precision and detail. Giannini 1995. 67. 670 and infra B. i. and Braswell 1988. The speed of the sea journey is further underscored by that of the Argo.48.59 and P.320 the swift movement of the wind and waves may refer to the speed with which the ship will sail to Colchis. 7. almost in the style of a scientific work of geography (cf.e. ad loc. 17. cool breezes favourable for a sea journey. in particular the duration:315 the sea journey is recounted in broad strokes and with much speed. P. literally ‘the Swift’ (cf. ad loc. In epic and other lyric poetry the noun ῥιπή refers to wind. 318 See Kirkwood 1982.. duration and frequency). the Thracian bulls in 205)316 through the Black Sea (cf. This is evinced by the temporal structure of the narrative. 211-212a). 316 See Kirkwood 1982. Il.319 but in Pythian 4 to both wind and waves: the rush of the waves is to be considered a result of that of the wind. 317 Cf. Because the epithet that accompanies ῥιπάς. N.6.421 and 488. especially Op. Delage 1930. Gildersleeve 1965 (1890). 321 Cf. Meyer 2001. where Jason calls on the rush of the waves and the winds (κυμάτων ῥιπὰς ἀνέμων) to be swift-moving (ὠκυπόρους). The journey from Iolcus (cf. de Jong 1991 and Nünlist 2007. Klooster forthcoming). ἐπ’ Ἀξείνου στόμα in 203) is summarised by one single reference to the αὖραι. 1. Because The temporal structure of the entire mythological narrative has received much scholarly attention: see especially Hurst 1983 (without a distinction between the different narrative levels). 320 E.358. due to winds and rowing.321 A second indication of the speed of the ship is provided in line 202. is used of ships elsewhere in early Greek poetry. 245-247 (in terms of Gérard Genette’s threefold division in order. 5.317 of the South Wind (Νότου) (203204a). Braswell 1988. 1.

390. 237-239 and 244. O. in which only one scene is recounted: the intercourse of the Argonauts with the Lemnian women who bear the ancestors of Battus (cf. how does the presentation of these scenes reveal the narrator’s aim in recounting the outward journey of the Argonauts? To begin with the scene about the preparations for the sea journey (lines 193-201). with which the narratees were probably familiar from other lyric as well as epic poems. to whom the Ode is dedicated. 163-164. Pi. too. 221. 12.323 The combination of summary and ellipses is a typical feature of Pindar’s narratives.5. in that the continuously rowing hands speed up the ship.1 for a discussion of the scene. 324 Cf.44). The narrator recounts this scene to legitimise the descent of the Battiads from the Argonauts in order to strengthen the Battiad dynasty of Arkesilas IV. Thgn. After a prayer by the captain (ἀρχός) Jason. 323 For the events omitted see Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1922. fr. Burton 1962. 19. the founding of a precinct for Poseidon and the passage through the Syndromoi en route. N. 154) and the defeat of Amycus. This is particularly clear from the return journey of the Argonauts. in other words. 322 120 . lyric poems: presuming prior knowledge of the stories. 5. P. the narrator includes only the most relevant parts.3. lines 251-259a). θοός. seems to refer to the speed of the ship.322 this image.324 because they recount mythological stories in condensed. s. 12. events passed over in silence by the narrator.3. according to Zenobius 5. for lyric poetry see Sol. Only three scenes are mentioned in the summary of the sea journey: the preparations before the sea journey. 325 Cf.28-29. This means that there are many ellipses. Duchemin 1967. emphasis is put on the auspicious start of the Argonauts’ expedition.87. 100. 3. by Polydeuces (mentioned by Stesichorus. 7.3-4. fr.v.325 The question is why the narrator selects these three scenes of the Argonauts’ outward journey. Hes. These include the abandonment of Heracles at Aphetae (cf.ships are regularly called swift in early Greek poetry. Nünlist 2007.1. thunder and lightning are sent as favourable signs from the Mostly by the epithet θοός: for epic poetry see LfgrE. king of the Bebryces.

as does the reference to it as the ‘Inhospitable Sea’.2). Cp. While the epithet ἄξεινος is used of an inhospitable person in epic poetry (Op.326 This. and are affirmed by the cheerful expectations of the seer Mopsus. Mention of a hollow (θέναρ) altar. For φοίνιος and φοινικόεις cf. De Jong 1991. which betokens the later colonisation of Cyrene by his Battiad descendants (αἴσιον δ᾽ ἐπί οἱ Κρονίων Ζεὺς πατὴρ ἔκλαγξε βροντάν. Kirkwood 1982.165 (with my discussion in 3. Od. in turn. i. echoes that after Euphamus received a clod of earth. Turning to the actual sea journey of the Argonauts. 717. serves to strengthen the dynasty of the Battiad King Arkesilas IV against the increasing power of the Cyrenian aristocracy. which contains the fire on which sacrificial animals were burnt. on the building of the precinct. 327 See Braswell 1988.329 This reveals the danger of the Black Sea. Both the building and the sacrifice are meant to please the sea god Poseidon. 194.327 and a red (φοίνισσα) herd of Thracian bulls hint that a sacrifice accompanies the act of building. 329 Cf. and Braswell 1988. a first scene (lines 204-206) deals with the building of a precinct for Poseidon (Ποσειδάωνος …εἰναλίου). for example. The auspicious thunder of Zeus before the sea journey (βροντᾶς αἴσιον / φθέγμα. Sc. In light of the use of the verb φοινίσσω and the epithets φοίνιος and φοινικόεις of the same root. 715). the offering of bulls to Poseidon after a safe sea voyage in Od. 27. ad loc. 209 has argued that the favourable omens before the Argonauts’ expedition are a sign of the divine support for the colonisation of Cyrene. which the Argonauts are about to enter.clouds.328 φοίνισσα may refer to the blood of the bulls as a result of their slaughter by the Argonauts. 18. 328 For φοινίσσω see. 326 121 .e. 23. This echo enables the narrator to connect the start of the Argonauts’ expedition with the colonisation of Cyrene and thus to show that both are divinely supported. 3.178179.97. which signals a safe journey ahead. I add to this that the echo of line 23 reveals a more direct connection between the Argonauts’ expedition and the colonisation of Cyrene. Il. B. ad loc. 23).36 and 13. so that he may grant a safe passage through the Black Sea. 197b-198a). by Zeus. which refer to reddening with blood in early Greek poetry. ad loc.

A. The difference.1. 532 and 13.104=16.g. 17 (discussed in 4. For personification see my introduction (1. Braswell 1988.1. 3. 253 and 341 (parallels noted in Braswell 1988. also the similar Planctae (on the return journey): Od. 1. 4.787. Archil. i. 7. The final scene of the sea journey describes the Argonauts passing through the clashing rocks (συνδρόμων…πετρᾶν).(Pindar) ἄξεινος and the euphemistic εὔξεινος (N. ad loc. S.4.). Sc. IT 241. These rocks are also called Synormades (Simon. 1. B. 6.88. O. frequently attested in Pindar (see Slater.332 The danger of their passage through the rocks had already been emphasised by the narrator. IT 421. 13. P. is that μέγας expresses the vastness of the danger. 4.36 and 9. Instead.35. 1. For the use of the noun τελευτή about the end of a human life see Il.). and Giannini 1995. 127.2) and. 355 and 1389.R.5972.17. above all. Id. N. its danger. 357. e. he said that the Argonauts sped on to ‘grave danger’ (κίνδυνον βαθύν. 4.22 and fr. consequently.76 and 5. 2. Andr. O. 5. Because of the frequent use of the epithet βαθύς about the sea in early Greek poetry. 795. in E. Pi. 333 E. Firstly. 330 122 .81.24. he said that the Argonauts prayed for assistance to the ‘lord of the ships’ (δεσπόταν λίσσοντο ναῶν).331 which are personified as twin brothers (δίδυμαι γὰρ ἔσαν ζωαί). 331 For the Syndromoi elsewhere in ancient Greek literature see E. In tragic poetry ἄξε(ι)νος is used about the Black Sea. Med.786-788 and 924-964.85. Cyaneae (Hdt. A.2. 105 (discussed in 4.g. Theoc. Pi. ad loc. 8. 2.v. 5. Andr.e. its meaning ‘profound’. Pi. 794 (of the Argonauts). say that the epithet-noun combination κίνδυνον βαθύν equals μέγας κίνδυνος. 12. 966) and. Cp.26. line 207). 1. for εὔξε(ι)νος cf. 260.346.6.49) denote the Black Sea in archaic lyric poetry.22. ad loc.3.2. for instance. 3. 330 This referential difference shows that in Pindar the Black Sea is personified as an unwelcoming human who is hostile and dangerous to visitors. Ant. s. Hdt. 334 Secondly. I. 546). Symplegades (E.548.1). while βαθύς denotes its intensity. 10.36. 23. however. to whose life the Argonauts make an end (τελευτάν) (lines 207-211a). O. 332 For δίδυμαι as twins see also line 178 (about the Argonauts Echion and Erytus) and further in early Greek poetry: Il. IT 218.44.2). its danger is explicitly referred to by the noun κίνδυνον.641. ad loc.4.37 and 12.1. 2. 1. the Syndromoi.333 one would expect it to be used with a sea noun to express the deepness of the sea and. 9. 334 For the intensity of βαθύς cf. 2).86. while the epithet βαθύς stresses the intensity of the danger. attested in Pi.g. O. 54.12).1 (these parallels are noted in Braswell 1988. βαθύς 2a: e. N.R. P. Il. applied to the city. 4.

ἀμαιμάκετος gives as translations both ‘raging’ and ‘irresistible’ for epic poetry.v. means ‘raging’.179 and 16. ἀμαιμάκετος and Tichy 1983. 8(7). Braswell 1988.329. force (μένος) and Zeus’ trident. 338 Od. 408 (cf. In epic poetry the epithet ἀμαιμάκετος. the sea and the mast of a ship in a storm at sea. s. 5. line 210). Of the sea: Sc.171. 11. 337 Of νεῖκος: B. the impossibility of escaping (ἐκφυγεῖν) from them. Further emphasis is put on the speed of the rocks by the intensive verb form κυλινδέσκοντο. κραιπνότεραι.337 In Pythian 4 both meanings seem to be at play.the sea god Poseidon. I. ad loc. of μένος: Pi. probably derived from the verb μαιμάω with α-intensivum. 207.). While in epic poetry the epithet κραιπνός (‘swift’) is used of winds. 319.33. as suggested by its use about (the fire of) Chimaera. by the epithet-noun combination κινηθμὸν ἀμαιμάκετον. Ap. The comparison with winds might convey the frightening effect of the movement of the rocks. Th. first of all. insofar as the epithet stresses the raging movement of the clashing rocks as well as their irresistibility.5. 335 336 123 .35. ἀμαιμάκετος.e. which indicates the continuous rolling of the rocks. s. h.338 in Pindar it is used of rocks but compared to ‘the ranks of loud-roaring winds’ (βαρυγδούπων ἀνέμων στίχες. 335 to escape from the clashing rocks: this demonstrates their fear of sailing through the Syndromoi. P.64. i.311 (here ‘tossing’ rather than ‘raging’). of Zeus’ trident: Pi. 14. The danger of their passage through the Syndromoi is further stressed by the fact that the narrator presents the scene with an emphasis on the movement of the clashing rocks. 3. Of the mast of a ship in a storm: Od. as suggested by both the reference to the loud noise of the winds by the epithet βαρύγδουπος and the military Cf. as well as by the epithet with which the verb is used in alliteration.v. the use of δεσπότας about Poseidon in Pi. LfgrE.385 and 6. This is done. 6. 314315. Of (the fire of) Chimaera: Il.336 Bacchylides and Pindar seem to give the epithet the meaning ‘irresistible’ by connecting it with ἄμαχος: this is clear from its use about strife (νεῖκος). For the connection with ἄμαχος see Chantraine. but the latter seems to be at play only in lyric poetry.v. s. for the meaning ‘irresistible’ in Pindar see Slater. I. 6.

16.38.2. 341 I read π[ο]λεμαίγιδος (Kenyon. Bacchylides 17: Theseus’ Sea Journey 5 10 Κυανόπρωιρα μὲν ναῦς μενέκτυ[πον Θησέα δὶς ἑπτ[ά] τ᾽ ἀγλαοὺς ἄγουσα κούρους Ἰαόνω[ν Κρητικὸν τάμνε[[ν]] πέλαγος· τηλαυγέϊ γὰρ [ἐν] φάρεϊ βορήϊαι πίτνο[ν] αὖραι κλυτᾶς ἕκατι π[ο]λεμαίγιδος341 Ἀθάν[ας. Taccone. the scenes before and during the sea journey are selected and presented by the narrator to reinforce the position of the Battiad dynasty against the increasing power of the Cyrenian aristocracy. 209 has argued that the outward journey is recounted to convey a sense of glory.305-312. and Giannini 1995. 340 De Jong 1991. This might be to increase the glory of the (expedition of the) Argonauts and. Irigoin. 339 124 .associations of the noun στίχες.g. N. which is often used about the ranks of an army in early Greek poetry.2. the Battiad kings of Cyrene. θίγεν δὲ λευκᾶν παρηΐδων. see further infra. 231 and 330. ad loc. including Arkesilas IV. For the greatness of a trial reinforcing the greatness of glory see. ad loc. consequently. ad loc. 4.339 The selection and manner of presentation of the last two scenes reveal that the narrator highlights the danger of the Argonauts’ sea journey. Duchemin 1967. 4.173.. 9. Campbell). of their descendants.221.. I would specifiy this by saying that it is the stress on the danger of the sea journey in particular that increases the glory. κνίσεν τε Μίνω<ϊ> κέαρ ἱμεράμπυκος θεᾶς Κύπριδος [α]ἰνὰ δῶρα· χεῖρα δ᾽ οὐ[κέτι] παρθενικᾶς ἄτερθ᾽ ἐράτυεν. Jebb) instead of π[ε]λεμαίγιδος (Maehler. Il. The military associations have been pointed out by Gildersleeve 1968 (1890). e. 10. Pi.340 In this way. 20. βόασ’ Ἐρίβοια χαλκο- For the use of στίχες about the ranks of soldiers see Il. to whom the poem is dedicated.362.

μέλαν δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀφρύων δίνα[σ]εν ὄμμα. καρδίαν τέ οἱ σχέτλιον ἄμυξεν ἄλγος. τῶ σε. ἀλλὰ κἀμὲ Πιτθ[έ]ος θυγάτηρ ἀφνεοῦ πλαθεῖσα ποντίωι τέκεν Ποσειδᾶνι.15 20 θώρα[κα Π]ανδίονος ἔκγ[ο]νον· ἴδεν δὲ Θησεύς. πρόσθε χειρῶν βίαν δε[ί]ξομεν· τὰ δ᾽ ἐπιόντα δα[ίμων] κρινεῖ. ὅτ[α]ν ἔλθηι. πεπρωμέν[α]ν αἶσαν [ἐ]κπλήσομεν. πολέμαρχε Κνωσσίων. χρύσεόν τέ οἱ δόσαν ἰόπλοκοι κάλυμμα Νηρηΐδες. εἶρέν τε· ‘Διὸς υἱὲ φερτάτου. ὅ τι μ[ὲ]ν ἐκ θεῶν μοῖρα παγκρατὴς ἄμμι κατένευσε καὶ Δίκας ῥέπει τάλαντον.’ τόσ᾽ εἶπεν ἀρέταιχμος ἥρως· τ]άφον δὲ ναυβάται φ]ωτὸς ὑπεράφανον 25 30 35 40 45 125 . ἐπεί τιν᾽ ἠϊθέ[ων σὺ δαμάσειας ἀέκοντα. [σ]ὺ δὲ βαρεῖαν κάτεχε μῆτιν. κέλομαι πολύστονον ἐρύκεν ὕβριν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν θέλοιμ᾽ ἀμβρότοι’ ἐραννὸν Ἀο[ῦς ἰδεῖν φάος. εἰ καί σε κεδνὰ τέκεν λέχει Διὸς ὑπὸ κρόταφον Ἴδας μιγεῖσα Φοίνικος ἐρατώνυμος κόρα βροτῶν φέρτατον. ὅσιον οὐκέτι τεᾶν ἔσω κυβερνᾶις φρενῶν θυμ[όν]· ἴσχε μεγαλοῦχον ἥρως βίαν.

ἄστραψέ θ᾽· ὁ δὲ θυμάρμενον ἰδὼν τέρας χεῖρας πέτασσε κλυτὰν ἐς αἰθέρα μενεπτόλεμος ἥρως. ἄκουσον· εἴ πέρ με νύμ[φα Φοίνισσα λευκώλενος σοὶ τέκεν.50 55 60 65 θ]άρσος.’ ὣς εἶπε· τῶι δ᾽ οὐ πάλιν θυμὸς ἀνεκάμπτετ᾽. εἶπέν τε· ‘μεγαλοσθενές Ζεῦ πάτερ. Ἁλίου τε γαμβρῶι χόλωσεν ἦτορ. νῦν πρόπεμπ᾽ ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ θοάν πυριέθειραν ἀστραπὰν σᾶμ᾽ ἀρίγνωτον· εἰ δὲ καὶ σὲ Τροιζηνία σεισίχθονι φύτευσεν Αἴθρα Ποσειδᾶνι. σὺ δ᾽ ὄρνυ᾽ ἐς βαρύβρομον πέλαγος· Κρονί[δας δέ τοι πατὴρ ἄναξ τελεῖ Ποσειδὰν ὑπέρτατον κλέος χθόνα κατ᾽ εὔδενδρον. τάδε μὲν <ἐμὰ> βλέπεις σαφῆ Διὸς δῶρα. δικὼν θράσει σῶμα πατρὸς ἐς δόμους. τόνδε χρύσεον χειρὸς ἀγλαὸν ἔνεγκε κόσμον ἐκ βαθείας ἁλός. ὕφαινέ τε ποταινίαν μῆτιν. πόντιόν τέ νιν 70 75 80 126 .’ κλύε δ᾽ ἄμεμπτον εὐχὰν μεγασθενὴ[ς Ζεύς. εἴσεαι δ᾽ αἴ κ᾽ ἐμᾶς κλύηι Κρόνιος εὐχᾶς ἀναξιβρέντας ὁ πάντω[ν με]δ[έω]ν. ἀλλ᾽ εὐπάκτων ἐπ᾽ ἰκρίων σταθεὶς ὄρουσε. εἶρέν τε· ‘Θησεῦ. ὑπέροχόν τε Μίνωι φύτευσε τιμὰν φίλωι θέλων παιδὶ πανδερκέα θέμεν.

τάφεν δὲ Διὸς υἱὸς ἔνδοθεν κέαρ. χορῶι δ᾽ ἔτερπον κέαρ ὑγροῖσι[[ν ἐν]] ποσ<σ>ίν. τρέσσαν δ᾽ Ἀθαναίων ἠϊθέων <πᾶν> γένος. κατὰ λειρίων τ᾽ ὀμμάτων δάκρυ χέον. τόν ποτέ οἱ ἐν γάμωι δῶκε δόλιος Ἀφροδίτα ῥόδοις ἐρεμνόν. ἀμφὶ χαίταις δὲ χρυσεόπλοκοι δίνηντο ταινίαι. ἄπιστον ὅ τι δαίμονες θέλωσιν οὐδὲν φρενοάραις βροτοῖς· 90 95 100 105 110 115 127 . ἐπεὶ ἥρως θόρεν πόντονδε. φέρον δὲ δελφῖνες ἐναλιναιέται μέγαν θοῶς Θησέα πατρὸς ἱππίου δόμον· ἔμολεν τε θεῶν μέγαρόν.85 δέξατο θελημὸν ἄλσος. τόθι κλυτὰς ἰδὼν ἔδεισε Νηρῆος ὀλβίου κόρας· ἀπὸ γὰρ ἀγλαῶν λάμπε γυίων σέλας ὧιτε πυρός. εἶδέν τε πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν σεμνὰν βοῶπιν ἐρατοῖσιν Ἀμφιτρίταν δόμοις· ἅ νιν ἀμφέβαλεν ἀϊόνα πορφυρέαν. κόμαισί τ᾽ ἐπέθηκεν οὔλαις ἀμεμφέα πλόκον. βαρεῖαν ἐπιδέγμενοι ἀνάγκαν. κέλευσέ τε κατ᾽ οὖρον ἴσχε[[ι]]ν εὐδαίδαλον νᾶα· Mοῖρα δ᾽ ἑτέραν ἐπόρσυν᾽ ὁδόν. ἵετο δ᾽ ὠκύπομπον δόρυ· σόει ν[[ε]]ιν βορεὰς ἐξόπι[[θε]]ν πνέουσ᾽ ἀήτα.

after union in the bed of Zeus beneath the brow of Ida. χοροῖσι Κηΐων φρένα ἰανθεὶς ὄπαζε θεόπομπον ἐσθλῶν τύχαν. but touched her white cheeks. ἐπεὶ μόλ᾽ ἀδίαντος ἐξ ἁλός θαῦμα πάντεσσι.120 125 130 νᾶα παρὰ λεπτόπρυμνον φάνη. for I would not wish to see the lovely light of immortal Dawn. who holds the war-like aegis. ἀγλ<α>όθρονοί τε κοῦραι σὺν εὐθυμίαι νεοκτίτωι ὠλόλυξαν. as it carried Theseus. we shall fulfil our destined lot. Before that we will display the might of our hands. Even if the dear. when it comes. But Minos’ heart was chafed by the dread gifts of the Cyprian goddess with desire in her headband. οἵαισιν ἐν φροντίσι Κνώσιον ἔσχασεν στραταγέταν. was cleaving the Cretan Sea: for northern breezes fell on the far-shining sail thanks to glorious Athena. lovely-named daughter of Phoenix bore you. too. and the fourteen noble youths of the Ionians. and cruel pain tore his heart. steadfast in the battle din. hero. Δάλιε. hold back from your stern scheme. and he spoke: 'Son of greatest Zeus. and the seafarers 128 . greatest of mortals. and he could no longer keep his hand off the girl. and Theseus saw it and rolled his eyes darkly under his brows. As for you. the spirit you steer inside is no longer righteous: restrain your arrogant might. warlord of the Cnossians. I bid you to restrain your grievous insolence. and what comes after that a god will decide. φεῦ. was born by the daughter of wealthy Pittheus after she had coupled with the sea god Poseidon. if you were to assault one of these youths.’ So spoke the spear-valiant hero. and the violethaired Nereids gave her a golden veil. Whatever the all-powerful fate has assented to us from the gods and the scales of Justice incline. ἔκλαγεν δὲ πόντος· ἠίθεοι δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν νέοι παιάνιξαν ἐρατᾶι ὀπί. Eriboea shouted for the descendant of Pandion with the bronze breastplate. λάμπε δ᾽ ἀμφὶ γυίοις θεῶν δῶρ᾽. I. A dark-prowed ship. And so.

and the gifts of the gods shone on his limbs. boldly casting your body into your father’s home. when the hero jumped into the sea. as for you. They were delighting their hearts by dancing with liquid feet. which once guileful Aphrodite had given her at her marriage. for a gleam as of fire shone from their splendid limbs. and the splendid-throned girls cried out with new- 129 . But sea-dwelling dolphins were swiftly carrying great Theseus to the house of the father of horses. and Theseus’ spirit did not recoil. But the son-in-law of Helios felt anger in his heart. will grant you supreme glory over the well-wooded earth. fetch this splendid gold ornament of my hand from the depths of the sea. lord Poseidon. So for your part. when he came unwet from the sea. And the son of Zeus was astonished in his heart. saw the well-pleasing marvel. dark with roses. you see these clear gifts of mine by Zeus. Nothing that the gods wish is unbelievable to sensible mortals: Theseus appeared beside the slendersterned ship. Oh. a conspicuous sign. awaiting grievous doom. and he reached the hall of the gods. And in that lovely house he saw the dear wife of his father. and set on his curly hair a perfect wreath. There he was awe-struck at the glorious daughters of blessed Nereus. and stretched his hands to the glorious sky and spoke: ‘Theseus. if Troezenian Aethra bore you to earthshaking Poseidon. and gold-braided ribbons were whirled round their hair. son of Cronus. and they shed tears from their lily-bright eyes. send from heaven now a swift. but Fate was preparing another course. And the whole group of Athenian youths trembled.’ Mighty Zeus heard his blameless prayer. and your father. and the north wind. in what thoughts did he halt the Cnossian commander.’ So he spoke. fire-tressed lightning flash. and gave orders to keep the cunningly-made ship on course against the wind. steadfast in battle. and engendered an eminent honour for Minos. The swift-moving ship raced on. plunge into the loud-grumbling sea. but he took his stance on the well-built deck and leapt. and the hero. hear me: if indeed the white-armed Phoenician girl bore me to you. and he wove a new plan. sped it along. And you will learn whether my prayer is heard by the son of Cronus. august ox-eyed Amphitrite. and the precinct of the sea accepted him willingly. wishing it to be seen by all for the sake of his dear son. lord of the thunder and ruler of all. blowing astern. she put a purple cloak about him. a marvel to all.were astonished at the man’s overweening boldness. and spoke: ‘Mighty father Zeus. and he flashed his lightning.

31-32 and Calame 2009. de Jong 2009b. 171-179). who state that Bacchylides 17 was performed by a Ceaen chorus during the Apollonia/Delia festival at Delos. as the Alexandrinian classifiers of Bacchylides’ poetry thought (see Zimmermann 1992. 85. asking him to retrieve a ring he throws into the sea. in which paeanic cries are uttered (cf. and the sea resounded. 91-93. At the end of the poem. 177. 210. rejoice in your heart at the choirs of the Ceans and grant a god-sent fortune of blessings. in other words. 343 Cf. Zimmermann 1992. 167-168 and 2004. 107. nearby the youths raised a paean with lovely voice.343 Most scholarly discussions have focused on comparing the Theseus myth in Bacchylides 17 with ancient Greek iconography (see especially Wüst 1968.founded cheerfulness. as suggested by the end of the Ode. 55). see further the epilogue to this thesis for the performance contexts of archaic Greek lyric poetry. ὠλόλυξαν and παιάναξαν) and the god Apollo (Δάλιε) is addressed. Jebb 1905. Athanassaki 2009. Maehler 1991. For the performance context of the poem I refer to Ieranò 1989. son of Zeus. Minos challenges Theseus to prove that he is the son of Poseidon. Maehler 1997. Schröder 2000. 223. 177-181. 247-256. Rutherford 2001. Theseus responds to the girl’s cries for help by declaring that he is the son of Poseidon and willing to resist even Minos. 342 130 . After a flash of lightning has been sent by Zeus as proof of Minos’ divine paternity. 342 It is based on a dramatic conflict between a protagonist (Theseus) and an antagonist (Minos) with a chorus-like group of youths that results from the antagonist’s sexual harassment of a girl called Eriboea. 174-181. Bacchylides 17 almost entirely consists of a mythological narrative about the sea journey of Theseus to Crete with fourteen Ionian youths and Minos on board a ship. but most think it is a paean (cf. the mythological narrative fuses with the actual performance of the poem in the end. 118-126 and 1997. 16-17 and Fearn 2007. the youths’ shouts of joy at Theseus’ reappearance merge with the Cean chorus’ final prayer imploring Apollo for blessings. Käppel 1992. where he receives a cloak and a garland from Amphitrite. 299-327) and on the question of genre: some believe that the poem is a dithyramb. with which he later reappears by the ship. Maehler 1997. Käppel 1992. Theseus dives into the sea and is carried by dolphins into Poseidon’s underwater precinct. God of Delos. Villarrubia 1990. 172-173. Maehler 1991.

δέξατο in 85.In the bulk of the narrative the sea provides the background setting. The speed of the ship is further E. i. 4. ἴδεν in 16. πίτνο[ν] in 6. against which the hostile actions and speeches of Theseus and Minos take place (lines 1-96 and 119-129). the narrative in the Cretan Sea.2. protecting young martial heroes like Theseus. is not static. 347 See further infra. κνίσεν in 8. ὄρουσε in 84. π[ο]λεμαίγιδος Ἀθάνας in line 7). consequently. probably because she takes on her role as war goddess (cf.v. Cf. however. βόασ’ in 14. 346 For Athena as protectress of the fleet see Käppel 1992. Athena for her role of protecting young warriors. line 6) makes clear that the ship steadily moves southwards to Crete while the conflict develops on board. φάνη in 119. s. Pi. These favourable breezes are caused by Athena. for the epithet-noun combination βορήϊαι… αὖραι (‘northern breezes’. 165-166. also DNP. 11-14. δίνα[σ]εν in 18. The fact that αὖραι denote cool breezes favourable for a sea journey in early Greek poetry345 indicates that the trip initially proceeds successfully. 344 131 .1.g. 165.e. south of the Cycladic Islands and north of Crete. P. the narrator locates the ship and. τρέσσαν in 92. ἄμυξεν in 19. 345 Cf. This is made clear in the beginning (lines 1-7) and in the course of the narrative (lines 9091): in both cases the backgrounded role of the sea is lexically evinced by the use of imperfect tenses about the ship and the winds at sea (τάμνε[[ν]] in 4. in general see Rijksbaron 2002 (1984). The setting.346 In lines 90-91 the reference to the racing of the ship sets the scene for Theseus’ dive after Minos’ ring and the reactions of those on board. κέλευσε in 87. whereas the foregrounded action on board is referred to by the predominant use of aorist tenses in the rest of the narrative.. 347 Again the steady southward movement of the ship is conveyed by a reference to the northern wind (βορεάς…ἀήτα) which speeds the ship along (σόει). with the aegis as her weapon. On the use of the tenses in the opening lines see Käppel 1992. if the emendation is correct.203 in 4.344 In lines 1-7 the narrative starts in medias res with an image of a ship cleaving the Cretan Sea (Κρητικὸν τάμνε[[ν]] πέλαγος. ἵετο and σόει in 90). By making use of the epithet Κρητικόν. line 4) that sets the scene for the dramatic conflict between Theseus and Minos around Eriboea (lines 8-89).

e. The narration of one or more scenes of a myth in detail instead of larger parts or the entire myth is a common feature of Bacchylides’ poetry and serves as a means of dramatisation.350 This is evinced by the epithet used of the underwater precinct. 348 349 132 . so that Theseus' response is inappropriate’. that in the underwater precinct is one of complex narrator-text. 21-22 (with references to B. as it is recounted by the narrator but focalised by the character Theseus. His perception of the underwater scene is given a lovely. 3. 15. 40-45 and Pieper 1972. For the frequent beginnings of Bacchylides’ poems in medias res as a means of dramatisation cf.suggested by the use of the verb ἵετο (‘races on’) with the epithetnoun combination ὠκύπομπον δορύ (‘swift-moving ship’). tableaux presented in great detail. Maehler 2004. That touching a girl’s cheek by a man other than her husband or lover is considered inappropriate in archaic Greece has been demonstrated in detail by Clark 2003. 350 For this contrast see Stern 1976. Their supposition that the second scene ironises the violent and excessive behaviour of Theseus and Minos in the first scene has been refuted by Segal 1979. While the scene on board the ship mainly consists of character-text. In both cases we are dealing with scenes.348 which in this poem is enhanced by the beginning in medias res. There are two hints that the scene may be connected with marriage: Theseus On this see Maehler 2004. with their splendid limbs and gold-braided ribbons in their hair (101-108). This is clear from the double use of the verb ὁράω: εἶδέν in line 109 indicates his perception of Amphitrite and ἰδών in 101 of the dancing Nereids. B. 3 and 5). of whom the latter points out that ‘in order to see the first part ironically…we must see Minos' initial advance to Eriboea as harmless. 17 and 18). Nünlist 2007. After Theseus’ dive into the sea and before his reappearance by the ship the sea provides the background setting to his encounter with Amphitrite in Poseidon’s underwater precinct (lines 97-118). 21 and 23. and by the sensuous appearance of the Nereids. i. 400. 137. speeches of Theseus and Minos. 349 the protagonistantagonist-chorus scheme (Theseus-Minos-Ionian youths) and the prevalence of speeches over narration. This means that the sea has a role as setting for what happens on it as well as deep inside of it. 25-26 and Scodel 1984.g. ἐρατοῖσιν (110-111). even erotic ambience that contrasts with the hostile scene on board. 248 (e.

who call her Phereboea): this would also explain why Theseus stands up for Eriboea against Minos at the beginning of the poem. 25. in which Theseus later marries Eriboea and fathers a child (cf. who perform an important role in wedding preparations.13. 8 on Arion. 177. 28-29. with references to earlier literature on the topic.receives a cloak and garland with roses which Aphrodite had given Amphitrite for her wedding. Thes. The explanations given are diverse: oversight or inconsistency (Fränkel 1975 (1962). gifts that reveal a tension between male heroic epic and female genealogical poetry (287-291). H. Coeranus and Phalanthus from drowning: cf. Conv. 453. has puzzled commentators. Paus. 8. we can see that Theseus’ dive and reappearance by the ship adds a vertical movement to the dominant. ad loc. Ael. Käppel 1992.984-985 on Coeranus. horizontal progress of the ship. 18.Anim. 80). 351 and he witnesses Nereids. Plu.354 That Poseidon himself is responsible for the dolphins’ aid is hinted at by the epithet ἱππίου. 1. 351 133 . Pherec.. Jebb 1905. 10. The change of scene from above board to underwater is achieved by following a character from one scene to another:353 in lines 97-101a the narrator follows Theseus being carried by dolphins into Poseidon’s precinct. Burnett 1985. 352 This link might be explained by a sequel of the story.). Luc. FGrH 81F26. Phylarch. Gerber 1970. Ancient Greek sources are Hdt. Archil. FGrH 3F148 and Plu.1.3 and Plu.Sept.984-985). more important gifts that outstrip Minos (Maehler 1997. I refer to de Jong 2001. 172-173).Sap. 138-143). ad loc. If we take a look at the changes in scenes from on board to the underwater precinct and vice versa. The only other attestation of the epithet with Poseidon in early Greek poetry is Archilochus 192 (cited by Plutarchus in De sollertia animalium 3. gifts that point out a development from a warlike conflict to an agonistic contest (Danek 2008. 352 For the role of the Nereids in archaic Greek wedding preparations I refer to Barringer 1995.23-24. n23 and Campbell 1982 (1967). Maehler 1997 and 2004. D. where That Theseus receives a cloak and garland. xii. 27 and 32. ad loc. without bringing back Minos’ ring.10 and perhaps Alc. 7 on Phalanthus. ad loc. 167-169. Villarrubia 1990. 29. Poseidon). 3. 183 and 2004. gifts destined for Ariadne (Scodel 1984. 94.Mort.. Soll. 354 That already in antiquity dolphins were regarded as benevolent escorts is proven by stories about dolphins saving Arion.A. used with the noun πατρός (‘father of horses’. 353 For these and other techniques of scene change (in Homer). Villarrubia 1990.

E. in 76-77 the danger is expressed by the epithet. Hel. while in 4 there is no suggestion of or reference to sacrifice. In early Greek poetry the combination of the noun ἅλς with the epithet βαθύς is always used of divinities (of Iris in Il. where the ship cuts its way through it to Crete.1 for my general claim that epithets bear contextual relevance in archaic lyric poetry. Firstly. Pieper 1972. namely of dogs (epica adespota fr. Its use here in connection with the mortal Theseus might suggest the difficulty of his endeavour. ad loc. and Gerber 1970. The use of the epithet in Archilochus and Bacchylides can be explained in the sense that Poseidon. In line 62 he asks Theseus to fetch his ring ‘from the depths of the sea’ (ἐκ βαθείας ἁλός). the narrator The link with Archilochus 192 and the suggestion that the epithet bears contextual relevance have been made by Janko 1980 (contra Jebb 1905. Its use of the sea reveals that Minos wishes to stress the hostility of the sea. However. The sudden change is meant to convey the marvel (θαῦμα) of the dramatic climax of the narrative. aids human beings like Coeranus and Theseus by sending them ‘horses of the sea’. The epithet βαρύβρομος is attested only once in epic poetry. ‘loud-grumbling sea-wave’). 13. the character Minos asks Theseus twice to dive into the sea (lines 62-63 and 76-77). easily leaping in or out of the depths of the sea where they reside. ad loc. where victims will be sacrificed. as it is affected only by a gnome and the interjection φεῦ (lines 117-119). see further 1. as god of horses and the sea. 19 West). 1306 (βαρύβρομόν τε κῦμ᾽ ἅλιον. of Poseidon in Il.532. 1. 355 134 . we can see that one event is repeatedly presented: Theseus’ dive. In line 76-77 Minos asks Theseus to plunge into the ‘loud-grumbling sea’ (βαρύβρομον πέλαγος).Poseidon Hippios is said to spare Coeranus from the wreck of his penteconter.44).356 Secondly.. Turning from the duration of the mythological narrative to the issue of frequency. who consider it ornamental). 356 Cp. which is reinforced by the fact that Theseus reappears unwet (ἀδίαντος). In both instances the epithets Minos uses of the sea convey that he wishes to evoke a sense of danger to dissuade Theseus from diving into the sea. 355 The change in scene from the underwater precinct back to the ship is more abrupt. as benevolent escorts. 403-40 claims that a sense of danger is expressed by the noun πέλαγος. just as in line 4. dolphins. which would bear negative associations as a hostile force.

7. lines 64-73). Just like the narrator’s first mention of Theseus’ dive.v.v. δέκομαι a. Scodel 1984. 359 My interpretation goes counter to the belief of most scholars (Wüst 1968. 374 and 386. s. The one recounted in line 94 is followed by a description of dolphins carrying Theseus to the underwater precinct. For θελημός see Op. s. and the epithet of the precinct. Because the verb δέχομαι is sometimes used of a father accepting a child as his legitimate son in early Greek poetry (e. just as the lightning of Zeus was a proof of Zeus’ divine fatherhood of Minos (cf. 86).6). 1046 and for Pindar see Slater. 138. 40-41) that Poseidon is not present in the underwater precinct. This would imply that lines 84b-85 serve as a proof of Theseus’ divine parentage. 27. 357 while the one narrated in line 84 is followed by a brief statement that the ‘precinct of the sea accepted him willingly’ (πόντιόν τέ νιν / δέξατο θελημὸν ἄλσος.g. which echoes its use about Poseidon in lines 35-36 (ποντίωι… Ποσειδᾶνι).presents two complementary versions of Theseus’ dive. 118 about the people of the Golden Age. although he does not explicitly figure in the story.359 The double narration of Theseus’ dive is linked to a difference in focalisation by the characters. h. δέχομαι for epic poetry. B35. 531532. Thgn. with the meaning ‘unforced’ instead of ‘willingly’ (for the latter cf.49. for lyric poetry see Alc. Semon.89). Van Oeveren 1999. reinforces this impression. indicated by referential differences of θελημόν and δέξατο: while both are predominantly used of people in epic and other lyric poetry. because Theseus meets only Amphitrite. 84b-85). an assumption which has even lead to the hypothesis of denial of Theseus’ identity as son of Poseidon (Walker 1995. claimed by Theseus in his speech to Minos (lines 33b-63a). For the use of δέχομαι of persons accepting someone else see LfgrE I4. πόντιος. The personification renders the impression that it is actually Poseidon who willingly accepts Theseus. Burnett 1985. there might even be a hint that Poseidon accepts Theseus as his rightful offspring. 23. This can be derived from the personification of the precinct. the second also seems to be linked with Poseidon. 357 358 135 . The narrator does not See my discussion above. also Emp.358 they refer to a sea precinct in Bacchylides 17. Pan 41 and Il.

15. 217 and Cairns 2010. with an eye on differences in manner of presentation of the sea and roles of the similes. the confusion or fear felt by a mass or a hero (e. Scott 1974. These similes will be analysed in comparison to Homeric sea similes. or emotions. 124 and 130. the sea is usually presented as furious. believing that Theseus would not dare to dive. 361 Cp.g.1-8. Theseus feels pain at Minos’ harassment (σχέτλιον…ἄλγος.16-22.37-40. For the stress on emotions as a means to involve the narratees in Bacchylides’ poetry (e.381-384). the stress on emotions elsewhere in the narrative: Minos’ heart is chafed by the gifts of Aphrodite (κνίσεν.e.comment on the action. 9. Il. i.g..361 4. 47-48. 20-21. Minos is angered by Theseus’ speech (χολώσεν ἤτορ. the noise of the attack or retreat of a fighting mass (e. 301-305. i.624-629). 2. the Bacchylidean narrator is more covert than the Pindaric one: see Pfeijffer 2004. Their reaction reveals their sympathy with Theseus and the danger of Theseus’ action. 19).124-132 and Semonides 7. His reaction points out his arrogance. also in B.3. In Homeric similes. 15. Coffey 1957. 3) I refer to Carey 1999 and Maehler 2004. The emphasis on the emotional reactions of the characters to this key event further strengthens the dramatisation of the scenic narrative and stimulates the involvement of the narratees. etc. SEA SIMILES In archaic Greek lyric there are two extended similes about the sea: Bacchylides’ Epinician 13. Il. which appear mainly in the Iliad. 14.e. The first mention of his dive is focalised by Minos: he is astonished (τάφεν) and tries to stop the ship in vain (lines 8691).207-210 and 394-397. Fränkel 1999 (1921). and echoes the astonishment (τ]άφον. 50). 8). 62-66. 136 . The second mention is focalised by the youths: they tremble (τρέσσαν) and weep (δάκρυ χέον) from fear when Theseus is about to jump into the sea (lines 92-96). The role of sea similes is to illustrate an event. 362 Cf.362 360 Generally speaking.360 but presents only the emotional reactions of the characters.g. 48) of the youths at Theseus’ ‘overweening boldness’ (ὑπεράφανον θάρσος) in his speech to Minos.

εὖτ᾽ ἐν πεδίῳ κλονέω[ν μαίνοιτ᾽ Ἀχιλλεύς. Β]ρ[ι]σηΐδος ἱμερογυίου. φοιβὰν ἐσιδόντες ὑπαὶ χειμῶνος αἴγλαν.4. ἐπ[εὶ] κλύον [αἰχματὰν Ἀχιλλέα μίμνο[ντ᾽] ἐν κλισίασιν εἵνεκ[ε]ν ξανθᾶς γυναικός.]ν363 Ἰ]λίου θαητὸν ἄστυ οὐ λεῖπον.. ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ πολέμοι[ο λῆξεν ἰοστεφάνο[υ Νηρῆιδος ἀτρόμητο[ς υἱός. its use in Il.364 στόρεσεν δέ τε πό[ντον οὐρία· Νότου δὲ κόλπ[ωσαν πνοᾶι ἱστίον ἁρπαλέως <τ’> ἄελπτον ἐξί[κ]οντο χέ[ρσον· ὣς Τρῶες.. but I see no compelling reason why dawn should be considered a personified goddess here (cp. ὥστ’ ἐν κυανανθέï θ[υμὸν ἀνέρων πόντωι Βορέας ὑπὸ κύμασιν δαΐζει. λαοφόνον δόρυ σείων.1. Maehler.2 for the reading in line 114. 24. πασσυδίαι δὲ λιπόντες τείχεα Λαομέδοντος See the text in 3. λῆξεν δὲ σὺν φαεσιμ[βρότωι ἀοῖ...3. 363 364 137 ... νυκτὸς ἀντάσας ἀνατε[λλομένας. Bacchylides 13 115 120 125 130 135 140 οἳ πρὶν μὲν [. θεοῖσιν ἄντειναν χέρας..785). Campbell and Irigoin have Ἀοῖ.. ἀτυζόμενοι [δέ πτᾶσσον ὀξεῖαν μάχα[ν.

B. when Achilles was furiously raging on the plain. Firstly. 5. 367 For Boreas as a storm wind cf. and the South Wind’s breaths belly out the sail. 365 138 . coming face to face with them after night has risen up. 127) due to the North Wind (Βορέας. bringing violent battle. ὦρσάν τ[ε] φόβον Δαναοῖς.67 and 81. Bacchylides 13 is an Epinician Ode dedicated to Pytheas. 366 For a more detailed discussion of the Ode and its mythological narrative I refer to 3.145 ἐ]ς πεδίον κρατερὰν ἄϊξαν ὑ[σ]μίναν φέροντες. stretched up their hands to the gods. in lines 124-127 it is presented in a state of storm at night (νυκτὸς ἀντάσας.9. Od.200. 286. after they had seen a bright light under the storm cloud. brandishing his host-slaughtering spear. After having left Laomedon’s walls with all speed they rushed into the plain.367 Storm is The aorists λῆξεν. of a distinguished Aeginetan family. Tyrt.2. In the Ode a mythological narrative is recounted about the heroic fighting of the Aeacidae Ajax and Achilles in the Trojan War (lines 100-167). lovely-limbed Briseis. who considered themselves descendants of Aeacus. 19. but ceases on the arrival of dawn which brings light to mortals.366 In the narrative a sea simile is inserted at a key moment of the story. 5. but in bewilderment they cowered for fear of the keen fight. which serves to glorify the Aeginetans.296. and gladly they reach the unexpected dry land 365 – so when the Trojans heard that the spearman Achilles was remaining in his tent on account of the blonde woman. Ibyc. In the simile the sea is presented in two ways. But when the fearless son of the violet-crowned Nereid ceased from the fight – as on a dark-blossoming sea Boreas rends men’s hearts under the waves.46. Maehler 1982 and Campbell 1992): see further infra for the tenses. 12. 125). when Achilles retreats from the battlefield. 9. and a breeze levels the sea. στόρεσεν and κόλπ[ωσαν are generally translated as present tenses (cf. after his victory of the pancration during the Nemean games.4. Previously they would not leave the wondrous…city of Ilium. and they roused fear in the Danaans.

Pi. so Cp. as is more often the case. 6. 371 Cf. the use of κυάνεος about clouds (Od.229-230. is whether the sea simile also differs from epic poetry in its role. ad loc. 553. ad loc.405=14. which is used about Achilles (122) and Boreas (128): just as Achilles ceased from war. 12. Tyrt.369 Secondly. h.g. 3.). 155-157. 543.4. κυάνεος. Cp. their fear (ἀτυζόμενοι / [δέ πτᾶσσον. 286. for the storm at sea due to Boreas seems to remind of the rage of Achilles on the battlefield (cf. ad loc. Semon. in which the focus lies on one aspect of the sea. Ibyc. 373 Cf. 9. Simon.3.9. seems to express the darkness of the sea in the case of a storm.158 and h. i. 368 139 .e.370 This is particularly clear from the verb στόρεσεν. 130). 372 This difference has been noted by Dietel 1939. The simile begins by illustrating a situation in the narrative before Achilles’ retreat. and Cairns 2010. Ap. Diosc.372 The question.12) in the case of a storm at sea.5 and 23. 7 in 4. Cp. lines 118-120). 128-129) because of the South Wind (Νότου. the simile illustrates a narrative event: Achilles’ retreat.368 while the blossoming of the sea indicated by the second element might be symbolic of the heaving motion of rough waves because of storm. 870. Od. P. by the mention that Boreas rends (δαΐζει) the hearts of the sailors. 408. which expresses darkness of colour as well as heaving motion (see my discussion of Semon. 116b-117a). Il.371 By presenting the sea first as stormy and next as calm the Bacchylidean simile differs from Homeric similes.2. The connection between Boreas and the rage of Achilles is reinforced if we bear in mind that Boreas is paradigmatic for its violence in early Greek poetry. 369 Jebb 1905. either its calmness or. Th.hinted at by the hapax epithet used of the sea. its fury. 370 For Notus as a favourable wind in early Greek poetry see e. Op. 373 The beginning of the simile also illustrates the emotional effect of Achilles’ rage on the Trojans.303) and darkness (Simon.e. This is clear from the echo of the verb λῆξεν.1). then. 12. 15 (parallels noted in Maehler 1982. 4. in lines 128-132 the sea is presented in a state of calmness at dawn (σὺν φαεσιμ[βρότωι ἀοῖ.203.4. i. eleg. 1 in 4.2. which does not only indicate that the sea surface levels but also expresses the calming down of the sea. the epithet πορφύρεος about the sea. κυανανθέï (‘darkblossoming’): the first element of the epithet. Next.

My interpretation of lines 139-140 differs from that of Fearn 2007.161. 377 Cp.389-393).does Boreas cease on the arrival of dawn. s. 6. and Maehler 1982. Another interpretation of the epithet has been suggested by Fearn 2007. 1046.6. also Jebb 1905. first of all. 11 and Archil.376 as a result of the calming of the sea. when the North Wind ceases and the sea calms down (lines 128-130). Pr.785).102. 131: because the only time the epithet is used in epic poetry is in the context of Hector’s funeral (Il.2).4. Campbell 1992 translates with ‘eagerly’.95. 6.2). Fearn argues that in Bacchylides the epithet-noun combination foreshadows the fall of Troy. φαεσιμ[βρότωι (‘which brings light to mortals’). 16. Ruijgh 1971.2. χειμών 2). For lyric poetry see Alc. 194-196 on the alternation between present and aorist tenses in similes (durative versus punctual).23=17. especially since the narrator foreshadows the fall of Troy at the end of the narrative (see lines 164-167. It is used ornamentally with dawn (Il. by the adverb ἁρπαλέως (‘gladly’). 3.41 (with discussion in Lossau 1994. 34. ad loc. from which it is derived. The sailors’ joy and salvation seem to illustrate the Trojans’ feelings about Achilles’ retreat.110).23-28 and 17. 1183) elsewhere in early Greek poetry. 3.375 These emotions are also indicated more implicitly. 18.75. as a similar image of light from under the storm cloud (ὑπαὶ / χειμῶνος αἴγλαν) that causes the Trojans to stretch out their hands to the gods suggests (lines 138-140). 24. see further LSJ.1.374 The simile also illustrates the emotional effect of Achilles’ retreat. 24. and in the second half aorist tenses with a punctual aspect. 15. cf. but in Bacchylides 13 it may acquire the symbolic sense of joy and salvation of the noun φάος. 20. 16. the symbolic sense of χειμών referring to calamity or troubles in ancient Greek literature (e. However. with my discussion in 3. ad loc. 135-136: based on the use of αἴγλη about the (bronze of the) Greeks in the Iliad and about the victor 374 140 .8 and Thgn. 11. I do not see what the function of a reference to the fall of Troy would be at this point in the simile.8 (with my discussion in 4.250 en 14. 258 and McKay 1988.39 and 95. by the epithet of dawn (ἀοῖ). 376 For epic poetry see Il. P. 24.797. 85-87). with examples of Homeric similes (Il. Pi. In the simile emotions of joy of the sailors are referred to.v. 17.615.741.785 and Thgn. but this is the meaning in epic poetry (Od.g. That the second half of the simile illustrates an event instead of a situation in the narrative is underscored by the tenses: in the first half present tenses are used with a durative aspect.377 See KG II. 12. Od. when they arrive at the unexpected dry land (lines 131-132). 375 This is the meaning the adverb has in archaic Greek lyric: see Mimn. 643 and 1015.

4. exemplifying their point with Il. is that Fearn denies the basic use of αἴγλη about the light of the sun (Od.’ τὴν δ' οὐκ ἀνεκτὸς οὐδ' ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς ἰδεῖν in Pindar’s Epinicians. Fearn 2007.With its role of illustrating situations and events and their consequent emotions in the narrative.378 However.g. Moreover. he argues that these lines undermine Trojan hopes. τὴν μὲν γελᾶι τε καὶ γέγηθεν ἡμέρην· ἐπαινέσει μιν ξεῖνος ἐν δόμοις ἰδών· ‘οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλλη τῆσδε λωΐων γυνὴ ἐν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποισιν οὐδὲ καλλίων. the latter may still have another role. because the focus lies on one aspect of the sea (usually its fury). and at the same time reinforce the praise of the Aeginetan victor. the simile ultimately serves to reinforce the praise of the Ode’s addressee.3. 15. Problematic. The fact that it focuses on the retreat of Achilles and its emotional effects on the Trojans underscores the hero’s importance in the Trojan War. a simile about the fall of a violent wave on a ship that causes sailors to shudder in fear illustrates the attack of Hector and its frightening effect on the Greeks. raised by the absence of Achilles. 379 Cf. 141 . 309-310.45 and 7. for instance. Semonides 7 30 τὴν δ' ἐκ θαλάσσης. Of these. 156. Homeric sea similes illustrate one set of emotions (usually fear). who considered himself a descendant of the Aeacidae Ajax and Achilles.1-8. If we are aware that the Ode is dedicated to an Aegenitan victor. which just like φάος seems to convey a sense of joy and salvation. also e.624-629. the Bacchylidean simile aligns with Homeric sea similes: in Il. Cairns 2010. because of the appearance of the Greeks. 378 The double illustrating role of the simile in Bacchylides 13 has briefly been noted by Dietel 1939.624-629.84). however. ἣ δύ' ἐν φρεσὶν νοεῖ. Il. 9. Maehler 1982. 129.379 while the Bacchylidean simile illustrates fear as well as joy because it stresses both the fury and calmness of the sea. 4. 254.2. only Fearn and Cairns have pointed out that illustrating emotions is not ‘un-Homeric’. as the Iliadic example shows. 15.

and explicitly compares them. Hordern 2002. Just as the sea often stands calm.. ἀμείλιχος δὲ πᾶσι κἀποθυμίη ἐχθροῖσιν ἴσα καὶ φίλοισι γίνεται. then she rages. The sea-woman receives more attention than all the other women: the speaker does not limit himself to a portrayal of the female. 380 That of the woman is evident from her 380 Although lines 41-42 have been variously emended and excised by some because of their so-called ‘flatness’ (cf. and Hordern 2002.e. one with a twofold mind. unapproachable as a bitch around her pups. Such a woman resembles very much the sea in temperament: the sea has a variable nature. θέρεος ἐν ὥρηι. Nonetheless. different’ (LSJ. 4. πολλάκις δὲ μαίνεται βαρυκτύποισι κύμασιν φορεομένη. when a guest sees her in the house. but rather ‘of another sort or kind. ἀπήμων. For the former meaning. ad loc. currently most scholars accept the lines as genuine. he will praise her: ‘no other woman is better than this among all mankind nor more beautiful’. a great source of joy to sailors. ἀλλὰ μαίνεται τότε ἄπλητον ὥσπερ ἀμφὶ τέκνοισιν κύων. One day she sparkles and is happy. i. The adjective does not really mean ‘variable’. χάρμα ναύτηισιν μέγα. Verdenius 1968. ad loc. but often rages moving along with the loud-thundering waves. the adjective needs to be 142 . ὥσπερ θάλασσα πολλάκις μὲν ἀτρεμὴς ἕστηκ'. Lloyd-Jones 1975. In Semonides 7 portrayals of women are modeled after animal species. Another woman is from the sea. ταύτηι μάλιστ' ἔοικε τοιαύτη γυνὴ ὀργήν· φυὴν δὲ πόντος ἀλλοίην ἔχει. 141. except for two women. but adds a simile about her model. Campbell 1982 (1967). in the season of summer. who owe their origin to earth and sea (lines 21-26 and 27-42). From the comparison (lines 4142) it is clear that the feature that they have in common is variability (φυὴν…ἀλλοίην). harmless. 582).35 40 οὔτ' ἆσσον ἐλθεῖν. there remains a problem as regards the meaning of ἀλλοίην. But another day she is unbearable even to look at in the eyes or come close to. noted by Renehan 1974. and she becomes implacable and hateful to everyone. friends and enemies alike.v. 582). ἀλλοῖος. s. the sea.

Il. 5. Od. 21. a wave in Il.313). Marg 1967 (1938). 13 in 4. Cp. 911.g. it is still best to interpret it in the sense of ‘variable’. B.38. however. is sometimes used of objects capable of standing upright (e. 143 . 39-52 in 2.200.280 and 438. for from what would the sea-woman be different? Therefore. to describe the sea in Semonides 7 perhaps suggests the calmness of the woman. 5. The positive part of the simile begins with an emphasis on the static and calm state of the sea through the perfect tense of the verb ἵστημι. a building in Pi. 19. which aims to characterise the woman’s variability. 154. specifically in relation to the portrayal of the woman.g.v.13. 11. 88-116.1.2.384 The use of these words. 382 For the characterising role of Homeric similes I refer to Coffey 1957. s.v.381 and the characterising role is at play only in similes about people (especially the series of ‘parents-children’ similes about Achilles and Patroclus) or animals (especially lions). Cf.2. even though the adjective is not used with ἄλλοτ’. 27). The latter meaning. τὴν δ'…).‘twofold mind’ (δύ' ἐν φρεσὶν νοεῖ.3. ἱστᾶμι 2 (Pindar). which predominantly refer to people. For lyric poetry see Slater.6-7. Semonides 7 differs from Homeric similes: in the latter the focus lies on one aspect of the sea. Both in the presentation of the sea and the role of the sea simile. eyelids in Od. N. The use of both words reveals referential differences from epic and other lyric poetry: ἀτρεμής (‘calm’) sometimes refers to objects (e.352. also B.12 and 19. of men’s φρένα. also my discussion of Thgn. 381 Cf.92.212) but above all to people who are standing. 13.5. which explains why she can be joyful and outstanding (28-31. and the epithet ἀτρεμής. That of the sea is clear from the juxtaposition of an image of a calm and harmless sea (37-39a) with a raging sea (39b-40) in a simile. Thgn. could hardly be at play here. τὴν μὲν… ἡμέρην…) as well as a hostile fury (32-36.383 ἵστημι. 14.3. 13. 12. but mostly of people and animals. 5.1. ἵστημι for epic poetry. 18. where it expresses the temperament of the vixen-woman (ὀργὴν δ' ἄλλοτ' ἀλλοίην ἔχει). combined with ἄλλοτε – as in line 11. Sapph. Tyrt. sitting or sleeping. 2. 383 Cf. ἕστηκ'.382 The characterising role of the Semonidean simile is further clarified by an analysis of the diction about the sea in comparison to epic and other lyric poetry. usually its fury. 128-132 and Moulton 1977. in its intransitive sense. 384 See LfgrE. Sol. s.

i. which refers to the open. and interpret the phrase as ‘being borne along by the loud385 144 .44.g. 692.88. whose joyfulness is referred to in the corresponding positive part of her portrayal (γελᾶι τε καὶ γέγηθεν ἡμέρην. navigable sea and fits well its context.. 38b). line 28). is used about all sorts of things (e. Gerber 2006 (1999).) consider the participle φορεομένη passive.64.1 (on the city). 387 For ‘pathetic fallacy’ and other subtypes of personification see my introduction (1. usually to say that one person has become a source of joy to another. Hes.325. 193. Pi. For lyric poetry see B. 1. h. 14. as the sea is endowed with human feelings. 10. In the Opera the epithet is combined with the noun πόντος. Lloyd-Jones 1975. Ascl.3.19. ad loc. whose harmfulness is explicitly referred to in the negative part of her portrayal (lines 32-36) by the epithets ἀνεκτός (‘unbearable’). 10..51.706.636. ad loc.99 and 7.4. The positive part ends with the mention that the sea is ‘a great source of joy to sailors’ (χάρμα ναύτηισιν μέγα. in Opera 670. the calm sea is called ἀπήμων. 3. where advice is given about the right time to sail. Next. O.342. 7. 6. ad loc. ἄπλητον (‘unapproachable’).e.59 and 9. more particularly of ‘pathetic fallacy’.2) and 2. 24. 10-14. ἀμείλιχος (‘relentless’) and ἀποθυμίη (‘hateful’). while in Semonides 7 it is used with θάλασσα. P.385 The harmlessness of the sea implies that of the woman.193.13.386 The use of the noun about the sea in Semonides 7 reveals an instance of personification.although it is not explicitly mentioned in the corresponding positive part of her portrayal. which denotes the sea in general and is aptly chosen in a simile about the sea as a general model of a woman. 16. in its active sense ‘harmless’. winds and laws). In epic and other lyric poetry the epithet. In epic and other lyric poetry the noun χάρμα is used of people. 388 Most commentators (Verdenius 1968. Thgn. N.2. 2. fr. 387 This reinforces the connection with the sea-woman. 17. accompanied by a dative of agent. The negative part of the simile conveys an image of a raging (μαίνεται) sea moving along (φορεομένη)388 with loud-thundering For the meaning of θάλασσα and πόντος in early Greek poetry I refer to Lesky 1947. 386 For epic poetry see Il. 23. but only once about the sea.82.

ad loc. 390 it is used of the waves of the sea in Semonides 7. 236-237). raging force in the simile.85. It is used of Poseidon in Th. Hec. for in that case agens and patiens would be the same. s. not of the sea. 441. The passive makes perfect sense in Euripides.1. The epithet is used of Zeus in: Th. 16. While line 33 aligns with the predominant use of μαίνομαι about people in epic and other lyric poetry. sometimes Poseidon). which I consider a pars pro toto for Hector). 145 .389 line 39 is in keeping with exceptional usages about objects (a spear in Il. and interpret the phrase as ‘moving along with the loud-thundering waves’ (cf. 79.v. Another reason why interpreting the participle as passive is unattractive is that the sea is presented as a highly active. Pi. it is better to consider φορεομένη a middle. 818. That in Semonides the sea would be carried along by its own waves would be rather strange. To defend their interpretation. especially those that reveal instances of personification. h. 29. 318. but there it is said of a person. 4. 4.111 and 16. and Lloyd-Jones 1975. 8. P. 15. Sc. LfgrE. fire in Il. which denotes a changing state of the subject without direct initiation by an external agent. 2.26. with a dative of instrument. ultimately reinforce the characterising role of the sea simile. Pi. N. Op. The latter are best considered instances of personification. 3.244-245 it denotes the hands of Hector. 460. 388. For lyric poetry see B. The middle form is best to be considered a ‘spontaneous process middle’ (Allan 2003. 1. where the ghost of Polydorus is ‘carried along by the frequent rise and fall of the waves’ (πολλοῖς διαύλοις κυμάτων φορούμενος). The connection between the rage of the sea and that of the woman is reinforced by another instance of activisation. μαίνομαι for epic poetry (in Il. Fränkel 1975 (1962). O. 334. Cer. which is also used in the corresponding negative part of her portrayal (line 33). thundering waves’.72 and Pae.75. particularly of ‘activisation’. Campbell 1982 (1967). Therefore. they refer to E. ad loc. 389 Cf.87. These and other referential differences.waves (βαρυκτύποισι κύμασιν). 42-45). That the rage of the sea characterises that of the woman is clear from the echo of the verb μαίνεται.606). insofar as human rage is projected on something inanimate. 390 Cf. Semon. 13. Thgn 313 and 1053. namely the use of the epithet βαρυκτύποισι: whereas the epithet always refers to the loud thunder of a god in epic and other lyric poetry (mostly Zeus.41. 1.

I will confirm that danger is evoked in these types of sea poems: poems in which one or more moments during a sea journey are evoked by a speaker or narrator and poems about the departure and arrival of a sea voyage (propemptika and prosphonetika). I will focus on the ways in which danger is evoked: particular attention will be paid to the use of the diction about the sea that is shared with epic poetry. A first example is Semonides 1. During the Sea Journey The first type of sea poems describe one or more moments during a sea journey. 118 in his review of Lesky’s chapter on the sea in archaic Greek lyric. This can be done. whenever they are unable to gain a livelihood (on land).4. death is the result of war and suicide (13b-14 and 18-19) or a storm at sea (15Lesky 1947.4.15-17a: 15 οἳ δ' ἐν θαλάσσηι λαίλαπι κλονεόμενοι καὶ κύμασιν πολλοῖσι πορφυρῆς ἁλὸς θνήσκουσιν. In lines 11-19 the speaker catalogues people’s hopes for prosperity. by a speaker who generally refers to sailors at sea in poems about man’s hopes to achieve wealth. 188-214. Moreover. THE SEA AS SYMBOL OF DANGER Several decades ago Albin Lesky391 pointed out that the sea has symbolic associations with danger in archaic Greek lyric. 4. εὖτ' ἂν μὴ δυνήσωνται ζόειν. first of all. Others die at sea tossed about by a gale and many waves of the dark and heaving sea. In these cases. 391 392 146 . thwarted by old age. 392 Based on more in-depth analyses. especially the sea epithets.1.4. on the basis of what is ‘largely a catalogue of references to the sea’. See Westlake 1949. disease or death.

24.. As for the latter. 408 and 426. 11. the noun λαίλαψ denotes a furious storm. 646-647 for seafaring as a means to escape poverty). 12. 12. De Martino-Vox 1996. Although both are possible.375. Pellizer-Tedeschi 1990. ad loc. 131 and 2006 (1999). To begin with the former. the combination of the epithet πορφύρεος with the noun ἅλς appears only once in epic poetry: in Il. 396 In Semonides 1 λαίλαψ is combined with a middle participle with passive meaning of the quasi-synonomous verb κλονέω (‘toss’). 77. ad loc.391 the loud-roaring flow of rivers into the sea (ἐς δ᾽ ἅλα πορφυρέην) is compared to the load-roaring rush of Trojan horses. in epic poetry. 393 147 . supposing that πορφύρεος is derived from the noun πόρφυρα. 17. 12.306.) and initially Gerber (1970. 11. presumably when sailors have turned to fishing or commercially exporting goods because they were unable to gain a livelihood on land (cf. 394 This has been noted by Campbell 1982 (1967). the latter is more likely. Fowler 1987. because it parallels the choice for suicide as an answer to the problems of gaining a livelihood on land (lines 18-19): some turn to seafaring and risk their lives at sea. 13. which refers to the purple fish and the purple dye Two different interpretations have been given of line 17b: while Campbell (1982 (1967). ad loc. 16.393 The sea scene is presented with much diction shared with epic poetry: 394 the noun-verb combination λαίλαπι κλονεόμενοι and the epithet-noun combination πορφυρῆς ἁλός. 179-180 and Op. others see no other way than committing suicide (cf. ad loc. also Sol. discussed below.278. as point of comparison with raging warriors on the battlefield (Iliad). or as an actual storm at sea (Odyssey). ad loc. by which an image is evoked of sailors as passive victims of a furious storm. 46. Thgn. 400.395 In some cases the fury is reinforced by its use with the active participles τύπτων (‘smiting’) or θύων (‘raging’). 395 Iliad: 4.314..408 and 426 respectively.68. 17b). Il.42. Gerber 1984. ad loc.306 and 747.) translate with ‘whenever they do not have the strength to live’. most scholars (Babut 1977. 396 Cf. Some scholars have argued that the epithet refers to the dark blue colours of the sea in Iliad 16.) have ‘whenever they are unable to gain a livelihood (on land)’.57. Odyssey: 9.17). and Od.

Cf. Platnauer 1921. darkness and heaving motion could be at play simultaneously. 170-171. 40). where the sense of ‘heaving’ also seems to dominate (see further Stulz 1990. πορφύρεος. Dürbeck 1977. Cp. Anacr. the verb καλχαίνω: ‘make dark and troublous like a stormy sea’ (LSJ.399 A first indication is provided by schol. 14. μελανίζειν (‘as a rule. Thgn. the sea becomes dark. D on the verb πορφύρω in Il.v. ad loc. but the latter meaning seems to predominate. 347. 400 The epithet πορφυροειδής is used of the sea in tragic poetry: see A. s. 1036). as they heave. The scholiast explains the connection between darkness and agitated motion by considering the former a result of the latter: εἴωθεν δέ. 401 See Campbell 1982 (1967). Ant. are overshadowed in their inclination’). 159. Alcm. an epithet derived from πορφύρεος. Heracl. in S. Thus. but the explanation is different: πρὸς γὰρ ταύτης κλισμὸν ασθενεῖς αἱ τοῦ ἡλίου αὐγαὶ προσβάλλουσι (‘for against the sloping line of the inclination [ταύτης. Simon. Stulz 1990. on which πορφυρῆς ἁλός depends.18. Supp.398 Both meanings. becoming agitated’). In Semonides 1. 154-167.16 μελαίνηι. Tr. however. often of emotions (e. and Stulz 1990. 124. 397 Others have contended that it denotes the heaving motion of the sea.v.16. ταράσσηι (‘growing dark. For a state of the art see LfgrE.). 53-56.. when it starts to move’). 45-51 and Gipper 1964. 529 and E.obtained from it.2. the darkness of the sea is considered a result of its heaving motion. Again. could be at play at the same time.g. ὅταν ἀρχὴν λαμβάνηι κινήματος ἡ θάλασσα. where πορφυροειδής. too. 14. 172-180). 399 Cp. s. for example. the word groups λαίλαπι See Schultz 1972 (1904). 89. assuming that πορφύρεος is derived from the verb πορφύρω (‘heave’). 397 398 148 . Another indication is given in the only Greek treatise on colour terminology we possess. for it emphatically indicates many waves that seem to be caused by the heaving motion of the sea. 45. 20 and E. is used of the sea:400 ὅταν τὰ κύματα μετεωριζόμενα κατὰ τὴν ἔγκλισιν σκιασθῆι (‘when the waves. used of the sea in Il.5. ps-Aristotle’s Περὶ Χρωμάτων (972a22). 130. referring back to τὴν ἔγκλισιν] the rays of the sun cut in weakly’). the other instances of the epithet-noun combination in archaic Greek lyric (Alc.401 This is clear from the adjective-noun combination κύμασιν πολλοῖσι. 571.

Cp. 404 This is especially evident in line 45.κλονεόμενοι and πορφυρῆς ἁλός create an image of a furious sea of which sailors have become passive victims and which even leads to the death of the sailors (cf. Od.296. Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010. Nestle 1972 (1942). 632. 23. 4. 403 Cf. the sea scene has much diction shared with epic poetry. 9. West 1974. 17-18. 32. carried along by cruel winds. seafaring is referred to as one of man’s hopes to achieve wealth. ad loc. 95-97. 235. 404 Contrast this to the sparing use of diction shared with epic poetry in Solon’s other poetry: see Campbell 1982 (1967). told in Odyssey 4 and 9.402 While it is not clear in Semonides whether the sea scene is about commercial trade or fishing. φειδωλὴν ψυχῆς οὐδεμίαν θέμενος. In a catalogue of professions offered in lines 43-62 a shift is noticeable from man’s hopes to achieve wealth (seafaring. the emphatic θνήσκουσιν in enjambment in 17a). Fränkel 1975 (1962). and ἄγειν for loading goods. Just like in Semonides 1. a gale carried Agamemnon over the fish-filled sea (θύελλα / For the link between both poems (in general) see Bowra 1960 (1938). too. ploughing the land.515b516.35 and 14. hand working.43b-46: σπεύδει δ’ ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος· ὁ μὲν κατὰ πόντον ἀλᾶται ἐν νηυσὶν χρήιζων οἴκαδε κέρδος ἄγειν ἰχθυόεντ’ ἀνέμοισι φορεόμενος ἀργαλέοισιν. he has no consideration for his life. longing to bring home profit.g. 10. as is hinted at by οἴκαδε κέρδος ἄγειν in 44b. curing people). the former seems to be at play in Solon. 278. composing poetry) to vain hopes for success (prophesying.403 In Solon’s poem. where the diction is similar to that about storms faced by Agamemnon and Odysseus near Cape Malea. 45 Everyone has a different pursuit: one roams over the fish-filled sea in ships. in Il. 208.. 402 149 . In Od. Mülke 2002. A second example of a speaker referring to sailors at sea in a poem about man’s hopes for wealth is Solon 13. Maurach 1983.72.. the use of οἴκαδε κέρδος about trade over sea in Op. e. 232 and Mülke 2002.

68). 4.171 and 12. Od. 470 and 516. for the latter see also.795. 33. 11.406 That the winds are called ‘cruel’ is because they bring sailors storms and. 24. are a source of danger and suffering for them. In epic poetry (the Odyssey only) φορέω is used only in the active form about winds carrying sailors along at sea (Od. s. A first point of comparison between both Odyssean passages and Solon’s poem is the use of the epithet-noun combination πόντον…ἰχθυόεντα. in Od. 14. In Solon φορέω is used in the middle form with passive meaning about a sailor being carried along by winds. the epithet might signal the threat of death at sea. 19.24. 406 For the former cf. ad loc. the verb φέρω is used about sailors at sea in the Odyssean passages.82 the noun ἀνέμοισιν is combined with the epithet ὀλοοῖς. as he was rounding Cape Malea. while its intensive form φορέω is chosen in Solon’s poem. 14. 10.480. 5.313. 6.291. Examples of references to the devouring of corpses by fishes are Od. although in the accusative or genitive case. and in Solon with the quasi-synonymous ἀργαλέοισιν. Treu 1955. also infra my discussion of Alc.14. 7. 407 My interpretation of the epithet differs from the common opinion (e.317.) that the epithet is used ornamentally in Solon 13.177. h. also Od. 405 150 .. 3. 13.407 Finally. For my general claim that epithets have contextual relevance in archaic lyric poetry see my introductory chapter (1. 271 and Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010. 23.378. Od. h.381. and Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010.3.1). 9. Diosc. 7 in 4. ad loc. 9. 15. In Od. 408 Cf. Odysseus says that he was carried for nine days over the fish-filled sea by dire winds (ἔνθεν δ’ ἐννῆμαρ φερόμην ὀλοοῖς ἀνέμοισιν / πόντον ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντα).405 The contextual relevance of the epithet seems to be highlighted in Solon’s poem by its emphatic position in enjambment two lines after the noun with which it is combined. Because of the association of the epithet with threat at sea and the frequent references to fish devouring corpses in early Greek poetry.135.400 and 407. consequently.420.φέρεν πόντον ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντα) as he approached Cape Malea. ad loc. For epic poetry see LfgrE. Il.458. 208 and see Semon. Bacch.g. ἰχθυόεις ‘notion of threat to man present in some passages’: Il.2.408 so For the association of the epithet with threat at sea see Mülke 2002. 82-83a.v. Next.

13. there are very brief references to the ‘ship of state’.272-274. 4. also my discussion of political city metaphors in 2. Mülke 2002. 410 Its danger is so important that it endangers the life of the sailor.e.that an image is created of a sailor as a passive victim of winds at sea. 411 Elsewhere in archaic Greek lyric. The most famous example in Latin literature is Horace’s Ode 1. I now pass on to poems in which an image of a ship in a storm serves as an extended metaphor for a particular group or the whole polis in danger because of certain socio-political upheavals (Alcaeus 208 and 6. 412 For cognitive elucidation see my introduction. 667-682 infra and Semon. presenting a situation or an event in a new light to deepen the recipient’s awareness of it. this means that the speaker in Alcaeus or Theognis wishes to present the socio-political upheavals in a different way to make his fellow aristocrats more aware of the danger involved for them. namely in Pindar’s Pythian Odes (1. ad loc.86.413 However. argue that a sense of danger is evoked through a reminiscence of Op. ad loc. but the only lexical echo is οἴκαδε κέρδος (Op.2. for in line 46 he is said to have no consideration for his life (φειδωλὴν ψυχῆς οὐδεμίαν θέμενος) because of his desire for kerdos.44). cf. 413 See also Gentili-Catenacci 2007. however without mention of the sea. In ancient Greek literature the metaphor is especially popular in tragic poetry (Aeschylus’ Septem: cf. 10. for a discussion I refer to Péron 1973. 632 and Sol. 409 410 151 .409 The differences in use of diction in comparison with the storm scenes in the Odyssey reveal that even more emphasis is put on the danger of the storm in Solon’s poem.3. van Nes 1963. 411 The choice of this metaphor becomes understandable if we take into account that one of the functions of metaphors is that of ‘cognitive elucidation’. as the use of metaphors implies a Cp. which relates the danger of trade over sea.71). 71-92) and Plato’s Republic (book 6: see Keyt 2006). i.14. Theognis 667-682). 618-694. this does not imply that the message is conveyed in a straightforward manner. 1 supra. and Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010. 110-115.412 Applied to the ship metaphors under discussion. Thgn. 174.

The riddling nature of metaphors could be connected with the context of the symposium.2. before focusing on the storm itself. 197-215). moderns. 414 152 . See my introduction (1.3. In this way. ἄμμες δ’ ὂν τὸ μέσσον νᾶϊ φορήμ<μ>εθα σὺν μελαίναι 5 χείμωνι μόχθεντες μεγάλωι μάλα. historical-political message for the original audiences is impossible to retrace by us. scholars often read the ship metaphors in Theognis and. 179-196. above all. καὶ λάκιδες μέγαλαι κὰτ αὖτο. line 681).2). See further the epilogue to this thesis for the performance contexts of archaic lyric poetry. Rösler 1980. 416 See also my discussion of Thgn. I begin my discussion with Alcaeus 208: ἀσυν<ν>έτημμι τὼν ἀνέμων στάσιν· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἔνθεν κῦμα κυλίνδεται. that of εἰκάζειν (‘guessing’). πὲρ μὲν γὰρ ἄντλος ἰστοπέδαν ἔχει.sense of indirectness:414 in Theognis’ poem the ship metaphor is called an enigma that contains a hidden message for the aristocrats (ταῦτά μοι ἠινίχθω κεκρυμμένα τοῖς ἀγαθοῖσιν. λαῖφος δὲ πὰν ζάδηλον ἤδη. Nevertheless. τὸ δ’ ἔνθεν. 78-80.2. 415 For the performance of the Theognidea and Alcaeus in the symposium see Levine 1985 and Rösler 1980 respectively. 126-148. Kirkwood 1974. in which poems like those of Theognis and Alcaeus were probably performed:415 it could well have stimulated a popular sympotic form of competitive entertainment. as the symposiasts might have been encouraged to guess at the meaning of the metaphors.416 In my discussions of the ship metaphors I start by briefly commenting on the metaphorical-political content. influenced by Heraclitus’ reading of the poems.2) and also my discussion of erotic city metaphors (2.3. Gentili 1984 and 1988 (1985). the specific. 949-954 in 2. Alcaeus as historical reflections of the rise of particular tyrants in the aristocratic societies of archaic Megara and Mytilene (see Page 1975 (1955).

130. Although Heraclitus would have known the whole poem and not only the fragmentary remains we have at our disposal.[ ]νεπαγ[ ]πανδ[ ]βολη[ 15 I fail to understand the direction of the winds: one wave rolls in from this side. Porro 1996.. I follow the conjecture ἄγκονναι (‘halyards’). adopted in Page. Sol. ἄγκυρ<ρ>αι (cf.. The fragment is usually read as an allusion to the rise of the tyrant Myrsilus.άχμενα . Alc. ad loc.[. 5: Μύρσιλος γὰρ ὁ δηλούμενός ἐστι καὶ τυραννικὴ κατὰ Μυτιληναίων ἐγειρομένη σύστασις.. τὼν[…].]ρηντ’ ἕπερθα. 174. much distressed in the great storm. all the sail lets the light through now. ad loc. 154. The bilge water covers the masthold. and we in the middle are carried along with our black ship.417 τὰ δ’ ὀή[ï]α [ ] . 51 (1082) and 781. 4. 204 and Gentili-Catenacci 2007. Rösler 1980. 417 153 . another from that. Thgn.[ -] τοι πόδες ἀμφότεροι μένο[ισιν ἐ<ν> βιμβλίδεσσι· τοῦτό με καὶ σ[άοι μόνον· τὰ δ’ ἄχματ’ ἐκπεπ[. Liberman 1999. but the loosening of anchors does not seem to make sense..[…]. This is hinted at in the opening line by the noun στάσις.10 χάλαισι δ’ ἄγκονναι..]μεν. ‘it is Myrsilus who is indicated and tyrannical conspiracy roused against the Mytileneans’): Bowra 1961 (1936).418 The rest of the fragment conveys the dangerous consequences for Alcaeus’ hetaeria and/or Gerber follows the reading of the codd. and there are great rents in it. ad loc. ]ενοισ. which is used of civil strife elsewhere in archaic Greek lyric. also Voigt).]. the rudders…my feet both stay (entangled) in the ropes: this alone (saves) me. Burnett 1983. 139-140. the halyards are loosening. 418 Cf. see further infra for a discussion. Gentili 1984. De Martino-Vox 1996. the cargo…(is carried off) above… The poem seems to express civil discord in the polis. based on Heraclitus’ interpretation (All. Campbell 1982 (1967). 1988 (1985). ad loc. I am reluctant to read the ship metaphors as historical documents for reasons mentioned above. ad loc.19.

At the end of the stanza the speaker renders the sailors’ lack of control in the storm by using φορήμ<μ>εθα: just as in Solon 13 discussed above.. namely in the middle (τὸ μέσσον. 195. the sailors fail to steer a steady course. 154 . i. at least from the perspective of the group.. n4. line 5). which was indicated in the first stanza. the ropes which reach from the deck to the top of the mast and down again and which are used to raise the sails. 262. as the greatness of the storm has caused equally great distress for the sailors (μόχθεντες. Péron 1973.μάλα. A second consequence is the appearance of rents in the sails that let the light through (lines 7-8): no longer able to use them. as perceived by the speaker.the polis 419 by the image of a ‘ship’ in a ‘great storm’ (χείμωνι…μεγάλωι.132=7. are linked to the emotions he and his shipmates experience. Gentili 1988 (1985). 5. Lentini 2001. Cucchiarelli 2004. but the sea is also the wildest in the middle (cp.250. 72-74. 190. where a storm in the midst of the sea causes the death of Odysseus’ comrades). lacking control over their ship. far from land: not only is there no shore nearby. line 5). The danger it poses is multiplied by the position in which the sailors find themselves. 210. namely the loosening of the halyards (line 9). 107-108. In the first stanza the speaker’s gaze is directed to the storm raging around him. Fränkel 1975 (1962). Casson 1971.420 The danger of the storm and its consequences. Od. 420 Cf. 6) that covers the masthold of the ship: the water which entered the ship has risen so high that it is about to wash over the ship. a middle form with passive meaning of the verb φορέω evinces that the sailors have become passive victims of a storm. as danger for the group also implies danger for the polis (cf. This demonstrates their lack of control. van Nes 1963. A first consequence of the storm is the bilge water (ἄντλος. These emotions 419 No consensus exists whether in this fragment (as well as in fragment 6) the ship stands for Alcaeus’ hetaeria (Adrados 1955. 173). 3) of the sea. 195-201) or for the entire polis (Lesky 1947.e. and accords with another consequence of the storm. Kirkwood 1974. 160. From the second stanza onwards the speaker shifts his attention from the storm to the state in which the ship finds itself due to the storm. 213 and Gentili-Catenacci 2007. 119. 77). Perhaps the dilemma is false. Rösler 1980.

[ [ φαρξώμεθ’ ὡς ὤκιστα [τοίχοις. A second ship metaphor is presented in Alcaeus 6: τόδ’ αὖτε κῦμα τὼ π[ρ]οτέρ[ω 'νέμω422 στείχει. προτέρω νέμω (ABG).. 155 .might be connected to the way the ship is depicted. as it refers to the pitch with which the ship is daubed. for the epithet in epic poetry cf. 24 infra (4. has a pictorial sense. i. as a dark ship (νᾶï…σὺν μελαίναι).. παρέξει δ’ ἄμμι πόνον πόλυν ἄντλην.v..όμεθ’ ἐ[ 5 ]. lines 11-12). In the only other instance of the epithet-noun combination in archaic Greek lyric. between cruces. 422 Campbell puts the reading adopted in most codd. leaping on peaks of ships.2). Here the epithet seems to have a symbolic sense in a context in which darkness and distress are set against light and salvation. προτέρω ἀνέμω. μέλας. This is different from its use in archaic lyric poetry. ἐπεὶ κε νᾶος ἔμβαι ].4. as the darkness of the ship might be associated with the distress of the sailors.].e. 34 see Broger 1996. i. I follow Voigt in her interpretation προτέρω 'νέμω. For a similar contrast between darkness and light in terms of an opposition between trouble and salvation see Archil. the end of Alcaeus’ Hymn to the Dioscuri (34).421 A similar sense might be at play in Alcaeus 208 as well. μνάσθητε τὼ πάροιθε μ[όχθω· 421 For a discussion of the epithet in Alc.. s. when used of a ship. In epic poetry the epithet μέλας.[. ἐς δ’ ἔχυρον λίμενα δρό[μωμεν· ] καὶ μή τιν’ ὄκνος μόλθ[ακος ἀμμέων 10 λάβη· πρόδηλον γὰρ μέγ’ [ἀέθλιον. LfgrE. ad loc. bringing light to the dark ship in the night of trouble (ἀργαλέαι δ’ ἐν νύκτι φ[άος φέ]ροντες / νᾶï μ[ε]λαίναι. Castor and Pollux are said to rescue men from death. because it does not seem to make sense.e.

Liberman 1999. Pi.20.νῦν τις ἄνηρ δόκιμος γε[νέσθω. is used of people in early Greek poetry and if we connect this with the fact that tyranny is mentioned later in the fragment (μοναρχίαν. I am again hesitant to follow a specifically historical reading.25 and 65. 9. Martin 1972. based on text-external grounds.36. the image of bilge water entering in the ship points at the threatening danger of a sinking ship. for lyric poetry cf. ad loc. 73. just like fragment 208.7. 1. the speaker exhorts his companions to take action by making use of several imperatives and adhortative subjunctives. who… The poem seems to express the imminent rise of tyranny in the polis. line 27). The choice of the tenses. Porro 1996.. N. then.) connect this fragment. and let cowardly fear not seize any of us: for a great (ordeal) stands clear before us. however. Just as in fragment 208. ad loc. and it will give us much trouble to bail out. Most scholars (van Nes 1963. i. 53. 27. 205.. Heraclitus’ interpretation of the poem and a comment in the lower margin of the fragment which has the name Myrsilus. s. and let us race into a secure harbour. It is particularly clear if we are aware that the verb about the coming of a ‘wave’. ad loc. 130131. B. For reasons mentioned earlier.17. καὶ μὴ καταισχύνωμεν [ἀνανδρίαι ἔσλοις τόκηας γᾶς ὔπα κε[ιμένοις .]τᾶνδ[ τὰν πο[423 15 This wave in turn comes by the previous wind. as is hinted at in the first stanza by the image of the coming of a ‘wave’ that will give the ‘sailors’ much trouble to bail out. 9. reveals that the situation is not as The fragment continues another fifteen lines. but the remains are too scattered to allow discussion. Rösler 1980. for epic poetry. when it enters the ship’s…Let us strengthen (the ship’s sides) as quickly as possible.v. 423 156 . with the tyrant Myrsilus.8 and 30. And let us not disgrace (by cowardice) our noble fathers lying beneath the earth. στείχει. Remember the previous (hardship): now let every man show himself trustworthy. Sapph.e. LfgrE. Campbell 1982 (1967). 18. 424 For the use of στείχω about persons cf. Gentili 1988 (1985)..424 In the following stanzas.

427 Based on the addressee Simonides. 2. In this case the speaker mentions emotions they should not have. supra). In this respect. many scholars assert that the author of the poem is Euenus (Adrados 1981 (1956). 425 157 .5. ad loc. By making use of the epithet ἔχυρον the speaker stresses the safety of the harbour as a point of contrast with the danger of the sea. Σιμωνίδη.. who is also addressed in another Theognidean poem (lines 467-496) that has been ascribed to Euenus by Aristotle (Metaph.2). this interpretation only holds if the ship stands for the hetaeria and not for the polis (cf. Moreover.425 The sense of danger. is again connected to the emotions of himself and his fellow companions. A final ship metaphor occurs in Theognis 667-682:427 εἰ μὲν χρήματ’ ἔχοιμι. Burnett 1983..). Voigt and Campbell). cf. However. By making use of the epithet μόλθακος the speaker negatively qualifies emotions of fear: anyone who is frightened in the presence of a storm is a coward. Ferrari 1989. it is important to restate (cf. set against the danger of the sea. perceived by the speaker.g. ad loc. 426 The supplement μόλθ[ακος has generally been accepted by editors (e. I doubt whether the metaphor should be decoded that specifically. believes that the harbour stands for the gathering of the hetaeria in the symposium. οἷά περ ἤδη For the harbour as a place of safety. ad loc.1015a28). based on the opinion of metaphor specialists that metaphors do not function as mere substitutions of referents (see 1. Van Groningen 1966. ad loc. for in lines 9-10 he uses a third person imperative to exhort his companions that cowardly fear (ὄκνος μόλθ[ακος)426 should not seize any of them. in fragment 6 the combination of the present στείχει with the future παρέξει reveals that the trouble (πόνον) will take place only in the (near) future.1) that the Corpus Theognideum is an anthology of archaic and classical Greek elegy which has only much later been ascribed to Theognis. 207. also Sc. 4.3.2. This means that the sailors still have some (limited) time to overcome the storm and explains why the speaker is able to urge the sailors to strengthen the ship and race into a secure harbour (ἔχυρον λίμενα) in the following stanza.pressing: whereas in fragment 208 only present tenses are used to stress the urgency of the situation.

the merchands rule. 119. δειμαίνω. opt for γνοὺς περ. ὑπερβάλλει δὲ θάλασσα ἀμφοτέρων τοίχων. and they refuse to bail. accepted by most editors (e. for κακόν. n4). Let these be my Gerber follows the reading of the manuscript (O) γνοὺς ἄν. κακοὶ δ’ ἀγαθῶν καθύπερθεν. νῦν δέ με γινώσκοντα παρέρχεται. δασμὸς δ’ οὐκέτ’ ἴσος γίνεται ἐς τὸ μέσον· φορτηγοὶ δ’ ἄρχουσι. οὕνεκα νῦν φερόμεσθα καθ’ ἱστία λευκὰ βαλόντες Μηλίου ἐκ πόντου νύκτα διὰ δνοφερήν.g. πολλῶν γνοὺς ἓν428 ἄμεινον ἔτι. and no longer is there an equal distribution in the common interest. they seize possessions by force. anyone has much difficulty saving oneself. and the base are above the noble.429 If I had wealth. Simonides. κόσμος δ’ ἀπόλωλεν.670 675 680 οὐκ ἂν ἀνιώιμην τοῖς ἀγαθοῖσι συνών.g. I would not feel distressed as I now feel in the company of the noble. can recognise even the calamity (of the situation)’. I am afraid that perhaps a wave will swallow the ship. and I am voiceless because of need. But now I am aware that it passes me by. 429 I follow the conjecture κακός. ὅτις φυλακὴν εἶχεν ἐπισταμένως· χρήματα δ’ ἁρπάζουσι βίηι. because they are doing such things: they have deposed the noble helmsman who skillfully kept watch. that we are now being carried along with white sails lowered beyond the Melian sea through the dark night. ἂν σοφὸς ἦι. εἰμὶ δ’ ἄφωνος χρημοσύνηι. οἷ’ ἕρδουσι· κυβερνήτην μὲν ἔπαυσαν ἐσθλόν. which is paleographically less likely). With κακόν the meaning would be ‘but anyone. but in that case the use of καί with κακόν is not understandable. 428 158 . μή πως ναῦν κατὰ κῦμα πίηι. but not Young and Gerber). In very truth. ταῦτά μοι ἠινίχθω κεκρυμμένα τοῖς ἀγαθοῖσιν· γινώσκοι δ’ ἄν τις καὶ κακός. ἦ μάλα τις χαλεπῶς σώιζεται. e. although I know one thing still better than many. West and Ferrari. discipline is lost. ἀντλεῖν δ’ οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν. but the sea is washing over both sides. I adopt Van Groningen’s conjecture γνοὺς ἕν (other editors. but ἄν with a participle is possible only in the case of an accusative plus participle (see Rijksbaron 2002 (1984). Hudson-Williams and Carrière. if he is wise.

436. e. as it is the result of the shift in power narrated in the second part. supra for a discussion of the end of Theognis’ poem..g. to gain power. if he is wise. 188. i. the situation on board the ‘ship’ (lines 675-679). ad loc. 372. The speaker. 1111. which I owe to André Lardinois. 431 is distressed. 432 Cp. the use of the noun εὐθυντήρ. 57. 430 431 159 . Van Groningen 1966. and the verb ἰθύνω in Il.e. τοῖς ἀγαθοῖσι συνών in 668). presumably the nouveaux riches. and has enabled the ‘merchants’ (φορτηγοί).) that considers the κυβερνήτης to represent the aristocrats. 433 See Van Groningen 1966. can recognise (their meaning). and is used about a tyrant in another Theognidean poem (Thgn. but even a base man. 893. dans les villes. 315. Supp. The problems with this opinion are that the aristocrats are already represented by the ‘noble men’ who accompany the speaker and that it is implausible that one helmsman would represent a group of aristocrats. 148. 614. i. 40). 792.e. In this poem the metaphorical nature of the ship image is made manifest in the final two lines. 1097. ad loc. 111. because his companions have made an end to the orderly rule of the ‘helmsman’ (κυβερνήτης). The speaker chooses for this reversed order to make the socio-political content only gradually clear and to begin the metaphor with an emphasis on the danger of the present situation. supplantent l’ancienne aristocratie terrienne’. 319. Simon. XL. ad φορτηγοί: ‘il fait allusion aux marchands enrichis [cf. who is in the company of the noble (cf. 190. This interpretation. probably some sort of tyrant. 398. which has associations with steering a ship (cf. and Ferrari 1989. which similarly to 667-682 adopts a positive stance towards tyranny and complains about the chaos and injustice caused by fellow aristocrats. i.g. 11. 1162c. his fellow aristocrats.3] qui. 23. A. Cf. where the poem is said to be a riddle for the aristocrats. 717. The adjective ἀγαθός predominantly refers to aristocrats in the Theognidea: see lines 43.430 The socio-political overtones of the metaphor are brought to the foreground in the second part of the metaphor. 797.10).e. in the polis. 438.317 and Od.433 The image of a ‘ship’ in a ‘storm’ in the first part of the metaphor (lines 671-674) is then a husteron proteron. goes counter to the common opinion (e.riddling words with hidden meaning for the noble.432 This has provoked chaos and injustice on the ‘ship’. 525.

9. Malea. Just as in Alcaeus’ fragments. In epic poetry (the Odyssey only).v. namely out of the Melian Sea.434 The sense of danger it affects is reinforced by the time of sailing. the verb is mostly used in an active form about winds and waves carrying sailors at sea (e.514.e. Cf. If one sails out of the sea to the west round the Cycladic island Melos. the end of the metaphor (680) returns to the opening part on the storm with another reference to the imminent danger. the danger of the sea. as well as by the place of sailing. Odysseus in a lying tale).First of all. The situation is extremely urgent in this poem. See de Jong 2001.82) depicts the sailors as passive victims of a storm. That the sea around this promontory is notoriously treacherous and difficult to navigate. with its high cliffs and powerful storms. since they represent the aristocratic companions. to whom the metaphor is directed (cf.286-90. 5. lacking control over their ship. The sailors’ lack of control in the storm is indicated by the fact that the sails are lowered as well as by the middle form with passive meaning φερόμεσθα. 208 and Sol. in lines 671-672 the sailors are said to be carried along with white sails lowered beyond the Melian Sea through the dark night. line 681).g. Od.. 10.79-81. Odysseus. for the water is threatening to the sailors’ lives (cf. s. the image of bilge water in a ship points at the danger of sinking. φορέω supra in Alc.111 and 330.435 Next. the dark night which makes it impossible for the sailors to view what is happening. Menelaus. 13. 4. mentioned in the Odyssey (3. Finally. ad 4. one approaches Cape Malea at the southeast coast of the Peloponnese. 19. i. That the dangerous situation is intensified by the sailors’ unwillingness to bail out the water makes the image harsher. by drawing on the image of a ship about to be swallowed by a wave. lines 674b-675a). but here its middle form with passive meaning about sailors being carried along at sea (in the Odyssey only in 9.514-518. also DNP. even though the sea is washing over both sides. At this point. 160 . is clear from the nostoi of several Greek heroes. Agamemnon.186-187.26). in lines 673-674a sailors refuse to bail out the ship. perceived by the 434 435 Cp.

is connected to emotions of fear he experiences (δειμαίνω). De Martino-Vox 1996. See further 436 161 . In these lines a sense of danger is created by the perception of a storm (χειμῶνος) when it is about to take place. he hopes that they will become aware of the gravity of the situation for which they are held responsible (cf. A first one is Archilochus 105: Γλαῦχ᾽. in the wake of Heraclitus. but this is not certain at all (for these and other objections to an allegorical reading see Dietel 1939. from the unexpected comes fear. Gentili 1988 (1985). In this way.437 The contrast also enhances the sense of Most scholars (Bowra 1940.2). 72-73 and Elliger 1975. ὅρα· βαθὺς γὰρ ἤδη κύμασιν ταράσσεται πόντος. However. Clay 1982. a sign of storm. Look. It could be that the rest of the poem dealt with war. refutes the belief of Harvey 1957.speaker. and a cloud stands straight round about the heights of Gyrae. In contrast to Alcaeus’ fragments. evinced by the contrast between the deep sea and the heights of Gyrae. I now proceed to poems with an even more manifest connection between danger at sea and feelings of fear. 127. who cites these lines (All. 168169). 201.. the speaker’s emotions are not shared by his companions. lines 681-682). ad loc. nothing in the lines we possess refers to war. 437 The contextual significance of the epithet βαθύς. Glaucus: the deep sea is now being disturbed by the waves. σῆμα χειμῶνος· κιχάνει δ᾽ ἐξ ἀελπτίης φόβος. 436 That the position from which the imminent storm is being perceived seems to be the ship rather than the coast is suggested by the contrast between the deep sea beneath and the clouds round about the heights of Gyrae above. 213-214.) read the poem as an allegory for impending war. the speaker distances himself from the other aristocrats: by criticising their behaviour and offering an instructive metaphorical image. 5. 219 that the epithet is merely ornamental here. 150. Already the fact that noun and epithet are separated from each other hints at contextual significance. ἀμφὶ δ᾽ ἄκρα Γυρέων ὀρθὸν ἵσταται νέφος. Campbell 1982 (1967).

Gyrae is a place symbolic of danger at sea..2. 406.438 The story goes that Poseidon threw Ajax against the rocks of Gyrae. Ajax sacrilegiously boasted that he had escaped death at sea.500-511). other suggestions made are Cycladic islands.danger. but then saved him from the waves. ad loc. insofar as they are visible from Paros. ad loc.1). female character.1 on fields). however.3. where the alleged grave of Ajax was situated (Apollod. 400-407). based on a gloss of Hesychius who names Γύρας a mountain in Tenos (for Tenos see. Zeus my introductory chapter (1. 162 . based on the mention in the Nostoi that the shipwreck of Ajax took place off the promontory of Caphereus in Euboea.. 438 Cf. She was shut up in a tower by her father because of a prophecy that his grandson would murder him. as is known. Gerber 1970. Sandbach 1942. As the end of the poem evinces. have tried (in vain) to geographically locate them. mentioned in the Odyssey (4. ad loc. Most of these Cycladic islands suggested are supported by a letter of Cicero (Ad Atticum 5. 203. 440 See further Hutchinson 2001. The ‘ship of state’ poems as well as Archilochus 105 show that the symbolic associations of the sea with danger have a psychologising function. part of the rocks fell down and crushed Ajax.440 In this fragment the person who finds himself at sea is a mythological. in which he locates the ἄκρα Γυρέων in the neighbourhood of Delos. 439 For the psychologising function of space see 1. from the story of Ajax Oileus/Lesser Ajax. Many scholars.. the sense of danger is connected to emotions of fear (φόβος). Alex.1) for the contextual significance of epithets in archaic lyric poetry. geographical location. 439 The psychologising function is still more thoroughly worked out in a fragment by Simonides (543). 128-129 first suggested the south east of Euboea. as well as by a biographical reading. De Martino-Vox 1996. as they are connected with the emotions of the human subjects.5 and Lyc. as the fragment tells part of the story of Danaë. Rather than referring to a real. of which we miss at least one strophe. as is particularly clear from the reference to Gyrae.). ad loc. While Bowra 1940. for instance. Adrados 1981 (1956). despite the gods’ will. Clay 1982.12. 6. Poseidon got angry and split up the rocks of Gyrae with his trident: consequently. and Tenos. Afterwards. for example.2 (and 3. such as Myconos or Delos. the birth island of Archilochus (but see Tsagarakis 1977 for problems with biographical readings of iambic poetry). 306 and 308-309. Poltera 2008. Campbell 1982 (1967).

μεταβουλία δέ τις φανείη. εὗδε βρέφος. At this point of the story. the fragment begins: Ὅτε λάρνακι ἐν δαιδαλέαι ἄνεμός τέ μιν πνέων κινηθεῖσά τε λίμνα δείματι ἔρειπεν. εὑδέτω δὲ πόντος. Ζεῦ πάτερ. εἰ δέ τοι δεινὸν τό γε δεινὸν ἦν. ἐκ σέο· ὅττι δὲ θαρσαλέον ἔπος εὔχομαι ἢ νόσφι δίκας. κέλομαι <δ’>. γαλαθηνῶι δ’ ἤτορι κνοώσσεις ἐν ἀτερπέι δούρατι χαλκεογόμφωι νυκτὶ <τ’ ἀ>λαμπέι κυανέωι τε δνόφωι σταλείς. οὐδ’ ἀνέμου φθόγγον. 5 10 15 20 25 163 . πρόσωπον καλόν. οὔκ ἀδιάντοισι παρειαῖς ἀμφί τε Περσέι βάλλε φίλαν χέρα εἶπέν τ’· `ὦ τέκος. he put mother and child to sea in a chest.himself fell in love with her. σύγγνωθί μοι. πορφυρέαι κείμενος ἐν χλανίδι. καί κεν ἐμῶν ῥημάτων λεπτὸν ὑπεῖχες οὖας. ἄχναν δ’ ὕπερθε τεᾶν κομᾶν βαθεῖαν παριόντος κύματος οὐκ ἀλέγεις. came to her in the form of a shower of gold and made her pregnant. When her father heard that she had given birth to a son. called Perseus. οἷον ἔχω πόνον· σὺ δ’ ἀωτεῖς. εὑδέτω <δ’> ἄμετρον κακόν.

Rosenmeyer 1991. Danaë’s utterance to Perseus that the latter is sent forth ‘in an unlit night’ (νυκτί <τ’ ἀ>λαμπέι. If this danger were a danger to you. as it is perceived directly through her eyes. Rosenmeyer 1991. father Zeus: if anything in my prayer is audacious or unjust.…When in the cunningly-carved chest the blowing wind and the agitated sea prostrated her in fear. lying in your purple blanket. why. 11) and ‘dark murk’ (κυανέωι τε According to Rosenmeyer 1991. There are. The shift after the opening scene from narrator-text about Danaë to character-text (direct speech) by Danaë herself adrift at sea not only enhances the sense of danger of the sea. and with babyish heart slumber in the dismal boat with its brazen bolts.442 This is immediately clear from Danaë’s opening words. for instance. Sleep. as the wave passes by. Hutchinson 2001. 304. two problems with this hypothesis: the participle is not used about Danaë and the meaning of the verb Rosenmeyer suggests is not attested in early Greek poetry (cf. with streaming cheeks she put her loving arm about Perseus and said: ‘My child. 316. I urge you. 15. 441 The stormy state of the sea is immediately connected to the emotions of Danaë. my baby. Hurwitt 1981. let the immense trouble sleep. what suffering is mine! But you sleep. The use of the first person singular ἔχω reveals that it is Danaë alone who is suffering. nor to the sound of the wind. pardon me. sent forth in an unlit night and the dark murk. 442 Cf. which exclaim the suffering (πόνον) she undergoes. Copley 1937. Treu 1955. but also neatly links it to her emotions of fear. 203-204. 208. May some change appear from you. by Fränkel 1975 (1962).’ The fragment opens with an image of the sea in a state of storm: the wind is blowing (ἄνεμος…πνέων) and the sea is agitated (κινθηθεῖσα τε λίμνα). Poltera 2008.443 In this way. the participle κινθηθεῖσα points at Danaë’s emotional disturbance. Lesky 1947. Burnett 1985. and let the sea sleep. κινέω 2: from Plato onwards). 507. whom she addresses. a lovely face. sleeps and does not pay attention to what happens around him (cf. you would turn your tiny ear to my words. 443 The contrast has briefly been noted before.v. 307. for the agitated sea is said to prostrate her in fear (δείματι / ἔρειπεν). You pay no attention to the deep spray above your hair. 13-14. however. 441 164 . whereas her infant child. 16. 15 and 18. s. lines 8-9). LSJ. 196.

Il. 445 For its use with ἅλς see my discussion of B. Finally. discussed in 4. The noun ἄχναν is. discussed supra). Thgn.76. P. 445 but in Simonides’ fragment with ἄχνα in the sense of ‘high spray’.24 and 3. 17.11-12 (μέλας.238. For πόντος cf. Another emendation suggested is ἅλμαν (‘salt sea’. accepted amongst others by Campbell.62 in 4. 24 (ζόφος. e. 4. 105.426 and 11.g.307. however. in line 18 the double use of δεινόν about the sea by Danaë stresses its danger. in lyric poetry it is attested only in this fragment. die sich beim…starken Sturm bildet’. ad loc. as the noun is used ‘nur speziell von der hoch spitzenden Gischt. Secondly. Od. and the sound of the wind. 5. readings αὐλέαν (PV) and αὐλαίαν (M).444 The contrast between the emotions of Danaë and the carelessness of Perseus is further elaborated in the rest of Danae’s speech.δνόφωι. 34. Alc. in line 22 the repetitive use of the imperative εὐδέτω with πόντος and ἄμετρον κακόν indicates that the sea Cp. 4. Ch. 687 and 691. s. rather than that to whom it is directed. as the wave passes by. ἄχνη: cf.v.1b-2 (μέλας). in fact. cf. 448 Cf. for Perseus does not pay attention to it (οὐκ ἀλέγεις in line 15). 10 and 511.2) and 130. 12) conveys the distress of the person who makes the utterance. 3. 1. 447 For the use of δεινός about the sea in early Greek poetry cf. Poltera). the unreal present expressed by the imperfect ἦν in the conditional clause (εἰ)448 shows that Perseus does not actually perceive the danger. for associations of darkness with distress in archaic Greek lyric see also Archil. Od. only apparent to Danaë. All this is to be ascribed only to the person who makes the utterance: Danaë.403 and 12. 446 The danger of the movement is.447 Although the use of the particle τοι makes clear that the utterance is directed to Perseus. the associations of δνόφος with grief because of death in A. 446 LfgrE. Firstly. see also its use about death at sea in Op. but this one seems less likely. Archil. Degani-Burzacchini 2005 (1977). for spray of the sea is more easy to imagine being above the head of the child than the (salt) sea itself. Pi. 444 165 . an emendation by Page.36. N.4.2. for the codd. In epic and other lyric poetry the epithet βαθύς is combined with ἅλς and πόντος with the meaning ‘deep sea’. in lines 13-16 Danaë speaks to Perseus about the high spray above his hair (ἄχναν δ’ ὕπερθε τεᾶν κομᾶν / βαθεῖαν).322. 52.2.

Sol. Scholars (Bowra 1961 (1936). To calm the sea she turns the lullaby she is singing to her child (line 21).2. O.6. Moreover. Thgn. but also underscores the pathos of the futility of Danaë’s attempt to communicate with the sea. 89). 13. s.2 (and my discussion of city personification in 2. 13-14) have argued that the prayer to Zeus in lines 23-27 reveals a shift from fear to faith in Zeus’ power of salvation. For the predominant use of the verb about persons see LfgrE. valleys and earth in Alcm. 37ff. into a lullaby to the sea. 187 and Yatromanolakis 1991. its use about the sea aligns with exceptional instances about nature (of winds in Il. of mountains. Before and After the Sea Journey A second type of sea poems is about departure and arrival of a sea voyage.1 (on city personification). the problems of communication for Danaë in this fragment are the subject of Rosenmeyer 1991. 5.3. there are no indications that Zeus will save Danaë and Perseus.450 In Simonides’ fragment the personification of the sea does not only dramatise the danger of the situation. Danaë is not aware that she will eventually be saved. 37.4. I begin with the former. While the verb is mostly used about people in early Greek poetry. Burnett 1985.2. 450 For ‘activisation’ and other subtypes of personification see 1. for the optative φανείη shows that μεταβουλία remains only a wish. for lyric poetry see Pi. 336-339. 13-14. The use of the verb εὔδω (‘sleep’) about the sea reveals an instance of personification. 315-316. who has already fallen asleep. καί σε Ποσειδάων χάρμα φίλοις ἀγάγοι. on the basis of a brief Theognidean poem: 691-692. one has to distinguish between the limited knowledge of the character (Danaë) at this point in the story and the broader foreknowledge of the narratees: in contrast to the narratees. εὔδω for epic poetry.causes immense trouble to Danaë.1).2 (in general) and 2.2. Fränkel 1975 (1962). Rosenmeyer 1991.: see further 1.524. However.3. by which inanimate nature is endowed with physical life. particularly of ‘activisation’.67 and P. 449 166 . 469 and 1045.3.451 4. 1.v.449 These cases are to be considered instances of personification. εὖ τελέσειας ὁδὸν μεγάλου διὰ πόντου. 451 For personification as a means of dramatisation see Biddle 1991. Χαίρων.

455 The safety of the sea voyage wished for is stressed not only by the adverb εὖ.. it may also remind of the imperative form χαῖρε. 158 and Gerber 2006 (1999).).. and may Poseidon bring you as a source of joy to your friends. ad loc.59. 454 For the latter cp.461 and 13. see further LSJ.Chaeron.. but also by the reference to Poseidon.. Od. That Theognis likes word plays is proven by other poems: cp.2 and supra the ship metaphors for verbal games in the symposium.) or a vocative (West 1974. for instance.453 which would reveal a neat connection with the consequent joy (χάρμα) to his friends. where the quasi-synonomous epithet-noun combination πέλαγος μέγα is called vast and fearful (μέγα τε δεινόν τε). 453 Scholars have argued that Χαίρων is either a participle (Van Groningen 1966. 452 167 .3. mentioned in Odyssey 3 (lines 321322). Ferrari 1989. 454 Moreover. ad loc. also infra my discussion of Archil. For a discussion of the propemptikon in Greek and Latin literature I refer to Cairns 1972. s. This shows that the sea is considered a potential source of danger and fear. ad loc. see also my discussion of the erotic city metaphors in 2. the addressee of the poem. but they do not take the possibility into account that both meanings could be at play at the same time.g. The poem is a propemptikon. a standard saying at leave-taking. may you safely complete your voyage (rejoicing) over the vast sea. e. 691-692 is a propemptikon has been noted by Van Groningen 1966. 455 Cf. 16.205. The initial Χαίρων may function both as a vocative of a person’s name.πόντου) bears associations with fear is demonstrated by the story of Menelaus’ return. ‘farewell’. ad loc.2. and Ferrari 1989. so that he may become a joy to his friends (καὶ φίλοισ]ι ϝοῖσι χάραν γένεσθαι). the play with χαλεπῶς in 520. χαίρω III. ad loc. 456 Cf. which is further evinced by the way the sea is described: that the ‘vast sea’ (μεγάλου. 8. where ‘Sappho’ prays to the Nereids for a safe arrival of her brother. 7-16. a speech of a friend with a wish for a safe journey to a departing voyager. Sappho 5. who is asked to secure a safe journey because he is the protector of seafarers (cp. and as a participle of the verb χαίρω with the meaning ‘rejoicing’.452 It is based on a word play. 24. 5.456 That Thgn. the Hymn to Poseidon).v. West 1974.

another sea prosphonetikon in archaic Greek lyric is Theognis 511-522. Tarditi) treat fragments 23 and 24 as one poem. ]. 18-31.3. .I now turn to poems about arrival of a sea voyage. and Odysseus after his long nostos by Telemachus (16. In Odyssean and other ancient Greek prosphonetika the danger of the sea journey is evoked by references to divine assistance throughout the voyage.345-412). 45. 16.28-60) after his journey to Pylos and Sparta. Id. in which a traveller who has safely arrived is welcomed back by a friend. n34 and Slings 1987. Although some editors (LaserreBonnard. Peek. 12. Gerber) that considers them separate poems because there is a difference in subject matter: in fragment 23 a man holds a speech of defense to a woman (see further 2. . West. because no paragraphus is visible. Penelope (23. Adrados. I refer to Cairns 1972. with references to the Odyssey and other ancient Greek and Latin literature. 457 A good example of a sea prosphonetikon in archaic Greek lyric is Archilochus 24:458 ]νηῒ σὺν σ[μ]ικρῆι μέγαν πόντον περήσ]ας ἦλθες ἐκ Γορτυνίης ]σ ουτιτ γεπεστάθη[[ν]] ]καὶ τόδ᾽ ἁρπαλ[ί]ζομ[αι] κρ]ηγύης ἀφίκ[ ]λμοισιν εξ[. . . 457 168 . but this poem deals more with the theme of poverty (of seafarer and welcomer) than with the sea journey itself.ος εἰτ᾽ ἀπώλετο ]ν ἐστι μηχανή 5 10 For these and other features of the prosphonetikon. and the sufferings of the friend during the voyager’s absence and/or joy because of his return.11-67) and Penelope (17.197-234). 458 That this fragment is a prosphonetikon has been noted by Burnett 1983. ad loc.205-350) and Laertes (24. I follow the dominant opinion (Lobel.. the dangers and sufferings undergone by the voyager. followed by a discussion of Theoc.ς ]χειρα καὶ π[αρ]εστ[ά]θης ]ουσας· φ[ο]ρτίων δέ μοι μέ[λ]ει ἥκιστα. while fragment 24 is about the return of a sailor after a sea voyage. .].2). These form part of the prosphonetika. . In epic poetry sea prosphonetika are attested in the Odyssey: Telemachus is welcomed back by Eumaius (Od. Treu. Slings.

That Gortyn has symbolic associations with danger can be derived from the story of Menelaus’ journey from Troy to Sparta.461 Secondly. . Bossi and Gerber): cp. but a large one better in the case of a storm. Od.15 δ᾽ ἄν ἄλ]λον οὔτιν᾽ εὑροίμην ἐγώ εἰ σ]ὲ κῦμ᾽ ἁλὸς κατέκλυσεν ἢ ]. Pi.129 and 24. in line 2 the danger of the voyage is underscored by the place from which the voyager has come from: the Cretan Gortyn.]. 169 . ]ν. Slings 1987.272. ἐν ζόφωι δὲ κείμενο<ς> αὖτις] ἐ[ς] φά[ος κ]ατεστάθην. 643-645 that a small ship is beautiful. 691-692.118.[.ν χερσὶν αἰχμητέων ὕπο ἥ]βην ἀγλ[α]ὴν ἀπ[ώ]λεσ[α]ς. 461 For the latter see also supra my discussion of Thgn. A first indication of the dangers of the voyage is the contrast between the vastness of the sea (μέγαν πόντον) 459 and the smallness of the ship (νηῒ σὺν σ[μ]ικρῆι)460 in lines 1-2 – a contrast which is reinforced by the fact that σ[μ]ικρῆι and μέγαν stand next to each other: we know from Op. …(after having crossed) the vast (sea) in a small ship you arrived from Gortyn…I am glad of this…you came on a good (?)…(held over you?) his hand and you got here…I am (not at all) concerned about the cargo…whether it was lost (or)…I could not find another…(if?) a wave of the sea had washed you over (or)…at the hands of spearmen…you had lost the splendid prime of your youth. 321-322 that a ‘vast sea’ (πέλαγος μέγα) is vast and fearful (μέγα τε δεινόν τε). Adrados’ supplement πόντον has been accepted by most editors (West. 460 Cf. 459 Although we do not possess the noun with which the epithet μέγαν is combined. 6. ad loc. (But as it is)…and a god saved you…and me left alone…lying in the darkness I am restored to the light of the sun. 9. and from Od. νῦν δ᾽ ]θεῖ καί σε θε[ὸς ἐρ]ρύσατο ]. P. Slings. κἀμὲ μουνωθέντ᾽ ἰδ. 3.76.

Slings. more importantly. For darkness and its associations with distress elsewhere in early Greek poetry see further Simon. the end of the poem conveys the past sufferings and present joy of the welcoming friend (lines 17-18): the claim that he was lying in the darkness but is now restored to the light of the sun symbolises his emotional development from distress because of the absence of his friend to salvation and joy because of his return. 465 Cp. Gerber 2006 (1999). due to the fragmentary state of the poem this cannot be stated with certainity.41. West 1974..23 and 17. For light (φάος) as a metaphor for salvation and joy see further my discussion of B. ad loc. the welcomer ascribes the seafarer’s success in overcoming these dangers and sufferings to divine assistance. 13. presumably pirates or barbarous tribes on coasts. Od. pointing out that the area around Gortyn is ‘one of the riskiest parts of the seas sailed by the Greeks’. West. 16. it was driven to the rocks because of a storm. 3. but fortunately the sailors managed to save themselves.). Bossi and Gerber). ad loc. 463 See Slings 1987. ad loc. 120. has noted the parallel. and Gerber 2006 (1999). Other scholars (West 1974.) simply note that Gortyn is the Cretan Gortyn. Lines 8-12 seem to express the danger of a potential shipwreck. However. Alc.1. 120. For a similar contrast between darkness and light in terms of distress versus salvation and joy cf. ad loc. There might be yet another reference to divine assistance: in line 7 ]χειρα might have formed part of a phrase in which a god is said to hold his hand over the sea voyager (cf. ad loc. the possible dangers and sufferings during the voyage are alluded to in lines 8-14. 464 The emendation was suggested by Lobel and has been accepted by most editors (Tarditi. Next.463 If the emendation θε[ὸς ἐρ]ρύσατο in line 15 is correct. 543. 34.464 Finally.11 discussed above.465 As a final example of the prosphonetikon I turn to an elegiac poem by Archilochus (13): Only Slings 1987.128-129 in 4.12 discussed above. which may involve the loss of cargo and. where Telemachus is said to be a source of joy (φάος) to Eumaius and Penelope because of his return.292-297: 462 when Menelaus’ fleet approached Gortyn. Burnett 1983.told by Nestor in Od. ad loc. 462 170 . Lines 12-14 seem to allude to possible death at the hands of spearmen (12-14). Bossi 1990. the death of the sea voyager.3.

ἄλλοτε ἄλλος ἔχει τόδε· νῦν μὲν ἐς ἡμέας ἐτράπεθ᾽͵ αἱματόεν δ᾽ ἕλκος ἀναστένομεν͵ ἐξαῦτις δ᾽ ἑτέρους ἐπαμείψεται. read ἀμφ’ ὀδύνηι ἴσχομεν (S) and ἴσχομεν ἀμφ’ ὀδύνηι (Par. This woe comes to different people at different times. Come. 1958). endure with all haste. for incurable woes the gods have set powerful endurance as an antidote. by West and Gerber).ἔκλυσεν) the sailors. and we have lungs swollen because of grief. In Il. my friend.g. ὦ φίλ᾽. 171 . This elegiac poem is a mixture of consolation and exhortation to endurance after the drowning of important men (cf. thrusting aside womanly mourning. now it has turned upon us. γυναικεῖον πένθος ἀπωσάμενοι. In epic poetry the expression is used five times. Περίκλεες. 466 The codd. and we bewail a bloody wound. The death of the sailors is referred to by an image of a ‘wave of the loud-roaring sea’ (κῦμα πολυφλοίσβοιο θαλάσσης) that washes over (κατά.5 10 κήδεα μὲν στονόεντα. But. no citizen will blame. insofar as it substitutes a safe and happy arrival after a sea voyage by death that causes grief.209 the noisy return of the Greeks to their ships is compared to the thundering of a ‘wave of the loud-roaring sea’. ἀλλὰ τάχιστα τλῆτε. 2. Pericles. The poem can be read as a reversal of the prosphonetikon. ἐπὶ κρατερὴν τλημοσύνην ἔθεσαν φάρμακον. τοίους in enjambment in 3a). but later it will pass to others. twice in a simile.. nor even the city: for such important men did a wave of the load-roaring sea wash over.466 ἀλλὰ θεοὶ γὰρ ἀνηκέστοισι κακοῖσιν.. when delighting in festivities. οἰδαλέους δ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ ὀδύνηις ἔχομεν πνεύμονας. οὔτε τις ἀστῶν μεμφόμενος θαλίηις τέρψεται οὐδὲ πόλις· τοίους γὰρ κατὰ κῦμα πολυφλοίσβοιο θαλάσσης ἔκλυσεν. Our grievous woes. but the correction ἀμφ᾽ ὀδύνηις ἔχομεν has been generally accepted (e. The use of the expression κῦμα πολυφλοίσβοιο θαλάσσης may link the death of the sailors to consequent emotions of grief of the citizens.

De Martino-Vox 1996.1) for my general claim that epithets have contextual significance in archaic lyric poetry.and in 13. 216. where Nemesis. 6. flees over a ‘wave of the loud-roaring sea’ to escape from Zeus.8. where the lungs of the living citizens are said to be swollen because of grief (οἰδαλέους δ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ ὀδύνηις ἔχομεν / πνεύμονας). On the basis of the previous reference to death at sea. Adkins 1985. a ‘wave of the loud-roaring sea’ had swept her away. the epithet-noun combination πολυφλοίσβοιο θαλάσσης also seems to have a mirroring function: in 3. Gerber 1970. In Archilochus 13 it could also have a mirroring function.. fr.798 the attacking Trojans are compared to winds which cause surging ‘waves of the loud-roaring sea’.347. Harvey 1957. 467 172 .469 Through the use of the verb οἰδάνω about the lungs of the living. 469 This has been pointed out by Burnett 1983. which facilitates the transition in the poem from the sea scene to the exhortation to endurance. Cypr. where the birth of Aphrodite is referred to by the mention that the western wind carried her in soft foam over a ‘wave of the loud-roaring sea’. ad loc.4. the transition is earlier prepared than by ἀλλά (5) alone – contrary to what commentators believe (Van Groningen 1958. adopting the form of a fish..467 In these similes the expression seems to mirror the noisy actions of Greek and Trojan warriors in the narrative. so that all the misery of the Trojan War had been avoided. Campbell 1982 (1967). 43). Page 1963. 9. Ven. 126. 6.468 The connection between death and consequent emotions of grief is made more explicit in lines 4b-5a. 139. ad loc. In the case of its use with θίς. line 10). a smooth transition is established from the death of the sailors at sea to the consequent grief of the people in the polis. 468 Contra the opinion that the epithet πολυφλοίσβοιος is here ornamental (Lesky 1947. ad loc. see my introduction (1. 39 and 44. on the day of her birth. 192-194. 470 Thus.2. h.). swollen from weeping. one would rather expect the lungs of the sailors to be swollen from exposure to water. 47-48. where Helen wishes that.3 I argued that it mirrors emotional agitation of persons who are feeling sad on the shore (in epic poetry) or chaotic retreat (in the ‘new Archilochus’).470 The other three epic instances are: Il. an extreme and loud form of lamentation. Adkins 1985. in that the loud noise of the sea might mirror the citizens’ γυναικεῖον πένθος (‘womanly mourning’.

This is unlike Homeric similes. The roles of the sea similes are not only to illustrate situations and events and their consequent emotions. as it is associated with danger. but in that case the role of the sea as setting and frame still predominates over that as symbol. the sea is the setting when Odysseus is sailing and the secondary frame when he is on land (e. and is subordinated to the action and speeches in the narrative. brief (sections of) poems about sea voyages. but also to characterise a person or reinforce the praise of someone.4. 471 In Pindar’s Pythian 4. the duration and frequency. in particular the part about Odysseus’ wanderings before his arrival on Ithaca (books 5-13). including arrival (prosphonetika) and departure (propemptika). the sea has a symbolic role.5.e. on the island of Polyphemus or the Lotophagi). Finally and most importantly. too. archaic Greek lyric aligns with the Odyssey. emphasis is put on the danger of the sea. subordinated to the plot of his adventures. i. in order to glorify the Argonauts and their Battiad descendants. In this respect. i. in other.e. in similes the sea is presented both as calm and stormy. in mythological narratives about sea journeys the sea has a role as setting. There. Firstly.e. place close to the setting. usually its fury. 471 My discussion built on Albin Lesky’s observation that the sea is a symbol of danger in archaic Greek lyric. In my discussion I focused on the way the temporal structure of the narratives. where the focus lies on one aspect of the sea. In Pindar’s Pythian 4 the summarised narrative is presented by the narrator with an emphasis on the danger of the journey. scenic backdrop. 173 . as in epic poetry. Secondly. i. In this respect.g. CONCLUSION This chapter has revealed three of the roles the sea can play in archaic Greek lyric. and secondary frame. in Bacchylides 17 the characters’ emotional reactions to the repeated key event of the scenic narrative dramatise the narrative and stimulate the involvement of the narratees. affects the presentation of the sea journey. the distinction between setting and symbol is one of gradation according to the dominant role.

Moreover. I demonstrated that in many poems the danger is reinforced by the diction about the sea. epithets in particular. I pointed out that the symbolic associations with danger have a ‘psychologising function’.Based on more in-depth analyses. by the sea voyager (in poems about the sea journey itself) or his friend (in propemptika and prosphonetika). 174 . as they are connected to emotions. especially of fear.

106-115). the scenic backdrop against which the action takes place. a place close to the action (secondary frame) or distant from it (distant frame). archaic Greek lyric aligns with epic poetry. when the city is presented as a human being suffering from chaos and injustice. Secondly. and personification. the metaphors establish ‘cognitive elucidation’ or indirectly express sexual experiences. Firstly. but in the latter that of symbol. The first role is that of setting. In this respect.5. when the capture of a city stands for an erotic ‘conquest’ or the downfall of a political system. i. countryside and sea has shown that. while the rugged mountains and caves on the island of the Cyclopes is associated with primitiveness in the Odyssey (9. generally speaking. gardens are metaphorical for female genitals or are associated with incipient sexuality. i. These roles are not mutually exclusive: the distinction is one of gradation according to the dominant role. where the primary role of space is to set the scene of the narrative and space is mentioned only when relevant to the action. While the personification serves to dramatise and persuade. This is the case in narratives related to the Trojan saga for cities like those of Troy and Mysia and their coastal plains with rivers as well as for the sea in narratives about the journeys of Theseus and the Argonauts. Space can also be symbolic in epic poetry: for example. CONCLUSION The study of city. contemporary cities (ἄστυ and πόλις) take the form of metaphor. and frame.e. the countryside is predominantly an erotic symbol: fields are metaphors for the female body or have erotic associations which mirror female desire. An important outcome of my study is that there is a marked difference between epic and lyric poetry: in the former the role of setting or frame tends to prevail. The second role is that of symbol.e. The symbolic role of space in archaic Greek lyric is twofold. meadows have associations with seduction of girls by 175 . spatial marks on the Trojan battlefield such as the oak tree near the Scaean gate are associated with security for the Trojans in the Iliad. space can perform two roles in archaic Greek lyric.

much of the diction is shared with epic poetry (especially epithets). the combinations of nouns and epithets and the formation of an epithet differs. which had already been pointed out for some individual lyric poets (Alcaeus. Finally. and semantic. If space performs the role of setting or frame. Where space has a symbolic role.e. the use of diction shared with epic poetry has important. This study has demonstrated that specific roles of space and uses of diction correspond. contextual effects: it either reinforces symbolic associations (of the sea with danger) or adds grim overtones to settings and frames (of the city and the countryside). the sea is a symbol of danger. as it is connected to emotions of fear. homoerotic associations or associations with Aphrodite. In each case. the rare instances of diction shared with epic poetry have referential differences. epithets have other meanings. the goddess of love. i. In light of the fact that these effects are created by the use of epithets. which has a ‘psychologising function’.e. Sappho and Bacchylides). 176 . in the latter often in combination with the anachronical order of a ‘lyric narrative’. particularly in instances of (city) personification. this thesis has demonstrated their important contextual relevance. i.men (‘meadow of love’ motif). The main differences between the diction in epic and lyric poetry are lexical.

g. Carey 2009. Stehle 1997. Maehler 1982. 20 and 115.474 The public performances are likely to be the case for historical and mythological elegies like the ‘new Archilochus’. 33-38. but this summary refers to the poets and poems in question. 1-2 and 2004.472 During the last few decades scholars have stressed the importance of the performance of archaic Greek lyric. on this agreement I base the following summary. Bonnano 2004. Athanassaki 2009. 473 The first type encompasses semi-public performances at large-scale banquets at the courts of tyrants and kings or the houses of wealthy families as well as public performances for the entire civic community at openair festivals. Gentili 1988 (1985). I eventually connect the ‘spatial turn’ in literary studies with the ‘performative turn’ in archaic lyric scholarship. Generally speaking. 1 and 3) and 1984 were the first to draw attention to issues of performance. 4-5. 78 and 92. Even though the contexts in which lyric poems were performed are still subject to much debate due to the meagre evidence about them. Maehler 1997. a kind of agreement among the majority of scholars seems to become apparent. 472 177 . 3. Cf. 127 and Gentili-Catenacci 2007. Herington 1984. 15. Gentili 1988 (1985). 261. especially the impact on the texts themselves of being performed orally for a variety of audiences. especially Ch. 32-39. Cingano 2003. In this way. Kowalzig 2007. later especially Bowie 1986. Kurke 2000. A detailed argumentation or discussion of the evidence falls outside the scope of this thesis. performed at a banquet at the court of the tyrant Polycrates of Samos. e. 474 For the (semi-)public performance of Ibycus 282 see. 40. performed in competitions at public festivals. Krummen 1990. for instance.. scholars distinguish between (semi-) public and private performance contexts. and for the paean (or dithyramb) Cf. Gerber 1997. The semi-public performances probably apply to encomia such as Ibycus’ Ode to Polycrates (fragment 282). Budelmann 2009. 1-2. Gentili 1988 (1985.EPILOGUE: THE SYMBOLISM OF SPACE AND THE SYMPOSIUM My necessarily tentative attempt to answer the question why space primarily has a symbolic role in archaic Greek lyric takes its cue from the performance context of archaic Greek lyric. 473 See.

public performance contexts suggested in West 1974. 97. This is most likely the case for iambic and short elegiac lyric (Archilochus. 479 See especially Stigers 1981. Maehler 1991. For the performance of Pythian 4 at the court of Arkesilas see. 104-105. Burnett 2008. Bowie 2010. 27-34 and Aloni-Ianucci 2007. performed during the cultic Apollonia/Delia festival in Delos. Semonides. Fearn 2007. 262-278 (on the basis of frequent references to banquets and female companions in Sappho’s poetry). Nicolosi 2007. McDevitt 2009.477 as well as for the political.of Bacchylides 17.g. 104. 74-85. 10-13 and 32-37. 100. Theognidea). lines 67-75) see Gelzer 1985. 209. 476 See Neumann-Hartmann 2007 and 2009 for the most recent and detailed study of the performance contexts of epinicia.475 The performance contexts of the Epinician Odes of Bacchylides and Pindar would have varied from semi-public at large-scale banquets at the houses of aristocratic families or the courts of victorious tyrants and kings (Pindar Pythian 4. 83. Calame 475 178 .. drinking. Cairns 2010. with references to earlier literature on the topic. Giannini 1979. 282. 250-251. of which we have no evidence). For the performance of Bacchylides 17 at the Apollonia/Delia see Ieranò 1989. 247-256. followed. 84-85. For Alcaeus’ poetry see Rösler 1980. 477 For the sympotic performance of iambus and short elegy see the seminal article by Bowie 1986 (refuting the suggestions of other.476 The second type concerns private performances for small audiences at symposia in private houses. 37 and 135-136. Lulli 2011. Stehle 1997.479 For long elegies see Bowie 1986. erotic and other poetry by Alcaeus. 69-74. 35 and 38. Neumann-Hartmann 2007. by Aloni-Ianucci 2007. e. among others. For Anacreon see recently Kantzios 2005b and Budelmann 2009b. for the ‘new Archilochus’ in particular cf. 341-346. Solon. 115-120. For Bacchylides 13 performed at a sanctuary of the victor’s hometown (cf. Burnett 1983. Cingano 2003. Parker 1993. Anacreon. Neumann-Hartman 2007. Nagy 2011. 261. 71-73. Based on supposed analogies with Alcman’s partheneia. which were most likely publicly performed for large audiences during wedding ceremonies. performed at the court of King Arkesilas IV of Cyrene) to public performances at the sites of the athletic festivals or at a sanctuary in the victor’s hometown during a cultic festival (Bacchylides 13).478 Apart from her epithalamia. 16-17 and Fearn 2007. 40 and Gentili-Catenacci 2007. Sappho’s poetry was probably performed within her private circle in a female variant of the symposium. 201. Ibycus (except for his encomia) and Simonides (except for his encomia and long elegies). 478 For Ibycus’ poetry see especially Stehle 1997.

the flinging of wine lees at targets while calling the name of the beloved and receiving a kiss of the beloved one if met with success. sources of archaic Greek symposia are lyric poems. Lissarrague 1987.481 Firstly. I wish to explore further the latter connection. 325-331 and Stehle 1997. 27. papers in Murray 1990. the symposium was an erotic space. 3. 114-117. such as Crit.The distinction between (semi-)public and private performance contexts of lyric poems corresponds to a difference in the roles of space in these poems: in poems which were probably (semi-)publicly performed. the symposium constituted a micro-universe with its own norms of entertainment and its own rituals and drinking codes that were meant to reinforce the 1977. In my chapter on the city. Chalc. 480 See also (in Dutch) Heirman 2012. I suggested that some of the erotic city metaphors could be linked with the popular sympotic play of guessing (εἰκάζειν). Preface and passim) have suggested that Sappho’s poetry was performed for a larger audience than that of her circle. Ford 2002. Sol. 38. Thgn. n36. Hobden forthcoming. Ibycus 282). 179 .e. Ion eleg. 25-90. 1. above all. 270. but this suggestion has been refuted by Parker 1993. Secondly. 481 The symposium in archaic Greece has been amply discussed: among the most important contributions are Fehr 1971.480 As regards the erotic symbolism of the countryside. Lardinois 1994 and 1996 and Ferrari 2003 and 2010 (2007). I first need to stress two basic features of the symposium. where erotic games. Bacchylides 13 and 17. In what follows I wish to demonstrate that the erotic symbolism of the countryside and the symbolism of danger of the sea can also be connected to performance in the context of the symposium. 467-496 and. who haved pointed out the differences between Alcman and Sparta on the one hand and Sappho and Lesbos on the other. as this epilogue addresses the question why space is predominantly symbolic in archaic Greek lyric. papers collected in Vetta 1983. Besides vase paintings. the ‘new Archilochus’. i. Xenoph. Wecowski forthcoming. and where symposiasts were involved in all sorts of erotic activities. Dion. 1 and 6. the dominant role of space is that of setting or frame (Pindar Pythian 4. Dentzer 1982. whereas it has a symbolic role in poems which were most likely privately performed in symposia (the other poems discussed). such as the kottabos were played.

g. 482 180 . If we relate this to my observation that these erotic activities are envisaged in the countryside. especially 76-77. i. Sometimes the metaphor is playful. told in Athenaeus 2. on fields. Pindar fr.cohesion of the social group. i. the sixth century Exekiasvase (München 2044) depicts Dionysus reclining on board ship as if on a couch at the symposium. and with dolphins For the symposium as a micro-universe see. 250-257.484 the metaphor served to reinforce the internal cohesion of the group. Slater 1976 and Davies 1978. 198.482 If we combine these two features. This also applies to archaic Greek vase paintings that connect sympotic drinking with sailing at sea: for instance. e. Murray 1983. nel quale le norme sociali che regolano la vita pubblica della comunità civica più ampia possone anche venire trascurate o trasgredite’.e. 5). 124a and Dionysius Chalcus fr. beyond communal interests of the polis. a woman holding a phiale and a young boy standing as an oinochoos on board. especially Pellizer 1991 (1987). whose gathering and drinking together is represented as a collective ‘sea journey’. e. As for the symbolism of danger of the sea. and a sixth-century Attic black-figure olpe (Boston 03. interpret the image in terms of an escape of the sympotic group from everyday life.37b-d). we can say that the symposium had its own erotic mores which revealed a high degree of sexual permissiveness. we may say that erotic activities beyond communal interests are projected on a space outside the polis. with dolphins beneath him and grape-vines around the ship’s mast above him. Pellizer 1991 (1987).. Kurke 2000. 483 Stehle 1997. This might explain why. as Eva Stehle 483 has observed (in connection with Anacreon 417 and Ibycus 286). 484 See Corner 2010. lyric poetry performed in symposia often depicts erotic activities other than those related to marriage or the begetting of children. 9 and the story of Timaeus 566F149. Rossi 1983. an image of a ship at sea was sometimes metaphorical for the sympotic group (see. on the other hand. meadows and gardens. namely when the drunkenness of the sympotic group is represented as a shipwreck (see Choerilus fr. including archaic Greek lyric.783) shows the kottabos game being played on a ship with a Silen.g. Cf. it is noteworthy that in ancient Greek literature..e. 5: ‘uno spazio culturale limitato. 66. As Sean Corner argues.

e.1. κάνθαρος (Phryn.4. Com..g. 143). 4. but that these need to be embedded in the particular cultural-historical context of the corpus studied. as is clear from its use in sympotic lyric poems of Alcaeus and Theognis: here the image of a ship in a storm at sea stands for the internal cohesion of the aristocratic. 15. 104118. Com. 224. e. that they or their relatives would suffer misfortune at sea.487 With my cautious and necessarily tentative attempts to connect the symbolism of space in archaic Greek lyric with the performance context of the symposium I hope to have demonstrated that modern literary studies and concepts like space may shed new light on ancient literature. Tsagarakis 1977. 7). 259 and Dougherty 2001. 2. 6-8. Lissarrague 1987. sympotic group being threatened by socio-political upheavals such as the rise of tyrants. as faster and safer ships were produced. Schneider 1993. the sympotic group attempts to strengthen its internal cohesion in opposition to external forces that threaten it. Semonides of Amorgos. Alcaeus of Lesbos). Cp. ὁλκάς (Pherecr. also the use of wine-cups in the symposium which had the shape and name of small boats: e. Archilochus of Paros..485 In other cases the metaphor of the sympotic group as a ship at sea is politically charged. 16-17.g.. of whom many were islanders (e. Gerber 1997.. 486 See my discussion of Alcaeus 6 and 208 and Theognis 667-682 in 4.4). Axionic. 486 The metaphor may shed light on the frequent attestion of sea poems with an emphasis on danger in sympotic lyric poems: by imagining itself as a group of sailors at sea.g. While literary theory tends to become more and more aware of the importance of cultural-historical contexts in the wake On the vase paintings see. ἄκατος (Antipho fr. facing danger on their journey. ναῦς (Nicostr. 188-214 that the danger of the sea reflects the fear of poets. which enabled Greeks to sail over the Mediterranean Sea and build up commercial contacts with east and west (see further Morris 2000.below. see also the papers in Slings 1993).g. Moreover. Davies 1978. fr. Theopomp. τριήρης (Antipho fr. 10). Budelmann 2009. it is weakened by the acknowledgment that archaic Greece witnessed a remarkable progress in technological innovations in shipping. 3). 485 181 . The problem with this hypothesis is that lyric poems do not necessarily or directly render the poet’s own emotions or thoughts (cf. fr. 487 My suggestion goes counter to the hypothesis of Lesky 1947. 74 and 80. 5). Amips.

Accordingly. with further references (on narratology). 9.489 488 See especially Shen 2006 and Nünning 2009. and appreciations of the place of that literature in broader debates…’. we need somehow to preserve a delicate balance between appreciations of literature as literature. 488 there is a growing danger that literary studies of archaic Greek lyric will become undervalued as a result of the current focus on performance.of the contextual turn. This can be derived from a poignant comment in David Fearn’s introduction to one of the most recent books on archaic lyric poetry: ‘rather ironically contextualization can often lead to under-engagement with the poetry itself [with the example of Hornblower-Morgan 2007 in a footnote]. 182 . 489 Fearn 2011.

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348-375 B. ‘Imperial Tyranny: Some Reflections on a Classical Greek Political Metaphor’. Von Homer zur Lyrik: Wandlungen des griechischen Weltbildes im Spiegel der Sprache.C.P.D. RhM 1976 (119). Göttingen 1984 E. Authority. Harvey (eds.D. München 1963 (first edition 1944) C. Anakreon). One Hundred Years of Bacchylides: Proceedings of a Colloquium held at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Zusammenschau der frühgriechischen monodischen Melik (Alkaios.). Slings (eds.F. and Truth: Critical Perspectives on Greek Poetic and Rhetorical Praxis. Tuplin. Berlin 2010.R. Wien 1983 W.A. Tsagarakis.L. Treu. CPh 99 (2004). Stuttgart 2001 C. Sappho.). Allusion. 370-376 A. München 1959 ---. in: P. Crux: Essays in Greek History Presented to G. Amsterdam 1999. Théognis: le premier livre. London 1985. RhM 146 (2003).). Homer’s Iliad: Its Composition and the Motif of Supplication. La Troade: un paysage et son heritage littéraire. ‘Die Dichtung des Archilochos und die neue Kölner Epode’. Les commentaries antiques sur la Troade. 87-114 O. Onomatopoetische Verbalbildungen des Griechischen. Croix on his 75th Birthday. Tortorelli. Trachsel. in: I. in: P. Mitsis . Pfeijffer . ‘Eros bei Ibykos’. leur genèse et leur influence. Amsterdam 1966 ---. 225-243 ---.A. ‘Epic Space Revisited: Narrative and Intertext in the Episode between Diomedes and Glaucus’.A.M. Basel 2007 M. Self-expression in Early Greek Lyric: Elegiac and Iambic Poetry. de Ste. Sappho. Tsagalis (eds. La composition littéraire archaïque grecque: procédés et réalisations. Archilochus. Thornton. Tichy. München 1955 ---. Tsomis.E. ‘A Proposed Colometry of Ibycus 286'. 31-42 213 . Cartledge .S. 289-310 ---. Wiesbaden 1977 G. Van Oeveren. Van Groningen. Amsterdam 1958 C. ‘Bacchylides’ Ode 17: Theseus and the Delian League’. Tsagalis.

). Villarrubia. 147-168 H. d'Annunzio' di Chieti-Pescara (20-22 aprile 2004). Sappho. Walker. Maia 22 (1970). Symposion. 307-309 ---. 11-18 ---. Iambi et elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum cantati. ‘Review of Albin Lesky.M. ‘La “giovinezza giusta” di Trasibulo: Pind. Sappho et Alcaeus: fragmenta. Polydipsion Argos. 87-90 M. 7’.). Wathelet. ‘Archilochus and Telephos’. 15-32 A.S. 123-156 W. 7-9 mai 1987). Berlin 1974 ---. Vogliano. Roma 1980 ---. 10-21 M. Arias (eds.B.C. Westlake. West. forthcoming M.). ‘Conjectures on 46 Greek Poets’. The Spatial Turn: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. I luoghi e la poesia nella Grecia antica: atti del convegno. Mnemosyne 21 (1968).J. Wecowksi.L. Argos de la fin des palais mycéniens à la constitution de l’Etat classique (Fribourg. Milano 1941 E. Vetta (ed. 307-331 ---. 99-118 T. Habis 21 (1990). in: M. JWI 17 (1954). Verdenius. 132-158 M. Voigt. Oxonium 1971-1972 ---.D. Roma 1983 ---. ‘Burning Sappho’. Università 'G. New York 1995 B. ‘The New Erotic Fragment of Archilochus’. Thalatta’. CR 63 (1949). London 2009 P. 203-219 ---. Warf . Una nuova ode della poetessa.J. Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus. QUCC 20 (1975). Van Sickle. ‘Semonides über die Frauen. Philologus 10 (1966). QUCC 31 (1979). Theognis. CQ 25 (1975). ‘Some Lyric Fragments reconsidered’. Catenacci (eds. Fribourg 1992. ‘Argos et l’Argolide dans l’épopée. 117119 214 . ‘The Date of the Iliad’. Piérart (ed.L. Amstelodamum 1971 H. Theseus and Athens. Elegiarum liber secundus.J. The Rise of the Greek aristocratic Banquet. VI 48’. Pyth. Ein Kommentar zu Fr. ‘Minos y Teseo. ZPE 156 (2006). ‘Personification as a Mode of Greek Thought’. Vetta . Análisis de la Oda XVII de Baquílides’. Alessandria 2006 A. MH 52 (1995). Poesia e simposio nella Grecia antica: guida storica e critica. spécialement dans le Catalogue des Vaisseaux’. Webster.).

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67-70 24. 33. 100-101 Archilochus 13. 96-99 Pindar Olympian 9. 56-62 233-234.INDEX OF PASSAGES Alcaeus 6. 88-92 Semonides 1. 124-36 Ibycus 282. 96 Pythian 4. 116-24 Pythian 6. 96.Oxy. 56-62 13. 168-70 23. 76-86. 166-67 949-954. 161-62 196a. 63-65 235-236. 86-87. 146-49 7. 149-51 Theognis 39-52. 109-12 96. 70-72 1249-1252. 92-95 417.LXIX4708('new Archilochus'). 46-55 286. 155-57 130b. 162-66 Solon 4. 8086 Bacchylides 13. 40-46. 157-61 691-692. 87-88 Sappho 2. 30 208. 101-107 P. 107-109 217 . 87 667-682. 137-141 17. 65-66 581-582. 141-45 Simonides 543. 152-55 Anacreon 346. 168-70 105.

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The first was of a linguistic nature and regarded the use of spatial diction in comparison to epic poetry: how does the use of this diction (especially epithets) differ on a lexical. The second role was symbolic: space has either symbolic associations.SUMMARY During recent decades the interest in space in the humanities increased to the extent that we can speak of a ‘spatial turn’. countryside and sea. i. was related to the temporal structure of narratives. dominant in the Homeric epics. While much scholarship concentrates on the actual spaces in which archaic lyric poems were performed. and what are the effects of its difference? The second and more essential research question was literary and concerned the roles of space. it considered three types of space. their chronological or anachronical order. i. because they are the most recurrent types. this thesis investigated the literary representation of space within the lyric poems. phenomenology and metaphor theory. both ancient and modern. based on two research questions. acquiring a psychologising function to mirror human emotions or forming part of a literary motif. the duration of the narrated time in relation to the narrating time and the frequency of the events recounted. A theoretical model for it was developed on the basis of narratology. and this thesis on space in archaic Greek lyric (seventh till fifth century BC) is part of one focusing on space in ancient Greek literature led by Irene de Jong (Studies in Ancient Greek Narrative 3). A number of ongoing projects also attests that. 219 .e. as the proliferation of books devoted to space in a particular genre or author demonstrates. or a symbolic form. Space has become foregrounded particularly in literary studies. again compared to epic poetry. namely city. The first chapter of this thesis consisted of a theoretical framework of space. as metaphor or personification. In particular. The first role of space as setting and frame.e. referential and semantic level.

The theoretical model was applied to microanalyses of 33 lyric poems about the city. Fields were either metaphors for female bodies in a sexual context (Pindar Pythian 4 and Theognis 581-528) or had erotic associations which reflected female desire (Anacreon 346<1> and Sappho 96). more dominant role of erotic symbol was found to be relevant to fields. The second. along with the repetition of the most important events. The first role as setting and frame was observed in mythological narratives of the sea journeys of Theseus and the Argonauts (Bacchylides 17 and Pindar Pythian 4). An examination of the temporal structure of the narratives revealed that the scenic presentation. homoerotic love (Theognis 1249-1252) or the goddess of love Aphrodite (Sappho 2). The second role as symbol was at play for contemporary cities: either they were personified in times of the rise of tyrants as a means of dramatisation and persuasion (Solon 4 and Theognis 3952). countryside and sea in the next three chapters. The second chapter concentrated on the city. sometimes in combination with the anachronical order of a ‘lyric narrative’. The fourth chapter investigated the sea. Coastal plains with rivers in Mysia and Troy had a primary role as setting (the ‘new Archilochus’ and Bacchylides 13). Meadows were associated with seduction of girls by men (Anacreon 417 and Archilochus’ Cologne Epode). established a dramatic effect in Bacchylides. meadows and gardens. The first role as setting and frame was explored for mythological cities like those of Mysia and Troy (the ‘new Archilochus’ and Ibycus 282). Again a grim effect was recognised in the use of diction shared with epic poetry. A grim effect was established by the use of diction shared with epic poetry. The subject of the third chapter was the countryside. Gardens were metaphorical for female genitals (Archilochus’ Cologne Epode) or associated with incipient sexuality (Ibycus 286). while the summary with a few scenes emphasising the danger of the journey served as a means of 220 . or their capture was metaphorical for the downfall of a political system (Theognis 233-236) or for an erotic ‘conquest’ Archilochus 23. Theognis 949-954). in combination with the anachronical order of the ‘lyric narratives’.

24 and 105. was linked to the play of guessing in the symposium. in some cases the danger of storm at sea was metaphorical for socio-political upheavals (Alcaeus 6 and 208. Theognis 691-692). The third and most significant role was that of symbol of danger. the fact that lyric poems often locate all kinds of erotic activities in the countryside was interpreted as a a projection of eroticism that goes beyond the communal norms of the polis on a space outside of the polis. I suggested that poems about the danger of the sea. Based on the acknowledgements that the symposium showed a high degree of erotic permissiveness. Simonides 543. which was reinforced by the use of diction shared with epic poetry and which reflected of emotions of fear (Archilochus 13. Solon 13. 221 . but also served as a means of characterisation or praise of people. Semonides 1. Theognis 667-682). The riddling use of some of the erotic city metaphors. most notably those embedded in socio-political ship metaphors. where the role of setting or frame prevails.heroisation. In this respect. Research on the city. The second role was observed in similes (Bacchylides 13 and Semonides 7): the presentation of the sea as both furious and calm not only illustrated narrative events and emotions. In the epilogue. strengthened the internal cohesion of the sympotic group. archaic Greek lyric has proven to differ from epic poetry. I cautiously suggested that the symbolism of space could be connected to the performance context of the symposium of the lyric poems. connecting the ‘spatial turn’ in literary studies to the ‘performative turn’ in lyric scholarship. as in Homeric sea similes. for example. countryside and sea has thus shown that space especially has a symbolic role in archaic Greek lyric. On the basis of the wide-spread metaphor of the symposium as a ship at sea in ancient Greek literature and vase paintings.

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SAMENVATTING
De laatste decennia is de interesse voor ruimte in de humane wetenschappen zo sterk toegenomen dat men van een ‘spatial turn’ kan spreken. Vooral in literaire analyses, zowel klassieke als moderne, is ruimte sterk op de voorgrond getreden, zoals het grote aantal studies over ruimte in een bepaald genre of auteur aantoont. Dit blijkt ook uit een aantal huidige projecten zoals een onder leiding van Irene de Jong over ruimte in de Oudgriekse literatuur (Studies in Ancient Greek Narrative 3). Dit proefschrift maakte deel uit van dit project en richtte zich op ruimte in de archaïsche Griekse lyriek (7e-5e eeuw v.C.). Terwijl huidig onderzoek vooral aandacht besteedt aan de reële ruimtes waarin archaïsche lyrische gedichten werden opgevoerd, belichtte dit proefschrift de literaire voorstelling van ruimte in de lyrische gedichten. Daarbij werd toegespitst op drie types van ruimte, namelijk stad, ‘countryside’ (*onvertaalbaar) en zee, omdat deze prominent zijn binnen de archaïsche Griekse lyriek. In het eerste hoofdstuk werd op basis van twee onderzoeksvragen een theoretisch model over ruimte opgebouwd. De eerste onderzoeksvraag was van linguïstische aard en betrof het gebruik van ruimtelijke dictie in vergelijking met epiek: hoe verschilt het gebruik van deze dictie (voornamelijk epitheta) op lexicaal, referentieel en semantisch vlak, en wat zijn de effecten van dat verschil? De tweede, essentiëlere onderzoeksvraag was van literaire aard en betrof de rol van ruimte, opnieuw in vergelijking met epiek. Hiervoor werd een theoretisch model opgebouwd op basis van narratologie, fenomenologie en metafoortheorie. De eerste rol van ruimte als setting en frame, dominant in de Homerische epen, werd gerelateerd aan de temporele structuur van narratieven, d.w.z. de chronologische of anachronische volgorde, de duur van de vertelde tijd in relatie tot de verteltijd en de frequentie van de vertelde gebeurtenissen. De tweede rol van ruimte was symbolisch: ruimte had ofwel symbolische associaties, die een psychologische functie konden verwerven als weerspiegeling van menselijke emoties of deel uitmaakten van een

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literair motief, ofwel een symbolische vorm, d.w.z. als metafoor of personificatie. Het theoretische model werd in de volgende drie hoofdstukken toegepast door middel van microanalyses van 33 lyrische gedichten over stad, ‘countryside’ en zee. In het tweede hoofdstuk werd de stad onderzocht. De eerste rol als setting en frame bleek het geval te zijn voor mythologische steden als Mysië en Troje (‘nieuwe Archilochus’ en Ibycus 282). Het gebruik van gedeelde dictie met epiek, soms in combinatie met de anachronische volgorde van een ‘lyrisch narratief’, bleek vooral voor een bitter effect te zorgen. De tweede rol als symbool was van toepassing op contemporaine steden: ofwel werden steden in tijden van opkomst van tirannie gepersonifieerd om de situatie te dramatiseren en toehoorders te overtuigen de situatie te veranderen (Solon 4 en Theognis 39-52), ofwel werd hun val metaforisch voor de ondergang van een politiek bestel (Theognis 233-236) of voor een erotische ‘verovering’ (Archilochus 23, Theognis 949-954). Het onderwerp van het derde hoofdstuk was ‘the countryside’. Kustvlaktes met rivieren in Mysië en Troje bleken vooral een rol als setting te hebben (‘nieuwe Archilochus’ en Bacchylides 13). Opnieuw werd een bitter effect gecreëerd door het gebruik van een gedeelde dictie met epiek, in combinatie met de anachronische volgorde van de ‘lyrische narratieven’. De tweede, dominantere rol als erotisch symbool viel op te maken uit de voorstelling van velden, weiden en tuinen. Velden bleken hetzij metaforisch te zijn voor het vrouwelijke lichaam in een seksuele context (Pindarus’ Vierde Pythische Ode en Theognis 581-582), hetzij erotische associaties te bezitten die het erotische verlangen van vrouwen weerspiegelden (Anacreon 346<1> en Sappho 96). Tuinen waren metaforisch voor vrouwelijke genitaliën (Archilochus’ Keulse Epode) of werden geassocieerd met beginnende seksualiteit (Ibycus 286). Weiden hadden associaties met verleiding van meisjes door mannen (Anacreon 417 en Archilochus’ Keulse Epode), homoerotische liefde (Theognis 1249-1252) of de liefdesgodin Aphrodite (Sappho 2).

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In het vierde hoofdstuk werd de zee onderzocht. De eerste rol als setting en frame werd vastgesteld bij mythologische narratieven over de zeereizen van Theseus en de Argonauten (Bacchylides 17 en Pindarus’ Vierde Pythische Ode). Onderzoek naar de temporele structuur van de narratieven wees uit dat de scenische presentatie, met herhaling van de belangrijkste gebeurtenissen, een dramatisch effect teweegbracht in Bacchylides, terwijl de samenvatting met enkele scènes die nadruk legden op het gevaar van de zeereis diende ter heroïsering. De tweede rol van de zee werd waargenomen in vergelijkingen (Bacchylides 13 en Semonides 7): de voorstelling van de zee als furieus en kalm illustreerde niet enkel gebeurtenissen en emoties, zoals bij Homerische zeevergelijkingen, maar diende ook ter karakterisering of lof van personen. De derde, belangrijkste rol was die van symbool van gevaar, die versterkt werd door het gebruik van gedeelde dictie met epiek en die emoties als vrees weerspiegelde (Archilochus 13, 24 en 105, Semonides 1, Simonides 543, Solon 13, Theognis 691-692); in sommige gevallen maakte gevaar van storm op zee deel uit van een metafoor over sociaal-politieke problemen (Alcaeus 6 en 208, Theognis 667-682). Onderzoek naar stad, ‘countryside’ en zee heeft dus uitgewezen dat ruimte vooral een symbolische rol heeft in de archaïsche Griekse lyriek. Op dit punt blijkt de archaïsche lyriek sterk te verschillen van het epos, waarin de rol van setting of frame domineert. In de epiloog werd voorzichtig gesuggereerd dat de symboliek van ruimte in verband gebracht kon worden met de opvoeringscontext van het symposium van de lyrische gedichten, waarbij de ‘spatial turn’ in literaire studies werd gekoppeld aan de ‘performative turn’ in studies van archaïsche Griekse lyriek. Het enigmatische gebruik van sommige erotische stadsmetaforen, bijvoorbeeld, werd verbonden met raadselspelletjes in het symposium. Op basis van de metafoor van het symposium als schip op zee in Oudgriekse literatuur en vaasafbeeldingen, werd geopperd dat gedichten met de nadruk op het gevaar van de zee, in het bijzonder degene die ingebed waren in een sociaal-politieke metafoor, de interne cohesie van de symposiumgroep versterkten.

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Op grond van de vaststelling dat het symposium een sterke erotische permissiviteit vertoonde, werd het feit dat lyrische gedichten allerlei erotische activiteiten vaak in ‘the countryside’ situeren geïnterpreteerd als een projectie van erotiek die verder gaat dan de gemeenschappelijke normen van de polis op een ruimte buiten de polis.

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Paris 1984. professor Nederlandse Taalkunde aan de Universiteit Gent.. Toch maken wij ons noodgedwongen daaraan schuldig. 9). 176). 7) ‘La naissance du lecteur doit se payer de la mort de l’Auteur’.C. no one theory. Jo Heirman 1) Ruimte heeft in de archaïsche Griekse lyriek (7e-5e E v.org) . p. 6) ‘[It is] my awareness that there is no one method. This is no excuse. maar een onvolledig gedicht interpreteren is eigenlijk een vorm van hybris. 2) De symbolische rol van ruimte kan in verband worden gebracht met de opvoeringscontext van het symposium: stadsmetaforiek met raadselspelletjes. Het alternatief zou immers zijn dat we zwegen over de poëzie van Sappho (en Alcaeus) en dat lijkt ook niet de oplossing. maar een variëteit van het Nederlands te spreken. or of any literature. that could ever suffice for comprehending the totality of any piece of Greek literature. Hermeneus 58 (1986). 4) ‘Wie zich met Sappho bezig houdt streeft naar een gewetensvolle interpretatie van haar poëzie. dreigt de eenzijdige focus op performance de poëtische waarde van de lyrische gedichten naar de achtergrond te dringen. vertaling Patrick Lateur).’ (Johan de Caluwe. 69).’ (Pindarus. p. in Le Bruissement de la langue. ‘La mort de l’auteur’. for being hostile to theory. het zal misschien even wennen zijn voor vele Nederlanders: zij blijken niet langer het Nederlands. (Greogory Nagy. op taalschrift. gevaar op zee met het versterken van interne groepscohesie.) vooral een symbolische waarde: de val van de stad is een politieke of erotische metafoor. verzen 20-21. (Marietje van Erp Taalman Kip. Maar we moeten wel voorzichtig zijn. ἅπας κίνδυνος.. erotiek in de natuur met een projectie van mores anders dan die van de polis. 9) ‘Het Belgisch-Nederlands is net zo goed een variëteit van het Nederlands als het Nederlands dat in Nederland wordt gebruikt.STELLINGEN Behorende bij het proefschrift ‘Space in Archaic Greek Lyric: City. Pindar’s Homer: The Lyric Possession of an Epic Past. a stance that is perennially fashionable among Classicists’. Iets nieuws bedenken en de scherpe toets van kritiek doorstaan is één groot risico. p. 3) Ondanks de belangrijke contextuele inzichten die tot dusver geleverd zijn. Baltimore 1990. ‘Veel is al gezegd op veel manieren. ‘Problemen rond Sappho’s poëzie’. 5) πολλὰ γὰρ πολλᾷ λέλεκται· νεαρὰ δ᾽ ἐξευρόντα δόμεν βασάνῳ / ἐς ἔλεγχον. (Roland Barthes. Countryside and Sea’. however. Achtste Nemeïsche Ode.Ik geef toe. het platteland is een erotisch symbool en de zee een symbool van gevaar. 8) Zowel de wetenschappelijke vorming als het onderlinge contact van klassieke promovendi wordt op een prijzenswaardige manier gestimuleerd door de onderzoeksschool OIKOS. en vooral bescheiden’.

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