THE MEMOIRS OF

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WILLIAM

SHERMAN
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Mark Twain

said of this book, in a

letter to the author:

"Your 'Memoirs' are
book which
there
is is

rich in inciit

dent, anecdote, fact, history;
all

is

a

food ...
its

it

is

fat;

no lean ...

interest is unit

flagging

and absorbing;
lasts. If I

is

a

model

narrative and will last as long as the

language

had read
I

my own
I

books half as many times as
read these 'Memoirs,'
wiser and better

have

should be a
I

man

than

am."

Just as the Civil

War has been called
first

by military experts the
called the
first

modern

war, so General Sherman has been

modern

general. His

emphasis on strategy and mobility of
troops has earned

him a distinguished

place in military history. First published just ten years after the Civil

War

ended, General Sherman's
ac-

Memoirs, an intimate first-hand
ultimate theory that the

count, reveal the development of his

way

to

decide

wars and win battles

is "more by the movement of troops than by fighting."

ma mw

LINCOLN ROOM

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY
presented by

Marion D

.

Pratt E stafr

9Z3-793 Sh52sm 1957
cop. 3

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in

2012 with funding from
Illinois

University of

Urbana-Champaign

http://archive.org/details/memoirsofgeneralOOilsher

MEMOIRS
OF

GENERAL WILLIAM

T.

SHERMAN

MEMOIRS
OF

GENERAL WILLIAM

T.

SHERMAN

BY HIMSELF
Foreword by

B. H.

Liddell Hart

Two Volumes Complete

in

One

CIVIL

WAR CENTENNIAL
BLOOMINGTON

SERIES

Indiana University Press

Copyright

© 1957 by Indiana University Press
All Rights Reserved

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 57-10722
MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

9 5"?

3

FOREWORD TO NEW EDITION
Nearly ninety years have passed
tion of General
since the original publica-

Sherman's Memoirs, and there are abundant

reasons to welcome the appearance of a fresh edition in time
for the coming centenary of the Civil

War.

William Te-

cumseh Sherman was the most original of the many remarkable military leaders

who emerged
Moreover he

in that struggle.

Both

his

personality and his performance showed the distinctive characteristics of genius.
left his

mark not only on

the history of his time but on the future course of warfare.

As

a

man

he was often described as extraordinary, yet just

as frequently termed

"the typical American."

That appar-

ent contradiction in terms, implying both similarity and dissimilarity to his fellows, becomes comprehensible in the process of

studying him outwardly and inwardly.

Tall, lean, an-

gular, loose-jointed in body; careless

and unkempt

in dress;

a restlessness of manner that was emphasized by his endless

chain-smoking of "segars," flicking the ash
insatiable

all

round; an

curiosity

of

mind; an

instinctive

rebelliousness

against custom and authority; a raciness of language, and

fondness for picturesque phrases

—such

features

made him made

seem typical.

But beyond

these were other features that

vi

FOREWORD.
all

him extraordinary, and
bination

the

more

so because of the
a

comlight-

—piercing black eyes but often

far-away look;

ning quickness of mind combined with minute exactness of
observation; prophetic vision along with meticulousness about
detail;

dynamic energy along with philosophical

reflective-

ness; a discontent that at times sank into a melancholic de-

pression and at other times rose to foaming crests of inspiration
;

belief in his

own

vision but a doubt of his

own

abilities

that could only be dispelled gradually by the mentally regis-

tered facts of actual achievement; ardor in the pursuit of
ideals that

was accompanied by

a sense of

its

futility;

demo-

cratic tastes

and manners with a sardonic

distrust of democ-

racy; rebelliousness with a profound respect for law and
order; a deep sense of loyalty coupled with an exceptional

degree of moral courage and candor
pled with compassion, and
jective detachment.

;

logical ruthlessness cou-

warm

affections with a coolly ob-

As

a soldier

Sherman was outstanding,
brilliant tacticians

in a

war that proleaders,

duced a galaxy of
because of the

and inspiring

way

he came to perceive and exploit the changfirst

ing conditions of warfare in what was the
industrial civilization.

great

war

of

Until then the means of

movement had
at sea

been unchanging
likewise

—foot

and hoof on land,

the

means of intercommunication

—and —messengers on
sail

horseback.

The means of

hitting

had been very slow

in

changing: in range and accuracy the smoothbore musket of
Napoleonic war was
did not
in the
little

superior to the bow, and cannon

much

surpass the catapult of the
Civil

Roman

legion.

But

American

War, steam locomotion on the

railroad,

the steamship,
in

and the magnetic telegraph played
in the

a great part

war

for the first time, with revolutionary effects on strat-

egy.

Although weapons had not developed
musket that was
still

same meas-

ure, the smoothbore

standard at the out-

FOREWORD.
set

vii

was gradually replaced by

a

muzzle-loading'

rifle,

of greater

accuracy, and before the

war ended the advent
of
fire

of a breech-

loader quickened the rate

of such

troops as were

equipped with

it.

The

increasing' fire effect

produced a

re-

course to the trench and the breastwork for protection even
in field operations,

and the combination gave defense
it

a greater

advantage over attack than
r

ever had before.

It

was rare
so

for the ba3 onet to be used, or even the sabre

by cavalry,

that shock action almost disappeared as a factor in the decision of battle.

A

further and far-reaching change arose in the nineteenth

century from the growth of population and the trend toward
centralization that were products of industrialization.

They

brought increasing dependence on manufactured and imported
supplies, on

manufactured weapons, and on means of comnewspapers as well as transport and

munication
telegraph.

—including
The sum

effect

was

to increase the

economic target,

and
able.

also the

moral target, while making both more vulner-

This in turn increased the incentive to strike at the

sources of the opponent's
its shield

armed power, instead

of attacking

—the armed

forces.

Sherman's grasp of the new conditions and
of the bypassing alternative

his exploitation

aim constitute a good claim
first

to

consider him, in retrospect, the

modern

strategist.

In-

deed, no other emerged in practice during the seventy-year

span between the American Civil War, the

first

modern war,

and the Second World War.
his credit because
it

His perception was the more to

occurred at so early a stage in the develhis

opment of the new conditions, and
was much more
than
in

performance the more
diffi-

remarkable because the circumstances were peculiarly
cult.

It

difficult to hit the

sources of power

effectively

more recent wars.

The Southern Confedits

eracy was a relatively primitive organism because of

loose

viii

FOREWORD.
less

agrarian nature, and thus far
industrial state.
its

vulnerable than a highly

The opponent's

will

had no

fixed seat,

and
the

various focal points were mostly remote

—although

states of the
tal in

Confederacy had chosen

to establish their capi-

Richmond, Virginia, the

will to

war was strongest
in seceding

in

South Carolina, which had taken the lead
the Union.

from and

That was far distant from the Union

forces,

comfortably sheltered

—in

an era long before airpower pro-

vided the means of diminishing distance and of hopping over
the ground-shield of defending armies.

The Northern armies' one
goals

asset for striking at such distant

was the wideness

of the fronts, which allowed

much

scope for penetrating maneuver,
potential aid in the
ity of this

and with

it

was coupled a
potential-

new

railroad network.
fixity

But the
its

was reduced by the

of

routes,

which

fostered the normal tendency of operations to run on narrow

and straightforward

lines.

Worse

still,

the increased ease of

supply that railroads provided led the commanders to build

up increased numbers
maneuver.

of troops at the railhead, without paus-

ing to consider the hampering effect on their

own power

of

Thus the

first result

of the
to

new means

of strategic

movement was, paradoxically,
ward and feed many
It also

reduce strategic mobility.
of armies

The railroad fostered the expansion
tended to
inflate their

it

could for-

more than could operate effectively.
wants and demands, so that they

became more

closely tied to the railhead.

A

further result was that their

own

strategic vulnerability

increased, because their sustenance

and progress "hung on
line

a

thread"

—the
all

long stretch of

rail

behind them, which
in

could be

too easily cut

by a small force maneuvering
to

such wide spaces.

The Northern armies, accustomed

an

ampler

scale of food,

were more susceptible to paralysis than

their opponents.

That became increasingly evident in 1864

FOREWORD.

ix

when, with growing strength, they pushed deeper into hostile
territory.

In the Western theatre the precarious situation of

such rail-fed masses was exploited by the mobile raids of such
brilliant

Confederate cavalry leaders as Forrest and Morgan.

Eventually the North found in Sherman a strategist who
diagnosed the root causes of the paralysis

—more clearly than

anyone
Asia

else in that

war, or in subsequent wars in Europe and
it.

—and developed a remedy for
his
rail

The enemy had struck
that to regain

him through
theirs, while

communications; he would strike at

immunizing himself.

He saw

and

secure mobility he must free himself from dependence on a
fixed line of supply

—which

meant that

his troops

must be

self-contained for supplies, carrying the necessary

minimum

along with them and supplementing
tryside through which they passed.

it

by foraging the counSo after cutting down
loose

transport to the bare

minimum, he cut
'
'

from

his

own

railroad lines of supply
1 *

and marched through Georgia, the
destroying
its

backdoor of the Confederacy,

supply system
its

at the source

and cutting the

lines

which fed

main army,

under Lee, in Virginia.
In carrying out this backdoor move, a strategic indirect approach,

Sherman 's thought and aim extended beyond

the miliII,

tary sphere.
170)
:

As he remarks

in his

memoirs (Vol.

page

"I was strongly

inspired with the feeling that the
a direct attack

movement on our part was

upon the

rebel

army and
or worse,

the rebel capital at Richmond, though a full thou-

sand miles of hostile country intervened, and that for better
it

would end the war.
'
:

' '

His meaning was explained

and

his concept expressed in a series of telegrams
'

and

letters

he wrote at the time

This movement

is

not purely military

or strategic, but will illustrate the vulnerability of the South.
.
.

." (to Halleck, October 19, 1864)

;

"I propose
its

to

demon-

strate the vulnerability of the

South and make

inhabitants

:

x
feel that

FOREWORD.

war and individual ruin are synonymous terms" (to Thomas, October 20); "I propose to act in such a manner
against the material resources of the South as utterly to negative

[Jefferson]

Davis's promises of protection.

If

we can
it

march
is

a well-appointed

army

right through his territory,

a demonstration to the world, foreign

and domestic, that we
This

have a power which Davis cannot
war, but rather statesmanship.
.
.

resist.

may

not be
6).

." (to Grant,

November

Sherman's prospective view was confirmed by the
spective verdict of the

retro-

Confederate general and historian,
effect of this

Alexander

' :

'

There

is

no question that the moral
at large
. .
.

march upon the country

was greater than would
In seeing the un-

have been the most decided victory."

checked progress of this deep strategic thrust the people of
the Confederate States lost faith in the optimistic assurances
of their leaders

and

press.

Loss of faith led to loss of hope,

and then

in turn to loss of the will to continue the struggle.

The

' '

long-range " effect on the main front in Virginia was

significantly

shown

in a letter that Robert E.

Lee wrote on

February

24,

when Sherman,
sea,

after his eastward

march through

Georgia to the
Carolinas

was sweeping northward through the

The state of despondency that now prevails among our people is proDesertions are becoming very ducing a bad effect upon the troops. frequent, and there is good reason to believe that they are occasioned to a considerable extent by letters written to the soldiers by their friends at home that our cause is hopeless, and that they had better provide
. .

.

for themselves.

Sherman's rays were melting the rear of the military
barrier that had so long blocked Grant's advance.

ice-

By

the

middle of March, when Sherman was driving on through

North Carolina, Grant was able to
"is
to

tell him that Lee's army now demoralized and deserting very fast, both to us and even though Grant's own army was still their homes"

:


xi

FOREWORD.

immobilized in the trench lines round Petersburg and Rich-

mond where

it

had been brought

to

a state of stalemate the

previous summer.

In reflection thirty years ago on the lessons of this campaign, I wrote (in
It

my

book Sherman) that

was not merely that Sherman's unchecked progress through the

heart of the Confederacy had been a visual proof to the people of their

and a physical blow at the stomachs of people and army But by making the non-combatants suffer it had sent a wave of pacifism and despair through the land, and the echoes unnerved the
helplessness
alike.

combatants.

Man has two supreme loyalties to country and to family. And with most men the second, being more personal, is the stronger. So long as their families are safe they will defend their country, believing that by their sacrifice they are safeguarding their families also. But even the bonds of patriotism, discipline, and comradeship are loosened when the
is itself threatened. The soldier feels instinctively that if he was home he could at least fight for the immediate protection of his family, work to gain food for it, and, at the worst, die with it. But when the enemy is closer than he is, the danger and his fears are magnified by his remoteness. Every letter, every rumour is a strain on his

family
at

nerves and his sense of duty.

cuted by Sherman

supreme deadliness of the rear attack as conceived and exeagainst the rear of a people, not merely of an army that it sets the two loyalties in opposition and so imposes a breaking strain on the will of the soldier.
It is the

Sherman's strategy, and grand strategy, foreshadowed the

aim that was pursued

in the Allies' strategic

bombing camin

paign of the Second World

War—but

this

was too gradual
effect.

development to produce such a quickly decisive
over
it

More-

offered no such good opportunity for the opposing

troops and people to escape from their leaders' grip by desertion

and surrender

—for

it is

not possible to surrender to an

attacker

who

stays aloft in the sky.

A

closer parallel to,

and

fulfillment of,

Sherman's strategy

is

to be

found in the para-

lyzing and demoralizing shock effect

—on the opposing armies
blitzkrieg carried out

and peoples simultaneously
the

—of the

by

Germans

in 1940-41, with deep thrusting

armored forces

xii

FOREWORD.
and repeated by the
Allies in

in combination with air attack,

the final stage of the war.

Sherman's strategy was ably
his

fitted to the

primary aim of
the
first

grand strategy.

The American

Civil

War was

between jnodern democracies, and he clearly perceived that
the resisting power of such a democracy depends even

more
its

on the strength of the people's will than on the strength of
armies.

His unchecked march through the heart of the South
effective

was the most

way

to create

and spread a sense of
will to continue the

helplessness that

would undermine the

war.

It is

harder to assess how far the devastation that his
to the shattering

army wrought added
was
lessly far.

moral
it

effect,

whether

it

essential to the result,

and whether

was carried need-

While

it

left a

legacy of bitterness in later years

—more

than in the immediate postwar years

which has recoiled on

Sherman's reputation,

it is

impossible to gauge whether that

bitterness or the impoverishment of the South

would have

been prolonged and grave

if

the peace settlement had not been

governed by the vindictiveness of the Northern extremists

who gained
bore in

the upper

hand

after Lincoln's assassination.

For Sherman,

in his concept of

grand strategy, consistently

mind

the need of moderation

and forgiveness

in

mak-

ing peace.

That was immediately shown

in the generous

terms of the agreement he drafted for the surrender of Johnston's

army

—an

offer for

which he was /Violently denounced

by the government
diminish the

in Washington.

No one was more
and
'
:

eager to

afflictions of

the conquered
is

to heal their

wounds.

Sherman's dominant thought

aptly expressed in
'

the inscription on his statue in Washington
object of

The legitimate

war

is

a

more perfect peace."

FOREWORD.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE

xiii

Sherman's operations in 1864-65 not only foreshadowed but and very closely, influenced the course of the Second World War, three-quarters of a centurj' later. For while Guderian, Rommel, and other leading German commanders have emphasized their indebtedness to my theory of strategy and tactics in mechanized warfare, describing themselves as my " pupils," I have good reason to know, and would like to make clear, how much I owed to and derived from study of Sherman. In the years immediately following the First World War, experience of the entrenched deadlock in that war and reflection upon the problem of reviving mobility quickened my interest in the ways by which a somewhat similar prolonged deadlock had been overcome in the American Civil War, particularly in the Western theatre of war by Sherman. As Sherman's operations, coupled with those of Bedford Forrest on the other side, appeared to bear out and illustrate the trend of my thought about the possible revival of mobile warfare, through the development of armored forces, I was spurred to explore those campaigns more fully. Thus when in 1928 I was asked to write a book on one of the great figures preferably Lee, I chose instead of the American Civil War, to take Sherman and his campaigns as my subject. While my conception of deep strategic penetration by fast-moving tanks had developed in the first place from a study of the Mongol campaigns, it was in studying the rival operations of Sherman and Forrest that I came to see more clearly its application against modern mass armies, dependent on railroads for
strongly,
' ' ' '
*

supply.

That study of Sherman's campaigns
fluence on other trends in

also

had a strong

in-

my

strategical

and

tactical thought.

Any

reader of

my

subsequent books, in the 1930 's, can see

often I utilized illustrations
points

from Sherman

to drive

how home my

—particularly

the value of unexpectedness as the best

guarantee of security as well as of rapid progress; the value of flexibility in plan and dispositions, above all by operating

xiv

FOREWORD.

on a line which offers and threatens alternative objectives (thus, in Sherman's phrase, putting the opponent on "the horns of a dilemma") the value of what I termed the " baited gambit," to trap the opponent, by combining offensive strategy with defensive tactics, or elastic defense with well-timed riposte the need to cut down the load of equipment and other impedimenta as Sherman did to develop mobility and flex;
;

ibility.

remains to relate the sequel. In 1931 the principal exerArmy were devoted to what was called a "Sherman march," with a view to trying out how far transport and equipment could be reduced. It led to a 30 per cent
It
cises of the British

cut in the

by the

setting

number of vehicles in divisions, and it was followed up of committees in all the chief commands to
and lightening
of that inves-

investigate the whole problem of simplifying

the soldier's personal equipment.
tigation (in which I

One product

was

called into consultation)

was the

in-

troduction of "battle dress."

In 1932

I

year became Germany's
in-Chief of
all

met General von Blomberg, who in the following War Minister, and then Commanderthe three fighting services with the rank of

field-marshal.

He

told

me

he had been greatly impressed by

the exposition of Sherman's technique in

my

book and was

applying

it

in the training of the troops

under his command.

on to say that when he was a student at the Kriegsakademie the American Civil War had not been studied there,

He went

and he had now come to realize that its neglect was a great mistake. He and his Chief of Staff, von Reichenau, jointly translated a number of my books for the use of German offiReichenau became even keener than Blomberg on the cers. idea of deep strategic penetration by armored forces. At the outset of war in 1939 he commanded the Tenth Army, which comprised the largest part of the German armored forces and made the thrust to Warsaw that had such a decisive effect in the opening stage of the campaign in Poland. Meanwhile the British Army had in 1934 established the first complete armored force, a tank brigade, whose training that year under Hobart's command was devoted to exercises

FOREWORD.
in

xv

making deep thrusts into the enemy's rear areas, while moving self-contained for supply supplemented by the capture of enemy stores and by air supply. In September the tank brigade was merged into a trial force of divisional scale under command of General Lindsay, who emphasized in a paper he wrote: " Anyone who does not believe that it is pos-

sible to

costly frontal attacks, should read the account of

win a campaign by mobility and manoeuvre, without Sherman's march from Chattanooga to Raleigh in the American Civil War." But the heads of the General Staff remained disbelieving, declaring that the idea of long-range

tank operations

in the

enemy's rear was impracticable

—a fantasy that would

be quickly dispelled in actual war
try
it.

if any army ventured to So they discouraged a continuance of such strategic exercises in subsequent years, and also deferred the formation of any armored divisions.

Thereby, unfortunately,
over the British lead.

it

was

left to the

Germans
all to

to take

That was due above

Guderian,

first three of which were formed, simultaneously, in October 1935. He enthusiastically embraced the idea of deep strategic penetration, got special translations of all my current articles on the subject, and tried out in detail the exercises and methods that Hobart

who played an outstanding part in of the German armored divisions

the creation and training

—the

had practiced. Although the older heads of the General Staff showed considerable doubt, he made headway in converting them to the new concept and in the German Army maneuvers of 1937 he carried out an operation on similar lines to the far-reaching thrust, through the Ardennes to the Channel, that proved decisive against the French Army in 1940. That campaign, following on the Polish campaign, was a triumph for the new concept and with it was completed the chain of causation from Sherman. Fortunately for the Allied nations that campaign was not

way, as Britain managed to hold out behind " her wide anti-tank ditch," the English Channel. Thus time was gained for Hitler to turn against Russia, and for America's weight to be brought into the scales.
fatal in a final

xvi

FOREWORD.
to be, also, a further vindication of

There was

Sherman's

strategic methods.

These had fired the imagination of General Patton in prewar years, particularly with regard to the way they exploited the indirect approach, a swerving variability of thrust, and the value of cutting down impedimenta in order to gain mobility. That was the more fortunate because,
in the

months before the Allied landing

prevailing opinion in the Allied higher

in Normandy, the commands had swung

back to the view that it was no longer possible to repeat the type of far-ranging armored drive that had been so successful in the earlier stages of the war. But when I met Patton in 1944, shortly before he took his army across the Channel, he told me how he had earlier spent a long leave studying Sher-

man's campaigns on the ground with

my

book in hand, and

we discussed the fresh possibilities of applying such methods when the breakout in Normandy was achieved. They were demonstrated in his subsequent sweep from Normandy to the
Moselle.
B.

H. LIDDELL

HART

PUBLISHER'S NOTE
General Sherman's Memoirs, published ten years after the end of the Civil War, aroused widespread criticism, much of it political in origin, as well as approval. Brusque and candid, the book has no heroes and no villains. It was addressed to his comrades in arms, not as a history of the war but as his recollection of events. H. V. Boynton, who had served under General Thomas and in 1875 was Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, went to Grant with charges that Sherman failed to give the general in chief his due. Grant later admitted to Sherman that he had felt "bothered" until he read the book and saw that Sherman had treated him justly. When Grant's Memoirs appeared ten years later, Sherman found that they supported his own Memoirs on most of the points disputed by critics. Boynton next rushed into print with Sherman's Historical Raid: The Memoirs in the Light of the Record, in which he often misquoted from the records. Upon investigation, Sherman concluded that this attack was inspired by his old enemies, the bureaucrats of the War Department. Criticisms of the Memoirs naturally brought forth defenders. General J. D. Cox wrote a favorable review for The Nation, and Colonel C. W. Moulton published a pamphlet attacking Boynton 's book. When a reporter asked Sherman whether attacks upon the Memoirs had annoyed him, the New York Herald on March 8,

'

xviii

PUBLISHER'S NOTE.
"Not at all. Friends urged expected severe criticism and got it.
. .

1876, printed his answer:
to publish them.
I

.

me No

writer ever gets justice from his contemporaries, and outside

and only pretended to give ." Regarding glasses. Southern criticisms, Sherman added I feel kindly toward all Southern Generals. I think people of the West and North cherish no bad feelings except toward Jeff. Davis. He did no worse than anybody else but people seem bound to have somebody to hate. For instance, the Southern people hate Butler. The Sherman- Johnston peace convention, a subject of conof this I
I

knew

was

liable to err

things as they looked through

my

.

.

'

:

'

'

siderable controversy,

is

perhaps best discussed in "Lincoln

and the Sherman Peace Fiasco Another Fable?" by Raoul S. Naroll, published in The Journal of Southern History in November, 1954. The author considers the Official Records, the writings of the persons concerned, and those of historians and biographers who affirm or deny that the terms reflected Lincoln's policy notably Lloyd Lewis, who included a lengthy thesis in his Sherman, Fighting Prophet affirming that Sherman was following Lincoln's instructions. Mr. Naroll says that Sherman was unaware of the full legal and

he sought to grant. These implications, he concludes, were such that Lincoln could hardly have authorized the surrender terms. The question of the accuracy of Sherman's Memoirs, which had been impugned by his critics, is historically important. B. H. Liddell Hart, in his Sherman: Soldier, Realist, American,
political implications of the concessions

writes that
lied

it is

his impression that

"in writing them he

re-

too

much on

a prodigious

memory when minor

issues

were concerned.

Thus

in such points as dates, especially,

there are occasional careless slips, while at the same time the

general impression conveyed in the memoirs coincides closely

with that obtained by an analysis of the records, and the only important omissions are some of his own achievements.
.
.

.

The

faults of his

memoirs are of

detail,

not of vain glory or

bias."

GENERAL W.
TO

T.

SHERMAN

HIS

COMRADES

IN

ARMS

VOLUNTEERS AND REGULARS.

Nearly

ten years have passed since the close of the

civil

war in America, and yet no
cessible to the public
;

satisfactory history thereof is ac-

nor should any be attempted until the
of

Government has published, and placed within the reach
students, the abundant materials that are buried in the

War
it is

Department
tion
;

at

Washington.

These are in process of compila-

but, at the rate of progress for the past ten years,

probable that a
lished
to

new

century will come before they are pub-

and

circulated,

with

full indexes to enable the historian

make

a judicious selection of materials.
is

What

now

offered

is

not designed as a history of the war,
all

or even as a complete account of

the incidents in which the

writer bore a part, but merely his recollection of events, corrected

by a reference

to his

own memoranda, which may

assist

the future historian

when he comes

to describe the whole,

and

account for the motives and reasons which influenced some of
the actors in the grand drama of war.
I trust a perusal of these pages will

prove interesting to tho

DEDICATION.
survivors,

the " cause " which

who have manifested so moved a nation

often their intense love ot
to vindicate its

ity; and, equally so, to the rising generation,

own authorwho therefrom
as ours are

may

learn that a country and
for,

government such
need
be.

worth fighting

and dying

for, if

If successful in this, I shall feel

amply repaid for departing
to publish

from the usage of military men, who seldom attempt
their

own

deeds, but rest content with simply contributing

by

their acts to the

honor and glory of their country.

WILLIAM

T.

SHERMAN,
General*

St. Louis, Missouri,

January

21, 1875.

NOTE
It was

my

purpose to accompany this work with detailed

maps, of which I have

many

that

would be appropriate

;

but

the cost of engraving would be heavy, and I
there
is

am

aware that

in course of preparation

by the Engineer Department
I therefore omit

a series of war-maps, which will soon be issued, and which are
far better than

any I can

offer.

all,

and be-

lieve that each reader can follow the incidents of the narrative

by the usual maps found

in every library.

CONTENTS
Foreword by B. H. Liddell Hart
Publisher's Note
v
xvii

VOLUME

I.

General Sherman to His Comrades
I.

in

Arms

1

Early Recollections of California

— 1846-1848

9

II.

Early Recollections of California (Continued)
1849-1850

61

III.

Missouri, Louisiana, and California

— 1850-1855

84

IV.
V.

California— 1855-1857
California,

108

New

York, and Kansas

— 1857-1859

134

VI.

Louisiana— 1859-1861
Missouri

144

VII.
VIII.

—April and May, 1861
— Kentucky

166

From the Battle of Bull Run to Paducah and Missouri— 1861-1862
Battle of Shiloh

176 228
248

IX.

X. XI.

—March and April, 1862 Shiloh to Memphis— April to July, 1862 Memphis to Arkansas Post—July, 1862, to January,
1863

265

6
XII.

CONTENTS.
Vicksburg

—January

to July, 1863

304

XIII.

Chattanooga and Knoxville
Meridian Campaign

—July to
II.

December, 1863

344
387

XIV.

—January

and February, 1864

VOLUME
XV.
Atlanta Campaign

XVI.

XVII.

— Nashville and Chattanooga to — Kenesaw March, April, and May, 1864 Atlanta Campaign — Battles about Kenesaw Mountain — June, 1864 Atlanta Campaign — Battles about Atlanta — July,
1864

5

50

65

XVIII.

Capture of Atlanta

XIX.

Atlanta

— August and September, 1864 and after — Pursuit of Hood— September and
to the Sea

96

October, 1864

137

XX.

The March

— From Atlanta to Savannah —
171
1864,

November and December, 1864
XXI.

Savannah and Pocotaligo
uary, 1865

— December,
— February

and Jan230

XXII.

Campaign of the Carolinas
1865

and March,
268

XXIII.

End

of the

War — From

Goldsboro' to Raleigh and

Washington

— April

and May, 1865

322

XXIV.

Conclusion

— Military

Lessons of the

War

381

MEMOIRS
OF

GENERAL WILLIAM

T.

SHERMAN

Volume

I

MEMOIRS
OF

GENEEAL WILLIAM

T.

SHERMAN.

CHAPTER
1846-1848.

I.

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

In the spring of 1846 I was a first-lieutenant of Company G, Third Artillery, stationed at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina. The company was commanded by Captain Robert Anderson;

Henry B. Judd was the
lieutenant.

senior

first-lieutenant,

and I was
post and
his ad-

the junior first-lieutenant, and George B. Ayres the second-

Colonel William Gates

commanded the
as

regiment, with First-Lieutenant William Austine
jutant.

Two

other companies were at the post,

viz.,

Martin

Burke's and E. D. Keyes's, and

among

the officers were T.

W.

Sherman, Morris Miller, H. B. Field, William Churchill, Joseph Stewart, and Surgeon McLaren. The country now known as Texas had been recently acquired, and war with Mexico was threatening. One of our companies (Bragg s), with George H. Thomas, John F. Reynolds, and Frank Thomas, had gone the year previous and was at that time with General Taylor's army at Corpus Christi, Texas. In that year (1846) I received the regular detail for recruiting service, with orders to report to the general superintendent
5

at

Governor's Island, JSTew York; and accordingly

left

Fort

Moultrie in the latter part of April, and reported to the super-

10

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'4S.

New York, day of May. I was assigned to the Pittsburg rendezvous, whither I proceeded and relieved Lieutenant Scott. Early in May I took up my quarters at the St. Charles Hotel, and entered upon the discharge of my duties. There was a
intendent, Colonel P. B. Mason, First Dragoons, at
1st

on the

regular recruiting-station already established, with a sergeant,
corporal, and two or three men, with a citizen physician, Dr. McDowell, to examine the recruits. The threatening war with Mexico made a demand for recruits, and I received authority to open another sub-rendezvous at Zanesville, Ohio, whither I took the sergeant and established him. This was very handy to me, as my home was at Lancaster, Ohio, only thirty-six miles off, so that I was thus enabled to visit my friends there quite often. In the latter part of May, when at Wheeling, Virginia, on my way back from Zanesville to Pittsburg, I heard the first news of the battle of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, which occurred on the 8th and 9th of May, and, in common with everybody else, felt intensely excited. That I should be on recruiting service, when my comrades were actually fighting, was intolerable, and I hurried on to my post, Pittsburg. At that time the railroad did not extend west of the Alleghanies, and all journeys were made by stage-coaches. In this instance I traveled from Zanesville to Wheeling, thence to Washington (Pennsylvania), and thence to Pittsburg by stage-coach. On reaching Pittsburg I found many private letters one from Ord, then a first-lieutenant in Company F, Third Artillery, at Fort McIIenry, Baltimore, saying that his company had just received orders for California, and asking me to apply for it. Without committing myself to that project, I wrote to the Adjutant-General, P. Jones, at Washington, D. C, asking him to consider me as an applicant for any active service, and saying that I would willingly forego the recruiting detail, which I well knew plenty of others would jump at. Impatient to approach the scene of
;

active operations, without authority (and I suppose wrongfully),

I left

my

corporal in charge of the rendezvous, and took

all

the

recruits I
cinnati,

had made, about twenty-five, in a steamboat to Cinand turned them over to Major N. C. McCrea, com-

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
at

U

manding

Newport

Barracks.

I then reported in Cincinnati,
service, Colonel

to the superintendent of the

Western recruiting

Fanning, an old
authority I had
it

officer

with one arm,
all

who

inquired by what

come away from

my post.
;

I argued that I took

for granted

he wanted

the recruits he could get to forward

to the

army

at Brownsville,

Texas

and did not know but that

he might want

me

to go along.

Instead of appreciating

my
post

volunteer zeal, he cursed and swore at

me

for leaving

my

without orders, and told me to go back to Pittsburg. I then asked for an order that would entitle me to transportation back,
at first he emphatically refused, but at last he gave the and I returned to Pittsburg, all the way by stage, stopping again at Lancaster, where I attended the wedding of my schoolmate Mike Effinger, and also visited my sub-rendezvous at Zanesville. R. S. Ewell, of my class, arrived to open a cavalry rendezvous, but, finding my depot there, he went on to Columbus, Ohio. Tom Jordan afterward was ordered to Zanesville, to take charge of that rendezvous, under the general War Department orders increasing the number of recruiting-stations. I reached Pittsburg late in June, and found the order relieving me from recruiting service, and detailing my classmate H. B. Field to my place. I was assigned to Company F, then under orders for California. By private letters from Lieutenant Ord, I heard that the company had already started from Fort

which

order,

McHenry
night,

for Governor's Island,

New York
I

Harbor, to take

worked all that and turned over the balance of cash to the citizen physician, Dr. McDowell and also closed my clothing and property returns, leaving blank receipts with the same gentleman for Field's signature, when he should get there, to be forwarded to the Department at Washington, and the duplicates to me. These I did not receive for more than a year. I remember that I got my orders about 8 p. m. one night, and took passage in the boat for Brownsville, the next morning traveled by stage from Brownsville to Cumberland, Maryland, and thence by cars to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, I found in a great hurry lest the ship might sail without me.
passage for California in a naval transport.

made up

my accounts

current,

;

;

12

EAKLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
at

[1846-'48.

Company F
self

Governor's Island, Captain C. Q. Tompkins in
senior first-lieutenant,

command, Lieutenant E. 0. C. Ord
second-lieutenants.

junior first-lieutenant, Lucien Loeser and Charles

myMinor the

up to one hundred privates, and one ordnance sergeant (Layton), making one hundred and thirteen enlisted men and five Dr. James L. Ord had been employed as acting assistofficers. ant surgeon to accompany the expedition, and Lieutenant H. W. Halleck, of the engineers, was also to go along. The United States store-ship Lexington was then preparing at the Navy- Yard, Brooklyn, to carry us around Cape Horn to California. She was receiving on board the necessary stores for the long voyage,
filled

The company had been

twelve non-commissioned

officers,

and for service after our arrival there. Lieutenant-Commander Theodoras Bailey was in command of the vessel, Lieutenant William H. Macomb executive officer, and Passed-Midshipmen Muse, Spotts, and J. W. A. Nicholson, were the watch-officers Wilson purser, and Abernethy surgeon. The latter was caterer of the mess, and we all made an advance of cash for him to lay
in the necessary mess-stores.

To

enable us to prepare for so

long a voyage and for an indefinite sojourn in that far-off coun-

War Department had authorized us to draw six months' pay in advance, which sum of money we invested in surplus clothing and such other things as seemed to us necessary. At last the ship was ready, and was towed down abreast of Fort Columbus, where we were conveyed on board, and on the 14th of July, 1846, we were towed to sea by a steam-tug, and cast off. Colonel E. B. Mason, still superintendent of the general recruiting service, accompanied us down the bay and out to sea, returnfew other friends were of the party, but at ing with the tug. last they left us, and we were alone upon the sea, and the sailors were busy with the sails and ropes. The Lexington was an old ship, changed from a sloop-of-war to a store-ship, with an afterIn the cabin were cabin, a " ward-room," and " between-decks " Captains Bailey and Tompkins, with whom messed the purser, Wilson. In the ward-room were all the other officers, two in each state-room and Minor, being an extra lieutenant, had to
try, the

A

;

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
hammock
Ilalleck

13

slung in the ward-room. Ord and I roomed and Loeser and the others were scattered The men were arranged in bunks " between-decks," one about. set along the sides of the ship, and another, double tier, amidships. The crew were slung in hammocks well forward. Of these there were about fifty. "We at once subdivided the company into four squads, under the four lieutenants of the company, and arranged with the naval officers that our men should serve on deck by squads, after the manner of their watches that the sailors should do all the work aloft, and the soldiers on deck. On fair days we drilled our men at the manual, and generally kept them employed as much as possible, giving great attention and so to the police and cleanliness of their dress and bunks successful were we in this, that, though the voyage lasted nearly two hundred days, every man was able to leave the ship and march up the hill to the fort at Monterey, California, carrying his own knapsack and equipments. The voyage from New York to Rio Janeiro was without accident or any thing to vary the usual monotony. "We soon
sleep in a

together;

;

;

settled

not

down to the humdrum of a long voyage, reading some, much playing games, but never gambling and chiefly en;

;

gaged in eating our meals regularly. In crossing the equator we had the usual visit of Neptune and his wife, who, with a large razor and a bucket of soapsuds, came over the sides and shaved some of the greenhorns but naval etiquette exempted the officers, and Neptune was not permitted to come aft of the mizzen-mast. At last, after sixty days of absolute monotony, the island of Raza, off Rio Janeiro, was descried, and we slowly entered the harbor, passing a fort on our right hand, from which came a hail, in the Portuguese language, from a huge speakingtrumpet, and our officer of the deck answered back in gibberish, according to a well-understood custom of the place. Sugar-loaf Mountain, on the south of the entrance, is very remarkable and well named is almost conical, with a slight lean. The man-ofwar anchorage is about five miles inside the heads, directly in
; ;

front of the city of Rio Janeiro.

Words

will not describe the

beauty of this perfect harbor, nor the delightful feeling after a

14

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
its

[1846-'48.

long voyage of
all

fragrant airs, and the entire contrast between

things there and what
after the

we had

left in

New

York.

We found the United States frigate Columbia anchored there,
Lexington was properly moored, nearly all the ofwent on shore for sight-seeing and enjoyment. We landed at a wharf opposite which was a famous French restaurant, FaToux, and after ordering supper we all proceeded to the Rua da Ouvador, where most of the shops were, especially those for making feather flowers, as much to see the pretty girls as the flowers which they so skillfully made thence we went to the theatre, where, besides some opera, we witnessed the audience and saw the Emperor Dom Pedro, and his Empress, the daughter of Louis Philippe of France. After the theatre we went back to the restaurant, where we had an elegant supper, with fruits of every variety and excellence, such as we had never seen before, or even knew the names of. Supper being over, we called for the bill, and it was rendered in French, with Brazilian curIt footed up some twenty-six thousand reis. The figures rency. alarmed us, so we all put on the waiters' plate various coins in gold, which he took to the counter and returned the change, making the total about sixteen dollars. The millreis is about a dollar, but being a paper-money was at a discount, so as only to be worth about fifty-six cents in coin. The Lexington remained in Rio about a week, during which we visited the Palace, a few miles in the country, also the Boficers
;

and

tanic Gardens, a place of infinite interest, with its specimens of
tropical fruits, spices, etc., etc.,

The

and indeed every place of note. Halleck and J made to the Corcovado, a high mountain whence the water is conveyed for the supply of the city. We started to take a walk, and passed along the aqueduct, which approaches the city by a series of
thirfg I best recall is a visit

arches

;

thence up the point of the

hill to

a place

known

as the

Madre, or fountain, to which all the water that drips from the leaves is conducted by tile gutters, and is carried to the city by an open stone aqueduct. Here we found Mr. Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, the United States minister to Brazil, and a Dr. Garnett, United Statea

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

15

We had a very interesting conwhich Mr. Wise enlarged on the fact that Rio was supplied from the " dews of heaven," for it rarely rains there, and the water comes from the mists and fogs which hang around the Corcovado, drips from the leaves of the trees, and is conducted to the Madre fountain by miles of tile gutters. Halleck and I continued our ascent of the mountain, catching from points of the way magnificent views of the scenery round about Rio Janeiro. We reached near the summit what was called the emperor's coffee-plantation, where we saw coffee-berries in their various stages, and the scaffolds on which the berries were dried before being cleaned. The coffee-tree reminded me of the red haw-tree of Ohio, and the berries were somewhat like those of the same tree, two grains of coffee being inclosed in one berry. These were dried and cleaned of the husk by hand or by machinery. A short, steep ascent from this place carried us to the summit, from which is beheld one of the most picturesque views on earth. The Organ Mountains to the west and north, the ocean to the east, the city of Rio with its red-tiled houses at our feet, and the entire harbor like a map spread out, with innumerable bright valleys, make up a landscape that cannot be described by mere words. This spot is universally visited by strangers, and has often been described. After enjoying it immeasurably, we returned to the city by another route, tired but amply repaid by our long walk. In due time all had been done that was requisite, and the Lexington put to sea and resumed her voyage. In October we approached Cape Horn, the first land descried was Staten Island, white with snow, and the ship seemed to be aiming for the channel to its west, straits of Le Maire, but her course was changed and we passed around to the east. In time we saw Cape Horn; an island rounded like an oven, after which it takes its name (Omos) oven. Here we experienced very rough weather, buffeting about under storm stay-sails, and spending nearly a month before the wind favored our passage and enabled the course of the ship to be changed for Valparaiso. One day we sailed parallel with a French sloop-of-war, and it was sublime
Navy,
his intended son-in-law.
versation, in

16
to

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

watch the two ships rising and falling in those long deep All the time we were followed by the usual large flocks of Cape-pigeons and albatrosses of every color. The former resembled the common barn-pigeon exactly, but are in fact gulls of beautiful and varied colors, mostly dove-color. We caught many with fishing-lines baited with pork. We also
swells of the ocean.

took in the same

very large, and their

way many albatrosses. The white ones down is equal to that of the swan. At
swelling seas were left behind, and

are
last

Cape Horn and
in the
all
etc.

its

we

reached Valparaiso in about sixty days from Eio.
the usual places of interest,

We anchored
visiting

open roadstead, and spent there about ten days,
its

foretop, main-top, mizzen-top,

Halleck and Ord went up to Santiago, the capital of Chili,
sixty miles inland, but I did not go.

some

Valparaiso did not

Seen from the sea, it looked like a long string of houses along the narrow beach, surmounted with red banks of earth, with little verdure, and no trees at all. Northward the space widened out somewhat, and gave room for a plaza, but the mass of houses in that quarter were poor. We were there in November, corresponding to our early spring, and we enjoyed the large strawberries which abounded. The Independence frigate, Commodore Shubrick, came in while we were there, having overtaken us, bound also for California. We met there also the sloop-of-war Levant, from California, and from the officers heard of many of the events that had transpired about the time the navy, under Commodore Sloat, had taken
impress
favorably at
all.

me

possession of the country.

All the necessary supplies being renewed in Valparaiso, the voyage was resumed. For nearly forty days we had uninterrupted favorable winds, being in the " trades," and, having settled down We had brought to sailor habits, time passed without notice. with us all the books we could find in New York about CaliforWilkes's " Explornia, and had read them over and over again
:

ing Expedition " Dana's "
;

Years before the Mast ; " and " Forbes's Account of the Missions." It was generally understood we were bound for Monterey, then the capital of Upper California. We knew, of course, that General Kearney was

Two

m

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
;

17

that Fremont was there navy had already taken pos session, and that a regiment of volunteers, Stevenson's, was to follow us from New York but nevertheless we were impatient to reach our destination. About the middle of January the ship began to approach the California coast, of which the captain was duly cautious, because the English and Spanish charts differed some fifteen miles in the longitude, and on all the charts a current of two miles an hour was indicated northward along the coast. At last land was made one morning, and here occurred one of those accidents so provoking after a long and tedious voyage. Macomb, the master and regular navigator, had made the correct observations, but Nicholson during the night, by an observation on the north star, put the ship some twenty miles farther south than was the case by the regular reckoning, so that Captain Bailey gave directions to alter the course of the ship more to the north, and to follow the coast up, and to keep a good lookout for Point Pinos that marks the The usual north wind slackened, so location of Monterey Bay. that when noon allowed Macomb to get a good observation, it was found that we were north of Aiio Nuevo, the northern headland of Monterey Bay. The ship was put about, but little by little arose one of those southeast storms so common on the coast in winter, and we buffeted about for several days, cursing that unfortunate observation on the north star, for, on first sighting the coast, had we turned for Monterey, instead of away to the north, we would have been snugly anchored before thestorm. But the southeaster abated, and the usual northwest wind came out again, and we sailed steadily down into the This is shaped somewhat like a roadstead of Monterey Bay. fish-hook, the barb being the harbor, the point being Point Slowly the land came out of the Pinos, the southern headland. water, the high mountains about Santa Cruz, the low beach of the Salinas, and the strongly-marked ridge terminating in the sea in a point of dark pine-trees. Then the line of whitewashed

route for the same country overland

with his exploring party

;

that the

;

houses of adobe, backed by the groves of dark oaks, resembling
old apple-trees
;

and then we saw two

vessels anchored close to

;

18

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
One was

[1846-M8.

the town.

a small merchant-brig and another a large

ship apparently dismasted.
to

At

last

meet

us,

and when

it

came

alongside,

we saw a boat coming out we were surprised to
of

find

Lieutenant

Henry Wise, master
left at Valparaiso.

the Independence
off to

frigate, that

we had

Wise had come
to the

pilot us to

our anchorage.

While giving orders

man

at

the wheel, he, in his peculiar fluent style, told to us, gathered

about him, that the Independence had sailed from Valparaiso a

week
fleet

after us

and had been

in

Monterey a week

;

that the Cali-

fornians had broken out into an insurrection; that the naval

under Commodore Stockton was all down the coast about San Diego that General Kearney had reached the country, but had had a severe battle at San Pascual, and had been worsted, losing several officers and men, himself and others wounded that war was then going on at Los Angeles that the whole country was full of guerrillas, and that recently at Yerba Buena the alcalde, Lieutenant Bartlett, United States Navy, w hile out after cattle, had been lassoed, etc., etc. Indeed, in the short space of time that Wise was piloting our ship in, he told us more news than we could have learned on shore in a week, and,
; ;
T

being unfamiliar with the great distances,

we imagined

that

we

Swords were brought out, guns oiled and made ready, and every thing was in a bustle w hen the old Lexington dropped her anchor on January 26, 18tt7, in Monterey Bay, after a voyage of one hundred and ninety-eight days from New York. Every thing on shore looked bright and beautiful, the hills covered with grass and flowers, the live-oaks so serene and homelike, and the low adobe houses, with red-tiled roofs and whitened walls, contrasted well with the dark pine-trees behind, making a decidedly good impression upon us who had come so far to spy out the land. Nothing could be more peaceful in its looks than Monterey in January, 18iT. We had already made the acquaintance of Commodore Shubrick and the officers of the Independence in Valparaiso, so that we again met as old friends. Immediate preparations were made for landing, and, as I was quartermaster and commissary, I had plenty to do. There w as a small wharf and
should have to debark and be<nn fighting at once.
T T

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
;

19

an adobe custom-house in possession of the navy
rack of two
stories,
;

also a bar-

occupied by some marines,

commanded by

to the west of the town had been built a two-story block-house of hewed logs occupied by a guard of sailors under command of Lieutenant Baldwin, United States Navy. Not a single modern wagon or cart was to be had in Monterey, nothing but the old Mexican cart with wooden wheels, drawn by two or three pairs of oxen, yoked by the horns. A man named Tom Cole had two or more of these, and he came into immediate requisition. The United States consul, and most prominent man there at the time, was Thomas O. Larkin, who had a store and a pretty good two-story house occupied by his family. It was soon determined that our company was to land and encamp on the hill at the block-house, and we were also to have possession of the warehouse, or custom-house, for storage. The company was landed on the wharf, and we all marched in full dress with knapsacks and arms, to the hill and relieved the guard under Lieutenant Baldwin. Tents and camp-equipage were hauled up, and soon the camp was established. I remained in a room at the customhouse, where I could superintend the landing of the stores and their proper distribution. I had brought out from New York twenty thousand dollars commissary funds, and eight thousand dollars quartermaster funds, and as the ship contained about six months' supply of provisions, also a saw-mill, grist-mill, and almost every thing needed, we were soon established comfortably. We found the people of Monterey a mixed set of Americans, native Mexicans, and Indians, about one thousand all told. They were kind and pleasant, and seemed to have noth-

Lieutenant

Maddox

and on a

hill

in the country for the Horses could be bought at any price from four dollars up to sixteen, but no horse was ever valued above a doubloon or Mexican ounce (sixteen dollars). Cattle cost eight dollars fifty cents for the best, and this made beef net about two cents a pound, but at that time nobody bought beef by the pound, but by the carcass. Game of all kinds elk, deer, wild geese, and ducks was

ing to do, except such as

owned ranches

rearing of horses and cattle.

20

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
coffee,

[1846-'48.

abundant; but
costly.

sugar,

and small

stores,

were rare and

There were some half-dozen shops or stores, but their shelves were empty. The people were very fond of riding, dancing, and of shows of any kind. The young fellows took great delight in showing off their horsemanship, and would dash along, picking up a half-dollar from the ground, stop their horses in full career and turn about on the space of a bullock's hide, and their skill with the lasso was certainly wonderful. At full
speed they could cast their lasso about the horns of a bull, or so

any particular foot. These fellows would day on horseback in driving cattle or catching wildhorses for a mere nothing, but all the money offered would not have hired one of them to walk a mile. The girls were very fond of dancing, and they did dance gracefully and well. Every Sunday, regularly, we had a baile, or dance, and sometimes interspersed through the week.
throw
it

as to catch

work

all

all

well, soon after our arrival, that play called " Adam and Eve." witness a invited to

I

remember very

we were
Eve was

personated by a pretty young girl known as Dolores Gomez, who,

however, was dressed very unlike Eve, for she was covered with
a petticoat and spangles.
,

Adam

was personated by her brother

the same

who

has since become somewhat famous as

whom is founded the McGarrahan claim. God Almighty was personated, and heaven's occupants seemed very human. Yet the play was pretty, interesting, and elicited uniAll the month of February we were by day preversal applause. paring for our long stay in the country, and at night making the most of the balls and parties of the most primitive kind, picking up a smattering of Spanish, and extending our acquaintance with the people and the costuiribres del pais. I can well recall that Ord and I, impatient to look inland, got permission and started for the Mission of San Juan Bautista. Mounted on horses, and with our carbines, we took the road by El Toro, quite a prominent hill, around which passes the road to the south, following the Salinas or Monterey Eiver. After about twenty miles over a sandy country covered with oak-bushes and scrub,
the person on

1846-M8.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORKTA.
which there was a ranch

21
at
in-

w.e entered quite a pretty valley in

the foot of the Toro.

Resting there a while and getting some
It

formation,

we

again started in the direction of a mountain to the

north of the Salinas, called the Gavillano.

was quite dark
to pass

when we
were bad.

reached the Salinas River, which

we attempted

at several points,

but found

it full

of water, and the quicksands

Hearing the bark of a dog, we changed our course

by voices which directed us where to cross. Our knowledge of the language was limited, but we managed to understand, and to flounder through the sand and water, and reached a small adobe-house on the banks of the Salinas, where we spent the night. The house was a single room, without floor or glass; only a rude door, and window with bars. Not a particle of food but meat, yet the man and woman entertained us with the language of lords, put themselves, their house, and every thing, at our " disposition," and made little barefoot children dance for our entertainment. We made our supper of beef, and slept on a bullock's hide on the dirt-floor. In the morning we crossed the Salinas
in that direction, and, on hailing, were answered
Plain, about fifteen miles of level ground, taking a shot occa-

which abounded there, and entering the well-wooded valley that comes out from the foot of the Gavillano. We had cruised about all day, and it was almost dark when we reached the house of a Senor Gomez, father of those who at Monterey had performed the parts of Adam and Eve. His house was a two-story adobe, and had a fence in front. It was situated well up among the foot-hills of the Gavillano, and could not be seen until within a few yards. We hitched our horses to the fence and went in just as Gomez was about to sit down to a tempting supper of stewed hare and tortillas. We were officers and cdballeros and could not be ignored. After
sionally at wild-geese,

turning our horses to grass, at his invitation
supper.

we

joined

him

at

The

allowance, though ample for one, was rather short

for three, and I thought the Spanish grandiloquent politeness of

Gomez, who was fat and old, was not over-cordial. Howdown we sat, and I was helped to a dish of rabbit, with what I thought to be an abundant sauce of tomato. Taking a
ever,

22

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

good mouthful, I felt as though I had taken liquid fire the tomato was chile Colorado, or red pepper, of the purest kind. It nearly killed me, and I saw Gomez's eyes twinkle, for he saw
;

that his share of supper

was increased. and stood
it

I contented myself
tortillas.

with hits of the meat, and an ahundant supply of

Ord was

hetter case-hardened,

better.

We staid at

Gomez's that night, sleeping, as all did, on the ground, and the next morning we crossed the hill by the bridle-path to the old Mission of San Juan Bautista. The Mission was in a beautiful valley, very level, and bounded on all sides by hills. The plain was covered with wild-grasses and mustard, and had abundant water. Cattle and horses were seen in all directions, and it was manifest that the priests who first occupied the country were good judges of land. It was Sunday, and all the people, about a hundred, had come to church from the country round about. Ord was somewhat of a Catholic, and entered the church with his clanking spurs and kneeled down, attracting the attention of all, for he had on the uniform of an American officer. As soon as church was out, all rushed to the various sports. I saw
the priest, with his gray robes tucked up, playing at billiards,
others were cock-fighting, and some at horse-racing. My horse had become lame, and I resolved to buy another. As soon as it was known that I wanted a horse, several came for me, and displayed There their horses by dashing past and hauling them up short. was a fine black stallion that attracted my notice, and, after I left with the trying him myself, I concluded a purchase. seller my own lame horse, which he was to bring to me at MonThe terey, when I was to pay him ten dollars for the other. Mission of San Juan bore the marks of high prosperity at a former period, and had a good pear-orchard just under the plateau where stood the church. After spending the day, Ord and I returned to Monterey, about thirty-five miles, by a shorter route. Thus passed the month of February, and, though there were no mails or regular expresses, we heard occasionally from Yerba Buena and Sutter's Fort to the north, and from the army and navy about Los Angeles at the south. We also knew that a quarrel had grown up at Los Angeles, between General Kearney.

;

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
Commodore

23

Colonel Fremont, and

Stockton, as to the right to

Kearney had with him only the fragments of the two companies of dragoons, which had come across from New Mexico with him, and had been handled very roughly by Don Andreas Pico, at San Pascual, in which engagement Captains Moore and Johnson, and Lieutenant Hammond, were killed, and Kearney himself wounded. There remained with him Colonel Swords, quartermaster Captain H. S. Turner, First Dragoons; Captains Emory and "Warner, Topographical Engineers Assistant Surgeon Griffin, and Lieutenant Fremont had marched down from the north J. W. Davidson. with a battalion of volunteers; Commodore Stockton had marched up from San Diego to Los Angeles, with General Kearney, his dragoons, and a battalion of sailors and marines, and was soon joined there by Fremont, and they jointly received the surrender of the insurgents under Andreas Pico. We also knew that General B. B. Mason had been ordered to California that Colonel John D. Stevenson was coming out to California
control affairs in California.
;

;

with a regiment of New York Volunteers that Commodore Shubrick had orders also from the Navy Department to control
;

matters afloat
States
letter

;

that General Kearney,
all

by virtue of

his rank,

had

the right to control
;

the land-forces in the service of the United

and that Fremont claimed the same right by virtue of a he had received from Colonel Benton, then a Senator, and
of great influence with Polk's Administration.

a

man
is

So that

officers the query was Governor of California ? " One day I was on board the Independence frigate, dining with the ward-room officers, when a war-vessel was reported in the offing, which in due time was made out to be the Cyane, Captain DuPont. After dinner, we were all on deck, to watch the new arrival, the ships meanwhile exchanging signals, which were interpreted that General Kearney was on board. As the Cyane approached, a boat was sent to meet her, with Commodore Shubrick's flag-officer, Lieutenant Lewis, to carry the usual messages, and to invite General Kearney to come on board the Independence as the guest of Commodore Shubrick. Quite a number of officers were on deck, among them

among the younger
devil

very natural,

"Who the

24:

EAKLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

Lieutenants Wise, Montgomery Lewis, William Chapman, and In due time the Cyane others, noted wits and wags of the navy.

anchored close by, and our boat wT as seen returning with a strannearer,

As the boat came was General Kearney with an old dragoon coat on, and an army-cap, to which the general had added the broad visor, cut from a full-dress hat, to shade his face and eyes
ger in the stern-sheets, clothed in army-blue.

we saw

that

it

against the glaring sun of the Gila region. claimed " Fellows, the problem is solved ; there
:

Chapman
is

ex-

the grand-

vizier (visor)

by

G— d

!

lie

is

Governor of California."

All hands received the general with great heartiness, and he
soon passed out of our sight into the commodore's cabin. Between Commodore Shubrick and General Kearney existed from that time forward the greatest harmony and good feeling, and no further trouble existed as to the controlling power on the Pacific coast. General Kearney had dispatched from San Diego Lis quartermaster, Colonel Swords, to the Sandwich Islands, to purchase clothing and stores for his men, and had come up to Monterey, bringing with him Turner and Warner, leaving Emory and the company of dragoons below. He was delighted to find
a full strong

company

of artillery, subject to his orders, well

supplied with clothing and

money

in all respects, and,

much

to

the disgust of our Captain Tompkins, he took half of his com-

pany clothing and part of the money held by me for the relief of his worn-out and almost naked dragoons left behind at Los Angeles. In a few days he moved on shore, took up his quarters at Larkin's house, and established his headquarters, with Captain Turner as his adjutant-general. One day Turner and Warner were at my tent, and, seeing a store-box full of socks, drawers, and calico shirts, of which I had laid in a three years' supply, and of which they had none, made known to me their wants, and I told them to help themselves, which Turner and Warner did. The latter, however, insisted on paying me the cost, and from that date to this Turner and I have been close friends. Warner, poor fellow, was afterward killed by Indians. Things gradually came into shape, a semi-monthly courier line was established from Yerba Buena to San Diego, and we were thus enabled to keep pace

184C-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

25

with events throughout the country. In March Stevenson's regiment arrived. Colonel Mason also arrived by sea from Callao in the store-ship Erie, and P. St. George Cooke's batA. J. Smith and talion of Mormons reached San Luis Key. George Stoneman were with him, and were assigned to the com-

pany of dragoons at Los Angeles. All these troops and the navy regarded General Kearney as the rightful commander, though Fremont still remained at Los Angeles, styling himself as Governor, issuing orders and holding his battalion of California
Volunteers in apparent defiance of General Kearney.
Colonel

Mason and Major Turner were

sent

down by

sea with a pay-

master, with muster-rolls and orders to muster this battalion into

the service of the United States, to pay and then to muster

them

but on their reaching Los Angeles Fremont would not consent to it, and the controversy became so angry that a challenge
out
;

between Mason and Fremont, but Turner rode up by land in four or five days, and Fremont, becoming alarmed, followed him, as we supposed, to overtake him, but he did not succeed. On Fremont's arrival at Monterey, he camped in a tent about a mile out of town and called on General Kearney, and it was reported that the latter threatened him very severely and ordered him back to Los Angeles immediately, to disband his volunteers, and to cease Feeling a the exercise of authority of any kind in the country. natural curiosity to see Fremont, who was then quite famous by reason of his recent explorations and the still more recent conflicts with Kearney and Mason, I rode out to his camp, and found him in a conical tent with one Captain Owens, who was a mountaineer, trapper, etc., but originally from Zanesville, Ohio. I spent an hour or so with Fremont in his tent, took some tea with him, and left, without being much impressed with him. In due time Colonel Swords returned from the Sandwich Islands and relieved me as quartermaster. Captain William G. Marey, son of the Secretary of War, had also come out in one of Stevenson's ships as an assistant commissary of subsistence, and was stationed at Monterey and relieved me as commissary, so that I reverted to the condition of a company-officer. While acting as a staff

was believed

to have passed

the duel never

came

about.


26
officer I

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
had lived
at the custom-house in

[1846-'48

Monterey, but when

relieved I took a tent in line with the other company-officers on

the

hill,

where we had a mess.

Stevenson's regiment reached San Francisco

Bay

early in

March, 1847. Three companies were stationed at the Presidio under Major James A. Hardie one company (Brackett's) at So;

under Colonel Stevenson, at Monterey and three, under Lieutenant-Colonel Burton, at Santa Barbara. One day I was down at the headquarters at Lar kin's house, when General Kearney remarked to me that he was going down to Los Angeles in the ship Lexington, and wanted me to go along as his aide. Of course this was most agreeable to me. Two of Stevenson's companies, with the headquarters and the colonel, were to go also. They embarked, and early in May we sailed for San Pedro. Before embarking, the United States line-of-battle-ship Columbus had reached the coast from China with Commodore Biddle, whose rank gave him the supreme command of the navy on the coast. He was busy in calling in " lassooing " from the land-service the various naval officers who under Stockton had been doing all sorts of military and civil service on shore. Knowing that I was to go down the coast with General Kearney, he sent for me and handed me two unsealed parcels addressed to Lieutenant Wilson, United States Navy, and Major These were Gillespie, United States Marines, at Los Angeles. written orders pretty much in these words " On receipt of this order you will repair at once on board the United States ship Lexington at San Pedro, and on reaching Monterey you will James Biddle." Of course, I exreport to the undersigned. ecuted my part to the letter, and these officers were duly " lassooed." We sailed down the coast with a fair wind, and anchored inside the kelp, abreast of Johnson's house. Messages were forthwith dispatched up to Los Angeles, twenty miles off, and prepa;

noma

three,

;

:

rations for horses

made

for us to ride up.

We

landed, and, as

Kearney held to my arm in ascending the steep path up the bluff, he remarked to himself, rather than to me, that it was strange that Fremont did not want to return north by the Lexington on account of sea-sickness, but preferred to go by laud

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
The younger
officers

27
discuss-

over five hundred miles.

had been

ing what the general would do with Fremont,
to

who was supposed
tried

be in a

state of

mutiny.

Some thought he would be

and

some that he would be carried back in irons / and all agreed Fremont had put on such airs, and had acted as he had done, Kearney would have shown him no mercy, for he was regarded as the strictest sort of a disciplinarian. We had a pleasant ride across the plain which lies between the seashore and Los Angeles, which we reached in about three hours, the infantry following on foot. We found Colonel P. St, George Cooke living at the house of a Mr. Pryor, and the company of dragoons, with A. J. Smith, Davidson, Stoneman, and Dr. Griffin, quartered in an adobe-house close by. Fremont held
shot,

that if any one else than

his court in the only two-story frame-house in the place.

After

call

some time spent at Pryor's house, General Kearney ordered me to on Fremont to notify him of his arrival, and that he desired to see him. I walked round to the house which had been pointed

out to

me

as his, inquired of a

man

at the

door

if

the colonel

was in, was answered " Yes," and was conducted to a large room on the second floor, where very soon Fremont came in, and I delivered my message. As I was on the point of leaving, he inquired where I was going to, and I answered that I was going back to Pryor's house, where the general was, when he remarked Of course that if I would wait a moment he would go along. I waited, and he soon joined me, dressed much as a Calif ornian, with the peculiar high, broad-brimmed hat, with a fancy cord, and we walked together back to Pryor's, where I left him with
General Kearney. We spent several days very pleasantly at Los Angeles, then, as now, the chief pueblo of the south, famous for its grapes, fruits, and wines. There was a hill close to the town, from which we had a perfect view of the place. The surrounding country is level, utterly devoid of trees, except the
willows and cotton-woods that line the Los Angeles Creek and
the acequlas, or ditches, which lead from
cultivated in vineyards
it. The space of ground seemed about five miles by one, embracEvery house had its inclosureof vineyard, which

ing the town. resembled a miniature orchard, the vines being very

old,

ranged

28
in rows,

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
trimmed very
close,

[1846-'48

that a stream of water could be diverted
vines.

with irrigating ditches so arranged between each row of

The Los Angeles and San Gabriel Rivers are fed by melting snows from a range of mountains to the east, and the
upon the amount of water. This did not seem to be very large but the San Gabriel River, close by, was represented to contain a larger volume of water, affording the means of greatly enlarging the space for cultivation. The climate was so moderate that oranges, figs, pomegranates,
quantity of cultivated land depends
;

were generally to be found in every yard or inclosure. the time of our visit, General Kearney was making his preparations to return overland to the United States, and he
etc.,

At

arranged to secure a volunteer escort out of the battalion of Mormons that was then stationed at San Luis Hey, under Colonel

Cooke and a Major Hunt. This battalion was only enlisted for one year, and the time for their discharge was approaching, and
was generally understood that the majority of the men wanted to be discharged so as to join the Mormons who had halted at Salt Lake, but a lieutenant and about forty men volunteered to return to Missouri as the escort of General Kearney. These were mounted on mules and horses, and I was appointed to conduct them to Monterey by land. Leaving the party at Los Angeles to follow by sea in the Lexington, I started with the Mormon detachment and traveled by land. We averaged about thirty miles a day, stopped one day at Santa Barbara, where I saw Colonel Burton, and so on by the usually traveled road to Monterey, reaching it in about fifteen days, arriving some days
it

in advance of the Lexington.

This gave

me

the best kind of an

opportunity for seeing the country, which was very sparsely populated indeed, except

by a few

families at the various Missions.

"We had no wheeled vehicles, but packed our food and clothing on mules driven ahead, and we slept on the ground in the open air, the rainy season having passed. Fremont followed me by land in a few days, and, by the end of May, General Kearney was all ready at Monterey to take his departure, leaving to succeed him in command Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons. Our Captain (Tompkins), too, had become discontented at his

1846-'48.j

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

29

separation from his family, tendered his resignation to General Kearney, and availed himself of a sailing-vessel bound for Callao Colonel Mason selected me as his adjutantto reach the East.

general
his

and on the very last day of May General Kearney, with escort, with Colonel Cooke, Colonel Swords (quartermaster), Captain Turner, and a naval officer, Captain
;

Mormon

Rafdford, took his departure for the East overland, leaving us
in full possession of California

and

its fate.

California with General Kearney, and with

Fremont also left him departed all

cause of confusion and disorder in the country.

From

that time
as in

forth no one could dispute the authority of Colonel

Mason

command

of

all

the United States forces on shore, while the

had a like control afloat. This was Commodore James Biddle, who had reached the station from China in the Columbus, and he in turn was succeeded by Commodore
senior naval officer

T. Ap Catesby Jones in the line-of-battle-ship Ohio. At that time Monterey was our headquarters, and the naval commander for a time remained there, but subsequently San Francisco Bay

became the chief naval rendezvous. Colonel K. B. Mason, First Dragoons, was an officer of grea/ experience, of stern character, deemed by some harsh and severe, but in all my intercourse with him he was kind and agreeable. He had a large fund of good sense, and, during our long period
of service together, I enjoyed his unlimited confidence.

He

had been

day a splendid shot and hunter, and often entertained me with characteristic anecdotes of Taylor, Twiggs, Worth, Harney, Martin Scott, etc., etc who were then in
in his
,

Mexico, gaining a national fame.
to a condition of absolute repose,

had settled down and we naturally repined at our fate in being so remote from the war in Mexico, where our comrades were reaping large honors. Mason dwelt in a house not far from the Custom-House, with Captain Lanman, United States Navy; I had a small adobe-house back of Larkin's. HalleGk and Dr. Murray had a small log-house not far off. The company of artillery was still on the hill, under the command of Lieutenant Ord, engaged in building a fort whereon to mount the guns we had brought out in the Lexington, and also in conCalifornia

30

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
hewn
pine-logs for the
officer,

[1846- 48.

men. Lieutenhad taken violently sick and died about the time I got back' from Los Angeles, leaving Lieutenants Ord and Loeser alone with the company, with AsCaptain William G. Marcy sistant-Surgeon Robert Murray. was the quartermaster and commissary. Naglee's company of Stevenson's regiment had been mounted and was sent out against the Indians in the San Joaquin Yalley, and Shannon's company occupied the barracks. Shortly after General Kearney had gone East, we found an order of his on record, removing one Mr. Nash, the Alcalde of Sonoma, and appointing to his place ex-Governor L. W. Boggs. letter came to Colonel and Gov ernor Mason from Boggs, whom he had personally known in Missouri, complaining that, though he had been appointed alcalde, the then incumbent (Hash) utterly denied Kearney's right to remove him, because he had been elected by the people under the proclamation of Commodore Sloat, and refused to surrender his office or to account for his acts as alcalde. Such a proclamation had been made by Commodore Sloat shortly after the first occupation of California, announcing that the people were free and enlightened American citizens, entitled to all the rights and privileges as such, and among them the right to elect their own officers, etc. The people of Sonoma town and valley, some forty or fifty immigrants from the United States, and very few native Calif ornians, had elected Mr. Nash, and, as stated, he refused to recognize the right of a mere military commander to eject him and to appoint another to his place. Neither General Kearney nor Mason had much respect for this kind of " buncombe," but assumed the true doctrine that California was yet a Mexican province, held by right of conquest, that the military commander was held responsible to the country, and that the province should be held in statu quo until a treaty of peace. This letter of Boggs was therefore referred to Captain Brackett, whose company was stationed at Sonoma, with orders to notify Nash that Boggs was the rightful alcalde that he must quietly surrender his office, with the books and records thereof, and that he must account for any moneys received
structing quarters out of

ant Minor, a very clever young

A

;

J846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
;

31

from tlie sale of town-lots, etc., etc. and in the event of refusal he (Captain Bracket t) must compel him by the nse of force. In due time we got Brackett's answer, saying that the little community of Sonoma was in a dangerous state of effervescence caused by his orders that Nash was backed by most of the Americans there who had come across from Missouri with
;

that as he (Brackett) was a volunteer offibe soon discharged, and as he designed to settle there, he asked in consequence to be excused from the execuSuch a request, comtion of this (to him) unpleasant duty. ing to an old soldier like Colonel Mason, aroused his wrath, and he would have proceeded rough-shod against Brackett, who,

American

ideas;

cer, likely to

by-the-way, was a "West Point graduate, and ought to have

known better
settle it

;

but I suggested to the colonel

that, the case

being

a test one, he had better send

quick enough.

Sonoma, and I would lie then gave me an order to go to
to
#

me up

Sonoma
I
horses,

to carry out the instructions already

given to Brackett.

took

two of which we

ahead.

one soldier with me, Private Barnes, with four rode, and the other two we drove The first day we reached Gilroy's and camped by a

stream near three or four adobe-huts

known

as Gilroy's ranch.

San Jose, and Santa camping Mission, some four miles Clara beyond, where a kind of hole had been dug in the ground for water. The whole of this distance, now so beautifully improved and settled, was then scarcely occupied, except by poor ranches producing horses and cattle. The pueblo of San Jose was a string of low adobe-houses festooned with red peppers and garlic; and the Mission of Santa Clara was a dilapidated concern, with its church and orchard. The long line of poplar-trees lining the road from San Jose to Santa Clara bespoke a former period when the priests had ruled the land. Just about dark I was lying on the ground near the well, and my soldier Barnes had watered our horses and picketed them to grass, when we heard a horse crushing his way through the high mustard-bushes which filled the plain, and soon a man came to us to inquire if we had seen a saddle-horse pass up the road. We explained to
passed Murphy's,

The next day

we

32

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846- '48.

him what we had
horse.

name member

heard, and he went off in pursuit of his Before dark he came back unsuccessful, and gave his as Bidwell, the same gentleman who has since been a
of Congress,
City,

Washington
California.

who is married to Miss Kennedy, of and now lives in princely style at Chico,

He explained that he was a surveyor, and had been in the lower country engaged in surveying land that the horse had escaped him with his saddle-bags containing all his notes and
;

papers, and some six hundred dollars in money, all the money he had earned. He spent the night with us on the ground, and the next morning we left him there to continue the search for his horse, and I afterward heard that he had found his saddle-bags all right, but never recovered the horse. The next day toward night we approached the Mission of San Francisco, and the village of Yerba Buena, tired and weary the wind as usual blowing a perfect hurricane, and a more desolate region Leaving Barnes to work his it was impossible to conceive of. the as best town he could with the tired animals, I way into took the freshest horse and rode forward. I fell in with Lieutenant Fabius Stanley, United States Navy, and we rode into Yerba Buena together about an hour before sundown, there being nothing but a path from the Mission into the town, deep and heavy with drift-sand. My horse could hardly drag one

foot after the other

when we reached

the old

Hudson Bay

Company's house, which was then the store of Howard and Melius. There I learned where Captain Folsom, the quartermaster, was to be found. He was staying with a family of the name of Grimes, who had a small house back of Howard's store, which must have been near where Sacramento Street now Folsom was a classmate of mine, had come crosses Kearney. out with Stevenson's regiment as quartermaster, and was at the time the chief-quartermaster of the department. His office was
in the old custom-house standing at the northwest corner of the

Plaza.

had hired two warehouses, the only ones there at the time, of one Liedsdorff, the principal man of Yerba Buena,

He

who

also

owned

the only public-house, or tavern, called the

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
tlie

33

City Hotel, on Kearney Street, at
Plaza.
I stopped with

southeast corner of the

Folsom

at

Mrs. Grimes's, and he sent

my

horse, as also the other three

when Barnes had

got in after

had a little barley, but no hay. At nobody fed a horse, but he was usually turned out to pick such scanty grass as he could find on the side-hills. The few government horses used in town were usually sent out to the Presidio, where the grass was somewhat better. At that time (July, 1847), what is now called San Francisco was called naval officer, Lieutenant Washington A. Yerba Buena. Bartlett, its first alcalde, had caused it to be surveyed and laid out into blocks and lots, which were being sold at sixteen doldark, to a corral where he
that time

A

lars a lot of fifty

varas square

;

the understanding being that

no single person could purchase of the alcalde more than one Folin-lot of fifty varas, and one out-lot of a hundred varas. som, however, had got his clerks, orderlies, etc., to buy lots, and they, for a small consideration, conveyed them to him, so that he was nominally the owner of a good many lots. Lieutenant Halleck had bought one of each kind, and so had Warner. Many naval officers had also invested, and Captain Folsom advised me to buy some, but I felt actually insulted that he should think me such a fool as to pay money for property in such a horrid place as Yerba Buena, especially ridiculing his quarter of the city, then called Happy Valley. At that day Montgomery Street was, as now, the business street, extending from Jackson to Sacramento, the water of the bay leaving barely room for a few houses on its east side, and the public warehouses were on a sandy beach about where the Bank of California now stands, viz., near the intersection of Sansome and California Streets. Along Montgomery Street were the stores of Howard & Melius, Frank Ward, Sherman & Ruckel, Ross & Co., and it may be one or two others. Around the Plaza were a few houses, among them the City Hotel and the Custom-House, single-story adobes with tiled roofs, and they were by far the most substantial and best houses in the place. The population was estimated at about four hundred, of whom Kanakas (natives of the Sandwich Islands) formed the bulk.

3-i

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[184G-'48.

At

the foot of Clay Street was a small wharf which small boats

could reach at high tide; but the principal landing-place was

where some stones had fallen into the water, about wdiere Broadway now intersects Battery Street. On the steep bluff: above had been excavated, by the navy, during the year before, a bench, wherein were mounted a couple of navy-guns, styled
the battery, which, I suppose,

gave name to the

street.

I ex-

and learned from him that he had no boat in which to send me to Sonoma, and that the only chance to get there was to borrow a boat from the navy. The line-of-battle-ship Columbus was then lying at anchor oil the town, and he said if I would get up early the next morning I could go off to her in one of the ?narket-bo2its. Accordingly, I was up bright and early, down at the whart, found a boat, and went olf to the Columbus to see Commodore Biddle. On reaching the ship and stating to the officer of the deck my business, I was shown into the commodore's cabin, and Biddle was a small-sized soon made known to him my object. man, but vivacious in the extreme. lie had a perfect contempt for all humbug, and at once entered into the business with extreme alacrity. I was somewhat amused at the importance he attached to the step. lie had a chaplain, and a private secretary, in a small room latticed off from his cabin, and he first called on them to go out, and, when we were alone, he enplained to Folsom the object of
visit,

my

larged on the folly of Sloat's proclamation, giving the people
the right to elect their own officers, and commended Kearney and Mason for nipping that idea in the bud, and keeping the power in their own hands. He then sent for the first lieutenant (Drayton), and inquired if there were among the officers on board any who had ever been in the Upper Bay, and learning that there was a midshipman (Whittaker) he was sent for. It so happened that this midshipman had been on a frolic on shore a few nights before, and was accordingly much frightened when summoned into the commodore's presence, but as soon as he was questioned as to his knowledge of the bay, he wag
sensibly relieved, and professed to

know every

thing about

it.

Accordingly, the long-boat was ordered with this midship-

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

35

man and
his

eight sailors, prepared with water and provisions for

Biddle then asked me if I knew any of and which one of them I would prefer to accompany me. I knew most of them, and we settled down on Louis McLane. He was sent for, and it was settled that McLane and I were to conduct this important mission, and the commodore enjoined on us complete secrecy, so as to insure success, and he especially cautioned us against being pumped by his ward-room officers, Chapman, Lewis, Wise, etc., while on board his ship. With this injunction I was dismissed to the wardroom, where I found Chapman, Lewis, and Wise, dreadfully exercised at our profound secrecy. The fact that McLane and I had been closeted with the commodore for an hour, that orders for the boat and stores had been made, that the chaplain and clerk had been sent out of the cabin, etc., etc., all excited their curiosity but McLane and I kept our secret well. The general impression was, that we had some knowledge about the fate of Captain Montgomery's two sons and the crew that had been lost the year before. In 1846 Captain Montgomery commanded at Yerba Buena, on board the St. Mary sloop-of-war, and he had Occasionally a a detachment of men stationed up at Sonoma. boat was sent up with provisions or intelligence to them. Montgomery had two sons on board his ship, one a midshipman, the
several days' absence.

own

officers,

;

Having occasion to send some money up Sonoma, he sent his two sons with a good boat and crew. The boat started with a strong breeze and a very large sail, was watched from the deck until she was out of sight, and has never been heard of since. There was, of course, much speculation as to their fate, some contending that the boat must have been capsized in San Pablo Bay, and that all were lost others contending that the crew had murdered the officers for the money, and then escaped but, so far as I know, not a man of that crew has ever been seen or heard of since. When at last the boat was ready for us, we started, leaving all hands, save the commodore, impressed with the belief that we were going on some errand connected with the loss of the missing boat and crew of We sailed directly north, up the bay and across the St. Mary.
other his secretary.
to
;

;

36

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

San Pablo, reached the mouth of Sonoma Creek about dark, and during the night worked up the creek some twelve miles by means of the tide, to a landing called the Emharcadero. To maintain the secrecy which the commodore had enjoined on us, McLane and I agreed to keep up the delusion by pretending to be on a marketing expedition to pick up chickens, pigs, etc., for the mess of the Columbus, soon to depart for home. Leaving the midshipman and four sailors to guard the boat, we started on foot with the other four for Sonoma Town, which we soon reached. It was a simple open square, around which were some adobe-houses, that of General Vallejo occupying one side. On another was an unfinished two-story adobe building, occupied as a barrack by Brackets company. We soon found Captain Brackett, and I told him that I intended to take Nash a prisoner and convey him back to Monterey to answer for his mutinous behavior. I got an old sergeant of his company, whom I had known in the Third Artillery, quietly to ascertain the whereabouts of Nash, who was a bachelor, stopping with the
family of a lawyer
that evening
so

named Green. The sergeant soon returned, saying that Nash had gone over to Napa, but would be back
I went up to a farm of some preby one Andreas Hoepner, with a pretty Sitka wife, who lived a couple of miles above Sonoma, and we bought of him some chickens, pigs, etc. We then visited Governor family Boggs's and that of General Vallejo, who was then, as now, one of the most prominent and influential natives of California. About dark I learned that Nash had come back, and
;

McLane and

tensions, occupied

then, giving Brackett orders to have a cart ready at the corner

of the plaza,

McLane and

I

went

to the house of Green.

Post-

ing an armed sailor on each side of the house, we knocked at the door and walked in. found Green, Nash, and two women,

We
if

at supper.

I inquired

Nash were

in,

and was

first

answered

" No," but one of the

women soon

pointed to him, and he rose.

We

were armed with pistols, and the family was evidently I walked up to him and took his arm, and told him to come along with me. lie asked me, " Where ? " and I said, " Monterey." " Why \ " I would explain that more at leisure.
alarmed.

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

37

Green put himself between
theatrical style,

me

and the door, and demanded, in

why

I dared arrest a peaceable citizen in his

and told him to get out some clothing, but I told him he should want for nothing. We passed out, Green following us with loud words, which brought the four sailors to the front-door, when I told him to hush up or I would take him
house.
I simply pointed to of the way, which he did.

my pistol,

Nash asked

to get

prisoner also.

About

that time one of the sailors, handling his
it,

and Green disappeared very sudput him in, and proceeded back to our boat. The next morning we were gone. Nash being out of the way, Boggs entered on his office, and the right to appoint or remove from civil office was never again questioned in California during the military regime. Nash was an old man, and was very much alarmed for his personal safety. He had come across the Plains, and had never yet seen the sea. While on our way down the bay, I explained fully to him the state of things in California, and he admitted he had never looked on it in that light before, and professed a willingness to surrender his office but, having gone so far, I thought it best to take him to Monterey. On our way down the bay the wind was so stroug, as we approached the Columbus, that we had to take refuge behind Yerba Buena Island, then called Goat Island, where we landed, and I killed a gray seal. The next morning, the wind being comparatively light, we got out and worked our way up to the Columbus, where I left my prisoner on board, and went on shore to find Commodore Biddle, who had gone to dine with Frank Ward. I found him there, and committed Nash to his charge, with the request that he would send him down to Monterey, which he did in the sloop-of-war Dale, Captain Selfridge commanding. I then returned to Monterey by land, and, when the Dale arrived, Colonel Mason and I went on board, found poor old Mr. Nash half dead with sea-sickness and fear, lest Colonel Mason would treat him with extreme military rigor. But, on the contrary, the colonel spoke to him kindly, released him as a prisoner on his promise to go back to Sonoma, surrender his office to Boggs, and account to him for his
pistol carelessly, discharged

denly.

We took Nash

to the cart,

;

38

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846- 48.

,

acts while in office.

He

afterward came on shore, was provided

with clothing and a horse, returned to Sonoma, and I never have
seen him since.

all

Matters and things settled down in Upper California, and moved along with peace and harmony. The war still con-

tinued in Mexico, and the navy authorities resolved to employ

with the capture of Mazatlan and Guaymas. Lower had already been occupied by two companies of Stevenson's regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Burton, who had taken post at La Paz, and a small party of sailors was on shore at San Josef, near Cape San Lucas, detached from the Lexington, Lieutenant-Commander Bailey. The orders for this occupation were made by General Kearney before he left, in pursuance of instructions from the War Department, merely to subserve a political end, for there w ere few or no people in Lower CaliforI nia, which is a miserable, wretched, dried-up peninsula. remember the proclamation made by Burton and Captain Bailey, in taking possession, which was in the usual florid style.
their time

California

T

Bailey signed his
but, as it

name

as the senior naval officer at the station,

was necessary

to put it into Spanish to reach the init

habitants of the newly-acquired country,

was interpreted,
etc.,

"El mas antiguo de todos
literally, is "

los oficiales
all

de

la

marina,"

which,
etc.,

the most ancient of

the naval officers,"

a

which we made some fun. The expedition to Mazatlan was, however, for a different purpose, viz., to get possession of the ports of Mazatlan and Guaymas, as a part of the war against Mexico, and not for pertranslation at

manent conquest.

Commodore Shubrick commanded

this expedition,

and took

Halleck along as his engineer-officer. They and Guaymas, and then called on Colonel Mason to send soldiers

captured Mazatlan

down

to hold possession,

but he had none to spare, and

it

was

found impossible to raise other volunteers either in California or Oregon, and the navy held these places by detachments of sailBurton also called for ors and marines till the end of the war. reinforcements, and JSTaglee's company was sent to him from Monterey, and these three companies occupied Lower California

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

39

end of the Mexican War. Major Ilardie still commanded San Francisco and above Company F, Third Artillery, and Shannon's company of volunteers, were at Monterey Lippett's company at Santa Barbara Colonel Stevenson, with one company of his regiment, and the company of the First Dragoons, was at Los Angeles and a company of Mormons, reenlisted out of the Mormon Battalion, garrisoned San Diego and thus matters went along throughout 1847 into 1848. I had occasion to make several trips to Yerba Buena and back, and in the spring of 1848 Colonel Mason and I went down to Santa Barat the at
;

;

;

;

bara in the sloop-of-war Dale.
I spent much time in hunting deer and bear in the mountains back of the Carmel Mission, and ducks and geese in the plains

of the Salinas.

As

soon as the

fall rains set in,

the young oats
geese,

would sprout up, and myriads of ducks, brant, and
their appearance.

made

In a single day, or rather in the evening of one day and the morning of the next, I could load a pack-mule with geese and ducks. They had grown somewhat wild from

by marking well the place by taking advantage of gullies or the shape of the ground, creep up within range and, giving one barrel on the ground, and the other as they rose, I have secured as many as nine at one discharge. Colonel Mason on one occasion killed eleven geese by one discharge of small
the increased
of hunters, yet,

number

where

a flock lighted, I could,

;

shot.

The

seasons in California are well marked.

About

October and November the rains begin, and the whole country, plains and mountains, becomes covered with a bright-green grass,

with endless flowers. The intervals between the rains give the finest weather possible. These rains are less frequent in March, and cease altogether in April and May, when gradually the grass dies and the whole aspect of things changes, first to yellow, then to brown, and by midsummer all is burnt up and dry as an ashheap.

When
Larkin's
;

General Kearney

first

departed

we

took his

office at

but shortly afterward

we had

a broad stairway con-

structed to lead from the outside to the upper front porch of

the barracks.

By

cutting a large door through the adobe-wall,

40

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
the upper room in the centre our
it
;

[18-46 -'48.

we made
private

side-room, connected with
office.

by a

door,

office and another was Colonel Mason's

I had a single clerk, a soldier

named Baden

;

and William

E. P. Hartnell, citizen, also had a table in the same room.

He

and had charge of the civil archives. After Halleck's return from Mazatlan, he was, by Colonel Mason, made Secretary of State and he then had charge of the civil archives, including the land-titles, of which Fremont first had possession, but which had reverted to us when he left the country. I remember one day, in the spring of 1848, that two men, Americans, came into the office and inquired for the Governor. I asked their business, and one answered that they had just come down from Captain Sutter on special business, and they wanted to see Governor Mason in person. I took them in to the colonel, and left them together. After some time the colonel came to his door and called to me. I went in, and my attention was directed to a seiies of papers unfolded on his table, in which lay about half an ounce of placer-gold. Mason said to me, " What is that ? " I touched it and examined one or two of the larger pieces, and asked, " Is it gold ? " Mason asked me if I had ever seen native gold. I answered that, in 1844, I was in Upper Georgia, and there saw some native gold, but it was much finer than this, and that it was in phials, or in transparent qnills but I said that, if this were gold, it could be easily tested, I took a piece in first, by its malleability, and next by acids. my teeth, and the metallic lustre was perfect. I then called to the clerk, Baden, to bring an axe and hatchet from the backyard. When these were brought, I took the largest piece and beat it out flat, and beyond doubt it was metal, and a pure metal. Still, we attached little importance to the fact, for gold was known to exist at San Fernando, at the south, and yet was
interpreter,
; ;

was the government

not considered of

much

value.

Colonel Mason then handed

me

a letter from Captain Sutter,

addressed to him, stating that he (Sutter) was engaged in erecting
a saw-mill at Coloma, about forty miles

up the American Fork,

1846-'48.J

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
at

41

above his fort
pense, and

New

Helvetia, for the general benefit of tbe
;

that he had incurred considerable exwanted a "preemption" to the quarter-section of land on which the mill was located, embracing the tail-race in which this particular gold had been found. Mason insettlers in that vicinity

structed

me

to prepare a letter, in answer, for his signature.

I wrote off a letter, reciting that California

province, simply held

by us

as a conquest

;

that

was yet a Mexican no laws of the

United States yet applied to it, much less the land laws or preemption laws, which could only apply after a public survey. Therefore it was impossible for the Governor to promise him (Sutter) a title to the land yet, as there were no settlements within forty miles, he was not likely to be disturbed by tresColonel Mason signed the letter, handed it to one of passers. the gentlemen who had brought the sample of gold, and they
;

departed.

That gold was the first discovered in the Sierra Nevada, which soon revolutionized the whole country, and actually moved the whole civilized world. About this time (May and June, lS-iS), far more importance was attached to quicksilver. One mine, the New Almaden, twelve miles south of San Jose, was well known, and was in possession of the agent of a Scotch gentle man named Forbes, who at the time was British consul at Tepic, Mexico. Mr. Forbes came up from San Bias in a small brig, which proved to be a Mexican vessel the vessel was seized, condemned, and actually sold, but Forbes was wealthy, and bought her in. His title to the quicksilver-mine was, however, never disputed, as he had bought it regularly, before our conquest of the country, from another British subject, also named Forbes, a resident of Santa Clara Mission, who had purchased
;

it

of the discoverer, a priest

;

but the boundaries of the land

were in search of quicksilver

Other men and the whole range of mountains near the New Almaden mine was stained with the brilliant company comred of the sulphuret of mercury (cinnabar). posed of T. O. Larkin, J. R. Snyder, and others, among them one John Ricord (who was quite a character), also claimed a
attached to the mine were even then in dispute.
;

A

±2
valuable

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-48.

mine near by. Ricord was a lawyer from about Bufand by some means Lad got to the Sandwich Islands, where he became a great favorite of the king, Kamehameha was his attorney-general, and got into a difficulty with the Eev. Mr. Judd, who was a kind of prime-minister to his majesty. One or the other had to go, and Ricord left for San Francisco, where he arrived while Colonel Mason and I were there on some business connected with the customs. Ricord at once made a dead set at Mason with flattery, and all sorts of spurious arguments, to convince him that our military government was too simple in its forms for the new state of facts, and that he was the man to remodel it. I had heard a good deal to his prejudice, and did all I could to prevent Mason taking him into his confidence. We then started back for Monterey. Ricord was along, and night and day he was harping on his scheme but he disgusted Colonel Mason with his flattery, and, on reaching Monterey, he opened what he called a law-office, but there were neither courts nor clients, so necessity forced him to turn his thoughts to something else, and quicksilver became his hobby. In the spring of 1848 an appeal came to our office from San Jose, which compelled the Governor to go up in person. Lieutenant Loeser and I, with a couple of soldiers, went along. At San Jose the Governor held some kind of a court, in which Ricord and the alcalde had a warm dispute about a certain mine which Ricord, as a member of the Larkin Company, had opened within the limits claimed by the New Almaden Company. On our way up we had visited the ground, and were therefore better prepared to understand the controversy. AVe had found at New Almaden Mr. "Walkinskaw, a fine Scotch gentleman, the resident agent of Mr. Forbes. He had built in the valley, near a small stream, a few board-houses, and some four or live furnaces for the distillation of the mercury. These were very simple in their structure, being composed of whalers' kettles, set in masonry. These kettles were filled with broken ore about the size of McAdam-stone, mingled with lime. Another kettle, reversed, formed the lid, and the seam Avas luted with clay. On applying heat, the mercury was volatilized and
falo,
;

;

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

43

carried into a chimney-stack,

back

into a reservoir,

where it condensed and flowed and then was led in pipes into another

After witnessing this process, we visited the which outcropped near the apex of the hill, about a thousand feet above the furnaces. We found wagons hauling the mineral down the hill and returning empty, and in the mines quite a number of Sonora miners were blasting and driving for the beautiful ore (cinnabar). It was then, and is now, a most valuable mine. The adit of the mine was at the apex of the hill, which drooped off to the north. We rode along this hill, and saw where many openings had been begun, but these, proving of little or no value, had been abandoned. Three miles beyond, on the west face of the hill, we came to the opening of the " Larkin Company." There was evidence of a good deal of work, but the mine itself was filled up by what seemed a
kettle outside.
itself,

mine

land-slide.

The question involved
San Jose was,
first,

in the lawsuit before the

alcalde at

whether the mine was or was not
;

on the land belonging to the New Almaden property and, next, whether the company had complied with all the conditions of the mining laws of Mexico, which were construed to be still in
force in California.

These laws required that any one who discovered a valuable mine on private land should first file with the alcalde, or judge of the district, a notice and claim for the benefits of such discovery then the mine was to be opened and followed for a distance of at least one hundred feet within a specified time, and the claimants must take out samples of the mineral and deposit the same with the alcalde, who was then required to inspect per;

sonally the mine, to see that

it fulfilled

all

the conditions of the

In this case the mine and had possession of samples of the ore but, as the mouth of the mine was closed up, as alleged, from the act of God, by a land-slide, it was contended by Ricord and his associates that it was competent to prove by good witnesses that the mine had been opened into the hill one hundred feet, and that, by no negligence of theirs, it had caved in. It was generally understood that Robert J. Walker, United
title.

law, before he could give a written
alcalde

had been

to the

;

±4:

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

States Secretary of the Treasury, was then a partner in this mining company and a vessel, the bark Gray Eagle, was ready at San Francisco to sail for New York with the title-papers on which to base a joint-stock company for speculative uses. I think the alcalde was satisfied that the law had been complied with, that he had given the necessary papers, and, as at that time there was nothing developed to show fraud, the Governor
;

At that date there was no public San Jose where we could stop, so we started toward Santa Cruz and encamped about ten miles out, to the west of the town, where we fell in with another party of explorers, of whom Kuckel, of San Francisco, was the head and after supper, as we sat around the camp-fire, the conversation turned on quicksilver in general, and the result of the contest in San Jose in particular. Mason was relating to Kuckel the points and the arguments of Ricord, that the company should not suffer from an act of God, viz., the caving in of the mouth of the mine, when a man named Cash, a fellow who had once been in the " Governor quartermaster's employ as a teamster, spoke up Mason, did Judge Ricord say that ? " " Yes," said the Governor and then Cash related how he and another man, whose name he gave, had been employed by Ricord to undermine a
(Mason) did not interfere.
tavern in

house or

;

:

;

heavy rock that rested above the mouth of the mine, so that it tumbled down, carrying with it a large quantity of earth, and
completely
act of
filled it

up, as

we had

seen ; " and," said Cash, "

it

took us three days of the hardest kind of work."
time, I understand,

This was the

God, and on the papers procured from the alcalde at that was built a huge speculation, by which thousands of dollars changed hands in the United States and were lost. This happened long before the celebrated McGarrahan claim, which has produced so much noise, and which still is being prosecuted in the courts and in Congress. On the next day we crossed over the Santa Cruz Mountains, from which we had sublime views of the scenery, first looking east toward the lower Bay of San Francisco, with the bright plains of Santa Clara and San Jose, and then to the west upon the ocean, the town of Monterey being visible sixtv miles off.

"

1846-'48.]

EAELY EECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
is

45

correct, we belield from that mountain the from the battery at Monterey, and counted the number of guns from the white puffs of smoke, but could not hear the sound. That night we slept on piles of wheat in a

If

my memory

firing of a salute

mill at Soquel, near Santa Cruz, and, our supplies being short, I

advised that
to reach the

we

should

make an

early start next morning, so as

ranch of

Don Juan Antonio

Vallejo, a particular

friend,

who had
off

a large and valuable cattle-ranch on the Pajaro

River, about twenty miles on our

we were

by the

first

light of day,

way to Monterey. Accordingly, and by nine o'clock we had
plateau,

reached the ranch.

It

was on a high point of the
cattle.

overlooking the plain of the Pajaro, on which were grazing

numbers of horses and

The house was

of adobe, with a

long range of adobe-huts occupied by the semi-civilized Indians,

who
tle

at that

time did
cattle,

all

the labor of a ranch, the herding and
lit-

marking of

breaking of horses, and cultivating the
all

patches of wheat and vegetables which constituted
day.

the

Every thing about the house looked boy leaning up against a post, I approached him and asked him in Spanish, " Where is the master ? " " Gone to the Presidio " (Monterey). " Is anybody in the house?" " No." " Is it locked up ? " "Yes." "Is no one about who can get in ? " " No." " Have you any meat ?
farming of that
deserted, and, seeing a small Indian

"No." "No."
"

"Any "Any

flour or

grain?"

eggs?"

"No."

"No." "Any "What do you

chickens?"
live

on?"

Nada "

(nothing).

The utter

indifference of this boy,

and the

tone of his answer "

Nada"

attracted the attention of Colonel

Mason, who had been listening to our conversation, and who knew enough of Spanish to catch the meaning, and he exclaimed with some feeling, " So we get nada for our breakfast." I
felt

mortified, for I

had held out the prospect of a splendid
etc., at

breakfast of meat and tortillas with rice, chickens, eggs,

the ranch of

my

friend Jose Antonio, as a justification for

man of sixty years of age, more than twenty miles at a full canter for his breakfast. But there was no help for it, and we accordingly went a short distance to a pond, where we unpacked our mules and made a slim breakfast
taking the Governor, a

46

EAKLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

on some scraps of hard bread and a bone of pork that remained This was no uncommon thing in those days, when many a ranchero with his eleven leagues of land, his hundreds of horses and thousands of cattle, would receive us with all the grandiloquence of a Spanish lord, and confess that he had nothing in his house to eat except the carcass of a beef hung up, from which the stranger might cut and cook, without money or price, what he needed. That night we slept on Salinas Plain, and the next morning reached Monterey. All the missions and houses at that period were alive with fleas, which the natives looked on as pleasant titillators, but they so tortured me that I always gave them a wide berth, and slept on a saddle-blanket, with the saddle for a pillow and the serape, or blanket, for a cover. We never feared rain except in winter. As the spring and summer of 1848 advanced, the reports came
in our alforjas.
faster

and

faster

from the gold-mines

at

Sutter's

saw-mill.

and spread throughout " until it the land. Everybody was talking of " Gold gold assumed the character of a fever. Some of our soldiers began to desert citizens were fitting out trains of wagons and packmules to go to the mines. We heard of men earning fifty, five hundred, and thousands of dollars per day, and for a time it seemed as though somebody would reach solid gold. Some of this gold began to come to Yerba Buena in trade, and to disturb the value of merchandise, particularly of mules, horses, tin pans, and
Stories reached us of fabulous discoveries,
!
! !

;

articles
tion,

used in mining.

I of course could not escape the infec-

and at last convinced Colonel Mason that it was our duty to go up and see with our own eyes, that we might report the truth As yet we had no regular mail to any part to our Government. of the United States, but mails had come to us at long intervals, around Cape Horn, and one or two overland. I well remember the first overland mail. It was brought by Kit Carson in We heard of his arrival saddle-bao-s from Taos in New Mexico.
at

quarters.

Los Angeles, and waited patiently for his arrival at headHis fame then was at its height, from the publication of Fremont's books, and I was very anxious to see a man who had achieved such feats of daring among the wild animals

1846-'48.]

EAKLY KECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFOKNIA.
still

47

of the

Rocky Mountains, and
his arrival

wilder Indians of the Plains.

At

last

was reported

at the tavern at

Monterey, and
hair,

I hurried to

hunt him up.
small,

I cannot express ray surprise at be-

holding a

stoop-shouldered

man, with reddish
little,

freckled face, soft blue eyes, and nothing to indicate extraor-

dinary courage or daring.
questions in monosyllables.

He

spoke but

and answered

I asked for his mail, and he picked

up his light saddle-bags containing the great overland mail, and we walked together to headquarters, where he delivered his parcel into Colonel Mason's own hands. He spent some days in Monterey, during which time we extracted with difficulty some items of his personal history. He was then by commission a lieutenant in the regiment of Mounted Rifles serving in Mexico under Colonel Sumner, and, as he could not reach his regiment from California, Colonel Mason ordered that for a time he should be assigned to duty with A. J. Smith's company, First Dragoons, at Los Angeles. He remained at Los Angeles some months, and was then sent back to the United States with dispatches, traveling two thousand miles almost alone, in preference to being encumbered by a large party. Toward the close of June, 1818, the gold-fever being at its height, by Colonel Mason's orders I made preparations for his
trip to the

newly-discovered gold-mines at Sutter's Fort.

I se-

good soldiers, with Aaron, Colonel Mason's black servant, and a good outfit of horses and pack-mules, we started by the usually traveled route for Yerba Buena. There Captain Folsom and two citizens joined our party. The first difficulty was to cross the bay to Saucelito. Folsom, as quartermaster, had a sort of scow with a large sail, with which to discharge the carlected four

goes of ships, that could not come within a mile of the shore.

took nearly the whole day to get the old scow up to the only wharf there, and then the water was so shallow that the scow, with its load of horses, would not float at the first high tide, but
It

on the next tide she was got off and safely "We followed in a more comfortable schooner. Having safely landed our horses and mules, we packed up and rode to San Rafael Mission, stopping with Don

by

infinite labor

crossed over to Saucelito.

48

EARLY RECOLLECTION'S OF CALIFORNIA.

[184G-'48.

Timoteo Murphy. The next day's journey took us to Bodega, where lived a man named Stephen Smith, who had the only steam He had a Peruvian wife, and employed a saw-mill in California. number of absolutely naked Indians in making adobes. We spent a day very pleasantly with him, and learned that he had come to California some years before, at the personal advice of Daniel "Webster, who had informed him that sooner or later the United States would be in possession of California, and that in consequence it would become a great country. From Bodega we traveled to Sonoma, by way of Petaluma, and spent a day with General Yallejo. I had been there before, as related, in the business of the alcalde Nash. From Sonoma we crossed over by way of Napa, Suisun, and Yaca's ranch, to the Puta. In the rainy season, the plain between the Puta and Sacramento Pivers is impassable, but in July the waters dry up and we passed without trouble, by
;

the

trail for Sutter's

Ennbarcadero.

We reached the

Sacramento

Piver, then full of water, with a deep, clear current.

The only

means of crossing over was by an Indian dugout canoe. We began by carrying across our packs and saddles, and then our people. When all things were ready, the horses were driven into the waOf course, ter, one being guided ahead by a man in the canoe. the horses and mules at first refused to take to the water, and it was nearly a day's work to get them across, and even then some of our animals after crossing escaped into the woods and undergrowth that lined the river, but we secured enough of them to reach Sutter's Fort, three miles back from the embarcadero, where we encamped at the old slough, or pond, near On application, Captain Sutter sent some Indians the fort. back into the bushes, who recovered and brought in all our At that time there was not the sign of a habitation animals. there or thereabouts, except the fort, and an old adobe-house, east of the fort, known as the hospital. The fort itself was one
of adobe-walls, about twenty feet high, rectangular in form,

with two-story block-houses at diagonal corners. The entrance was by a large gate, open by day and closed at night, with two
iron ship's guns near at hand.

Inside there was a large house,
all

with a good shingle-roof, used as a storehouse, and

round the

184G-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

49

were ranged rooms, the fort - wall being the outer wall The inner wall also was of adobe. These rooms of the house. were used by Captain Sutter himself and by his people. He had a blacksmith's shop, carpenter's shop, etc., and other rooms where the women made blankets. Sutter was monarch of all he surveyed, and had authority to inflict punishment even unto death, a power he did not fail to use. He had horses, cattle, and sheep, and of these he gave liberally and without price to all in need. He caused to be driven into our camp a beef and some Already the goldsheep, which were slaughtered for our use. mines were beginning to be felt. Many people were then encamped, some going and some coming, all full of gold-stories, and each surpassing the other. We found preparations in progress for celebrating the Fourth of July, then close at hand, and we agreed to remain over to assist on the occasion of course, being the high officials, we were the honored guests. People came from a great distance to attend this celebration of the Fourth of July, and the tables were laid in the large room inside the storeman of some note, named Sinclair, presided, house of the fort. and after a substantial meal and a reasonable supply of aguardiente we began the toasts. All that I remember is that Folsom and I spoke for our party; others, Captain Sutter included, made speeches, and before the celebration was over Sutter was enthusiastic, and many others showed the effects of the aguardiente. The next day (namely, July 5, 1848) we resumed our journey toward the mines, and, in twenty-five miles of as hot and dusty a ride as possible, we reached Morrnon Island. I have heretofore stated that the gold was first found in the tail-race of the saw-mill at Coloma, forty miles above Sutter's Fort, or fifteen above Mormon Island, in the bed of the American Fork of the Sacramento River. It seems that Sutter had employed an American named Marshall, a sort of millwright, to do this work for him, but Marshall afterward claimed that in the matter of the saw-mill they were copartners. At all events, Marshall and a family, in the winter of 1847-'48, were living at Coloma, where the pine-trees afforded the best material for lumber. He had under him four white men, Mormons, who had been diswalls
;

A

50

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

charged from Cooke's battalion, and some Indians. These were engaged in hewing logs, building a mill-dam, and putting up a saw-mill. Marshall, as the architect, had made the " tub-wheel," and had set it in motion, and had also furnished some of the rude parts of machinery necessary for an ordinary up-and-down
saw-mill.

Labor was very scarce, expensive, and had to be economized. mill was built over a dry channel of the river which was calculated to be the tail-race. After arranging his head-race, dam, and tub-wheel, he let on the water to test the goodness It worked very well until it was found that of his machinery. the tail-race did not carry off the water fast enough, so he put his men to work in a rude way to clear out the tail-race. They scratched a kind of ditch down the middle of the dry channel, throwing the coarser stones to one side then, letting on the water again, it would run with velocity down the channel, washing away the dirt, thus saving labor. This course of action was

The

;

repeated several times, acting exactly like the long

Tom

after-

ward resorted

to

by the miners. As Marshall himself was work-

ing in this ditch, he observed particles of yellow metal winch

he gathered up in his hand, when it seemed to have suddenly flashed across his mind that it was gold. After picking up about an ounce, he hurried down to the fort to report to Captain
Sutter his discovery.

Captain Sutter himself related to

me

Marshall's account, saying that, as he sat in his

room

at the fort

one day in February or March, 1848, a knock was heard at his In walked Marshall, who door, and he called out, " Come in."

was a half-crazy man
" "What
is

but then looked strangely wild. ? " Marshall inquired if any one was within hearing, and began to peer about the room, and look under the bed, when Sutter, fearing that some calamity had befallen the party up at the saw-mill, and that Marshall was really crazy, began to make his way to the door, demanding of MarAt last he revealed his shall to explain what was the matter. discovery, and laid before Captain Sutter the pellicles of gold
at best,

the matter, Marshall

he had picked up in the ditch. At first, Sutter attached little or no importance to the discovery, and told Marshall to j*o

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
mill,

51

and say nothing of what he had seen to his Yet, as it might add value to the loca_ tion, he dispatched to our headquarters at Monterey, as I have already related, the two men with a written application for a preemption to the quarter-section of land at Coloma. Marshall returned to the mill, but could not keep out of his wonderful ditch, and by some means the other men employed there learned They then wanted to gather the gold, and Marshall his secret. threatened to shoot them if they attempted it but these men had sense enough to know that if " placer "-gold existed at Coloma, it would also be found farther down-stream, and they gradually "prospected" until they reached Mormon Island, fifteen miles below, where they discovered one of the richest These men revealed the fact to some other placers on earth. Mormons who were employed by Captain Sutter at a grist-mill he was building still lower down the American Fork, and six miles above his fort. All of them struck for higher wages, to which Sutter yielded, until they asked ten dollars a day, which he refused, and the two mills on which he had spent sc much money were never built, and fell into decay. In my opinion, when the Mormons were driven from Eauvoo, Illinois, in 1844, they cast about for a land where they would not be disturbed again, and fixed on California. In the year 1845 a ship, the Brooklyn, sailed from New York for California, with a colony of Mormons, of which Sam Brannan was the leader, and we found them there on our arrival in JanWhen General Kearney, at Fort Leavenworth, was uary, 1847. collecting volunteers early in 1846, for the Mexican War, he, through the instrumentality of Captain James Allen, brother to our quartermaster, General Robert Allen, raised the battalion of Mormons at Kanesville, Iowa, now Council Bluffs, on the express understanding that it would facilitate their migration to
back to the
family, or any one else.
;

California.

But when the Mormons reached

Salt Lake, in 1846,

they learned that they had been forestalled by the United States
forces in California,

and they then determined

to settle

down
com-

where they were.
panies of

Therefore,
(raised
b^\

when
Allen,

this battalion of five

Mormons

who

died on the way, and

52

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

was succeeded by Cooke) was discharged at Los Angeles, Calisummer of 1847, most of the men went to Salt Lake, with all the money received, as pay their people at from the United States, invested in cattle and breeding-horses one company reenlisted for another year, and the remainder sought work in the country. As soon as the fame of the gold discovery spread through California, the Mormons naturally turned to Mormon Island, so that in July, 1848, we found about three hundred of them there at work. Sam Brannan was on hand as
fornia, in the early
;

the high-priest, collecting the tithes.

Clark, of Clark's Point,

and nearly all the Mormons who had come out in the Brooklyn, or who had staid in California
one of the
elders,

was there

also,

after the discharge of their battalion, as herein related.
call

I re-

were yesterday. In the midst of a broken country, all parched and dried by the hot sun of July, sparsely wooded with live-oaks and straggling pines, lay the valley of the American River, with its bold mountain-stream coming out of the Snowy Mountains to the east. In this valley is a flat, or gravel-bed, which in high water is an island, or is overflown, but at the time of our visit was simply a level gravel-bed of the river. On its edges men were digging, and filling buckets with the finer earth and gravel, which was carried to a machine made like a baby's cradle, open at the foot, and at the head a plate of sheet-iron or zinc, punctured full On this metallic plate was emptied the earth, and of holes. water was then poured on it from buckets, while one man shook the cradle with violent rocking by a handle. On the bottom were nailed cleats of wood. With this rude machine four men could earn from forty to one hundred dollars a day, averaging sixteen dollars, or a gold ounce, per man per day. While the sun blazed down on the heads of the miners with tropical heat, the water was bitter cold, and all hands were either standing in the water or had their clothes wet all the time yet there were no complaints of rheumatism or cold. We made our camp on a small knoll, a little below the island, and from it could overlook the busy scene. A few bush-huts near by served as stores, boarding-houses, and for sleeping but all hands slept on the ground,
the scene as perfectly to-day as though
it
;

;

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTION'S OF CALIFORNIA.
As

53

with pine-leaves and blankets for bedding.
volunteered
of the gold,
all

soon as the news

spread that the Governor was there, persons came to see us, and

kinds of information, illustrating

it

by samples

which was of a uniform kind, " scale-gold," bright and large variety, of every conceivable shape and form, beautiful. was found in the smaller gulches round about, but the gold in the river-bed was uniformly " scale-gold." I remember that Mr. Clark was in camp, talking to Colonel Mason about matters and things generally, when he inquired, " Governor, what business has Sam Brannan to collect the tithes here?" Clark admitted that Brannan was the head of the Mormon church in California, and he was simply questioning as to Brannan's right, as high-priest, to compel the Mormons to pay him the regular tithes. Colonel Mason answered, " Brannan has a perfect right to collect the tax, if you Mormons are fools enough " Then," said Clark, " I for one won't pay it any to pay it." longer." Colonel Mason added " This is public land, and the gold is the property of the United States all of you here are trespassers, but, as the Government is benefited by your getting out the gold, I do not intend to interfere." I understood, afterward, that from that time the payment of the tithes ceased, but Brannan had already collected enough money wherewith to hire Sutter's hospital, and to open a store there, in which he made more money than any merchant in California, during that summer and fall. The understanding was, that the money collected by him as tithes was the foundation of his fortune, which is still very large in San Francisco. That evening we all mingled freely with the miners, and witnessed the process of cleaning up and "panning" out, which is the last process for separating the pure gold from the fine dirt and black

A

:

;

sand.

The next day we continued our journey up
;

the valley of

the American Fork, stopping at various camps, where mining

was in progress and about noon we reached Coloma. the place where gold had been first discovered. The hills were higher, and the timber of better quality. The river was narrower and bolder, and but few miners were at work there, by reason of

;

54

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
site.

[1846-'48.

There stood the sawthey were left when the Mormons ceased work. Marshall and his family of wife and half a dozen tow-head children were there, guarding their supposed treasure living in a house made of clapboards. Here also we were shown many specimens of gold, of a coarser grain than that found at Mormon Island. The next day we crossed the American River to its north side, and visited many small camps of men, in what were called the " dry diggings." Little pools of water stood in the beds of the streams, and these were used to wash the dirt and there the gold was in every conceivable shape and size, some of the specimens weighing several ounces. Some of these " diggings " were extremely rich, but as a whole they were more precarious in results than at the river. Sometimes a lucky fellow would hit on a " pocket," and collect several thousand dollars in a few days, and then again he would be shifting about from place to place, " prospecting," and spending all he had made. Little stores were being opened at every point, where flour, bacon, etc., were sold every thing being a dollar a pound, and a meal usually costing three dollars. Nobody paid for a bed, for he slept on the
Marshall's and Sutter's claim to the
mill unfinished, the

dam and

tail-race just as

;

;

ground, without fear of cold or

rain.

We spent nearly a week

by the fabulous tales of recent discoveries, which at the time were confined to the sevAll this time our eral forks of the American and Yuba Rivers. horses had nothing to eat but the sparse grass in that region, and we were forced to work our way down toward the Sacramento Yalley, or to see our animals perish. Still we contemplated a visit to the Yuba and Feather Rivers, from which we had heard of more wonderful " diggings " but met a courier, who announced the arrival of a ship at Monterey, with dispatches of great importance from Mazatlan. We accordingly turned our horses back to Sutter's Fort. Crossing the Sacramento again by swimming our horses, and ferrying their loads in that solitary canoe, we took our back track as far as the Napa, and then turned to Benicia, on Carquinez Straits. We found there a solitary adobe-house, occupied by Mr. Hastings and his family,
in that region, and were quite bewildered
;

1846-'48.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

55

embracing Dr. Semple, the proprietor of the ferry. This ferry was a ship's-boat, with a latteen-sail, which could carry across at
one tide
six or eight horses.

It took us several

days to cross over, and during that time
doctor,

we got well acquainted with the

who was quite a character.
feet high,

and was brother to and very intelligent. When we first reached Monterey, he had a printingpress, which belonged to the United States, having been captured at the custom-house, and had been used to print customto California
Illinois,

He

had come

from

Senator Semple.

He

was about seven

house blanks.

With

this

Dr. Semple, as editor, published the

Califovnian, a small sheet of news, once a
curiosity in its line, using

week

;

and

it

was a

w, and other combinaAfter some tions of letters, made necessary by want of type. time he removed to Yerba Buena with his paper, and it grew up Foreseeing, as he thought, to be the Alta California of to-day. the growth of a great city somewhere on the Bay of San Fran-

two

w's for a

he selected Carquinez Straits as its location, and obtained General from Vallejo a title to a league of land, on condition of building up a city thereon to bear the name of Yallejo's wife.
cisco,

new city was town near the mouth of the bay was known universally as Yerba Buena but that name was not known abroad, although San Francisco was familiar to the whole civilized world. Now, some of the chief men of Yerba Buena, Folsom, Howard, Leidesdorf, and others, know ing the importance of a name, saw their danger, and, by some action of the ayuntamiento, or town council, changed the name of Yerba Buena to " San Francisco." Dr. Semple was outraged at their changing the name to one so like his of Francisca, and he in turn changed his town to the other name of Mrs. Vallejo, viz., " Benicia " and Benicia it has remained to this day. I am convinced that this little circumstance was big with consequences. That Benicia has the best natural site for a commercial city, and had half the money and half the labor I am satisfied since bestowed upon San Francisco been expended at Benicia, we should have at this day a city of palaces on the Carquinez
This was Francisca Benicia
" Francisca."
;

accordingly, the

named

At

this time, the

;

;

;

56
Straits.

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[184G-'4a,

The name of " San Francisco," however, fixed the where it now is for every ship in 1848-49, which cleared from any part of the world, knew the name of San Francisco, but not Yerba Buena or Benicia and, accordingly, ships consigned to California came pouring in with their contents, and were anchored in front of Yerba Buena, the first town. Captains and crews deserted for the gold-mines, and now half the
city
;

;

Montgomery Street is built over the hulks thus abandoned. But Dr. Semple, at that time, was all there was of Benicia he was captain and crew of his ferry-boat, and mancity in front of
;

aged to pass our party to the south side of Carquinez
about two days.

Straits in

Thence we proceeded up Amador Valley to Alameda Creek, and so on to the old mission of San Jose thence to the pueblo of San Jose, where Folsom and those belonging in Yerba Buena went in that direction, and we continued on to Monterey, our party all the way giving official sanction to the news from the gold-mines, and adding new force to the " fever." On reaching Monterey, we found dispatches from Commodore Shubrick, at Mazatlan, which gave almost positive assurance that the war with Mexico was over ; that hostilities had ceased, and commissioners were arranging the terms of peace at Guadalupe Hidalgo. It was well that this news reached California at that critical time for so contagious had become the " gold-fever " that everybody was bound to go and try his fortune, and the volunteer regiment of Stevenson's would have deserted en masse, had the men not been assured that they would very
;

;

soon be entitled to an honorable discharge. Many of our regulars did desert, among them the very

men
ser-

who had

escorted us faithfully to the mines and back.

Our

vants also left us, and nothing less than three hundred dollars a

month would

hire a

man
all

in California

;

Colonel Mason's black

boy, Aaron, alone of

our then servants proving faithful.

We

we were Bustamente called as cook fellow we had a mess with a black ; but he got the fever, and had to go. We next took a soldier, but lie deserted, and carried off my double-barreled shot-gun,
forced to resort to all

manner

of shifts to live.

First,

1846-'48.j

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
To meet

57

which I prized very highly.

this condition of facts,

Colonel Mason ordered that liberal furloughs should be given to the soldiers, and promises to all in turn, and he allowed all the As the actual value of officers to draw their rations in kind.
the ration was very large, this enabled us to live. Halleck, Murray, Ord, and I, boarded with Dona Augustias, and turned
in our rations as

pay for our board.

news of the treaty Mexican War was over. This treaty was signed in May, and came to us all the way by land by a courier from Lower California, sent from La Paz by LieutenantColonel Burton. On its receipt, orders were at once made for the muster-out of all of Stevenson's regiment, and our military forces were thus reduced to the single company of dragoons at Los Angeles, and the one company of artillery at Monterey. Nearly all business had ceased, except that connected with gold and, during that fall, Colonel Mason, Captain Warner, and I, made another trip up to Sutter's Fort, going also to the newly-discovered mines on the Stanislaus, called " Sonora," named from the miners of Sonora, Mexico, who had first discovered them. We found there pretty much the same state of facts as before existed at Mormon Island and Coloma, and we daily received intelligence of the opening of still other mines north and south. But I have passed over a very interesting fact. As soon as we had returned from our first visit to the gold-mines, it became important to send home positive knowledge of this valuable disThe means of communication with the United States covery. were very precarious, and I suggested to Colonel Mason that a

Some time

in September, 1848, the official

of peace reached us, and the

;

special courier

ought to be sent

;

that Second-Lieutenant Loeser

had been promoted to first - lieutenant, and was entitled to go home. He was accordingly detailed to carry the news. I
prepared with great care the letter to the adjutant - general of August 17, 1848, which Colonel Mason modified in a few
particulars
;

and, as

it

was important

to

send not only the

specimens which had been presented to us along our route of
travel, I advised the colonel to allow

Captain Folsom to pur-

58

EAKLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1846-'48.

chase and send to "Washington a large sample of the commercial

gold in general use, and to pay for the same out of the money in his hands known as the " civil fund," arising from duties collected at the several ports in California.

He

consented to

this,

and Captain Folsom bought an oyster-can full at ten dollars the ounce, which was the rate of value at which it was then received Folsom was instructed further to contract at the custom-house. with some vessel to carry the messenger to South America, where he could take the English steamers as far east as Jamaica, with a conditional charter giving increased payment if the vessel could catch the October steamer. Folsom chartered the bark La Lambayecana, owned and navigated by Henry D. Cooke, who has since been the Governor of the District of Columbia. In due time this vessel reached Monterey, and Lieutenant Loeser, with his report and specimens of gold, embarked and sailed. He reached the South American Continent at Payta, Peru, in time, took the English steamer of October to Panama, and thence went on to Kingston, Jamaica, where he found a sailing-vessel bound for New Orleans. On reaching New Orleans, he telegraphed to the War Department his arrival but so many delays had occurred that he did not reach "Washington in time to have the matter embraced in the President's regular message of Still, the President made it the 1848, as we had calculated. subject of a special message, and thus became " official " what had before only reached the world in a very indefinite shape. Then began that wonderful development, and the great emigration to California, by land and by sea, of 1849 and 1850. As before narrated, Mason, "Warner, and I, made a second As the visit to the mines in September and October, 1848.
;

winter season approached, Colonel Mason returned to Monterey,

and I remained for a time at Sutter's Fort. In order to share somewhat in the riches of the land, we formed a partnership in a store at Coloma, in charge of Norman S. Bestor, who had been Warner's clerk. We supplied the necessary money, fifteen hundred dollars (five hundred dollars each), and Bestor carried on the store at Coloma for his share. Out of this investment, each of us realized a profit of about fifteen hundred dollars.

1846-'48.]

LAiiLT RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

59

"Warner also got a regular leave of absence, and contracted with
Captain Sutter for surveying and locating the town of Sacra-

mento.
work.

He

received for this sixteen dollars per day for his ser
;

and Sutter paid all the hands engaged in the laid off mostly up about the fort, but a few streets were staked off along the river-bank, and one or two leading to it. Captain Sutter always contended, however, that no town could possibly exist on the immediate bank of the river, because the spring freshets rose over the bank, and frequently it was necessary to swim a horse to reach the boat-landing.
vices as surveyor

The town was

Nevertheless, from the very beginning the town began to be

on the very river -bank, viz., First, Second, and Third Among the prin with J and Streets leading back. cipal merchants and traders of that winter, at Sacramento, were Sam Brannan and Hensley, Reading & Co. For several years the site was annually flooded but the people have persevered in building the levees, and afterward in raising all the streets, so that Sacramento is now a fine city, the capital of the State, and stands where, in 1848, was nothing but a dense mass of
built

Streets,

K

;

bushes, vines, and submerged land.

The

old fort has disap

peared altogether.

During the fall of 1848, Warner, Ord, and I, camped on the bank of the American River, abreast of the fort, at what was known as the " Old Tan-Yard." I was cook, Ord cleaned up the but Ord was dedishes, and Warner looked after the horses posed as scullion because he would only wipe the tin plates with
;

a tuft of grass, according to the custom of the country, whereas

Warner

hot water.

on having them washed after each meal with "Warner was in consequence promoted to scullion, and Ord became the hostler. drew our rations in kind from the commissary at San Francisco, who sent them up to us by a
insisted

We

boat

;

and we were thus enabled

to dispense a generous hospi-

tality to

many

a poor devil

who

otherwise would have had noth-

ing to

eat.

The winter
operations of

throughout California.

1848-49 was a period of intense activity The rainy season was unfavorable to the gold-mining, and was very hard upon the thousands
of

60

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
men and women who
Most of the

[1846-'48.

of houseless

dwelt in the mountains, and

even in the towns.

natives
;

and old inhabitants had

returned to their ranches and houses

yet there were not roofs

enough in the country to shelter the thousands who had arrived by sea and by land. The news had gone forth to the whole civilized world that gold in fabulous quantities was to be had for the mere digging, and adventurers came pouring in blindly
to seek their fortunes, without a thought of house or food.

Yerba Buena had been converted into San Francisco. Sacramento City had been laid out, lots were being rapidly sold, and the town was being built up as an entrepot to the mines. Stockton also had been chosen as a convenient point for trading with the lower or southern mines. Captain Sutter was the sole proprietor of the former, and Captain Charles Weber was the owner of the site of Stockton, which was as yet known as " French Camp."

;

CHAPTER
1849-1850.

II.
(CONTINUED).

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA

The department

headquarters

still

remained

at

Monterey,

In but, with the few soldiers, we had next to nothing to do. midwinter we heard of the approach of a battalion of the Second Dragoons, under Major Lawrence Pike Graham, with Captains Pucker, Coutts, Campbell, and others, along. So exhausted
were they by their long march from Upper Mexico that we had When this to send relief to meet them as they approached. command reached Los Angeles, it was left there as the garrison, and Captain A. J. Smith's company of the First Dragoons was brought up to San Francisco. We were also advised that the Second Infantry, Colonel B. Piley, would be sent out around Cape Horn in sailing-ships; that the Mounted Phies, under Lieutenant- Colonel Loring, would march overland to Oregon and that Brigadier-General Persifer F. Smith would come out in chief command on the Pacific coast. It was also known that a contract had been entered into with parties in New York and New Orleans for a monthly line of steamers from those cities to California, via Panama. Lieutenant-Colonel Burton had come up from Lower California, and, as captain of the Third Artillery, he was assigned to command Company F, Third Artillery, at Monterey. Captain Warner remained at Sacramento, surveying; and Halleck, Murray, Ord, and I, boarded with Dona Augustias. The season was unusually rainy and severe, but we passed the time with the usual round of dances and parties. The time fixed for the arrival of the mail-steamer was understood to be about January 1, 1849, but the day came and went

62

EAKLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1849-'50.

without any tidings of her.

Orders were given to Captain Burton to announce her by firing a national salute, and each morning we listened for the guns from the fort. The month of January passed, and the greater part of February, too. As
arrival

was usual, the army officers celebrated the 22d of February with a grand ball, given in the new stone school-house, which Alcalde Walter Colton had built. It was the largest and best hall then in California. The ball was really a handsome affair,

and we kept
at breakfast
:

it

up nearly

all

night.

The next morning we were

present,

Dona

Augustias, and Manuelita, Halleck,

Murray, and myself. We were dull and stupid enough until a gun from the fort aroused us, then another and another. " The
steamer " exclaimed
thing, off
!

all,

and, without waiting for hats or any

we

dashed.

I reached the wharf hatless, but the

dona sent my cap after me by a servant. The white puffs of smoke hung around the fort, mingled with the dense fog, which hid all the water of the bay, and well out to sea could be seen the black spars of some unknown vessel. At the wharf I found a group of soldiers and a small row-boat, which belonged
to a brig at anchor in the bay.

Hastily ordering a couple of

and take the oars, and Mr. Larkin and Mr. Hartnell asking to go along, we jumped in and pushed off. Steering our boat toward the spars, which loomed up above the fog clear and distinct, in about a mile we came to the black hull of the strange monster, the long-expected and most welcome steamer California. Her wheels were barely moving, for her pilot could not see the shore-line distinctly, though the hills and Point of Pines could be clearly made out over the fog, and occasionally a glimpse of some white walls showed where the town lay. A "Jacob's ladder" was lowered for us from the steamer, and in a minute I scrambled up on deck, followed by Larkin and Hartnell, and we found ourselves in the midst of many old friends. There was Canby, the adjutant-general, who was to take my place Charley Hoyt, my cousin General Persif er F. Smith and wife Gibbs, his aide-de-camp Major Ogden, of the Engineers, and wife and, indeed, many old Californians, among them Alfred Robinson, and Frank Ward with his pretty bride.
willing soldiers to get in
;
;

;

;

;


1849-'5C]

;

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
we had answered

63
a

By

the time the ship was fairly at anchor

million of questions about gold

and the

state of the

country

and, learning that the ship was out of fuel, had informed the
captain (Marshall) that there was abundance of pine- wood, but no willing hands to cut it that no man could be hired at less than an ounce of gold a day, unless the soldiers would volunteer As for coal, there was not to do it for some agreed-upon price. anywhere else in California. or Vessels Monterey, a pound in route around en be Cape to Horn, with coal were known but none had yet reached California. The arrival of this steamer was the beginning of a new epoch on the Pacific coast yet there she lay, helpless, withThe native Califoruians, who had never out coal or fuel. seen a steamship, stood for days on the beach looking at her, with the universal exclamation, " Tan feo ! " how ugly and she was truly ugly when compared with the clean, wellsparred frigates and sloops-of-war that had hitherto been seen on the North Pacific coast. It was first supposed it would take ten days to get wood enough to prosecute her voyage, and therefore all the passengers who could took up their quarters on shore. Major Canby relieved me, and took the place I had held so long as adjutant-general of the Department of California. The time seemed most opportune for me to leave the service, as I had several splendid offers of employment and of partnership, and, accordingly, I made my written resignation but General Smith put his veto upon it, saying that he was to command the Division of the Pacific, while General Biley was to have the Department of California, and Colonel Loring that of Oregon. He wanted me as his adjutant-general, because of my familiarity with the country, and knowledge of its then condition. At the time, he had on his staff Gibbsas aide-de-camp, and Fitzgerald as quartermaster. He also had along with him quite a retinue of servants, hired with a clear contract to serve him for a whole year after reaching California, every one of whom deserted, except a young black fellow named Isaac. Mrs. Smith, a pleasant but delicate Louisiana lady, had a white maid-servant, in whose fidelity she had unbounded confidence but this girl was married to a
;
;

!

;

;

64

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1849-'50.

perfect stranger, and off before she had even landed in San
fornia, I

arranged that, on the Caliaccompany General Smith to San Francisco I accordingly sold some of my horses, as his adjutant-general. and arranged for others to go up by land and from that time I became fairly enlisted in the military family of General Persifer
Francisco.

It was, therefore, finally

was

to

;

F. Smith.
I parted with
cere regret.

my

old commander, Colonel Mason, with sin-

To me he had

ever been kind and considerate, and,

while stern, honest to a fault, he was the very embodiment of the principle of fidelity to the interests of the General Govern-

He possessed a native strong intellect, and far more knowledge of the principles of civil government and law than he got credit for. In private and public expenditures he was extremely economical, but not penurious. In cases where the officers had to contribute money for parties and entertainments, he always gave a double share, because of his allowance of double rations. During our frequent journeys, I was always caterer, and paid all the bills. In settling with him he required a
ment.
written statement of the items of account, but never disputed

one of them.

During our time, California was,

as

now,

full of

who were engame make money. to I know that Colonel gaged in every sort of Mason was beset by them to use his position to make a fortune
a bold, enterprising, and speculative set of men,

but he never bought land or town; was his place to hold the public estate for the Government as free and unencumbered by claims as possible and when I wanted him to stop the public-land sales in San Francisco, San Jose, etc., he would not for, although he did not believe the titles given by the alcaldes worth a cent, yet they aided to settle the towns and public lands, and he thought, on The the whole,, the Government would be benefited thereby. same thing occurred as to the gold-mines. He never took a title to a town-lot, unless it was one, of no real value, from Alcalde He Colton, in Monterey, of which I have never heard since. did take a share in the store which Warner, Bestor, and I, opened at Coloma, paid his share of the capital, five hundred dollars,
for himself
lots,

and

his friends
it

because, he said,

;

;

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
profits, fifteen

65
J

and received his share of the
others
but,

hundred

dollars.

think also he took a share in a venture to China with Larkin and

on leaving California, he was glad to sell out without In the stern discharge of his duty he made some bitter enemies, among them Henry M. Eaglee, who, in the newspapers of the day, endeavored to damage his fair fame. But,
;

profit or loss.

knowing him

intimately, I

am

certain that he

is

entitled to all

praise for having so controlled the affairs of the country that,
his successor arrived, all things were so disposed that a form of government was an easy matter of adjustment. Colonel Mason was relieved by General Riley some time in April, and left California in the steamer of the 1st May lor Washington and St. Louis, where he died of cholera in the summer of 1850, and his body is buried in Bellefontaine Cemetery. His widow afterward married Major (since General) Don Carlos Buell, and is now living in Kentucky.
civil

when

In overhauling the hold of the steamer California, as she lay
anchor in Monterey Bay, a considerable amount of coal was found under some heavy duplicate machinery. With this, and
at

renew her voywent on board. 1st of March we entered the Heads, and anchored off San Francisco, near the United States line-of-battle-ship Ohio, Commodore T. Ap Catesby Jones. As was the universal custom of the day, the crew of the California deserted her and she lay for months unable to make a trip back to Panama, as was expected of her. As soon as we reached San Francisco, the The first thing was to secure an office and a house to live in. weather was rainy and stormy, and snow even lay on the hills
such
as to

age.

wood The About the

had been gathered, she was able

usual signal was made, and

we

all

;

back of the Mission.
to surrender for

our

office

Captain Folsom, the quartermaster, agreed the old adobe custom-house, on the

upper corner of the plaza, as soon as he could remove his down to one of his warehouses on the beach and he also rented for us as quarters the old Hudson Bay Company house on Montgomery Street, which had been used by Howard & Melius as a store, and at that very time they were
papers and effects
;

moving

their goods into a larger brick building just completed

6Q

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1849-'50.

As these changes would take some time, General Smith and Colonel Ogden, with their wives, accepted the hospitality offered by Commodore Jones on board the Ohio. I opened the office at the custom-house, and Gibbs, Fitzgerald, and some others of us, slept in the loft of the Hudson Bay Company house until the lower part was cleared of Howard's store, after which General Smith and the ladies moved in. There we had a general mess, and the efforts at house-keeping were simply ludicrous. One servant after another, whom General Smith had brought from New Orleans, with a solemn promise to stand by him for one whole year, deserted without a word of notice or explanation, and in a few days none remained but The ladies had no maid or attendants and the little Isaac. general, commanding all the mighty forces of the United States on the Pacific coast, had to scratch to get one good meal a day He was a gentleman of fine social qualities, for his family genial and gentle, and joked at every thing. Poor Mrs. Smith and Mrs. Ogden did not bear it so philosophically. Gibbs, Fitzgerald, and I, could cruise around and find a meal, which cost three dollars, at some of the many restaurants which had sprung up out of red-wood boards and cotton lining but the general and ladies could not go out, for ladies were rara a/oes at that day in California. Isaac was cook, chamber-maid, and every thing, thoughtless of himself, and struggling, out of the slimmest means, to compound a breakfast for a large and hungry family. Breakfast would be announced any time between ten and twelve, and dinner according to circumstances. Many a time have I seen General Smith, with a can of preserved meat in his hands, going toward the house, take off his hat on meeting a negro, and, on being asked the reason of his politeness, he would answer that they were the only real gentlemen in California. I confess that the fidelity of Colonel Mason's boy " Aaron," and of General Smith's boy " Isaac," at a time when
for them.
;
!

;

every white

man

laughed

at

promises as something made to be

broken, has given

and makes me in the jumble of

kindly feeling of respect for the negroes, hope that they will find an honorable " status "
affairs in

me a

which we now

live.

That was a

dull.

l849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
;

67

hard winter in San Francisco

the rains were heavy, and the

mnd

fearful.

I have seen mules stumble in the street, and
!

Montgomery Street had been filled in the liquid mud up with brush and clay, and I always dreaded to ride on horseback along it, because the mud was so deep that a horse's legs would become entangled in the bushes below, and the rider was
drown
be thrown and drowned in the mud. The only sidewalks were made of stepping-stones of empty boxes, and here and there a few planks with barrel-staves nailed on. All the
likely to

town lay along Montgomery Street, from Sacramento to Jackand about the plaza. Gambling was the chief occupation of the people. While they were waiting for the cessation of the rainy season, and for the beginning of spring, all sorts of houses were being put up, but of the most flimsy kind, and all were stores, restaurants, or gambling - saloons. Any room twenty by sixty feet would rent for a thousand dollars a month. I had, as my pay, seventy dollars a month, and no one would even try to hire a servant under three hundred dollars. Had it not been for the fifteen hundred dollars I had made in the store at Coloma, I could not have lived through the winter. About the 1st of April arrived the steamer Oregon but her captain (Pearson) knew what was the state of affairs on shore, and ran his steamer alongside the line-of-battle-ship Ohio at Saucelito, and obtained the privilege of leaving his crew on board as " prisoners " until he was ready to return to sea. Then, discharging his passengers and getting coal out of some of the ships which had arrived, he retook his crew out of limbo and carried the
son,
;

first

regular mail back to

Panama

early in April.

In regular

order arrived the third steamer, the
sels

Panama

;

and, as the ves-

were arriving with coal, the California was enabled to hire and get off. From that time forward these three ships constituted the regular line of mail-steamers, which has been kept up ever since. Ey the steamer Oregon arrived out Major P. P. Hammond, J. M. Williams, James Blair, and others also the gentlemen who, with Major Ogden, were to compose a joint commission to select the sites for the permanent forts and navyyard of California. This commission was composed of Majors
a crew
;

;

68

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1849-'50.

borough,

Ogden, Smith, and Leadbetter, of the army, and Captains GoldsYan Brunt, and Blunt, of the navy. These officers, after a most careful study of the whole subject, selected Mare Island for the navy-yard, and " Benicia " for the storehouses and arsenals of the army. The Pacific Mail Steamship Company

also selected Benicia as their depot. Thus was again revived the old struggle for supremacy of *these two points as the site

Meantime, however, San Six hundred ships were anchored there without crews, and could not get away and there the city was, and had to be. Nevertheless, General Smith, being disinterested and unprejudiced, decided on Benicia as the point where the city ought to be, and where the army headquarters should be. By the Oregon there arrived at San Francisco a man who deserves mention here Baron Steinberger. He had been a great cattledealer in the United States, and boasted that he had helped to break the United States Bank, by being indebted to it five million dollars At all events, he was a splendid - looking fellow, and brought with him from Washington a letter to General Smith and another for Commodore Jones, to the effect that he was a man of enlarged experience in beef that the authorities in Washington knew that there existed in California large herds of cattle, which were only valuable for their hides and tallow that it was of great importance to the Government that this beef should be cured and salted so as to be of use to the army and navy, obviating the necessity of shipping saltbeef around Cape Horn. I know he had such a letter from the Secretary of War, Marcy, to General Smith, for it passed into my custody, and I happened to be in Commodore Jones's cabin when the baron presented the one for him from the The baron was anxious to pitch in at Secretary of the Navy. once, and said that all he needed to start with were salt and barrels. After some inquiries of his purser, the commodore promFrancisco had secured the name.

of the future city of the Pacific.

About

!

;

;

him have the barrels with their salt, as fast as they were emptied by the crew. Then the baron explained that he could get a nice lot of cattle from Don Timoteo Murphy, at the
ised to let

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

69

Mission of San Rafael, on the north side of the bay, but he could not get a boat and crew to handle them. Under the authority

from the Secretary of the Navy, the commodore then promised of a boat and crew, until he (the baron) could find Then the baron and purchase a suitable one for himself. opened the first regular butcher-shop in San Francisco, on the wharf about the foot of Broadway or Pacific Street, where we could buy at twenty-five or fifty cents a pound the best roasts, steaks, and cuts of beef, which had cost him nothing, for he never paid anybody if he could help it, and he soon cleaned poor Don Timoteo out. At first, every boat of his, in coming down from the San Rafael, touched at the Ohio, and left the best beefsteaks and roasts for the commodore, but soon the baron had enough money to dispense with the borrowed boat, and set up for himself, and from this small beginning, step by step, he rose in a few months to be one of the richest and most influential men in San Francisco but in his wild speculations he was at last caught, and became helplessly bank rupt. He followed General Fremont to St. Louis in 1861, where I saw him, but soon afterward he died a pauper in one of the hospitals. "When General Smith had his headquarters in San Francisco, in the spring of 1849, Steinberger gave dinners worthy any baron of old and when, in after-years, I was a banker there, he used to borrow of me small sums of money in repayment for my share of these feasts and somewhere among my old packages I hold one of his confidential notes for two hundred dollars, but on the whole I got off easily. I have no doubt that, if this man's history could be written out, it would present phases as wonderful as any of romance but in my judgment he was a dangerous man, without any true sense of honor or honesty. Little by little the rains of that season grew less and less, and the hills once more became green and covered with flowers. It became perfectly evident that no family could live in San Francisco on such a salary as Uncle Sam allowed his most favored officials so General Smith and Major Ogden concluded to send their families back to the United States, and afterward we men-

him the use

;

;

;

;

;

;

70

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
camp and
live

[1849-'50.

folks could take to

on our

rations.

The Second

Infantry liad arrived, and had been distributed, four companies
to Monterey, and the rest somewhat as Stevenson's regiment had been. A. J. Smith's company of dragoons was sent up to Sonoma, whither General Smith had resolved to move our headquarters. On the steamer which sailed about May 1st (I think the California), we embarked, the ladies for home and we for Monterey. At Monterey we went on shore, and Colonel Mason, who meantime had been relieved by General Riley, went on board, and the steamer departed for Panama. Of all that

party I alone

am

alive.

General Riley had, with his family, taken the house which Colonel Mason had formerly used, and Major Canby and wife had secured rooms at Alvarado's. Captain Kane was quartermaster, and had his family in the house of a

man named

Garner,

Burton and Company F were still at the fort the four companies of the Second Infantry were quartered in the barracks, the same building in which we had had our headquarters; and the company officers were quartered in hired buildings near by. General Smith and his aide, Captain Gibbs, went to Larkin's house, and I was at my old rooms at Dona Augustias. As we intended to go back to San Francisco by land and afterward to travel a good deal, General Smith gave me the necessary authority to fit out the party. There happened to be several trains of horses and mules in town, so I purchased about a dozen horses and mules at two hundred dollars a head, on account of the Quartermaster's Department, and we had them kept under guard in the quartermaster's corral. I remember one night being in the quarters of Lieutenant Alfred Sully, where nearly all the officers of the garrison were assembled, listening to Sully's stories. Lieutenant Derby, " Squibob," was one of the number, as also Fred Steele, " Neighnear the redoubt.
bor " Jones, and others, when, just after " tattoo," the orderlysergeants

came

to report the result of "tattoo" roll-call; one
absent, another eight,

reported five

men

and

so on, until

it

be-

came were

certain that twenty-eight
so bold

men had

deserted; and they
it

and open in their behavior that

amounted

to

;

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
They had
deliberately slung their knapsacks

71

defiance.

and

started for the gold-mines.

ones present
plained

who

Dr. Murray and I were the only were familiar with the country, and I exall

be taken by a party going where the country was so open and level that a rabbit could not cross without being seen that the deserters could not go to the mines without crossing that plain, and could not reach it before daylight. All agreed that the whole regiment would desert if these men were not brought back. Several officers volunteered on the spot to go after them and, as the soldiers could not be trusted, it was useless to send any but officers in pursuit. Some one went to report the affair to the adjutant-general, Canby, and he to Geneasy they could

how

out at once to Salinas Plain,

;

I waited some time, and, as the thing grew cold, was given up, and went to my room and to bed. About midnight I was called up and informed that there were seven officers willing to go, but the difficulty was to get horses and saddles. I went down to Larkin's house and got General Smith to consent that we might take the horses I had bought for our trip. It was nearly three o'clock a. m. I had a musket before we were all mounted and ready. which I used for hunting. With this I led off at a canter, followed by the others. About six miles out, by the faint moon, I saw ahead of us in the sandy road some blue coats, and, fearing lest they might resist or escape into the dense bushes which lined the road, I halted and found with me Paymaster Hill, Captain K". H. Davis, and Lieutenant John Hamilton. We waited some time for the others, viz., Canby, Murray, Gibbs, and Sully, to come up, but as they were not in sight we made a dash up the road and captured six of the deserters, who were Germans, with heavy knapsacks on, trudging along the deep, sandy road. They had not expected pursuit, had not heard our horses, and were accordingly easily taken. Finding myself the senior officer present, I ordered Lieutenant Hamilton to search the men and then to march them back to Monterey, suspecting, as was the fact, that the rest of our party had taken a
eral Riley.

I thought

it

road that branched off a couple of miles back.

Daylight broke

72
as

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
we

[1849-'50.

reached the Salinas River, twelve miles out, and there

the

trail

was broad and fresh leading

directly out

on the Salinas

Plain. This plain is becomes somewhat broken. The trail continued very plain, and I rode on at a gallop to where there was an old adobe-ranch on the left of the road, with the head of a lagoon, or pond, close by. I saw one or two of the soldiers getting water at the pond, and others up near the house. I had the best horse and was considerably ahead, but on looking back could see Hill and Davis coming up behind at a gallop. I motioned to them to hurry forward, and turned my horse across- the head of the pond, knowing the ground well, as it was a favorite place for shooting geese and ducks. Approaching the house, I ordered the men who were outside to go in. They did not know me personally, and exchanged glances, but I had my musket cocked, and, as the two had seen Davis and Hill coming up pretty fast, they obeyed. Dismounting, I found the house full of deserters, and there was no escape for them. They naturally supposed that I had a strong party with me, and when I ordered them to " fall in " they obeyed from habit. By the time Hill and Davis came up I had them formed in two ranks, the front rank facing about, and I was taking away their bayonets, pistols, etc. "We disarmed them, destroying a musket and several pistols, and, on counting them, we found that we three had taken eighteen, which, added to the six first captured, made twenty-four. We made them sling their knapsacks and begin their homeward march. It was near night when we got back, so that these deserters had

about five miles wide, and then the ground

traveled nearly forty miles since " tattoo " of the night before.

The

other party had captured three, so that only one

man had

escaped.

I doubt not this prevented the desertion of the bulk
effect of the

of the Second Infantry that spring, for at that time so demoralizing

was the

gold-mines that everybody not in
if free,

the military service justified desertion, because a soldier,

day than he received per month. Not only did soldiers and sailors desert, but captains and masters of ships actually abandoned their vessels and cargoes to try their luck at the mines. Preachers and professors forgot their creeds
could earn
in a

more money

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
trade,

73
I re-

and took to

and even to keeping gambling-houses.

member

that one of our regular soldiers,

named

Reese, in de-

serting stole a favorite double-barreled

gun of mine, and when

the orderly-sergeant of the company, Carson, was going on furacross Reese to try and get he returned he told me that he had found Reese and offered him a hundred dollars for my gun, but Reese sent me word that he liked the gun, and would not take a hundred dollars for it. Soldiers or sailors who could reach the mines were universally shielded by the miners, so that it was next to useless to attempt their recapture. In due season Gen era! Persifer Smith, Gibbs, and I, with some hired packers, started back for San Francisco, and soon after we transferred our headquarters to Sonoma. About this time Major Joseph Hooker arrived from the East the regular adjutant-general of the division relieved me, and I became thereafter one of Gen-

lough, I asked

him when he came

my gun

back.

When

eral Smith's regular aides-de-camp.

As there was very little to do, General Smith encouraged us go into any business that would enable us to make money. R. P. Hammond, James Blair, and I, made a contract to survey for Colonel J. D. Stevenson his newly-projected city of " New York of the Pacific," situated at the mouth of the San Joaquin
to

River.

The

contract embraced, also, the

making

of soundings

and the marking out of a channel through Suisun Bay. We hired, in San Francisco, a small metallic boat, with a sail, laid in some stores, and proceeded to the United States ship Ohio, anchored at Saucelito, where we borrowed a sailor -boy and lead-lines with which to sound the channel. We sailed up to Benicia, and, at General Smith's request, we surveyed and marked the line dividing the city of Benicia from the government reserve. We then sounded the bay back and forth, and staked out the best channel up Suisun Bay, from which Blair

made

out sailing directions. surveys of the city of " New
;

We

then

made

the preliminary

York of the Pacific," all of which were duly plotted and for this work we each received from Stevenson five hundred dollars and ten or fifteen lots. I sold enough lots to make up another five hundred dollars, and let

"

74

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
;

[1849-'50.

the balance go

for the city of "

New York
cities at

of the Pacific

never came to any thing.
country.

Indeed,
all

the time were beall

ing projected by speculators

round the bay and

over the

While we were surveying
occurred one of those
gold-fever.
old,
little

at "

New York

of the Pacific,"

events that showed the force of the

We had a sailor-boy with us,

about seventeen years

who cooked our meals and

helped work the boat.

On shore,

we had the sail spread so as to shelter us against the wind and dew. One morning I awoke about daylight, and looked out to see
if

our sailor-boy was at work getting breakfast
all.

;

but he was not

at the fire at

Getting up, I discovered that he had converted

was sailing for the gold-mines. was astride this bolsa, with a small parcel of bread and meat done up in a piece of cloth another piece of cloth, such as we used for making our signal-stations, he had fixed into a il md with a paddle he was directing his precarious craft ght out
a tule-bolsa into a sail-boat, and

He

;

;

'

into the broad bay, to follow the general direction of
ers

1

<

schoon-

and boats that he knew were ascending the S ramento River. He was about a hundred yards from the shor . I jerked up my gun, and hailed him to come back. After a moment's This hesitation, he let go his sheet and began to paddle back. lolsa was nothing but a bundle of tule, or bullrush, bound together with grass-ropes in the shape of a cigar, about ten feet

long and about two feet through the butt.

With

these the Cal-

ifornia Indians cross streams of considerable size.

When

he

him a good overhauling for attempting In due time to desert, and put him to work getting breakfast. we returned him to his ship, the Ohio. Subsequently, I made a bargain with Mr. Hartnell to survey Ord and a his ranch at Cosumnes River, Sacramento Yalley. young citizen, named Seton, were associated with me in this. I bought of Rodman M. Price a surveyor's compass, chain, etc., and, in San Francisco, a small wagon and harness. Availing
came
ashore, I gave

ourselves of a schooner, chartered to carry

Major Miller and two San Francisco to Stockcompanies of the Second Infantry from I recall an oc ton, we got up to our destination at little cost.

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS

OH'

CALIFORNIA.

75
in Car-

currence that happened

when the schooner was anchored
;

were wind the schooner lay anchored at an ebb-tide, and about daylight Ord and I had gone ashore Just as we were pulling off from shore, we for something. heard the loud shouts of the men, and saw them all running down toward the water. Our attention thus drawn, we saw something swimming in the water, and pulled toward it, thinking it a coyote but we soon recognized a large grizzly bear, swimming directly across the channel. Not having any weapon, we hurwaiting for daylight and a fair
;

quinez Straits, opposite the soldiers' camp on shore.

We

riedly pulled for the schooner, calling out, as we neared it, " bear a bear " It so happened that Major Miller was on deck,
! !

A

washing
vessel,

his face

and hands.

He

ran rapidly to the

bow

of the

took the musket from the hands of the sentinel, and fired

at the bear, as

he passed but a short distance ahead of the schooner.

The bear rose, made a growl or howl, but continued his course. As we scrambled up the port-side to get our guns, the mate, with
a crew, happened to have a boat on the starboard-side, and,

armed only with a hatchet, they pulled up alongside the bear, and the mate struck him in the head with the hatchet. The bear turned, tried to get into the boat, but the mate struck his claws
with repeated blows, and made him let go. After several passes with him, the mate actually killed the bear, got a rope round him, and towed him alongside the schooner, where he was

The carcass weighed over six hundred pounds. was found that Major Miller's shot had struck the bear in the lower jaw, and thus disabled him. Had it not been for this, the bear would certainly have upset the boat and drowned all in it. As it was, however, his meat served us a good turn in our trip up to Stockton. At Stockton we disembarked our wagon, provisions, and instruments. There I bought two fine mules at three hundred dollars each, and we hitched up and started for the Cosumnes River. About twelve miles off was the Mokelumne, a wide, bold stream, with a canoe as a ferry-boat. We took our wagon to pieces, and ferried it and its contents across, and then drove our mules into the water. In crossing, one mule became entangled in the rope of
hoisted on deck.
It

76

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1849-'50.

the otler, and for a time
at last

he revived and
;

pack-animals

neither

we thought he was a gone mule but we hitched up. The mules were both had ever before seen a wagon. Young
;

Seton also was about as green, and had never handled a mule. We put on the harness, and began to hitch them in, when one of the mules turned his head, saw the wagon, and started.

We

held on tight, but the beast did not stop until he had shivered
the tongue-pole into a dozen fragments.

The

fact was, that

Seton had hitched the traces before he had put on the blindbridle. There was considerable swearing done, but that would not mend the pole. There was no place nearer than Sutter's Fort to repair damages, so we were put to our wits' end.
first

We

sent back a mile or so, and bought a raw-hide.

Gathering

up the fragments of the pole and cutting the hide into strips, we fished it in the rudest manner. As long as the hide was green, the pole was very shaky but gradually the sun dried the hide, tightened it, and the pole actually held for about a month. This but, when damages were repaired, cost us nearly a day of delay we harnessed up again, and reached the crossing of the Cosumnes, where our survey was to begin. The exjpediente, or title; ;

papers, of the ranch described

it

as containing nine or eleven

leagues on the Cosumnes, south side, and between the San Joa-

quin River and Sierra Nevada Mountains.
place

We

began at the

where the road

crosses the

Cosumnes, and

laid

down a line

four miles south, perpendicular to the general direction of the
then, surveying up the stream, we marked each mile so admit of a subdivision of one mile by four. The land was dry and very poor, with the exception of here and there some small pieces of bottom-land, the great bulk of the bottom-land occurring on the north side of the stream. We continued the survey up some twenty miles into the hills above the mill of Dailor and Sheldon. It took about a month to make this survey, which, when finished, was duly plotted and for it we received Ord and I took the one-tenth of the land, or two subdivisions.

stream
as to

;

;

land,

and we paid Seton for his labor in

cash.

By

the sale of

tn} share of the land, subsequently, I realized three
dollars.

thousand

After finishing Hartnell's survey,

we

crossed over to

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

77

Dailor's, and did some work for him at five hundred dollars a day for the party. Having finished our work on the Cosumnes, we proceeded to Sacramento, where Captain Sutter employed us to connect the survey of Sacramento City, made by Lieutenant

"Warner, and that of Sutterville, three miles below, which was

then being surveyed by Lieutenant J. "W. Davidson, of the First

Dragoons.

At

Sutterville, the plateau of the
it

Sacramento ap-

proached quite near the river, and

would have made a better site for a town than the low, submerged land where the city now stands but it seems to be a law of growth that all natural ad;

vantages are disregarded wherever once business chooses a location.

Old
it

Sutter's erribarcadero

became Sacramento

City, simply

because
of

was the

first

point used for unloading boats for Sut-

ter's Fort, just as

the

site for

San Francisco was

fixed

Yerba Buena
I invested

as the hide-landing for the Mission of "

by the use San

Francisco de Asis."

my

earnings in this survey in three lots in Sacrafair profit

mento

MdSTulty, of Mansfield, Ohio.

by a sale to one two months' leave of absence, during which General Smith, his staff, and a retinue of civil friends, were making a tour of the gold-mines, and hearing that he was en route back to his headquarters at Sonoma, I knocked off my work, sold my instruments, and left my wagon and mules with my cousin Charley Hoyt, who had a store in Sacramento, and was on the point of moving up to a ranch, for which he had bargained, on Bear Creek, on which was afterward established Camp " Far West." He afterward sold the mules, wagon, etc., for me, and on the whole I think I cleared, by those two months' work, about six thousand dollars. I then returned to headquarters at Sonoma, in time to attend my fellow aide-de-camp Gibbs through a long and dangerous sickness, during which he was on board a store-ship, guarded by Captain George Johnson, who now resides in San Francisco. General Smith had agreed that on the first good opportunity he would send me to the United States as a bearer of dispatches, but this he could not do until he had made the examination of Oregon, which was also in his comCity,

on which I made a

I only had a

78

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
During the summer of 1849 there continued

[1849-W
to

mand.

pour

into California a perfect stream of people.

Steamers came,

and a line was established from San Francisco to Sacramento, of which the Senator was the pioneer, charging sixteen dollars a passage, and actually coining money. Other boats were built, out of materials which had either come around Cape Horn or were brought from the Sandwich Islands. "Wharves were built, houses were springing up as if by magic, and the Bay of San Francisco presented as busy a scene of life as any part of the world. Major Allen, of the Quartermaster's Department, who had come out as chief-quartermaster of the division, was building a large warehouse at Benicia, with a row of quarters, out of lumber at one hundred dollars per thousand feet, and the work was done by men at sixteen dollars a day. I have seen a detailed soldier, who got only his monthly pay of eight dollars a month, and twenty cents a day for extra duty, nailing on weather-boards and shingles, alongside a citizen who was paid sixteen dollars a This was a real injustice, made the soldiers discontented, day. and it was hardly to be wondered at that so many deserted While the mass of people were busy at gold and in mammoth speculations, a set of busy politicians were at work to secure the prizes of civil government. Gwin and Fremont were there, and T. Butler King, of Georgia, had come out from the East, scheming for office. lie staid with us at Sonoma, and was generally regarded as the Government candidate for United States General Riley as Governor, and Captain Halleck as Senator. Secretary of State, had issued a proclamation for the election of In due time the a convention to frame a State constitution. elections were held, and the convention was assembled at Monterey. Dr. Semple was elected president; and Gwin, Sutter, Halleck, Butler King, Sherwood, Gilbert, Shannon, and others, were members. General Smith took no part in this convention, but sent me down to watch the proceedings, and report to him. The only subject of interest was the slavery question. There were no slaves then in California, save a few who had come out as servants, but the Southern people at that time claimed their share of territory, out of that acquired by

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
labors of all sections of the
in California there

79

the

common

Union

in the

Mexico.
ject.

Still,

was

little

feeling

war with on the sub-

I never heard General Smith,
it.

who was

a Louisianian,

express any opinion about
gia,

Nor

did Butler King, of Geor-

ever manifest any particular interest in the matter.

A

committee was named to draft a constitution, which in due time was reported, with the usual clause, then known as the Wilmot Proviso, excluding slavery and during the debate which ensued very little opposition was made to this clause, which was finally adopted by a large majority, although the convention was made
;

up in large part of men from our Southern

States.

This mat-

ter of California being a free State, afterward, in the national

Congress, gave rise to angry debates, which at one time threat-

ened

civil

war.

The

result of the convention

was the

election

of State officers, and of the Legislature which sat in San Jose in

Gwin

October and November, 1849, and which elected Fremont and as the first United States Senators in Congress from the
Pacific coast.

Shortly after returning from Monterey, I was sent by General

Smith up

to

Sacramento City to instruct Lieutenants Warfor the purpose of ascertaining

ner and Williamson, of the Engineers, to push their surveys of
the Sierra

Nevada Mountains,

by a railroad, a subject that was generally assumed that such a road could not be made along any of the immigrant roads then in use, and "Warner's orders were to look farther north up the Feather River, or some one of its tributaries. Warner was engaged in this survey during the summer and fall of 1849, and had explored, to the very end of Goose Lake, the source of Feaththe possibility of passing that range

then elicited universal interest.

It

Then, leaving Williamson with the baggage and part men, he took about ten men and a first-rate guide, crossed the summit to the east, and had turned south, having the range of mountains on his right hand, with the intention of regaining his camp by another pass in the mountain. The party was strung out, single file, with wide spaces between, Warner ahead. He had just crossed a small valley and ascended one of the spurs covered with sage-brush and rocks, when a band of Iner River.

of the

80

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
up and poured
in a shower of arrows.

[1849-'50.

dians rose

The mule
fell off

turned and ran back to the valley, where Warner

dead,

punctured by fi.Ye arrows. The mule also died. The guide, who was next to Warner, was mortally wounded; and one
or

two men had arrows in
yelled,

their bodies, but recovered.

The

party gathered about Warner's body, in sight of the Indians,

who whooped and
cover of rocks.

This party of

but did not venture away from their men remained there all day with-

out burying the bodies, and at night, by a wide circuit, passed

The news of gloom over all the old Califomians, who knew him well. He was a careful, prudent, and honest office*, well qualified for his business, and extremely accurate in all his work. He and I had been intimately associated during our four years together in California, and I felt his loss deeply. The season was then too far advanced to attempt to avenge his death, and it was not until the next spring that a party was sent out to gather up and bury his scattered bones. As winter approached, the immigrants overland came pouring into California, dusty and worn with their two thousand Those miles of weary travel across the plains and mountains. who arrived in October and November reported thousands still behind them, with oxen perishing, and short of food. Appeals were made for help, and General Smith resolved to atMajor Kucker, who had come across with Pike tempt relief. Graham's Battalion of Dragoons, had exchanged with Major Fitzgerald, of the Quartermaster's Department, and was deGeneral Smith ordered him to tailed to conduct this relief. dollars out of the civil thousand hundred with supplied one be and with this to purchase at Sachis control, to fund, subject and mules to send hire men and to ramento flour, bacon, etc., fulfilled this duty Kucker Major out and meet the immigrants. food with by the many perfectly, sending out pack-trains loaded to be approaching, routes by which the immigrants were known remained in the and went out himself with one of these trains, mountains until the last immigrant had got in. ~No doubt this expedition saved many a life which has since been most useful
the mountain, and reached Williamson's camp.

Warner's death

cast a

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

81

to the country.

I remained at Sacramento a good part of the

fall of 181:9, recognizing

among
Fall,

personal friends

— John C.

the immigrants many of my old William King, Sam Stambaugh,

I got Rucker to give eta two employment along with the train for the relief of the immigrants. They had proposed to begin a ranch on my land on the Cosumnes, but afterward changed their minds, and went out with Rucker. While I was at Sacramento General Smith had gone on his 3ontemplated trip to Oregon, and promised that he would be back in December, when he would send me home with dispatches. Accordingly, as the winter and rainy season was at hand, I went to San Francisco, and spent some time at the Presidio, waiting patiently for General Smith's return. About Christmas a vessel arrived from Oregon with the dispatches, and an order for me to deliver them in person to General Winfield Scott, in New York City. General Smith had sent them down, remaining in Oregon for a time. Of course I was all ready, and others of our set were going home by the same conveyance, viz., Rucker, Ord, A. J. Smith some under orders, and the others on leave. Wanting
these last

Hugh Ewing, Hampton Denman,

to see

my

old friends in Monterey, I arranged for

my passage

in

1, 1850, paying six hundred York, and went down to Monterey by land, Rucker accompanying me. The weather was unusually rainy, and all the plain about Santa Clara was under water but we reached Monterey in time. I again was welcomed by my friends, Dona Augustias, Manuelita, and the family, and it was resolved that I should take two of the boys home with me and put them at Georgetown College for education, viz., Antonio and Porfirio, thirteen and eleven years old. The dofia gave me a bag of golddust to pay for their passage and to deposit at the college. On the 2d day of January punctually appeared the steamer Oregon. We were all soon on board and off for home. At that time the

the steamer of January

dollars for

passage to

New

;

passage

Our down the coast was unusually pleasant. Arrived at Panama, we hired mules and rode across to Gorgona, on the Cruces River, where we hired a boat and paddled down to tbe

steamers touched at San Diego, Acapulco, and Panama.

82

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

[1849-'50.

mouth

of the river, off which lay the steamer Crescent City.

It usually

took four days to cross the isthmus, every passenger
it

taking care of himself, and
efforts of

was

women and men unaccustomed

old song to us, and the trip across due time we were rowed off to the Crescent City, rolling back and forth in the swell, and we scrambled aboard by a "Jacob's ladder " from the stern. Some of the women had to be hoisted aboard by lowering a tub from the end of a boom fun to us who looked on, but awkward enough to the poor women, es;

funny to watch the It was an was easy and interesting. In
really
to mules.

pecially to a very fat one, who attracted much notice. General Fremont, wife and child (Lillie) were passengers with us down from San Francisco but Mrs. Fremont not being well, they remained over one trip at Panama. Senator Gwin was one of our passengers, and went through to New York. We reached New York about the close of Jan;

uary, after a safe

and pleasant

trip.

Our

party,

composed of
;

Ord, A. J. Smith, and Rucker, with the two boys, Antonio and

on Bowling Green and, as up somewhat, I took a carriage, went to General Scott's office in Ninth Street, delivered my dispatches, was ordered to dine with him next day, and then went forth to hunt up my old friends and relations, the Scotts, Hoyts, etc., etc. On reaching New York, most of us had rough soldier's clothPorfirio,
at Delmonico's,

put up

soon as

we had

cleaned

ing,

but

we soon

got a

new

outfit,

Scott's family, Mrs. Scott being present,

and I dined with General and also their son-inII. L. Scott).

law and daughter (Colonel and Mrs.
questioned
coast,

The general

me

pretty closely in regard to things on the Pacific

and startled me with the asser" our country was on the eve of a terrible civil war." tion that
especially the politics,

anecdotes of my old army comrades in around the city of Mexico, and I felt deeply the fact that our country had passed through a foreign war, that my comrades had fought great battles, and yet I had not heard a hostile shot. Of course, I thought it the last and only chance in my day, and that my career as a soldier was at an end. After some four or five days spent in New York, I was, by
lie interested

me by

his recent battles

1849-'50.]

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.

83

an order of General Scott, sent to Washington, to lay before
the Secretary of

War

(Crawford, of Georgia) the dispatches

On reaching Washwhich I had brought from California. ington, I found that Mr. Ewing was Secretary of the Interior, and I at once became a member of his family. The family occupied the house of Mr. Blair, on Pennsylvania Avenue, directly in front of the War Department. I immediately repaired to the War Department, and placed my dispatches in the hands of Mr. Crawford, who questioned me somewhat about California, but seemed little interested in the subject, except so far as it related to slavery and the routes through Texas. I then went to call on the President at the White House. I found Major Bliss, who had been my teacher in mathematics at West Point, and was then General Taylor's son-in-law and private secretary. He took me into the room, now used by the President's private I had never seen him secretaries, where President Taylor was. before, though I had served under him in Florida in 1 840-41, and was most agreeably surprised at his fine personal appearHe received me with ance, and his pleasant, easy manners. great kindness, told me that Colonel Mason had mentioned my name with praise, and that he would be pleased to do me any act of favor. We were with him nearly an hour, talking about California generally, and of his personal friends, Persifer Smith, Although General Scott was generRiley, Canby, and others. ally regarded by the army as the most accomplished soldier of the Mexican War, yet General Taylor had that blunt, honest, and stern character, that endeared him to the masses of the peoBliss, too, had gained a large ple, and made him President. fame by his marked skill and intelligence as an adjutant-general and military adviser. His manner was very unmilitary, and in his talk he stammered and hesitated, so as to make an unfavorable impression on a stranger but he was wonderfully accurate and skillful with his pen, and his orders and letters form a model of military precision and clearness.
;

CHAPTEE
MISSOURI, LOUISIANA,

III.

AND CALIFORNIA.

1850-1855.

Having returned from
dispatches for the

California in January, 1850, with

War

Department, and

them

in person first to General Scott in

afterward to the Secretary of
City, I applied for

War

having delivered City, and (Crawford) in Washington

New York

and received a leave of absence for

six

months.

I

first visited

my

mother, then living at Mansfield,

Ohio, and returned to Washington, where, on the 1st day of
of the

May, 1850, I was married to Miss Ellen Boyle Ewing, daughter Hon. Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Interior. The marriage ceremony was attended by a large and distinguished company, embracing Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, T. H. Benton,

President Taylor, and

This occurred at the all his cabinet. house of Mr. Ewing, the same now owned and occupied by Mr. F. P. Blair, senior, on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite the War Department. We made a wedding-tour to Baltimore, New York, Niagara, and Ohio, and returned to Washington by the 1st of July. General Taylor participated in the celebration of the Fourth of July, a very hot day, by hearing a long speech

from the Hon. Henry S. Foote, at the base of the Washington Monument. Returning from the celebration much heated and
fatigued, he partook too freely of his favorite iced milk with

and during that night was seized with a severe colic, which by morning had quite prostrated him. It was said that he sent for his son-in-law, Surgeon Wood, United States Army, stationed in Baltimore, and declined medical assistance from
cherries,

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.
else.

85

anybody

Mr. Ewing visited him several times, and was

manifestly nneasy and anxious, as was also his son-in-law, Ma-

and his confidential secretary. He grew worse, and died in about four days. At that time there was a high state of political feeling pervading the country, on account of the questions growing out of the new Territories just acquired from Mexico by the war. Congress was in session, and General Taylor's sudden death evidently created great alarm. I was present in the Senate-gallery, and saw the oath of office administered to the Vice-President, Mr. Fillmore, a man of splendid physical proportions and commanding appearance but on the faces of Senators and people could easily be read the feelings of doubt and uncertainty
jor Bliss, then of the army,

rapidly

;

that prevailed.

All

knew

that a change in

the cabinet and
it

general policy was likely to result, but at the time

was sup-

posed that Mr. Fillmore, whose home was in Buffalo, would be less liberal than General Taylor to the politicians of the South,

who
as

feared, or pretended to fear, a crusade against slavery
political cry of the day, that slavery

;

or,

would be prohibited in the Territories and in the places exclusively under the jurisdiction of the United States. Events, however, proved the
was the
contrary.

I attended General Taylor's funeral as a sort of aide-de-

camp,

at the request of the

Adjutant-General of the army, Roger

Jones, whose brother, a militia-general,

commanded

the escort,

composed of militia and some regulars. Among the regulars I recall the names of Captains John Sedgwick and W, F. Barry. Hardly was General Taylor decently buried in the Congressional Cemetery when the political struggle recommenced, and it became manifest that Mr. Fillmore favored the general compromise then known as Henry Clay's " Omnibus Bill," and that a general change of cabinet would at once occur. Webster was to succeed Mr. Clayton as Secretary of State, Corwin to succeed Mr. Meredith as Secretary of the Treasury, and A. H. H. Stuart to succeed Mr. Ewing as Secretary of the Interior. Mr. Ewing, however, was immediately appointed by the Governor of the State to succeed Corwin in the Senate. These changes made it

;

86

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

L1850-'55

necessary for Mr.

Ewing

to discontinue house-keeping,
off his

and Mr.

Corwin took
this

his house

and furniture

hands.
;

I escorted

home in Lancaster, Ohio but, before had occurred, some most interesting debates took place in the Senate, which I regularly attended, and heard Clay, Benton, Foote, King of Alabama, Dayton, and the many real orators of that day. Mr. Calhoun was in his seat, but he was evidently approaching his end, for he was pale and feeble in the extreme. I heard Mr. Webster's last speech on the floor of the Senate, under circumstances that warrant a description. It was publicly Known that he was to leave the Senate, and enter the new cabinet of Mr. Fillmore, as his Secretary of State, and that prior to leaving he was to make a great speech on the " Omnibus Bill." Resolved to hear it, I went up to the Capitol on the day named, an hour or so earlier than usual. The speech was to be delivered in the old Senate-chamber, now used by the Supreme Court. The galleries were much smaller than at present, and I found them full to overflowing, with a dense crowd about the I could not get near, and door, struggling to reach the stairs. then tried the reporters' gallery, but found it equally crowded
the family out to their
so I feared I should lose the only possible opportunity to hear

Mr. "Webster. I had only a limited personal acquaintance with any of the Senators, but had met Mr. Corwin quite often at Mr. E wing's house, and I also knew that he had been extremely friendly

my father in his lifetime so I ventured to my card, "¥. T. S., First-Lieutenant, Third
to
;

send in to him
Artillery."

He
be-

came
lieve

to the door promptly,

when

I said,

"Mr. Corwin, I

His answer was, " Yes, he has the floor at one o'clock." I then added that I was extremely anxious to hear him. " Well," said he, " why don't you go into the gallery ? " I explained that it was full, and I had " Well," tried every access, but found all jammed with people. said he, " what do you want of me ? " I explained that I would like him to take me on the floor of the Senate that I had often seen from the gallery persons on the floor, no better entitled to it than I. He then asked in his quizzical way, "Are you a Mr. Webster
is

to speak to-day."

;

"

18£0-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

87

foreign embassador?" "No." " No." " Are you a State ? "

"Are you member of

the Governor of a

the other

" Certainly not." name ? " " No."
bers."

Have you ever had a vote of " Well, these are the only privileged
"

House ? thanks by

mem-

and he chose he could take me in. He then said, "Have reasonable amount if you any impudence ? " I told him, " " Do you think you could become so occasion called for it." interested in my conversation as not to notice the door-keeper ?
I then told
I was,

him he knew well enough who

that

if

A

I told him that there was not the least doubt he would tell me .one of his funny stories. He then took my arm, and led me a turn in the vestibule, talking about some indifferent matter, but all the time directing my looks to his left hand, toward which he was gesticulating with his right and thus we approached the door-keeper, who began asking me, " Foreign

(pointing to him).
of
it,

if

;

embassador?
etc.
;

Governor of a State? Member of Congress?" but I caught Corwin's eye, which said plainly, " Don't
attention to me,"

mind him, pay

and in

this

way we

entered the

Senate-chamber by a side-door. Once in, Corwin said, " Now you can take care of yourself," and I thanked him cordially.
I found a seat close behind Mr. Webster, and near General

and heard the whole of the speech. It was heavy in the extreme, and I confess that I was disappointed and tired long before it was finished. No doubt the speech was full of fact and argument, but it had none of the fire of oratory, or intensity of feeling, that marked all of Mr. Clay's efforts. Toward the end of July, as before stated, all the family went home to Lancaster. Congress was still in session, and the bill adding four captains to the Commissary Department had not passed, but was reasonably certain to, and I was equally sure of being one of them. At that time my name was on the muster-roll of (Light) Company C, Third Artillery (Bragg's), staScott,

tioned at Jefferson Barracks, near St. Louis.

But, as there

was cholera
delay joining

at St. Louis,

on application, I was permitted to

until September. Early in that month, I proceeded to Cincinnati, and thence by steamboat to St. Louis, and then to Jefferson Barracks, where I reported

my

company

88

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

[1850-'55.

and Brevet-Colonel Braxton Bragg, comC, Third Artillery. The other officers of the company were First-Lieutenant Hackaliah Brown and Second-Lieutenant James A. Hardie. Xew horses had just been purchased for the battery, and we were preparing for work, when the mail brought the orders announcing the passage of the bill increasing the Commissary Department by four captains, to which were promoted Captains Shiras, Blair, Sherman, and Bowen. I was ordered to take post at St. Louis, and to relieve Captain A. J. Smith, First Dragoons, who had been acting in that capacity for some months. My commission bore date September 27, 1S50. I proceeded forthwith to the city, relieved Captain Smith, and entered on the discharge of the duties of
for duty to Captain

manding

(Light)

Company

the

office.

Colonel N. S. Clarke, Sixth Infantry,

commanded
;

the de-

Major D. C. Buell was adjutant-general, and Captain W. S. Hancock was regimental quartermaster Colonel Thomas Swords was the depot quartermaster, and we had our offices in the same building, on the corner of Washington Avenue and Second. Subsequently Major S. Yan Yliet relieved Colonel Swords. I remained at the Planters' House until my family arrived, when we occupied a house on Chouteau Avenue, near
partment
;

Twelfth.

During the spring and summer of 1851, Mr. Ewing and Mr. Henry Stoddard, of Dayton, Ohio, a cousin of my father, were much in St. Louis, on business connected with the estate of Major Amos Stoddard, who was of the old army, as early as the
beginning of this century.
St.

He

was stationed

at the village of

when Lewis and Clarke made their famous expedition across the continent Major Stoddard at that early day had to the Columbia Biver. purchased a small farm back of the village, of some Spaniard or Frenchman, but, as he was a bachelor, and was killed at Fort Meigs, Ohio, during the War of 1812, the title was for many years lost sight of, and the farm was covered over by other claims and by occupants. As St. Louis began to grow, his Drothers and sisters, and their descendants, concluded to look up
Louis at the time of the Louisiana purchase, and

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.
After

89
they at
last

the property.

much and

fruitless litigation,

retained Mr. Stoddard, of Dayton,

who

in turn

employed Mr.

Ewing, and these, after many years of labor, established the title, and in the summer of 1851 they were put in possession by the United States marshal. The ground was laid off, the city survey extended over it, and the whole was sold in partition. I made some purchases, and acquired an interest, which I have retained more or less ever since.

We

continued to reside in St. Louis throughout the year

1851, and in the spring of 1852 I had occasion to visit Fort Leavenworth on duty, partly to inspect a lot of cattle which a Mr. Gordon, of Cass County, had contracted to deliver in New Mexico, to enable Colonel Sumner to attempt his scheme of making the soldiers in New Mexico self-supporting, by raising their own meat, and in a measure their own vegetables. I found Fort Leavenworth then, as now, a most beautiful spot, but in the midst of a wild Indian country. There were no whites settled in what is now the State of Kansas. "Weston, in Missouri, was the great town, and speculation in town-lots there and thereabout burnt the fingers of some of the army-officers, who wanted to plant their scanty dollars in a fruitful soil. I rode on horseback over to Gordon's farm, saw the cattle, concluded the bargain, and returned by way of Independence, Missouri. At Independence I found F. X. Aubrey, a noted man of that day, who had just made a celebrated ride of six hundred miles in six days. That spring the United States quartermaster, Major L. C. Easton, at Fort Union, New Mexico, had occasion to send some message east by a certain date, and contracted

with Aubrey to carry
the time consumed.

it

to the nearest post-office (then Inde-

pendence, Missouri), making his compensation conditional on
lie was supplied with a good horse, and an order on the outgoing trains for an exchange. Though the whole route was infested with hostile Indians, and not a house on it, Aubrey started alone with his rifle. He was fortunate in meeting several outward-bound trains, and there by made frequent changes of horses, some four or five, and reached Independence in six days, having hardly rested or slept

90

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA., CALIFORNIA.

[1850-'55

Of course, he was extremely fatigued, and said an opinion among the wild Indians that if a man " sleeps out his sleep," after such extreme exhaustion, he will never awake; and, accordingly, he instructed his landlord to
the whole way.
there was

wake him up after eight hours of sleep. When aroused at last, he saw by the clock that he had been asleep twenty hours, and he was dreadfully angry, threatened to murder his landlord, who protested he had tried in every way to get him up, but found it impossible, and had let him " sleep it out." Aubrey,
in describing his sensations to me, said he took it for granted he was a dead man but in fact he sustained no ill effects, and was off again in a few days. I met him afterward often in California, and always esteemed him one of the best samples of
;

that bold race of men who had grown up on the Plains, along with the Indians, in the service of the fur companies. He was afterward, in 1856, killed by R. C. Weightman, in a bar-room row, at Santa Fe, New Mexico, where he had just arrived from
California.

In going from Independence to Fort Leavenworth, I had to sleep all night in a Shawnee camp. The next day I crossed the Kaw or Kansas River in a ferry-boat, maintained by the blacksmith of the tribe, and reached the fort in the evening. At that day the whole region was unsettled, where now exist many rich counties, highly cultivated, embracing several cities of from ten to forty thousand in-

swim Milk Creek, and

habitants.
St. Louis.

From

Fort Leavenworth I returned by steamboat to
to

In the summer of 1852, my family went Ohio but I remained at my post. Late in was rumored that I was to be transferred to and in due time I learned the cause. During Mexican War, Major Seawell, of the Seventh been acting commissary of subsistence at New
;

Lancaster,
it

the season,

New

Orleans,

a part of the
Infantry,

had

Orleans, then

the great depot of supplies for the troops in Texas, and of
those

operating beyond the Rio Grande.

Commissaries at

that time were allowed to purchase in open market, and were

not restricted to advertising and awarding contracts to the

1860-'55.]

jIISSOTJRI,
It

LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.
that

91

Major Seawell had pur& Co., Mr. SeaWhen he was relieved in his well being a relative of his. duties by Major Waggaman, of the regular Commissary Department, the latter found Perry Seawell & Co. so prompt and satisfactory that he continued the patronage for which there was a good reason, because stores for the use of the troops at remote posts had to be packed in a particular way, to bear transportation in wagons, or even on pack-mules and this firm had
lowest bidders.

was reported

chased largely of the house of Perry Seawell

;

;

made extraordinary preparations for this exclusive purpose. Some time about 1849, a brother of Major Waggaman, who had been clerk to Captain Casey, commissary of subsistence, at Tampa Bay, Florida, was thrown out of office by the death of the
and he naturally applied to his brother in New Orleans and he, in turn, referred him to his friends, for employment Messrs. Perry Seawell & Co. These first employed him as a clerk, and afterward admitted him as a partner. Thus it resulted, in fact, that Major Waggaman was dealing largely, if not exclusively, with a firm of which his brother was a partner. One day, as General Twiggs was coming across Lake Pontchartrain, he fell in with one of his old cronies, who was an extensive grocer. This gentleman gradually led the conversation to the downward tendency of the times since he and Twiggs were young, saying that, in former years, all the merchants of New Orleans had a chance at government patronage but now, in order to sell to the army commissary, one had to take a brother in as a partner. General Twiggs resented this, but the merchant again affirmed it, and gave names. As soon as General Twiggs reached his office, he instructed his adjutant-general,
captain,
; ;

Colonel Bliss
of inquiry to

—who

told

me

this

—to address a categorical

note

Major Waggaman. The major very frankly stated the facts as they had arisen, and insisted that the firm of Perry Seawell & Co. had enjoyed a large patronage, but deserved it richly by reason of their promptness, fairness, and fidelity. The correspondence was sent to Washington, and the result was, that Major Waggaman was ordered to St. Louis, and I was ordered
to

New

Orleans.

92

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

[1850-'55.

I went down to New Orleans in a steamboat in the month of September, 1852, taking with me a clerk, and, on arrival, as-

sumed the

office,

in a bank-building facing Lafayette Square, in

which were the offices of all the army departments. General D. Twiggs was in command of the department, with Colonel W.

W.

S. Bliss (son-in-law of

eral.

General Taylor) as his adjutant-genColonel A. C. Myers was quartermaster, Captain John F.

Keynolds aide-de-camp, and Colonel A. J. Coffee paymaster. I took rooms at the St. Louis Hotel, kept by a most excellentgentleman, Colonel Mudge.

Mr. Perry Seawell came to me in person, soliciting a contin uance of the custom which he had theretofore enjoyed; but I
told

or heard of

him frankly that a change was necessary, and I never saw him afterward. I simply purchased in open market,

arranged for the proper packing of the stores, and had not the least difficulty in supplying the troops and satisfying the head
of the department in Washington.

About Christmas, I had notice that my family, Mrs. Sherman, two children, and nurse, with my
;

consisting of
sister

Fanny

(now Mrs. Moulton, of Cincinnati, Ohio), were en route for New Orleans by steam-packet so I hired a house on Magazine Street, and furnished it. Almost at the moment of their arrival, also came from St. Louis my personal friend Major Turner, with a parcel of documents, which, on examination, proved to be articles of copartnership for a bank in California under the title of " Lucas, Turner & Co.," in which my name was embraced as a partner. Major Turner was, at the time, actually en route for New York, to embark for San Francisco, to
inaugurate the bank, in the nature of a branch of the firm already existing at St. Louis under the name of " Lucas

&

Symonds."
T 7ith

We

discussed the matter very fully, and he left

me

the papers for reflection, and went on to

New York

«nd California.
Shortly after arrived James
II.

Lucas, Esq., the principal of

the banking-firm in St. Louis, a most honorable and wealthy

gentleman.

He

further explained the full
;

programme

of the
at the

branch in California

that

my name

had been included

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

93

instance of Major Turner,

who was

a

man

of family

erty in St. Louis, unwilling to remain long in

and prop San Francisco,

and who wanted me to succeed him there. He offered me a very tempting income, with an interest that would accumulate and
grow.

He

also disclosed to

me

that, in establishing a

branch

was influenced by the apparent prosperity of Page, Bacon & Co., and further that he had received the principal data, on which he had founded the scheme, from B. R. Nisbet, who was then a teller in the firm of Page, Bacon & Co., of San Francisco that he also was to be taken in as a partner, and was fully competent to manage all the details of the business but, as Nisbet was comparatively young, Mr. Lucas wanted me to reside in San Francisco permanently, as the head of the All these matters were fully discussed, and I agreed to firm. apply for a six months' leave of absence, go to San Francisco, see for myself, and be governed by appearances there. I accordin California, he
;

;

ingly, with General Twiggs's approval, applied to the adjutant-

general for a six months' leave, which was granted
tain

;

and Cap-

John F. Reynolds was named
absence.
stay of

to

perform

my

duties during

my

During the

my

family in

New

Orleans,

we

en-

joyed the society of the families of General Twiggs, Colonel

Myers, and Colonel

Bliss, as also of

many

citizens,

among whom

was the wife of Mr. Day, sister to my brother-in-law, Judge Bartley. General Twiggs was then one of the oldest officers of the army. His history extended back to the War of 1812, and he had served in early days with General Jackson in Florida and in the Creek campaigns. He had fine powers of description, and often entertained us, at his office, with accounts of
his

experiences in

the earlier settlements of

the Southwest.

Colonel Bliss had been General Taylor's adjutant in the Mexican War, and was universally regarded as one of the most finished and accomplished scholars in the army, and his wife was a

most agreeable and accomplished lady. Late in February, I dispatched my family up to Ohio in the steamboat Tecumseh (Captain Pearce); disposed of my house and furniture turned over to Major Reynolds the funds, prop;

94:

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

[1850-'55.

office and took passage in a small steamer for Nicaragua, en route for California. We embarked

erty,

and records of the

;

and in seven days reached Greytown, where New York, and proceeded, by the Nicaragua River and Lake, for the Pacific Ocean. The river was low, and the little steam canal-boats, four in number, grounded often, so that the passengers had to get into the water, to help them over the bars. In all there were about six hundred passengers, of whom about sixty were women and children. In four days we reached Castillo, where there is a decided fall, passed by a short railway, and above this fall we were transferred to a larger boat, which carried us up the rest of the river, and across the beautiful lake Nicaragua, studded with volcanic islands. Landing at Yirgin Bay, we rode on mules across to San Juan del Sur, where lay at anchor the propeller S. S. Lewis (Captain Partridge, I think). Passengers were carried through the surf by natives to small boats, and rowed off to the Lewis. The weather was very hot, and quite a scramble followed for state-rooms, especially for those on
early in March,

we

united with the passengers from

deck.

I succeeded in reaching the purser's

office,

got

my

ticket

on deck, and, just as I was turning from the window, a lady who was a fellow-passenger called to me to secure her and from New Orleans, a Mrs. D her lady-friend berths on deck, saying that those below were unendurable. I spoke to the purser, who, at the moment perplexed by the crowd and clamor, answered " I must put their names down for the other two berths of your state-room but, as soon as the confusion is over, I will make some change whereby you As soon as these two women were assigned shall not suffer." Their to a state-room, they took possession, and I was left out. names were recorded as " Captain Sherman and ladies." As soon as things were quieted down I remonstrated with the purser, who at last gave me a lower berth in another and larger stateroom on deck, with five others, so that my two ladies had the state-room all to themselves. At every meal the steward would come to me and say, " Captain Sherman, will you bring your
for a berth in one of the best state-rooms
,

:

;

ladies to the table?"

and we had the best

seats in the ship.

; ;

1850-'55.]

MISSOUKI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

95

This continued throughout the voyage, and I assert that
ladies "

"my

were of the most modest and best-behaved in the ship but some time after we had reached San Francisco one of our fellow-passengers came to me and inquired if I personally knew Mrs. D with flaxen tresses, who sang so sweetly for us, and who had come out under my especial escort. I replied I did not, more than the chance acquaintance of the voyage, and what she herself had told me, viz., that she expected to meet her husband, who lived about Mokelumne Hill. He then informed me that she was a woman of the town. Society in California was then decidedly mixed. In due season the steamship Lewis got under weigh. She was a wooden ship, long and narrow, bark-rigged, and a propeller very slow, moving not over eight miles an hour. We stopped at Acapulco, and, in eighteen days, passed in sight of Point Pinos at Monterey, and at the speed we were tra veling expected The cabinto reach San Francisco at 4 a. m. the next day. passengers, as was usual, bought of the steward some cham pagne and cigars, and we had a sort of ovation for the captain, purser, and surgeon of the ship, who were all very clever fellows, though they had a slow and poor ship. Late at night all the passengers went to bed, expecting to enter the port at daylight. I did not undress, as I thought the captain could and would run in at night, and I lay down with my clothes on. About 4 a. m. I was awakened by a bump and sort of grating of the vessel, which I thought was our arrival at the wharf in San Francisco; but instantly the ship struck heavily; the engines stopped, and the running to and fro on deck showed that something was wrong. In a moment I was out of my state-room, at the bulwark, holding fast to a stanchion, and looking over the side at the white and seething water caused by her sudden and violent stoppage. The sea was comparatively smooth, the night pitch-dark, and the fog deep and impenetrable the ship would rise with the swell, and come
,

;

down with

quiver that was decidedly unpleasant. Soon the passengers were out of their rooms, undressed, calling for help, and praying as though the ship were going to sink lma

bump and

; ;

96
mediately.

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

[1850-'55.

Of

course she could not sink, being already on the

bottom, and the only question was as to the strengh of hull to Great confusion for a time stand the bumping and straining.
prevailed, but soon I realized that the captain

had taken

all

proper precautions to secure his boats, of which there were six
at the davits.

These are the

first

things that steerage-passengers

make

for in case of shipwreck, and right over

my
!

the captain's voice say in a low tone, but quite decided

head I heard " Let
:

go that

falls, or,

damn you,

I'll

blow your head

off

"

This seem-

ingly harsh language gave

me

great comfort at the time, and on
to lower

it was adone of the boats. Guards, composed of the crew, were soon posted to prevent any interference with the boats, and the officers circulated among the passengers the report that there was no immediate danger

saying so to the captain afterward, he explained that

dressed to a passenger

who attempted

that, fortunately, the

sea

was smooth; that we were simply
to

aground, and must quietly await daylight.

They advised the passengers
and children
to dress

keep quiet, and the ladies

and

sit at

the doors of their state-rooms,

there to await the advice and action of the officers of the ship,

who were perfectly cool and self-possessed. Meantime the ship was working over a reef for a time I feared she would break in two but, as the water gradually rose inside to a level with the sea outside, the ship swung broadside to the swell, and all her keel seemed to rest on the rock or sand. At no time did the sea break over the deck but the water below drove all the people up to the main-deck and to the promenade-deck, and thus we remained for about three hours, when daylight came but there was a fo£ so thick that nothing but water could be

;

seen.

The

captain caused a boat to be carefully lowered, put

in her a trustworthy officer with a boat-compass,

depart into the fog.

During her absence the

and we saw her ship's bell was

tolling. Then the fires were all out, the ship full of water, and gradually breaking up, wriggling with every swell like a willow basket the sea all round us full of the floating fragments of her sheeting, twisted and torn into a spongy condition. In less than an hour the boat returned, saying that the beach

kept

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

97

was quite near, not more than a mile away, and had a good All the boats were then carefully lowered, and manned by crews belonging to the ship; a piece of the gangway, on the leeward side, was cut away, and all the women, and a few of the worst-scared men, were lowered into the boats, which pulled for shore. In a comparatively short time the boats returned, took new loads, and the debarkation was afterward carried on quietly and systematically. No baggage was allowed to go on shore except bags or parcels carried in the hands of passengers. At times the fog lifted so that we could see from the wreck the tops of the hills, and the outline of the shore and I remember sitting on the upper or hurricane deck with the captain, who had his maps and compass before him, and was trying to make out where the ship was. I thought I recognized the outline of the hills below the mission of Dolores, and so stated to him but he called my attention to the fact that
place for landing.
; ;

the general line of hills bore northwest, whereas the coast south
of San Francisco bears due north and south.

He

therefore con-

cluded that the ship had overrun her reckoning, and was then to
the north of San Francisco.

He

also explained that, the passage

up being longer than
short
;

was were using some cut-up spars along with the slack of coal, and that this fuel had made more than usual steam, so that the ship must have glided along faster than reckoned. This proved to be the actual case, for, in fact, the steamship Lewis was wrecked April 9, 1853, on "Duckworth Reef," Baulinas Bay, about eighteen miles above the entrance to San Francisco. The captain had sent ashore the purser in the first boat, with
usual, viz., eighteen days, the coal

that at the time the firemen

orders to

work

his

way

to the city as soon as possible, to re-

port the loss of his vessel, and to bring back help.

I remained

on the wreck

till

among

the last of the passengers, managing to

get a can of crackers and some sardines out of the submerged
pantry, a thing the rest of the passengers did not have, and then
I

all

went quietly ashore in one of the boats. The passengers were on the beach, under a steep bluff; had built fires to dry their clothes, but had seen no human being, and had no idea

;

98

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

[1850-'55.

where they were. Taking along with me a fellow-passenger, a young chap about eighteen years old, I scrambled up the bluff, and walked back toward the hills, in hopes to get a good view of some known object. It was then the month of April, and the hills were covered with the beautiful grasses and flowers of that season of the year. "We soon found horse paths and tracks, and following them we came upon a drove of horses grazing at large, some of which had saddle-marks. At about two miles from the beach we found a corral; and thence, following one of the strongest-marked paths, in about a mile more we descended into
a valley, and, on turning a sharp point, reached a board shanty,

with a horse picketed near by. Four men were inside eating a meal. I inquired if any of the Lewis's people had been there
they did not seem to understand what I meant,
plained to

when

I ex-

them

that about three miles

from them, and beyond

the old corral, the steamer Lewis was wrecked, and her passengers were on the beach. I inquired where we were, and they answered, " At Baulinas Creek ; " that they were employed at a
saw-mill just above, and were engaged in shipping lumber to

San Francisco; that a schooner loaded with lumber was then
about two miles
out,

and doubtless

down the creek, waiting for the tide to get if we would walk down they would take us

on board.
I wrote a few words back to the captain, telling him where he was, and that I would hurry to the city to send him help. My companion and I then went on down the creek, and soon On being descried the schooner anchored out in the stream. The hailed, a small boat came in and took us on board.

" captain " willingly agreed for a small
to San Francisco

sum

to carry us

down

; and, as his whole crew consisted of a small boy about twelve years old, we helped him to get up his anchor and pole the schooner down the creek and out over the

bar on a high

tide.

This must have been about 2
sails

r.

m.

Once
lifted,

over the bar, the
so

were

hoisted,

and we

glided along

rapidly with a strong, fair, northwest wind.

The fog had

we

In a couple of hours

could see the shores plainly, and the entrance to the bay. we were entering the bay, and running

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

99

((

wing-and-wing."
;

Outside the wind was simply the usual

it passes through the head of the Golden and there, too, we met a strong ebb-tide. The schooner was loaded with lumber, much of which was on deck, lashed down to ring-bolts with raw-hide thongs. The captain was steering, and I was reclining on the lumber, looking at the familiar shore, as we approached Fort Point, when I heard a As we got into the sort of cry, and felt the schooner going over. throat of the " Heads," the force of the wind, meeting a strong ebb-tide, drove the nose of the schooner under water she dove like a duck, went over on her side, and began to drift out with the tide. I found myself in the water, mixed up with pieces of plank and ropes struck out, swam round to the stern, got on the Satisfied that she could not keel, and clambered up on the side. sink, by reason of her cargo, I was not in the least alarmed, but thought two shipwrecks in one day not a good beginning for a new, peaceful career. Nobody was drowned, however; the captain and crew were busy in securing such articles as were liable to float off, and I looked out for some passing boat or We were drifting steadily out to sea, vessel to pick us up. while I was signaling to a boat about three miles off, toward Saucelito, and saw her tack and stand toward us. I was busy watching this sail-boat, when I heard a Yankee's voice, close behind, saying, "This is a nice mess you've got yourselves into," and looking about I saw a man in a small boat, who had seen us upset, and had rowed out to us from a schooner anchored close under the fort. Some explanations were made, and when the sail-boat coming from Saucelito was near enough to be spoken to, and the captain had engaged her to help his schooner, we bade him good-by, and got the man in the small boat to carry us ashore, and land us at the foot of the bluff, just below the fort. Once there, I was at home, and

strong breeze
Gate,
it

but, as

increases,

;

;

we footed it up to the Presidio. Of the sentinel I inquired who was in command of the post, and was answered, " Major
Merchant."

He

was not then

in,

but his adjutant, Lieutenant

Gardner, was.

I sent

my

card to

him

;

he came

out,

and

was much surprised

to find

me

covered with sand, and dripping

100

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

[1850-'55.

with water, a good specimen of a shipwrecked mariner. few words of explanation sufficed horses were provided, and we rode hastily into the city, reaching the office of the Nicaragua Steamship Company (C. K. Garrison, agent) about dark, just as the purser had arrived, by a totally different route. It was too late to send relief that night, but by daylight next morning two steamers were en route for and reached the place of wreck in time to relieve the passengers and bring them, and most of the baggage. I lost my carpet-bag, but saved my trunk. The Lewis went to pieces the night after we got off, and, had there been an average sea during the night of our shipwreck, none That evening in San of us probably would have escaped. Francisco I hunted up Major Turner, whom I found boarding, in company with General E. A. Hitchcock, at a Mrs. Ross's, on Clay Street, near Powell. I took quarters with them, and began to make my studies, with a view to a decision whether it was best to undertake this new and untried scheme of banking, or to return to New Orleans and hold on to what I then had, a good army commission. At the time of my arrival, San Francisco was on the top wave of speculation and prosperity. Major Turner had rented at six hundred dollars a month the office formerly used and then owned by Adams & Co., on the east side of Montgomery Street, between Sacramento and California Streets. B. R. Nisbet was the active partner, and James Reilly the teller. Already the bank of Lucas, Turner & Co. was established, and was engaged in selling bills of exchange, receiving deposits, and loaning money at three per cent, a month. Page, Bacon & Co., and Adams & Co., w ere in full blast across the street, in Parrott's new granite building, and other bankers were doing seemingly a prosperous business, among them Wells, Fargo & Co. Drexel, Sather & Church Burgoyne & Co. James King of Wm. Sanders & Brenham Davidson & Co. Palmer, Cook & Co., and others. Turner and I had rooms at Mrs. Boss's, and took our meals at restaurants down-town, mostly at a Frenchman's named Martin, on the southwest corner of Montgomery and California Streets. General Hitchcock, oi
;

A

T

;

;

;

;

;

;

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

101

the army,

commanding the Department

of California, usually

messed with us ; also a Captain Mason, and Lieutenant Whiting,

"We soon secured a small share of busiand became satisfied there was room for profit. Everybody seemed to be making money fast the city was being rapidly extended and improved; people paid their three per cent, a month interest without fail, and without deeming it excessive. Turner, Nisbet, and I, daily discussed the prospects, and gradually settled down to the conviction that with two hundred thousand dollars capital, and a credit of fifty thousand dollars in New York, we could build up a business that would help the St. Louis house, and at the same time pay expenses in California, with a reasonable profit. Of course, Turner never designed to remain long in California, and I consented to go back to St. Louis, confer with Mr. Lucas and Captain Simonds, agree upon further details, and then return permanently. I have no memoranda by me now by which to determine
of the Engineer Corps.
ness,
;

the fact, but think I returned to

New York

the Nicaragua route, and thence to St. Louis

in July, 1853, by by way of Lancaster,

Ohio, where

my

family

to the terms proposed,

still was. Mr. Lucas promptly agreed and further consented, on the expiration

of the lease of the

Adams

&

Co.

office, to erect

a

new bankingI then

house in San Francisco, to cost

fifty

thousand

dollars.

returned to Lancaster, explained to Mr.

Ewing and Mrs.
army

Sher-

man

all

the details of our agreement, and, meeting their ap-

proval, I sent to the Adjutant-General of the

my

letter

of resignation, to take effect at the end of the six months! leave,

and the resignation was accepted, to take effect September 6, 1853. Being then a citizen, I engaged a passage out to California by the Nicaragua route, in the steamer leaving New York September 20th, for myself and family, and accordingly proceeded to New York, where I had a conference with Mr. Meigs, cashier of the American Exchange Bank, and with Messrs. Wadsworth & Sheldon, bankers, who were our New York correspondents; and on the 20th embarked for San Juan del Norte, with the family, composed of Mrs. Sherman, Lizzie, theD Our passage less than a year old, and her nurse, Mary Lynch.

j.02

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

[1850

-'55.

pretty

down was uneventful, and, on the boats up the Nicaragua Eiver, much the same as before. On reaching Virgin Bay, i

engaged a native with three mules to carry us across to the Pacific, and as usual the trip partook of the ludicrous Mrs. Sherman mounted on a donkey about as large as a Newfoundland dog Mary Lynch on another, trying to carry Lizzie on a pillow before her, but her mule had a fashion of lying down, which scared her, till I exchanged mules, and my California spurs kept that mule on his legs. I carried Lizzie some time till she was fast asleep, when I got our native man to carry her awhile. The child woke up, and, finding herself in the hands of a dark-visaged man, she yelled most lustily till I got her away. At the summit of the pass, there was a clear-running brook, where we rested an hour, and bathed Lizzie in its sweet waters. We then continued to the end of our journey, and, without going to the tavern at San Juan del Sur, we passed directly to the vessel, then at anchor about two miles out. To reach her we engaged a native boat, which had to be kept outside the surf. Mrs. Sherman was first taken in the arms of two stout natives ; Mary Lynch, carrying Lizzie, was carried by two others ; and I followed, mounted on the back of a strapping fellow, while fifty or a hundred others were running to and

;

fro, cackling like geese.

a fool,

Mary Lynch got scared at the surf, and began screaming like when Lizzie became convulsed with fear, and one of the

natives rushed to her, caught her out of Mary's arms, and carried her swiftly to Mrs. Sherman, who, by that time, was in the boat, but Lizzie had fainted with fear, and for a long time sobbed as though permanently injured. For years she showed symptoms

she had never entirely recovered from the efIn due time we reached the steamer Sierra Nevada, and got a good state-room. Our passage up the coast was pleasant enough we reached San Francisco ; on the 15th of October, and took quarters at an hotel on Stockton Street, near Broadway. Major Turner remained till some time in November, when he also departed for the East, leaving me and Nisbet to manthat
fects of the scare.
;

made us believe

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.
I

103

age the bank.

endear ^red to

make myself
discounts,

familiar with

the business, but of course Nisbet kept the books, and gave his

personal attention to the loans,

and

drafts,

which

yielded the profits.

I soon saw, however, that the three per

cent, charged as premium on bills of exchange was not all profit, but out of this had to come one and a fourth to one and a half for freight, one and a third for insurance, with some

indefinite promise

of

a return

premium;

then, the cost of

blanks, boxing of the bullion,

etc., etc.

Indeed, I saw no margin
familiar

for profit at

all.

Nisbet, however,

who had long been

with the business, insisted there was a profit, in the fact that
the gold-dust or bullion shipped was
cost to us.
bills

more valuable than

its

"We, of course, had to remit bullion to meet our

on

New

by Kellogg

&

York, and bought crude gold-dust, or bars refined Humbert or E. Justh & Co., for at that time
But, as the re-

the United States Mint was not in operation.
ports of our shipments that I was right,

not help selling

came back from New York, I discovered and Nisbet was wrong and, although we could our checks on New York and St. Louis at the
;

same price as other bankers, I discovered that, at all events, the exchange business in San Francisco was rather a losing business than profitable. The same as to loans. We could loan, at three per cent, a month, all our own money, say two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and a part of our deposit account. This latter account in California was decidedly uncertain. The balance due depositors would run down to a mere nominal sum on steamer-days, which were the 1st and 15th of each month, and then would increase till the next steamer-day, so that we could not make use of any reasonable part of this balance for loans beyond the next steamer-day or, in other words, we had an expensive bank, with expensive clerks, and all the machinery
;

for taking care of other people's

money

for their benefit, with-

out corresponding profit.

I also saw that loans were attended

with risk commensurate with the rate ; nevertheless, I could not attempt to reform the rules and customs established by others before me, and had to drift along with the rest toward that Niagara that none foresaw at the time.

104

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.
Shortly after arriving out in 1853,

[1850-'55.

we

looked around for a

site

for the

new bank, and

the only place then available on

at the corner of

San Francisco, was a lot Jackson Street, facing Montgomery, with an alley on the north, belonging to James Lick. The ground was
Street, the "Wall Street of

Montgomery

sixty

by sixty-two
dollars.

feet,

and I had

to

pay for

it

thirty-two

thousand

I then

made

a contract with the builders,

Keyser

&

Brown, to

erect a three-story brick building, with fin-

ished basement, for about fifty thousand dollars.

This made
I

eighty-two thousand instead of fifty thousand dollars, but

thought Mr. Lucas could stand
did,

it

though it resulted in loss to me he had sold the building for forty thousand dollars, about half its cost, but luckily gold was then at 250, so that he could use the forty thousand dollars gold as the equivalent The building was of one hundred thousand dollars currency. erected I gave it my personal supervision, and it was strongly and thoroughly built, for I saw it two years ago, when several earthquakes had made no impression on it; still, the
told
;

and would approve, which he him. After the civil war, he

choice of site was unfortunate, for the city drifted in the opposite direction, viz.,
all

toward Market Street.
Street, because there
this

I then thought that

the heavy business would remain toward the foot of Broad-

way and Jackson

were the deepest water

and best wharves, but in

I

theless, in the spring of 1854, the

made a mistake. Nevernew bank was finished, and

we removed
instead of to

to

it,

Adams

paying rents thereafter to our Mr. Lucas man named Wright, during the & Co.

A

same season, built a still finer building just across the street from us; Pioche, Bayerque & Co. were already established on another corner of Jackson Street, and the new Metropolitan During the Theatre was in progress diagonally opposite us. deposits average our whole of 1854 our business steadily grew, conand exchange going up to half a million, and our sales of thousand sequent shipment of bullion averaging two hundred dollars per steamer. I signed all bills of exchange, and insisted on Nisbet consulting
caution,

on loans and discounts. Spite of every however, we lost occasionally by bad loans, and worse

me

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

105

by the steady depreciation of real estate. The city of San Fran was then extending her streets, sewering them, and plankIn payment for the lumber ing them, with three-inch lumber. authorities paid scrip in the work of contractors, city and the five one thousand, and hundred, even sums of one hundred, These formed a favorite collateral for five thousand dollars. loans at from fifty to sixty cents on the dollar, and no one doubted their ultimate value, either by redemption or by being converted into city bonds. The notes also of H. Meiggs, Neeley Thompson & Co., etc., lumber-dealers, were favorite notes, for they paid their interest promptly, and lodged large margins of
cisco

these street-improvement warrants as collateral.

At

that time,

Meiggs was a prominent man, lived in style in a large house on Broadway, was a member of the City Council, and owned large In him Msbet had saw-mills up the coast about Mendocino. unbounded faith, but, for some reason, I feared or mistrusted him, and remember that I cautioned Msbet not to extend his
credit,

but to gradually contract his loans.

On

looking over our
dollars, I

bills receivable,

then about

six

hundred thousand

found

Meiggs, as principal or indorser, owed us about eighty thousand
still, he kept all, however, secured by city warrants bank accounts elsewhere, and was generally a borrower. I instructed Nisbet to insist on his reducing his line as the notes matured, and, as he found it indelicate to speak to Meiggs, I instructed him to refer him to me accordingly, when, on the next steamer-day, Meiggs appeared at the counter for a draft on Philadelphia, of about twenty thousand dollars, for which he offered his note and collateral, he was referred to me, and I explained to him that our draft was the same as money that he could have it for cash, but that we were already in advance to him some seventy-five or eighty thousand dollars, and that instead of increasing the amount I must insist on its reduction.

dollars

;

;

;

He

inquired

if

I mistrusted

his

ability,

etc.

I explained,

certainly not, but that our duty

their business with us, and, as our
ited, I

must

restrict

thousand dollars.

was to assist those who did all means were necessarily limhim to some reasonable sum, say, twenty-five Meiggs invited me to go with him to a rich

106

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.

[1850-'55

mercantile house on Clay Street, whose partners belonged in

Hamburg, and

there, in the presence of the principals of the

house, he demonstrated, as clearly as a proposition in mathe-

Mendocino was based on calculations exchange which he wanted, he said would make the last payment on a propeller already built in Philadelphia, which would be sent to San Francisco, to tow into and out of port the schooners and brigs that were bringing his lumber down the coast. I admitted all he said, but renewed
matics, that his business at

that could not

fail.

The

bill of

my

determination to limit his credit to twenty-five thousand

dollars.

The Hamburg
all

firm then agreed to accept for

him the

payment of
dollars,

his debt to us, except the twenty-five thousand

payable in equal parts for the next three steamer-days.

Accordingly, Meiggs went back with

me

to our bank,
it

wrote his
ac-

note for twenty-five thousand dollars, and secured

by mortgage

on
to

real estate

and

city warrants,

and substituted the three

ceptances of the

Hamburg

firm for the overplus.

I surrendered

former notes, except one for which he was indorsee The three acceptances duly matured and were paid; one morning Meiggs and family were missing, and it was discovered they had embarked in a sailing-vessel for South AmeriThis was the beginning of a series of failures in San Franca.
all

him

his

As soon as it cisco, that extended through the next two years. was known that Meiggs had fled, the town was full of rumors, and everybody was running to and fro to secure his money. His debts amounted to nearly a million dollars. The Hamburg house which, had been humbugged, were heavy losers and failed, I think. I took possession of Meiggs' s dwelling-house and other property for which I held Ins mortgage, and in the city warrants thought I had an overplus but it transpired that Meiggs, being in the City Council, had issued various quantities of street scrip, which was adjudged a forgery, though, beyond doubt, most of it, On if not all, was properly signed, but fraudulently issued. dolthousand this city scrip our bank must have lost about ten lars. Meiggs subsequently turned up in Chili, where again he rose to wealth and has paid much of his San Francisco debts, but none to us. He is now in Peru, living like a prince. With
;

1850-'55.]

MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA.
the lumber-dealers, and

107

Meiggs

fell all

many

persons dealing in

In a was a trifle. 6hort time things in San Francisco resumed their wonted course, and we generally laughed at the escapade of Meiggs, and the
city scrip.

Compared with

others, our loss

cursing of his deluded creditors.

Shortly after our arrival in San Francisco, I rented of a Mr. Marryat, son of the English Captain Marryat, the author, a small

frame-house on Stockton Street, near Green, buying of him his
furniture, and

we removed
Green

to

it

about December

1,

1853.

Close

by, around on

Street, a

man named Dickey was

building

two small
olson.

brick-houses,

on ground which he had leased of Nich-

I bought one of these houses, subject to the ground-rent, and moved into it as soon as finished. Lieutenant T. H. Stevens, of the United States Navy, with his family, rented the other; we lived in this house throughout the year 1854, and up to April 17, 1855.

CHAPTER
CALIFORNIA.

IV.

1855-1857.
During the winter of 1854-'55, I received frequent intimamy letters from the St. Louis house, that the bank of Page, Bacon & Co. was in trouble, growing out of their relations in

tions to the

Ohio

& Mississippi
made

Railroad, to the contractors for

large advances, to secure which compelled take, as it were, an assignment of the had to they been finally assume all the liabilities of the concontract itself, and to Then they had to borrow money in New York, and tractors. raise other money from time to time, in the purchase of iron and materials for the road, and to pay the hands. The firm in St. Louis and that in San Francisco were different, having different partners, and the St. Louis house naturally pressed the San Francisco firm to ship largely of " gold-dust," which gave them a great name also to keep as large a balance as possible Mr. Page was a very in New York to sustain their credit. wealthy man, but his wealth consisted mostly of land and property in St. Louis. He was an old man, and a good one had been a baker, and knew little of banking as a business. This part of his general business was managed exclusively by his sonin-law, Henry D. Bacon, who was young, handsome, and generally popular. How he was drawn into that affair of the Ohio & Mississippi road I have no means of knowing, except by hearsay. Their business in New York was done through the American Exchange Bank, and through Duncan, Sherman & Co. As we were rival houses, the St. Louis partners removed

building which they had

;

;

1855-'57.]

CALIFORNIA.

109

our account from the American Exchange Bank to the Metro-

& Sheldon had failed, I was and in European exchange, with Schuchardt & Gebhard, bankers in Nassau Street. In Calif ornia the house of Page, Bacon & Co. was composed of the same partners as in St. Louis, with the addition of Henry Haight, Judge Chambers, and young Frank Page. The latter Haight was the had charge of the " branch " in Sacramento. real head-man, but he was too fond of lager-beer to be in
politan

Bank

;

and, as

Wadsworth
bills,

instructed to deal in time

trusted with so large a business.

Beyond

all

comparison, Page,

Bacon

&

Co. were the most prominent bankers in California in

1853-'55. Though I had notice of danger in that quarter, from our partners in St. Louis, nobody in California doubted their wealth and stability. They must have had, during that winter, an average deposit account of nearly two million dollars, of which seven hundred thousand dollars was in " certificates of deposit," the most stable of all accounts in a bank. Thousands of miners invested their earnings in such certificates, which they converted into drafts on New York, when they were ready to go home or wanted to send their " pile " to their families. Adams & Co. were next in order, because of their numerous offices scattered throughout the mining country. A gentleman named Haskell had been in charge of Adams & Co. in San Francisco, but in the winter of 1854-'55 some changes were made, and the banking department had been transferred
to a magnificent office in Halleck's

new Metropolitan

Block.

James King of ¥m. had discontinued business on his own account, and been employed by Adams & Co. as their cashier and banker, and Isaiah C. Wood had succeeded Haskell in chief control of the express department. Wells, Fargo & Co. were also bankers as well as expressmen, and William J. Pardee was the
resident partner.

As

the mail-steamer came in on February 17, 1855, accord-

ing to her custom, she ran close to the Long

Wharf

(Meiggs's)

on North Beach, to throw ashore the express-parcels of news for speedy delivery. Some passenger on deck called to a man of his acquaintance standing on the wharf, that Page & Bacon had

110
failed in

CALIFORNIA.

[1855-'57.

New York. The news spread like wild-fire, but soon was met by the newspaper accounts to the effect that some particular acceptances of Page & Bacon, of St. Louis, in the hands of Duncan, Sherman & Co., in New York, had gone to protest. All who had balances at Page, Bacon & Co.'s, or held certificates of deposit, were more or less alarmed, wanted to secure their money, and a general excitement pervaded the whole community. Word was soon passed round that the matter admitted of explanation, viz., that the two houses were distinct and separate concerns, that every draft of the California house had been paid in New York, and would continue to be paid. It was expected that this assertion would quiet the
it

fears of the California creditors, but for the next three days

there was a steady " run " on that bank.

Page, Bacon

&

Co.

stood the

first

day's run very well, and, as I afterward learned,

paid out about six hundred thousand dollars in gold coin.
the 20th of February

Or

Henry Haight came

to our bank, to see

what help we were willing to give him; but I was out, and Nisbet could not answer positively for the firm. Our condition was then very strong. The deposit account was about six hundred thousand dollars, and we had in our vault about fLve hundred thousand dollars in coin and bullion, besides an equal amount of good bills receivable. Still I did not like to weaken ourselves to help others; but in a most friendly spirit, that night after bank-hours, I went down to Page, Bacon & Co., and entered their office from the rear. I found in the cashier's room Folsom, Parrott, Dewey and Payne, Captain Eitchie, Donohue, and others, citizens and friends of the house, who had been called in for consultation. Passing into the main office, where all the book-keepers, tellers, etc., with gas-lights, were busy writing up the day's work, I found Mr. Page, Henry I spoke to Haight, saying Haight, and Judge Chambers. that I was sorry I had been out when he called at our bank, and had now come to see him in the most friendly spirit. Haight had evidently been drinking, and said abruptly that " all the banks would break," that " no bank could instantly pay
all its obligations," etc.

I answered he could speak for himself,

1855-'57.]

CALIFORNIA.

Ill

but not for

me

;

that I

had come

to offer to

buy with cash a
if

fair

proportion of his bullion, notes, and bills; but,

they were

Haight's manner was in. Mr. tried Page to smooth it over, say extremely offensive, but ing they had had a bad day's run, and could not answer for the result till their books were written up. I passed back again into the room where, the before-named gentlemen were discussing some paper which lay before them, and was going to pass out, when Captain Folsom, who was an officer of the army, a class-mate and intimate friend of mine, handed me the paper the contents of which they were discussing. It was very short, and in Henry Haight's handwriting,

going to

fail,

I would not be drawn

pretty

much

in these terms

:

"

We,

the undersigned property-

San Francisco, having personally examined the books, papers, etc., of Page, Bacon & Co., do hereby certify that the house is solvent and able to pay all its debts," etc. Haight had drawn up and asked them to sign this paper, with
holders of the intention to publish
effect.
it

in the next morning's papers, for

While I was talking with Captain Folsom, Haight came into the room to listen. I admitted that the effect of such a publication would surely be good, and would probably stave off immediate demand till their assets could be in part converted or realized but I naturally inquired of Folsom, " Have you personally examined the accounts, as herein recited, and the assets, enough to warrant your signature to this paper % " for, " thereby you in effect become indorsers." Folsom said they had not, when Haight turned on me rudely and said, " Do you think the affairs of such a house as Page, Bacon & Co. can be critically
;

examined in an hour ? " I answered " These gentlemen can do what they please, but they have twelve hours before the bank will open on the morrow, and if the ledger is written up " (as I believed it was or could be by midnight), "they can (by counting the coin, bullion on hand, and notes or stocks of immediate realization) approximate near enough for them to indorse for the remainder." But Haight pooh-poohed me, and I left. Folsom followed me out, told me he could not afford to imperil all he had, and asked my advice. I explained to
:

112

CALIFORNIA.
that

[1855-'57.

him

my partner
;

that very house of Page,

exactly as they did
that

Nisbet had been educated and trained in Bacon Co. that we kept our books that every day the ledger was written up, so

&

;

from it one could see exactly how much actual money was due the depositors and certificates; and then by counting the money in the vault, estimating the bullion on hand, which, though not actual money, could easily be converted into coin, and supplementing these amounts by "bills receivable," they ought to arrive at an approximate result. After Folsom had left me, John Parrott also stopped and talked with me to the same effect. Next morning I looked out for the notice, but no such notice appeared in the morning papers, and I afterward learned that, on Parrott and Folsom demanding an actual count of the money in the vault, Haight angrily refused unless they would accept his word for it, when one after the other declined
to sign his paper.

The run on Page, Bacon

& Co.
all

therefore continued through-

day to get an invitation to close our bank for the next day, February 22, which we could have made a holiday by concerted action; but each banker waited for Page, Bacon & Co. to ask for it, and, no such circular coming, in the then state of feeling no other banker was willing On the morning of February 22, 1855, to take the initiative. everybody was startled by receiving a small slip of paper, delivered at all the houses, on which was printed a short notice that, for " want of coin," Page, Bacon & Co. found it necessary Of course, we all knew the to close their bank for a short time. consequences, and that every other bank in San Francisco would be tried. During the 22d we all kept open, and watched our depositors closely but the day was generally observed by the people as a holiday, and the firemen paraded the streets of San Francisco in unusual strength. But, on writing up our books that night, we found that our deposit account had diminished about sixty-five thousand dollars. Still, there was no run on us,
;

out the 21st, and I expected

or any other of the banks, that day

;

yet,

observing

little

knots

of

men on

the street, discussing the state of the banks generally,
that, in case of the

and overhearing Haight's expression quoted,


1855-'57.]

CALIFOROTA.
Page, Bacon
it

113

failure of

& Co., " all the other banks would break,"

For some days we had resome of our call-loans but, like Hotspur's spirits, they would not come. Our financial condition on that day (February 22, 1855) was Due depositors and demand certificates, five hundred and twenty thousand dollars to meet which, we had in the vault coin, three hundred and eighty thousand dollars bullion, seventy-five thousand dollars and bills receivable, about six hundred thousand dollars. Of these, at least one hundred thousand dollars were on demand, with stock collaterals. Therefore, for the extent of our business, we were stronger than the Bank of England, or any bank in New York City. Before daylight next morning, our door-bell was rung, and I was called down-stairs by E. Casserly, Esq. (an eminent lawyer of the day, since United States Senator), who informed me he had just come up from the office of Adams & Co., to tell me that their affairs were in such condition that they would not open that morning at all and that this, added to the suspension of Page, Bacon & Co., announced the day before, would surely cause a general run on all the banks. I informed him that I expected as much, and was prepared for it. In going down to the bank that morning, I found Montgomery Street full but, punctually to the minute, the bank opened, and in rushed the crowd. As usual, the most noisy and clamorous were men and women who held small certificates still, others with larger accounts were in the crowd, pushing forward for their balances. All were promptly met and paid. Several gentlemen of my personal acquaintance merely asked my word of honor that their money was safe, and went away others, who had large balances, and no immediate use for coin, gladly accepted gold-bars, whereby we paid out the seventy-five thousand
I

deemed
all

prudent to make ready.

fused

loans and renewals, and we tried, without success,
;

:

;

;

;

;

;

;

;

dollars of bullion, relieving the coin to that

amount. Meantime, rumors from the street came pouring in that Wright & Co. had failed; then Wells, Fargo & Co.; then Palmer, Cook & Co., and indeed all, or nearly all, the banks of the city and I was told that parties on the street were bet;

"

:

114
ting high,
first,

CALIFORNIA.
that

[1855-'5?

then twelve, and so on
night.

we would close but we did
;

our doors at eleven o'clock
not,
till

;

the usual hour that

We had paid
left.

every demand, and

still

had a respectable

amount
sented
sions.

This run on the bank (the only one I ever experienced) preall the features, serious and comical, usual to such occa-

At

our counter happened that identical case, narrated

of others, of the Frenchman,

in getting to the counter, and,

who was nearly squeezed to death when he received his money, did
!

not

do with it. " If you got the money, I no want him but if you no got him, I want it like the devil Toward the close of the day, some of our customers depos

know what
;

to

ited, rather ostentatiously, small

amounts, not aggregating more

than eight or ten thousand dollars.

Book-keepers and
;

tellers

and these showed Due depositors and certificates, about one hundred and twenty thousand dollars, for which remained of coin about fifty thousand dollars. I resolved not to sleep until I had collected from those owing the bank a part of their debts for I was angry with them that they had stood back and allowed the panic to fall on the banks alone. Among these were Captain Folsom, who owed us twenty-five thousand dollars, secured by a mortgage on the American Theatre and Tehama Hotel James Smiley, contractor for building the Custom-House, who owed us two notes of twenty thousand and sixteen thousand dollars, for which we held, as collateral, two acceptances of the collector of the port, Major R. P. Hammond, for twenty thousand dollars each besides other priThe acceptances given to vate parties that I need not name. Smiley were for work done on the Custom-House, but could not be paid until the work was actually laid in the walls, and certified by Major Tower, United States Engineers but Smiley had an immense amount of granite, brick, iron, etc., on the ground, in advance of construction, and these acceptances were given him expressly that he might raise money thereon for the payment of
were kept
at

work

to write

up the books

;

;

;

;

such materials.
Therefore, as soon as I got
horse,

my

dinner, I took

my

saddle-

and rode

to Captain Folsom's house,

where

I

found him

1855-'57.J

CALIFORNIA.
and
disti^ss,

115

in great pain

mental and physical.

He was

sittiug

in a chair, and bathing his head with a sponge.

I explained to

and he said he had expected it, and Yan Winkle, down-town, with instructions to raise what money he could at any cost but he did not succeed in raising a cent. So great was the shock to public confidence, that men slept on their money, and would not loan even it for ten per cent, a week, on any security whatever on mint certificates, which were as good as gold, and only re quired about ten days to be paid in coin by the United States Mint. I then rode up to Hammond's house, on Rincon Hill, and found him there. I explained to him exactly Smiley's affairs, and only asked him to pay one of his .acceptances. He inquired, " "Why not both ? " I answered that was so much the better it would put me under still greater obligations. He then agreed to meet me at our bank at 10 p. m. I sent word to others that I demanded them to pay what they could on their In paper, and then returned to the bank, to meet Hammond. due time, he came down with Palmer (of Palmer, Cook & Co.), and there he met Smiley, who was, of course, very anxobject of
visit,

him the

my

had already sent his agent,

;

;

ious to retire his notes.

when Hammond
ances,

said,

there discussed the matter fully, " Sherman, give me up my two accept

We

and I will substitute therefor
is

my

check of forty thou
if

sand dollars," with "the distinct understanding that,

the

money

be returned to me, and To this there was a the transaction then to remain statu qiio? general assent. ISTisbet handed him his two acceptances, and he handed me his check, signed as collector of the port, on Major J. R. Snyder, United States Treasurer, for forty thousand dollars. I afterward rode out, that night, to Major Snyder's house on North Beach, saw him, and he agreed to meet me at 8 a. m. next day, at the United States Mint, and to pay the check, so that I could have the money before the bank opened. The next morning, as agreed on, we met, and he paid me the check in two sealed bags of gold-coin, each marked twenty thousand dollars, which I had carried to the bank," but never opened them, or even
it

not needed by you,

shall

broke the

seals.

116

CALIFOKNIA.

[1855-'57.

That morning our bank opened as usual, but there was no appearance of a continuation of the " run " on the contrary,
;

money began

to

come back on

deposit, so that

by night we had

a considerable increase, and this went on from day to day, till nearly the old condition of things returned. After about three
days, finding I had no use for the money obtained on Hammond's check, I took the identical two bags back to the cashier of the Custom-House, and recovered the two acceptances which had been surrendered as described and Smiley 's two notes were afterward paid in their due course, out of the cash received on But, years afterward, on settling those identical acceptances. with Hammond for the Custom-House contract when completed, there was a difference, and Smiley sued Lucas, Turner & Co. for money had and received for his benefit, being the identical forty thousand dollars herein explained, but he lost his case. Hammond, too, was afterward removed from office, and indicted in part for this transaction. He was tried before the United States Circuit Court, Judge McAlister presiding, for a violation of the sub-Treasury Act, but was acquitted. Our bank, having thus passed so well through the crisis, took at once a first rank but these bank failures had caused so many mercantile losses, and
; ;

had led to such an utter downfall in the value of real estate, that everybody lost more or less money by bad debts, by depreciation of stocks and collaterals, that became unsalable, if not
worthless.

About this time (viz., February, 1855) I had exchanged my house on Green Street, with Mr. Sloat, for the half of a fiftyvara lot on Harrison Street, between Fremont and First, on which there was a small cottage, and I had contracted for the
building of a

new frame-house thereon, at six thousand dollars. This house was finished on the 9th of April, and my family
moved
into
it

at once.

For some time Mrs. Sherman had been anxious to go home to Lancaster, Ohio, where we had left our daughter Minnie, with her grandparents, and we arranged that S. M. Bowman, Esq., and wife, should move into our new house and board us, viz., Lizzie, "Willie with the nurse Biddy, and myself, for a fair con-

1855-'57.j

CALIFORNIA.
It so

117

sidefation.

happened that two of

my

personal friends,

Messrs. Winters and

Cunningham

of Marysville, and a

young

fellow

named Eagan, now

a captain in the Commissary Depart-

ment, were going East in the steamer of the middle of April, and that Mr. William H. Aspinwall, of ISTew York, and Mr. Chauncey, of Philadelphia, were also going back and they all offered to look to the personal comfort of Mrs. Sherman on the They took passage in the steamer Golden Age (Comvoyage. modore Watkins), which sailed on April 17, 1855. Their pas;

sage

down

the coast was very pleasant

till

within a day's

dis-

tance of Panama,

when one

bright moonlit night, April 29th,

the ship, running at full speed, between the Islands Quibo and
Quicara, struck on a sunken reef, tore out a streak in her

bottom, and at once began to
she did not stick
fast,

fill

but swung

with water. Fortunately off into deep water, and

to be on deck at the moment, Mr. Aspinwall, learning that the water was walking with rushing in with great rapidity, gave orders for a full head of steam, and turned the vessel's bow straight for the Island

Commodore Watkins happening

Quicara. The water rose rapidly in the hold, the passengers were all assembled, fearful of going down, the fires were out, and the last revolution of the wheels made, when her bow touched gently on the beach, and the vessel's stern sank in deep water. Lines were got out, and the ship held in an upright position, so that the passengers were safe, and but little incommoded. I have often heard Mrs. Sherman tell of the boy Eagan, then about fourteen years old, coming to her state-room, and calling to her not to be afraid, as he was a good swimmer but on coming out into the cabin, partially dressed, she felt more confidence in the cool manner, bearing, and greater strength of Mr. Winters. There must have been nearly a thousand souls on board at the time, few of whom could have been saved had the steamer gone down in mid-channel, which surely would have resulted, had not Commodore Watkins been on deck, or had he been less prompt in his determination to beach his ship. sail-boat was dispatched toward Panama, which luckily met the steamer John L. Stephens, just coming out of the bay, loaded with about a
;

A

118

CALIFORNIA.

[1855-'57.

thousand passengers bound for San Francisco, and she at once
proceeded to the relief of the Golden Age. Her passengers were transferred in small boats to the Stephens, which vessel, with her two thousand people crowded together with hardly standing-room, returned to Panama, whence the passengers for the East proceeded to their destination without further delay. Luckily for Mrs. Sherman, Purser Goddard, an old Ohio friend of ours, was on the Stephens, and most kindly gave up his own room to her, and such lady friends as she included in her party. The Golden Age was afterward partially repaired at Quicara, pumped out, and steamed to Panama, when, after further repairs, she resumed her place in the line. I think she is still in
existence,

but Commodore Watkins afterward

lost his life in

China, by falling
the same year,

down

a hatchway.

Mrs. Sherman returned in the latter part of

November of when Mr. and Mrs. Bowman, who meantime had

bought" a lot next to us and erected a house thereon, removed to
it,

and we thus continued close neighbors and friends until we left the country for good in 1857. During the summer of 1856, in San Francisco, occurred one of those unhappy events, too common to new countries, in which I became involved in spite of myself. William Neely Johnson was Governor of California, and resided at Sacramento City General John E. Wool commanded the Department of California, having succeeded General Hitchcock, and had his headquarters at Benicia and a Mr. Yan Ness was mayor of the city. Politics had become a regular and profitable business, and politicians were more than suspected of being corrupt. It was reported and currently believed that the sheriff (Scannell) had been required to pay the Democratic Central Committee a hundred thousand dollars for his nomination, which was equivalent to an election, for an office of the nominal salary In the election of twelve thousand dollars a year for four years. all sorts of dishonesty were charged and believed, especially of "ballot-box stuffing," and too generally the better classes avoided the elections and dodged jury-duty, so that the affairs of the city government necessarily passed into the hands of a
; ;

1855-'57.]

CALIFORNIA.

119

set of professional politicians. Among them was a man named James Casey, who edited a small paper, the printing office of which was in a room on the third floor of our bankingoffice. I hardly knew him by sight, and rarely if ever saw his

low

paper
to

;

but one day Mr. Sather, of the excellent banking firm of

Drexel, Sather

&

Church, came to me, and called
it

my

attention

an

article in Casey's

that

we

construed

paper so full of falsehood and malice, as an effort to black -mail the banks

we were all laboring to restore conwhich had been so rudely shaken by the panic, and I went up-stairs, found Casey, and pointed out to him the objecgenerally.
fidence,

At

that time

tionable nature of his article, told
tolerate

him

plainly that I could not

his

attempt to print and
it,

circulate

slanders in our

building, and, if he repeated

would cause him and his press He took the hint and moved to be thrown out of the windows. to more friendly quarters. I mention this fact, to show my estimate of the man, who became a figure in the drama I am about to describe. James King of Wm., as before explained, was in 1853 a banker on his own account, but some time in 1854 he had closed out his business, and engaged with Adams & Co.,
I
as cashier.

When

this firm failed, he, in

common with
had

all

the

employes, was thrown out of employment, and

to look

around for something else. He settled down to the publication of an evening paper, called the Bulletin, and, being a man of fine manners and address, he at once constituted himself the champion of society against the public and private characters

whom he

saw

fit

to arraign.

expected, this soon brought him into newspaper war with other editors, and especially with the usual " Casey, and epithets a la Eatanswill " were soon bandying back and forth between them. One evening of May, 1856, King published, in the Bulletin, copies of papers procured from New York, to show that Casey had once been sentenced to the State Casey took mortal offense, and penitentiary at Sing Sing. called at the Bulletin office, on the corner of Montgomery and Merchant Streets, where he found King, and violent words passed between them, resulting in Casey giving King notice

As might have been

120
that
till

CALIFORNIA.
he would shoot him on
about 5 or 6
p. m.,

[1855-'57.

sight.

King remained
started

in his office

toward his home on Stockton Street, and, as he neared the corner of Washington, Casey approached him from the opposite direction, called to him, and began firing. King had on a short cloak, and in his breastpocket a small pistol, which he did not use. One of Casey's shots struck him high up in the breast, from which he reeled, was caught by some passing friend, and carried into the expressoffice on the corner, where he was laid on the counter, and a Meantime, Casey escaped up Washington surgeon sent for. Street, went to the City Hall, and delivered himself to the sheriff (Scannell), who conveyed him to jail and locked him in a cell. Meantime, the news spread like wildfire, and all the city was in commotion, for King was very popular. Nisbet, who boarded with us on Harrison Street, had been delayed at the bank later than usual, so that he happened to be near at the time, and, when he came out to dinner, he brought me the news of this affair, and said that there was every appearance of a riot down-town that night. This occurred toward the evening of

when he

May

14, 1856.

It so happened that, on the urgent solicitation of Yan Winkle and of Governor Johnson, I had only a few days before agreed to accept the commission of major-general of the Second Division of Militia, embracing San Francisco. I had received the commission, but had not as yet formally accepted it, or even put myself in communication with the volunteer companies of the Of these, at that moment of time, there was a company city. of artillery with four guns, commanded by a Captain Johns, c ormerly of the army, and two or three uniformed companies of infantry. After dinner I went down-town to see what was going on ; found that King had been removed to a room in the Metropolitan Block that his life was in great peril ; that Casey was safe in jail, and the sheriff had called to his assistance a posse of the city police, some citizens, and one of the militia companies. The people were gathered in groups on the streets, and the words " Vigilance Committee " were freely spoken, but I saw no signs of immediate violence. The next morning, I
;

1855-'57.]

CALIFORNIA.

121

again went to the jail, and found all things quiet, but the militia had withdrawn. I then went to the City Hall, saw the mayor, Van Ness, and some of the city officials, agreed to do what I could to maintain order with such militia as were on hand, and then formally accepted the commission, and took the " oath." In 1851 (when I was not in California) there had been a Vigilance Committee, and it was understood that its organization All the newspapers took ground in favor of the still existed. Vigilance Committee, except the Herald (John Nugent, editor), and nearly all the best people favored that means of redress. I could see they were organizing, hiring rendezvous, collecting arms, etc., without concealment. It was soon manifest that the companies of volunteers would go with the " committee," and that the public authorities could not rely on them for aid or defense. Still, there were a good many citizens who contended that, if the civil authorities were properly sustained by the people at large, they could and would execute the law. But the papers inflamed the public mind, and the controversy spread to the country. About the third day after the shooting of Xing, Governor Johnson telegraphed me that he would be down in the evening boat, and asked me to meet him on arrival for consultation. I got C. K. Garrison to go with me, and we met the Governor and his brother on the wharf, and walked up to the International Hotel on Jackson Street, above Montgomery. "We discussed the state of affairs fully ; and Johnson, on learning that his particular friend, William T. Coleman, was the president of the Vigilance Committee, proposed to go and
see him. En route we stopped at King's room, ascertained that he was slowly sinking, and could not live long ; and then near midnight we walked to the Turnverein Hall, where the committee was known to be sitting in consultation. This hall was on Bush Street, at about the intersection of Stockton. It was
all

up within, but the door was locked. The Governor knocked at the door, and on inquiry from inside " Who's there ? " gave his name. After some delay we
lighted

were admitted into a sort of vestibule, beyond which was a large hall, and we could hear the suppressed voices of a multitude.

122

CALIFORNIA.
bar-room to the right,

[1855-'57.

when the Governor went into the main hall, and soon returned with Coleman, who was pale and agitated. After shaking hands all round, the Governor said, " Coleman, what the devil is the matter here ? " Coleman said, " Governor, it is time this shooting on our streets should stop." The Governor replied, " I agree with you perfectly, and have come down from Sacramento to assist." Coleman rejoined that " the people were tired of it, and had no faith in the officers of the law." A general conversation then followed, in which it was admitted that King would die, and that Casey must be executed but the manner of execution was the thing to be settled, Coleman contending that the people would do it without trusting the courts or the sheriff. It so happened that at that time Judge Norton was on the bench of the court having jurisdiction, and he was universally recognized as an able and upright man, whom no one could or did mistrust and it also happened that a grandjury was then in session. Johnson argued that the time had passed in California for mobs and vigilance committees, and said if Coleman and associates would use their influence to support the law, he (the Governor) would undertake that, as soon as King died, the grand-jury should indict, that Judge Norton would try the murderer, and the whole proceeding should be as speedy as decency would allow. Then Coleman said " the people had no confidence in Scannell, the sheriff," who was, he said, in collusion with the rowdy element of San Francisco. Johnson
asked to see Coleman.

We were shown into a

The man

left us,

;

;

then offered to be personally responsible that Casey should be

and should be forthcoming for trial and execution at the proper time. I remember very well Johnson's assertion that he had no right to make these stipulations, and maybe no' power to fulfill them; but he did it to save the city and Coleman disclaimed that the state from the disgrace of a mob. vigilance organization was a " mob," admitted that the proposition of the Governor was fair, and all he or any one should ask and added, if we would wait awhile, he would submit it to the council, and bring back an answer. We waited nearly an hour, and could hear the hum of voices
safely guarded,
;

;

1855-'57.]

CALIFORNIA.

123

in the hall, but

no words, when Coleman came back, accom-

panied by a committee, of which I think the two brothers Arrington, Thomas Smiley the auctioneer, Seymour, Truett, and

were members. The whole conversation was gone over and the Governor's proposition was positively agreed to, with this further condition, that the Yigilance Committee should send into the jail a small force of their own men, to make cer
others,

again,

tain that

Casey should not be carried

off or

allowed to escape.

The Governor, his brother William, Garrison, and I, theu went up to the jail, where we found the sheriff and his posseThese were styled the " Lawand-Order party," and some of them took offense that the Governor should have held communication with the " damned rebels," and several of them left the jail but the sheriff seemed to agree with the Governor that what he had done was right and best and, while we were there, some eight or ten armed men arrived from the Yigilance Committee, and were received by the sheriff
comitatus of police and citizens.
;

(Scannell) as a part of his regular posse.

then, near daylight, went to his hotel, and I house for a short sleep. Next day I was at the bank, as usual, when about noon the Governor called, and asked me to He said he had just received a walk with him down-street.
to

The Governor

my

message from the Yigilance Committee to the effect that they were not bound by Coleman's promise not to do any thing till the regular trial by jury should be had, etc. He was with reason furious, and asked me to go with him to Truett' s store, over

which the Executive Committee was said to be in session. We were admitted to a front-room up-stairs, and heard voices in the back-room. The Governor inquired for Coleman, but he was Another of the committee, Seymour, met us, not forthcoming. denied in toto the promise of the night before, and the Governor openly accused him of treachery and falsehood. The quarrel became public, and the newspapers took it up, both parties turning on the Governor one, the Yigilantes, denying the promise made by Coleman, their president; and the other, the " Law-and-Order party," refusing any further assistance, because Johnson had stooped to make terms with rebels.
;

124:

CALIFORNIA.
all

[1855-'57.

At

events, lie

was powerless, and had
Friday,

to let matters drift to

a conclusion.

King died about
sent for

May

20th,

and the funeral was

ap-

pointed for the next Sunday.

Early on that day the Governor

national,

at my house. I found him on the roof of the Interfrom which we looked down on the whole city, and more especially the face of Telegraph Hill, which was already covered with a crowd of people, while others were moving toward the jail on Broadway. Parties of armed men, in good order, were marching by platoons in the same direction, and formed in line along Broadway, facing the jail-door. Soon a small party was seen to advance to this door, and knock a parley ensued, the doors were opened, and Casey was led out. In a few minutes another prisoner was brought out, who proved to be Cora, a man who had once been tried for killing Richardson,

me

;

the United States Marshal, when the jury disagreed, and he was awaiting a new trial. These prisoners were placed in carriages, and escorted by the armed force down to the rooms of the

Vigilance Committee, through the principal streets of the

city.

The day was exceedingly

and the whole proceeding was orderly in the extreme. I was under the impression that Casey and Cora were hanged that same Sunday, but was probably in error but in a very few days they were hanged by the neck dead suspended from beams projecting from the windows of the committee's rooms, without other trial than could be given in secret, and by night. We all thought the matter had ended there, and accordingly the Governor returned to Sacramento in disgust, and I went about my business. But it soon became manifest that the Vigilance Committee had no intention to surrender the power thus usurped. They took a building on Clay Street, near Front, fortified it, employed guards and armed sentinels, sat in midnight council, issued writs of arrest and banishment, and utterly good many men were ignored all authority but their own. banished and forced to leave the country, but they were of that
beautiful,
;

A

class

we

could well spare.

Yankee

Sullivan, a prisoner in their

custody, committed suicide, and a feeling of general insecurity

1855-'57.J

CALIFORNIA.

125

pervaded tlie city. Business was deranged ; and the Bulletin, then under control of Tom King, a brother of James, poured out its abuse on some of our best men, as well as the worst. Governor Johnson, being again appealed to, concluded to go to work regularly, and telegraphed me about the 1st of June to meet him at General "Wool's headquarters at Benicia that night.
I

boarding.

went up, and we met at the hotel where General Wool was Johnson had with him his Secretary of State. We discussed the state of the country generally, and I had agreed that if Wool would give us arms and ammunition out of the United States Arsenal at Benicia, and if Commodore Farragut, of the navy, commanding the navy-yard on Mare Island, would give us a ship, I would call out volunteers, and, when a sufficient number had responded, I would have the arms come down from Benicia in the ship, arm my men, take possession of a thirty-two-pound-gun battery at the Marine Hospital on Rincon
Point, thence

command

a dispersion of the unlawfully-armed

force of the Vigilance Committee, and arrest

some of the

leaders.

We

played cards that night, carrying on a conversation, in
insisted

which Wool

lance Committee to disperse,

on a proclamation commanding the Vigietc., and he told us how he had on some occasion, as far back as 1814, suppressed a mutiny on the Northern frontier. I did not understand him to make any distinct promise of assistance that night, but he invited us to accompany him on an inspection of the arsenal the next day, which we did. On handling some rifled muskets in the arsenal storehouse he asked me how they would answer our purpose. I said they were the very things, and that we did not want cartridge boxes or belts, but that I would have the cartridges carried in the breeches-pockets, and the caps in the vestpockets. I knew that there were stored in that arsenal four thousand muskets, for I recognized the boxes which we had
carried out in the Lexington around

Cape Horn in 1846. Afterward we all met at the quarters of Captain D. R. Jones of the army, and I saw the Secretary of State, D. F. Douglass, Esq., walk out with General Wool in earnest conversation, and this Secretary of State afterward asserted that Wool there and then

126

CALIFORNIA

[1855-'57.

promised us the arms and ammunition, provided the Governor would make his proclamation for the committee to disperse, and
that I should afterward call out the militia, etc.

On

the

way

back to the hotel at Benicia, General Wool, Captain Callendar of the arsenal, and I, w ere walking side by side, and I was telling him (General Wool) that I would also need some ammunir

tion for the thirty-two-pound guns then in position at

Point,

when Wool turned

to Callendar

Rincon and inquired, "Did I

not order those guns to be brought away?" Callendar said: " Yes, general. I made a requisition on the quartermaster for
transportation, but his schooner has been so busy that the guns are still there." Then said Wool : " Let them remain ; we may

have use for them." I therefrom inferred, of course, that it was all agreed to so far as he was concerned. Soon after we had reached the hotel, we ordered a buggy, and Governor Johnson and I drove to Vallejo, six miles, crossed over to Mare Island, and walked up to the commandant's house, where we found Commodore Farragut and his family. We stated our business fairly, but the commodore answered very frankly that he had no authority, without orders from his department, to take any part in civil broils he doubted the wisdom of the attempt said he had no ship available except the John Adams, Captain Boutwell, and that she needed repairs. But he
; ;

assented at last to the proposition to let the sloop

John Adams

drop down abreast of the city after certain repairs, to lie off there for moral effect, which afterward actually occurred. We then returned to Benicia, and Wool's first question was, " What luck % " We answered, " Not much," and explained what Commodore Farragut could and would do, and that, instead of having a naval vessel, we would seize and use one of the Pacific Mail Company's steamers, lying at their dock in Benicia, to carry down to San Francisco the arms and munitions when the time came.

As

the time was then near at hand for the arrival of the

evening boats,

we

all

I told Johnson that he could not be too careful

walked down to the wharf together, where that I had not
;

heard General

Wool make

a positive

promise of assistance.


1855 --'57.]

CALIFORNIA.

127

this, Johnson called General Wool to one side, and we drew together. Johnson said " General Wool, General Sherman is very particular, and wants to know exactly what you propose to do." Wool answered " I understand, Governor,

Upon

three

:

:

that in the first place a writ of habeas corpus will be issued
jailers of the Vigilance Committee to produce body of some one of the prisoners held by them (which, of course, will be refused) that you then issue your proclamation commanding them to disperse, and, failing this, you will call out the militia, and command General Sherman with it to sup press the Vigilance Committee as an unlawful body " to which the Governor responded, " Yes." " Then," said Wool, " on General Sherman's maldng his requisition, approved by you, I will order the issue of the necessary arms and ammunition." I remember well that I said, emphatically " That is all I want. Now, Governor, you may go ahead." We soon parted Johnson and Douglas taking the boat to Sacramento, and I to San

commanding the
the

;

;

:

;

Francisco.

day, issued a writ of habeas corpus for the

San Francisco the next body of one Maloney, which writ was resisted, as we expected. The Governor then issued his proclamation, and I published my orders, dated June
Chief-Justice, Terry,
to

The

came

1855. The Quartermaster-General of the State, General Kibbe, also came to San Francisco, took an office in the City Hall, engaged several rooms for armories, and soon the men be4,

enroll into companies. In my general orders calling out the militia, I used the expression, " When a sufficient number

gan to
of

and ammunition will be supplied." came to me and remonstrated, saying that collision would surely result that it would be terrible, etc. All I could say in reply was, that it was for them to get out of the way. " Remove your fort cease your midnight councils and prevent your armed bodies from patrolling the streets." They inquired where I was to get arms, and I answered that I had them certain. But personally I went right along with my business at the bank, conscious that at any moment we might have trouble. Another committee of citi-

men

are enrolled, arms

Some

of the best

men

of the " Vigilantes "

;

;

;

128
zens,

CALIFORNIA.
a conciliatory body, was

[1855-'57

possible,

formed to prevent collision if and the newspapers boiled over with vehement vituperation. This second committee was composed of such men as Crockett, Eitchie, Thornton, Bailey Peyton, Foote, Donohue, Kelly, and others, a class of the most intelligent and wealthy men of the city, who earnestly and honestly desired to prevent bloodshed. They also came to me, and I told them that our men were enrolling very fast, and that, when I deemed the right moment had come, the Yigilance Committee must disperse, else bloodshed and destruction of property would inevitably follow. They also had discovered that the better men of the Yigilance Committee itself were getting tired of the business, and thought that in the execution of Casey and Cora, and the banishment of a dozen or more rowdies, they had done enough, and were then willing to stop. It was suggested that, if our Law-and-Order party would not arm, by a certain day near at hand the committee would disperse, and some of their leaders would submit to an indictment and trial by a jury of citizens, which they knew would acquit them of crime. One day in the bank a man called me to the counter and said, " If you expect to get arms of General Wool, you will be mistaken, for I was at Benicia yesThis perterday, and heard him say he would not give them." son was known to me to be a man of truth, and I immediately wrote to General Wool a letter telling him what I had heard, and how any hesitation on his part would compromise me as a man of truth and honor adding that I did not believe we should ever need the arms, but only the promise of them, for " the committee was letting down, and would soon disperse and submit to the law," etc. I further asked him to answer me categorically that very night, by the Stockton boat, which would pass Benicia on its way down about midnight, and I would sit up and wait
;

for his answer.

I did wait for his letter, but

it

did not come,

and the next day I got a telegraphic dispatch from Governor Johnson, who, at Sacramento, had also heard of General Wool's "back-down," asking me to meet him again at Benicia that
night.
T

went up in the evening

boat,

and found General Wool's

1855-'57.J

CALIFORNIA.

129

aide-de-camp, Captain Arnold, of the army, on the wharf, with
a letter in his hand, which he said

was for me.

I asked for

it,

but he said he
to

knew

its

importance, and preferred
together,

we

should go

and the general could hand it go right up to General Wool's, who took the sealed parcel and laid it aside, saying that it was literally a copy of one he had sent to Governor Johnson, who would doubtless give me a copy but I insisted that I had made a written communication, and was entitled to a written answer. At that moment several gentlemen of the "Conciliation party," who had come up in the same steamer with me, asked I recall the names of Crockett, for admission and came in. Foote, Bailey Peyton, Judge Thornton, Donohue, etc., and the conversation became general, Wool trying to explain away the effect of our misunderstanding, taking good pains not to deny his promise made to me personally on the wharf. I renewed my application for the letter addressed to me, then lying on his table. On my statement of the case, Bailey Peyton said, " General Wool, I think General Sherman has a right to a written answer from you, for he is surely compromised." Upon this Wool handed me the letter. I opened and read it, and it denied any promise of arms, but otherwise was extremely evasive and non-committal. I had heard of the arrival at the wharf of the Governor and party, and was expecting them at Wool's room, but, instead of stopping at the hotel where we were, they passed to another hotel on the block above. I went up and found there, in a room on the second floor over the bar-room, Governor Johnson, Chief -Justice Terry, Jones, of Palmer, Cooke & Co., E. D. Baker, Yolney E. Howard, and one or two others. All were talking furiously against Wool, denouncing him as a d d liar, and not sparing the severest terms. I showed the Governor General Wool's letter to me, which he said was in effect the same as the one addressed to and received by him at Sacramento. He was so offended that he would not even call on General Wool, and said he would never again
to General Wool's

room

me

in person.

We did

;

recognize

him

as

ters generally,

an officer or gentleman. We discussed matand Judge Terry said that the Vigilance Com-

130
mittee were a set of d

CALIFORNIA.
cl

[1855-'57.

pork-mercliants

;

that they were

getting scared, and that General

Wool was

in collusion with

them

to bring the State into contempt, etc.

I explained that

what General Wool had, or what were in the hands of the Vigilance Committee of San Francisco, and that the part of wisdom for us was to be patient and cautious. About that time Crockett and his associates sent up their cards, but Terry and the more violent of the Governor's followers denounced them as no better than " Yigilantes," anc wanted the Governor to refuse even to receive them. I explained that they were not " Yigilantes," that Judge Thornton was a " Law-and-Order " man, was one of the first to respond to the call of the sheriff, and that he went actually to the jail with his one arm the night we expected the first attempt at rescue, etc. Johnson then sent word for them to reduce their business
there were no arms in the State except
to writing.

dience,

They simply sent in a written request for an auand they were then promptly admitted. After some general conversation, the Governor said he was prepared to hear them, when Mr. Crockett rose and made a prepared speech em bracing a clear and fair statement of the condition of things in San Francisco, concluding with the assertion of the willingness of the committee to disband and submit to trial after a cerAll the time Crockett was speaking, tain date not very remote. Terry sat with his hat on, drawn over his eyes, and with his feet on a table. As soon as Crockett was through, they were disThis missed, and Johnson began to prepare a written answer. was scratched, altered, and amended, to suit the notions of his This answer counselors, and at last was copied and sent. amounted to little or nothing. Seeing that we were powerless for good, and that violent counsels would prevail under the influence of Terry and others, I sat down at the table, and wrote my resignation, which Johnson accepted in a complimentary note on the spot, and at the same time he appointed to my place General Volney E. Howard, then present, a lawyer who had once been a member of Congress from Texas, and who was expected to drive the d d pork-merchants into the bay at short notice. I went soon after to General Wool's room, where I found

;

1855- ,{S7.]

CALIFOKNIA.
;

131

Crockett and the rest of his party
the fight, having resigned
ners

told

them
;

that I

my

commission

that I

was out of had neglected

me by my St. Louis partand that I would thenceforward mind my own business, and leave public affairs severely alone. We all returned to San Francisco that night by the Stockton boat, and I never afterward had any thing to do with politics in California, perfectly satisfied with that short experience. Johnson and Wool fought out their quarrel of veracity in the newspapers and on paper. But, in my opinion, there is not a shadow of doubt that General Wool did deliberately deceive us that he had authority to issue arms, and that, had he adhered to his promise, we could have checked the committee before it became a fixed institution, and a part of the common law of California. Major-General Yolney E. Howard came to San Francisco soon after continued the organization of militia which I had begun succeeded in getting a few arras from the country; but one day the Vigilance Committee sallied from their armories, captured the arms of the " Law -and -Order party," put some of their men into prison, while General Howard, with others, escaped to the country; after which the Vigilance Committee had it all their own way.
business that had been intrusted to
;

;

;

;

Subsequently, in July, 1856, they arrested Chief-Justice Terry,

and tried him for stabbing one of their constables, but he managed to escape at night, and took refuge on the John Adams. In August, they hanged Hetherington and Brace in broad dayand, soon after, they quietly dislight, without any jury-trial banded. As they controlled the press, they wrote their own history, and the world generally gives them the credit of having purged San Francisco of rowdies and roughs but their success has given great stimulus to a dangerous principle, that would at any time justify the mob in seizing all the power of government and who is to say that the Vigilance Committee may not be com;

;

posed of the worst, instead of the best, elements of a community ? Indeed, in San Francisco, as soon as it was demonstrated that the real power had passed from the City Hall to the committee-

room, the same

set of bailiffs, .constables,

and rowdies that had

infested the City Hall

were found

in the

employment of the

;

132

0AL1F0KN1A.

[1855-'57.

u Yigilantes ; " and, after three months' experience, the better
class of

people became tired of the midnight sessions and
to be the

left

the business and
court,

power of the committee of which a Sydney man was reported

hi the hands of a

head or

chief-justice.

year 1856,

During the winter of 1855-56, and indeed throughout the all kinds of business became unsettled in California. The mines continued to yield about fifty millions of gold a year but little attention was paid to agriculture or to any business other than that of " mining," and, as the placer-gold was becoming worked out, the miners were restless and uneasy, and were shifting about from place to place, impelled by rumors put afloat

for speculative purposes.

A

great

many

extensive enterprises

by joint-stock companies had been begun, in the way of waterditches, to bring water from the head of the mountain-streams

down

to the richer alluvial deposits,

and nearly

all

of these comcapital, also,

panies became embarrassed or bankrupt.

Foreign

which had been attracted to California by reason of the high rates of interest, was being withdrawn, or was tied up in property which could not be sold and, although our bank's having withstood the panic gave us great credit, still the community itself was shaken, and loans of money were risky in the exgreat many merchants, of the highest name, availed treme. themselves of the extremely liberal bankrupt law to get discharged of their old debts, without sacrificing much, if any, of thus realiztheir stocks of goods on hand, except a lawyer's fee ing Martin Burke's saying that " many a clever fellow had been ruined by paying his debts." The merchants and business-men of San Francisco did not intend to be ruined by such a course. I raised the rate of exchange from three to three and a half, while others kept on at the old rate and I labored hard to collect old debts, and strove, in making new loans, to be on the safe side. The State and city both denied much of their public debt in fact, repudiated it and real estate, which the year before had been first-class security, became utterly unsalable. The office labor and confinement, and the anxiety attending the business, aggravated my asthma to such an extent that at
;

A

;

;

;

;

1855-'57.]

CALIFORNIA.
deprived
;

133

become chronic and original and serious and I was cause which had induced Mr. Lucas to establish the bank in CalI so reported to him, and that I really ifornia had ceased. believed that he could use his money more safely and to better advantage in St. Louis. This met his prompt approval, and he instructed me gradually to draw out, preparatory to a removal
times
it

me

of sleep, and threatened to

also conscious that the first

to ISTew

York

City.

Accordingly, early in April, 1857, I pub-

San Francisco papers, notifying on the 1st day of May, we would discontinue business remove East, requiring all to withdraw their accounts, and declaring that, if any remained on the 1st day of May, their balances would be transferred to the banking-house of Parrott & Co. Punctually to the day, this was done, and the business of Lucas, Turner & Co., of San Francisco, was discontinued, except the more difficult and disagreeable part of collecting their own moneys and selling the real estate, to which One of the the firm had succeeded by purchase or foreclosure. partners, B. R. Nisbet, assisted by our attorney, S. M. Bowman, Esq., remained behind to close up the business of the bank.
lished an advertisement in the

our customers

that,

CHAPTEE
CALIFORNIA,

Y.

NEW

YORK, AND EANSAS.

1857-1859.

Having closed the bank at San Francisco on the 1st day of May, 1857, accompanied by my family I embarked in tbe steamer Sonora for Panama, crossed the isthmus, and sailed to New York, whence we proceeded to Lancaster, Ohio, where Mrs. Sherman and the family stopped, and I went on to St. Louis. I found there that some changes had been made in the parenthouse, that Mr. Lucas had bought out his partner, Captain Symonds, and that the firm's name had been changed to that of James H. Lucas & Co. It had also been arranged that an office or branch was to be established in New York City, of which I was to have charge, on pretty much the same terms and conditions as in the previous San Francisco firm. Mr. Lucas, Major Turner, and I, agreed to meet in New York, soon after the 4th of July. "We met accordingly at the Metropolitan Hotel, selected an office, No. 12 "Wall Street, purchased the necessary furniture, and engaged a teller, bookThe new firm was to bear the same title of keeper, and porter. Lucas, Turner & Co., with about the same partners in interest, but the nature of the business was totally different. We opened our office on the 21st of July, 1857, and at once began to receive accounts from the West and from California, but our chiel business was as the resident agents of the St Louis firm of James H. Lucas & Co. Personally I took rooms at No. 100 Prince Street, in which house were also quartered Major J. G.

1857-'59.]

CALIFORNIA,

NEW YORK,

KANSAS.

135

Barnard, and Lieutenant J. B. McPherson, United States Engineers, both of

whom

afterward attained great fame in the

civil

war.

My business
tan

relations in

New York were with the
;

Metropoli-

and with the very wealthy and most respectable firm of Schuchhardt & Gebhard, of Nassau Street. Every thing went along swimmingly till the 21st of Au gust, when all Wall Street was thrown into a spasm by the failure of the Ohio Life and Trust Company, and the panic so resembled that in San Francisco, that, having nothing seemingly at stake, I But it soon became a serious matter even to me. felt amused. Western stocks and securities tumbled to such a figure, that all Western banks that held such securities, and had procured advances thereon, were compelled to pay up or substitute increased collaterals. Our own house was not a borrower in New York at all, but many of our Western correspondents were, and it taxed my time to watch their interests. In September, the panic extended so as to threaten the safety of even some of the New York banks not connected with the West and the alarm became general, and at last universal. In the very midst of this panic came the news that the steamer Central America, formerly the George Law, with six hundred passengers and about sixteen hundred thousand dollars of treasure, coming from Aspinwal], had foundered at sea, off the coast of Georgia, and that about sixty of the passengers had been providentially picked up by a Swedish bark, and brought into Savannah. The absolute loss of this treasure went to swell the confusion and panic of the day. few days after, I was standing in the vestibule of the Metropolitan Hotel, and heard the captain of the Swedish bark
of
;

Bank and Bank

America

A

tell his

singular story of the rescue of these passengers.

He

was a short, sailor-like-looking man, with a strong German or Swedish accent. He said that he was sailing from some port in Honduras for Sweden, running down the Gulf Stream off Savannah. The weather had been heavy for some days, and, about
nightfall, as
circle

he paced his deck, he observed a man-of-war hawk

about his vessel, gradually lowering, until the bird was as

136
it

CALIFORNIA,
at

NEW

YORK, KANSAS.

[1857-'59.

were aiming

him.

He

the bird, missed

it,

when

the

jerked out a belaying-pin, struck at hawk again rose high in the air,

and a second time began

to descend, contract his circle,

and

make
it

at

him
it

again.

to the deck.

The second time he hit the bird, and struck This strange fact made him uneasy, and he
;

thought

betokened danger

he went to the binnacle, saw the
east.

course he was steering, and without any particular reason he

ordered the steersman to alter the course one point to the

became quite dark, and he continued to promenade the deck, and had settled into a drowsy state, when as in a dream he thought he heard voices all round his ship. Waking up, he ran to the side of the ship, saw something struggling in the water, and heard clearly cries for help. Instantly heaving his ship to, and lowering all his boats, he managed to pick up sixty or more persons who were floating about on skylights, doors, spars, and whatever fragments remained of the Central America. Had he not changed the course of his vessel by reason of the mysterious conduct of that man-of-war hawk, not a soul would probably have survived the night. It was stated by the rescued passengers, among whom was Billy Birch, that the Central America had sailed from Aspinwall with the passengers and freight which left San Francisco on the 1st of September, and encountered the gale in the Gulf Stream somewhere off Savannah, in which she sprung a leak, filled rapidly, and went down. The passengers who were saved had clung to doors, skylights, and such floating objects as they could reach, and were thus rescued all the rest, some five hundred in number, had gone down
After
this it
;

with the

ship.

worse, and about the end of September there was a general suspension of the banks of New York, and a money crisis extended all over the country. In New York, Lucas, Turner & Co. had nothing at risk. We had large cash balances in the Metropolitan Bank and in the Bank of America, all safe, and we held, for the account of the St. Louis house, at least two hundred thousand dollars, of St. Louis city and county bonds, and of acceptances falling due right along, none extending beyond ninety days. I was advised from St.

The panic grew worse and

1857-'5J.]

CALIFORNIA,

NEW

YORK, KANSAS.
;

137

Louis that money matters were extremely tight but I did not dream of any danger in that quarter. I knew well that Mr. Lucas was worth two or three million dollars in the best real estate, and inferred from the large balances to their credit with me that no mere panic could shake his credit but, early on the morning of October 7th, my cousin, James M. Hoyt, came to me in bed, and read me a paragraph in the morning paper, to the effect that James H. Lucas & Co., of St. Louis, had suspended. I was, of course, surprised, but not sorry for I had always contended that a man of so much visible wealth as Mr.
;
;

Lucas should not be engaged in a business subject to such
situdes.

vicis-

I hurried

down

to the office,

where I received the same

information

officially,

by

telegraph, with instructions to

make

proper disposition of the affairs of the bank, and to come out to St. Louis, with such assets as would be available there. I transferred the funds belonging to
all

our correspondents, with

lists

of outstanding checks, to one or other of our bankers, and with

the cash balance of the St. Louis house and their available assets
started for St. Louis.
lost a cent

I

may

say with confidence that no
but, as usual, those

man

by

either of the banking-firms of Lucas,
;

Turner

&

San Francisco or New York owed us were not always as just.
Co., of

who

I reached St. Louis October 17th, and found the partners engaged in liquidating the balances due depositors as fast as coland, as the panic began to subside, this lections could be forced process became quite rapid, and Mr. Lucas, by making a loan in Philadelphia, was enabled to close out all accounts without having made any serious sacrifices. Of course, no person ever lost a cent by him he has recently died, leaving an estate of eight During his lifetime, I had opportunities to million dollars. know him well, and take much pleasure in bearing testimony to On the failure of his his great worth and personal kindness. bank, he assumed personally all the liabilities, released his partners of all responsibility, and offered to assist me to engage in business, which he supposed was due to me because I had re;
:

signed

my

army commission.
till

I remained in St. Louis

the 7th of December, 1857,

as-

1.33

CALIFORNIA,

NEW YORK, KANSAS.

[1857-'59.

and in controlling all matters which came from the New York and San Francisco branches. B. P. Nisbet was still in San Francisco, but had married a Miss Thornton, and was coming home. There still remained in California a good deal of real estate, and notes, valued at about two hundred thousand dollars in the aggregate so that, at Mr. Lucas's request, I agreed to go out again, to bring matters, if possisting in collecting for the bank,
;

sible,

nearer a final settlement.

I accordingly left St. Louis,

reached Lancaster, where
till

after Christmas,
till

and
5th,

my family was, on the 10th, staid then went to New York, where
when
I
;

there
I re-

embarked on the steamer Moses Taylor (Captain McGowan) for Aspinwall caught the Golden Gate (Captain Whiting) at Panama, January 15, 1858 and reached San Francisco on the 28th of January. I found that Nisbet and wife had gone to St. Louis, and that we had passed each other at sea. He had carried the ledger and books to St.
January
;

mained

Louis, but left a schedule, notes, etc., in the hands of S.

M.

Bowman,

Esq.,

who

passed them over to me.

On

the 30th of January I published a notice of the dissolu-

tion of the partnership,
to the firm of Lucas,

and called on all who were still indebted Turner '& Co. to pay up, or the notes would

be sold at auction.

I also advertised that all the real property

was for

sale.

Business had somewhat changed since 1857.
Garrison, Fritz

Parrott
;

& Co.;

Fargo & Co. Drexel, Sather & Church, and Tallant & Wilde, were the principal bankers. Property continued almost unsalable, and prices were less than a half of what they had been in 1853-54. William Blanding, Esq., had rented my house on Harrison Street ; so I occupied a room in the bank, No. 11, and boarded at the Meiggs House, corner of Broadway and Montgomery, which we owned. Having reduced expenses to a minimum, I proceeded, with all possible dispatch, to collect outstanding debts, in some instances making sacrifices and compromises. I made some few sales, and generally aimed to put matters in such a shape that time would bring the best result. Some of our heaviest creditors were John M. Rhodes & Co., of Sacramento and Shasta ; Langton & Co., of Downieville
Palston
;

&

"Wells,

;

1857-'59.j

CALIFORNIA,

NEW

YORK, KANSAS.

139

and E. M. Strange, of Murphy's.
in course of settlement, I
ville

made some arrangement

In trying to put these debts in DownieThornton, to
collect,

with the law-firm of Spears

&

by

suit,

a certain note of

Green

&

Purdy

for twelve thousand dollars.

Early in April, I learned that Spears had collected three thou-

sand seven hundred dollars in money, had appropriated

it

to his

and had pledged another good note taken in part payment of three thousand and fifty-three dollars. He pretended to be insane. I had to make two visits to Downieville on this business, and there made the acquaintance of Mr. Stewart, now a Senator from Nevada. He was married to a daughter of Gov ernor Foote was living in a small frame-house on the bar just below the town and his little daughter was playing about the door in the sand. Stewart was then a lawyer in Downieville, in good practice; afterward, by some lucky stroke, became part owner of a valuable silver-mine in Nevada, and is now accounted a millionaire. I managed to save something out of Spears, and more out of his partner Thornton. This affair of Spears ruined him, because his insanity was manifestly feigned. I remained in San Erancisco till July 3d, when, having collected and remitted every cent that I could raise, and got all the property in the best shape possible, hearing from St. Louis that business had revived, and that there was no need of further sacrifice, I put all the papers, with a full letter of instructions, and power of attorney, in the hands of William Blanding, Esq., and took passage on the good steamer Golden Gate, Captain Whiting, for Panama and home. I reached Lancaster on July 28, 1S58, and found all the family well. I was then perfectly unhampered, but the serious and greater question remained, what was I to do to support my family, consisting of a wife and four children, all accustomed to more than the average
use,
; ;

own

comforts of
I

life

?

remained at Lancaster all of August, 1858, during which time I was discussing with Mr. Ewing and others what to do next. Major Turner and Mr, Lucas, in St. Louis, were willing to do any thing to aid me, but I thought best to keep independent. Mr. Ewing had property at Chauncey, consisting of salt-wells and

140

CALIFORNIA,

NEW

YORK, KANSAS.

ri857-'59.

Ohio I had no fancy. Two of had established themselves at Leavenworth, Kansas, where they and their father had bought a good deal of land, some near the town, and some back in the country. Mr. Ewing offered to confide to me the general management of his share of interest, and Hugh and T. E., Jr., offered
coal-mines, but for that part of
his sons,

Hugh and

T. E.,

Jr.,

me an equal copartnership

in their law-firm.

Accordingly, about

the 1st of September, I started for Kansas, stopping a couple of

weeks in St. Louis, and reached Leavenworth. I found about two miles below the fort, on the river-bank, where in 1851 was
a tangled thicket, quite a

handsome and thriving

city,

growing

rapidly in rivalry with Kansas City, and St. Joseph, Missouri.

After looking about and consulting with friends, among them my classmate Major Stewart Yan Vliet, quartermaster at the fort, I concluded to accept the proposition of Mr. Ewing, and
duly announced, and our services to the public offered as attorney s-at-law. "We had an office on Main Street, between Shawnee and Delaware, on the second floor, over the office of Hampton Denman, Esq., mayor of the city. This building was a mere shell, and our office was reached by a stairway on the outside. Although in the course of my military reading I had studied a few of the ordinary law-books, such as Blackstone, Kent, Starkie, etc., I did not presume to be a lawyer but our agreement was that Thomas Ewing, Jr., a good and thorough lawyer, should manage all business in the courts, while I gave attention to collections, agencies for houses and lands, and such business Yet, as as my experience in banking had qualified me for. proper my name was embraced in a law-firm, it seemed to me to take out a license. Accordingly, one day when United States Judge Lecompte was in our office, I mentioned the matter to him; he told me to go down to the clerk of his court, and he would give me the license. I inquired what examination I would have to submit to, and he replied, "None at all;" he would admit me on the ground of general intelligence. During that summer we got our share of the business of the profession, then represented by several eminent law-firms, emT

accordingly the firm of

Sherman

& Ew ing was

;

1857

'59.]

CALIFORNIA,

NEW

YORK, KANSAS.

141

bracing name» that have since flourished in the Senate, and in
the higher courts of the country.
case

But the most

lucrative single
Yliet,

who emgo to Fort Riley, one hundred and thirty-six miles west of Fort Leavenworth, to superintend the repairs to the military road. For this purpose he supplied me with a four-mule ambulance and driver. The country was then sparsely settled, and quite as many Indians were along the road as white people still there were embryo towns all along the route, and a few farms sprinkled over the beautiful prairies. On reaching Indianola, near Topeka, I found everybody down with the chills and fever. My own driver became so shaky that I had But in due season I reconnoitred the to act as driver and cook. road, and made contracts for repairing some bridges, and for cutting such parts of the road as needed it. I then returned to Foil; Leavenworth, and reported, receiving a fair compensation. On my way up I met Colonel Sumner's column, returning from their summer scout on the plains, and spent the night with the officers, among whom were Captains Sackett, Sturgis, etc. Also at Fort Riley I was cordially received and entertained by some old army-friends, among them Major Sedgwick, Captains Totten, Eli Long, etc. Mrs. Sherman and children arrived out in November, and we
was given
friend Major

me by my

Yan

ployed

me

to

;

spent the winter very comfortably in the house of

Thomas
Streets.

Ewing,

Jr.,

on the corner of Third and Pottawottamie

On

the 1st of

January, 1859, Daniel McCook, Esq., was ad-

mitted to membership in our firm, which became Sherman, Ewing & McCook. Our business continued to grow, but, as the income hardly sufficed for three such expensive personages, I continued to look about for something more certain and profitable, and during that spring undertook for the Hon. Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to open a farm on a large tract of land he owned on

Indian Creek, forty miles west of Leavenworth, for the benefit of his grand-nephew, Henry Clark, and his grand-niece, Mrs.

Walker.

These arrived out in the spring, by which time I had caused to be erected a small frame dwelling-house, a barn, and fencing for a hundred acres. This helped to pass away time,

142

CALIFORNIA,
;

NEW YORK,

KANSAS.

[1857-'59.

but afforded little profit and on the 11th of June, 1859, I wrote to Major D. C. BueJ, assistant adjutant-general, on duty
in the "War
if

Department with Secretary of

War

Floyd, inquiring
or any thing

there was a vacancy

among

the

army paymasters,

in his line that I could obtain.

He

replied promptly,

and sent

me

the printed

programme

for a military college

about to be
the half-

organized in Louisiana, and advised
brother of
influential

me

to apply for the superin-

tendent's place, saying that General G.

Mason Graham,

account of

commanding general, R. B. Mason, was very in this matter, and would doubtless befriend me on the relations that had existed between General Mason
old

my

and myself in California. Accordingly, I addressed a letter of application to the Hon. R. C. "Wickliffe, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, asking the answer to be sent to me at Lancaster, Ohio, where J proposed to leave my family. But, before leaving this branch of the subject, I must explain a little matter of which I have seen an account in print, complimentary or otherwise of the firm of Sherman, Ewing & McCook, more especially of the senior
partner.

day, as I sat in our office, an Irishman came in and I asked him to sit he had a case and wanted a lawyer. down and give me the points of his case, all the other members of the firm being out. Our client stated that he had rented a lot of an Irish landlord for five dollars a month that he had erected thereon a small frame shanty, which was occupied by his family that he had paid his rent regularly up to a recent period, but to his house he had appended a shed which extended over a part of an adjoining vacant lot belonging to the same landlord, for which he was charged two and a half dollars a month, which he refused to pay. The consequence was, that his landlord had for a few months declined even his five dollars monthly rent until the arrears amounted to about seventeen dollars, for which he was sued. I told him we would undertake his case, of which I took notes, and a fee of five dollars in advance, and in due order I placed the notes in the hands of McCook, and thought no more of it. month or so after, our client rushed into the office and said
said
; ;

One

A

1857-'59.]

CALIFORNIA,

NEW YORK, KANSAS.

143

his case had been called at Judge Gardner's (I think), and he wanted his lawyer right away. I sent him up to the Circuit Court, Judge Pettit's, for McCook, but he soon returned, saying he could not find McCook, and accordingly I hurried with him

up

to

Judge Gardner's

office,

intending to ask a continuance,

but I found our antagonist there, with his lawyer and witnesses,

and Judge Gardner would not grant a continuance, so of had to act, hoping that at every minute McCook would come. But the trial proceeded regularly to its end; we were beaten, and judgment was entered against our client for the amount claimed, and costs. As soon as the matter was " execution " could not be taken explained to McCook, he said for ten days, and, as our client was poor, and had nothing od which the landlord could levy but his house, McCook advised him to get his neighbors together, to pick up the house, and carry it on to another vacant lot, belonging to a non-resident, so that even the house could not be taken in execution. Thus the grasping landlord, though successful in his judgment, failed in the execution, and our client was abundantly satisfied. In due time I closed up my business at Leavenworth, and went to Lancaster, Ohio, where, in July, 1859, I received notice from Governor Wield iffe that I had been elected superintendent of the proposed college, and inviting me to come down to Louisiana as early as possible, because they were anxious to put the college into operation by the 1st of January following. For this honorable position I was indebted to Major D. C. Buell and General G. Mason Graham, to whom I have made During the civil war, it was refull and due acknowledgment. ported and charged that I owed my position to the personal friendship of Generals Bragg and Beauregard, and that, in taking up arms against the South, I had been guilty of a breach of hospitality and friendship. I was not indebted to General Bragg, because he himself told me that he was not even aware that I was an applicant, and had favored the selection of Major Jenkins, another West Point graduate. General Beauregard had nothing whatever to do with the matter.
necessity I

CHAPTER VL
LOUISIANA.

1859-1861.
In the autumn of 1859, having made arrangements for my family to remain in Lancaster, I proceeded, via Columbus, Cincinnati,

and Louisville, to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, where I

reported for duty to Governor "Wickliffe, who, by virtue of
his office,

was the president of the Board of Supervisors of the new which I was called to preside. He explained to me the act of the Legislature under which the institution was founded told me that the building was situated near Alexandria, in the parish of Rapides, and was substantially finished that the future management would rest with a Board of Supervisors, mostly citizens of Rapides Parish, where also resided the Governor-elect, T. O. Moore, who would soon succeed him in his office as Governor and president ex officio / and advised me to go at once to Alexandria, and put myself in communication with Moore and the supervisors. Accordingly I took a boat at Baton Rouge, for the mouth of Red River. The river being low, and its navigation precarious, I there took the regular mail-coach, as the more certain conveyance, and continued on toward Alexandria. I foimd, as a fellow-passenger in the coach, Judge Henry Boyce, of the United States District Court, with whom I had made acquaintance years before, at St. Louis, and, as we neared Alexandria, he proposed that we should stop at Governor Moore's and spend the night. Moored house and plantation were on Bayou Robert, about eight miles from Alexandria. We found him at home, with his wife and a
institution over
;
;

;

1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.

145

married daughter, and spent the night there.

He

sent us for-

ward to Alexandria the next morning, in his own carriage. On arriving at Alexandria, I put up at an inn, or boarding-house, and almost immediately thereafter went about ten miles farther up Bayou Rapides, to the plantation and house of General G. Mason Graham, to whom I looked as the principal man with whom I had to deal. He was a high-toned gentleman, and his
whole heart was in the enterprise.

He

at

once put

me

at ease.

We
it

acted together most cordially
at his

from that time

forth,

and

was

house that

all

the details of the seminary were arcollege-building together.

It was hundred acres of pineland, with numerous springs, and the building was very large and handsome. A carpenter, named James, resided there, and had the general charge of the property but, as there was not a table, chair, black-board, or any thing on hand, necessary for a beginning, I concluded to quarter myself in one of the rooms of the seminary, and board with an old black woman who cooked for James, so that I might personally push forward the necessary preparations. There was an old rail-fence about the place, and a large pile of boards in front. I immediately engaged four carpenters, and set them at work to make out of

ranged.

We first visited the

located on an old country place of four

;

these

boards

mess-tables, benches, black-boards, etc.
professors-elect,

I also
all

opened a correspondence with the
parties of influence in the State,

and with

who were

interested in our

work.
1. "W*.

At

the meeting of the Board of Supervisors, held at
2,

Alexandria, August
ing, etc.

1859, five professors had been elected:
Yallas, Professor of Mathematics, Philos-

T. Sherman, Superintendent, and Professor of Engineer;

2.
;

Anthony
3.

ophy,
4.

etc.

Francis

W.

Smith, Professor of Chemistry,

etc.

David F. Boyd, Professor of Languages, English and Ancient 5. E. Berti St. Ange, Professor of French and Modern
;

Languages.

These constituted the Academic Board, while the general
supervision remained in the Board of Supervisors, composed of
the Governor of the State, the Superintendent of Public Education,

and twelve members, nominated by the Governor, and

146 confirmed by the Senate.

LOUISIANA.

[1859-'61.

was bound to educate any charge for tuition. These had only to pay for their clothing and books, while all others had to pay their entire expenses, including tuition. Early in November, Profs. Smith, Vallas, St. Ange, and I, met a committee of the Board of Supervisors, composed of T. C. Manning, G. Mason Graham, and W. W. Whittington, at General Graham's house, and resolved to open the institution to pupils on the 1st day of January, 1860. We adopted a series of bylaws for the government of the institution, which was styled the " Louisiana Seminary of Learning and Military Academy." This title grew out of the original grant, by the Congress of the United States, of a certain township of public land, to be sold by the State, and dedicated to the use of a ''seminary of learning." I do not suppose that Congress designed thereby to but the subject had so long been debated fix the name or title in Louisiana that the name, though awkward, had become familiar. We appended to it "Military Academy," as explanatory
institution

The

sixteen beneficiary students, free of

;

of

its

general design. the 17th of November, 1859, the Governor of the State,

On

Wickliffe, issued officially a general circular, prepared giving public notice that the " Seminary of Learning "

by us, would

open on the
tution

1st

day of January, 1S60; containing a description
to apply for further information

of the locality, and the general regulations for the proposed insti;

and authorizing parties

to the " Superintendent," at Alexandria, Louisiana.

The
to

Legislature had appropriated for the sixteen beneficiaries

two hundred and eighty-three dollars per annum, which we added sixty dollars as tuition for pay cadets and, though the price was low, we undertook to manage for the first year on that basis. Promptly to the day, we opened, with about sixty cadets present. Major Smith was the commandant of cadets, and I the superintendent. 1 had been to New Orleans, where I had bought a supply of mattresses, books, and every thing requisite, and we started very much on the basis of West Point and of the Virginia Military Institute, but without uniat the rate of
;

1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.
;

147

forms or muskets

yet with

roll-calls, sections,

and

recitations,

we kept as near tlie standard of West Point as possible. I kept all the money accounts, and gave general directions to the stewThe other professors had their regard, professors, and cadets.
lived in rooms in the had a family, and rented a college-building, except Talks, who house near by. A Creole gentleman, B. Jarreau, Esq., had been elected steward, and he also had his family in a house not far off. The other professors had a mess in a room adjoining the mess-hall. A few more cadets joined in the course of the winter, so that we had in all, during the first term, seventy-three cadets, of whom fifty-nine passed the examination on the 30th of July, 1860. During our first term many defects in the original act of the Legislature were demonstrated, and, by the advice of the Board of Supervisors, I went down to Baton Rouge during the session of the Legislature, to advocate and urge the passage of a new bill, putting the institution on a better footing. Thomas O. Moore was then Governor, Bragg was a member of the Board of Public Works, and Bichard Taylor was a Senator. I got well acquainted with all of these, and with some of the leading men of the State, and was always treated with, the greatest courtesy and kindness. In conjunction with
ular
classes

and

recitations.

We

all

the proper committee of the Legislature,
bill,

we prepared

a

new

which was passed and approved on the 7th of March, 1860, by which we were to have a beneficiary cadet for each parish, in all fifty-six, and fifteen thousand dollars annually for their maintenance also twenty thousand dollars for the general use of the college. During that session we got an appropriation of fifteen thousand dollars for building two professors' houses, for the purchase of philosophical and chemical apparatus, and for the beginning of a college library. The seminary was made a State Arsenal, under the title of State Central Arsenal, and I was allowed five hundred dollars a year as its superintendent. These matters took me several times to Baton Poiure o that winter, and I recall an event of some interest, which must have happened in February. At that time my brother, John Sherman, was a candidate, in the national House of Representatives,
;

148

LOUISIANA.

[1859-'61.

In the South he most horrible of all monsters; and many people of Louiisana looked at me with suspicion, as the brother of the abolitionist, John Sherman, and doubted the propriety of having me at the head of an important State institution. By this time I was pretty well acquainted with many of their prominent men, was generally esteemed by all in authority, and by the people of Rapides Parish es-

for Speaker, against Bocock, of Virginia.
as

was regarded

an "

abolitionist," the

pecially,

who saw that I was devoted to my particular business, and that I gave no heed to the political excitement of the day. But the members of the State Senate and House did not know me so well, and it was natural that they should be suspicious of a Northern man, and the brother of him who was the " aboli-

tion " candidate for Speaker of the House.

One evening, at a large dinner-party at Governor Moore's, which were present several members of the Louisiana Legislature, Taylor, Bragg, and the Attorney-General Hyams, after the ladies had left the table, I noticed at Governor Moore's end quite a lively discussion going on, in which my name was frequently used; at length the Governor called to me, " Colonel Sherman, you can readily understand that, saying with your brother the abolitionist candidate for Speaker, some of our people wonder that you should be here at the head of an important State institution. Now, you are at my table, and I assure you of my confidence. Won't you speak your mind freely on this question of slavery, that so agitates the land? You are under my roof, and, whatever you say, you have my
at
:

protection."

I answered
brother,

:

" Governor Moore, you mistake in calling
abolitionist.

my

"We have been separated since childhood I in the army, and he pursuing his profession of law in Northern Ohio and it is possible we may differ in general sentiment, but I deny that he is considered at home an abolitionist and, although he prefers the free institutions under which he lives to those of slavery which prevail here, he would not of himself take from you by law or force any prop-

John Sherman, an

;

;

erty whatever, even slaves."

;

1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.
said

149

Then
you
see
I
it

Moore

:

" Give us your

own views

of slavery as

here and throughout the South."
effect that

answered in

"the people of Louisiana were
it
;

hardly responsible for slavery, as they had inherited

that 1

found two distinct conditions of slavery, domestic and field hands. The domestic slaves, employed by the families, were probably better treated than any slaves on earth ; but the condition of the

depending more on the temper and and overseers than were those employed about the house " and I went on to say that, " were I a citizen of Louisiana, and a member of the Legislature, I would
field-hands
different,

was

disposition of their masters
;

deem

it

wise to bring the legal condition of the slaves more near

the status of

human
In the

beings under
first place,

all

Christian and civilized

governments.

I argued that, in sales of slaves

made by

the State, I would forbid the separation of families,

letting the father, mother,

and

children,

be sold together to one

And, again, I would advise the repeal of the statute which enacted a severe penalty for even the owner to teach his slave to read and write, because that actually qualified property and took away a part of illustrating the assertion by the case of Henry Sampits value son, who had been the slave of Colonel Chambers, of Rapides Parish, who had gone to California as the servant of an officer of the army, and who was afterward employed by me in the bank at San Francisco. At first he could not write or read, and I could only afford to pay him one hundred dollars a month but he was taught to read and write by Reilley, our bank-teller, when his services became worth two hundred and fifty dollars a month, which enabled him to buy his own freedom and that of his brother and his family." What I said was listened to by all with the most profound attention and, when I was through, some one (I think it was Mr. Hyams) struck the table with his fist, making the glasses jingle, and said, " By God, he is right " and at once he took up the debate, which went on, for an hour or more, on both sides with ability and fairness. Of course, I was glad to be thus relieved, because at the time all men in Louisiana were dreadfully ex
person, instead of each to the highest bidder.
;
;
!

150
cited

LOUISIANA.
on questions affecting
tlieir

[1859-'61

slaves,

who

constituted the

bulk of their wealth, and without
that sugar, cotton,

whom

they honestly believed

and

rice,

could not possibly be cultivated.

On

the 30th and 31st of July, 18G0,

at the seminary,

winding up with a
;

ball,

we had an examination and as much publicity

as possible to attract general notice

and immediately thereafter

we

all scattered

—the

cadets to their homes, and the professors

wherever they pleased all to meet again on the 1st day of the Major Smith and I agreed to meet in New York on a certain day in August, to purchase books, models, etc. I went directly to my family in Lancaster, and after a few days proceeded to "Washington, to endeavor to procure from the General Government the necessary muskets and equipments for our cadets by the beginning of the next term. I was in Washington on the 17th day of August, and hunted up my friend Major Buell, of the Adjutant-General's Department, who was on duty with the Secretary of War, Floyd. I had with me a letter of Governor Moore's, authorizing me to act in his name. Major Buell took me into Floyd's room at the War Department,
next November.
I explained my business, and I was agreeably surprised meet with such easy success. Although the State of Louisi ana had already drawn her full quota of arms, Floyd promptly promised to order my requisition to be filled, and I procured the necessary blanks at the Ordnance-Office, filled them with two hundred cadet muskets, and all equipments complete, and was assured that all these articles would be shipped to Louisiana in season for our use that fall. These assurances were faithfully
to

whom

to

carried out.

I then

went on

to

New York, there
we

met Major Smith
selected

accord-

ing to appointment, and together

and purchased a

good supply of uniforms, clothing, and text-books, as well as a fair number of books of history and fiction, to commence a
library.

When

this business

was completed, I returned

to Lancaster,

and remained with

my

family till the time approached for

me to

return to Louisiana.

I again left

my

family at Lancaster, until

assured of the completion of the two buildings designed for the

1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.
wliicli I

151

had contracted that spring with Mr. Mills, of Alexandria, and which were well under progress when I left in August. One of these was designed for me and the other for Vallas. Mr. Ewing presented me with a horse, which I took down the river with me, and en route I ordered from Grimsley & Co. a full equipment of saddle, bridle, etc., the same that I used in the war, and which I lost with my horse, shot under me at Shiloh. Reaching Alexandria early in October, I pushed forward the construction of the two buildings, some fences, gates, and all other work, with the object of a more perfect start at the open ing of the regular term November 1, 18G0. About this time Dr. Powhatan Clark was elected Assistant Professor of Chemistry, etc., and acted as secretary of the Board of Supervisors, but no other changes were made in our small
married professors for
circle of professors.

November came, and with
set of cadets,

it

nearly

if

not quite

all

our

first

and

others, to the

number

of about one hundred

divided them into two companies, issued arms and began a regular system of drills and instruction, as well as the regular recitations. I had moved into my new house, but prudently had not sent for my family, nominally on the ground of waiting until the season was further advanced, but really because of the storm that was lowering heavy on the political horizon. The presidential election was to occur in November, and the nominations had already been made in stormy debates by the usual conventions. Lincoln and Hamlin (to the South utterly unknown) were the nominees of the Republican party, and for the first time both these candidates were from Northern States. The Democratic party divided one set nominating a ticket at Charleston, and the other at Baltimore. Breckenriclge and Lane were the nominees of the Southern or Democratic party and Bell and Everett, a kind of compromise, mostly in favor in Louisiana. Political excitement was at its very height, and it was constantly asserted that Mr. Lincoln's election would imperil the Union. I purposely kept aloof from politics, would take no part, and remember that on the day

and and

thirty.

We

clothing,

;

152
of the election in

LOUISIANA.

[1859-'61.

was notified that it would be and Everett, but I openly said I would not, and I did not. The election of Mr. Lincoln fell upon us all like a clap of thunder. People saw and felt that the South had threatened so long that, if she quietly submitted, the question of slavery in the Territories was at an end forever. I mingled freely with the members of the Board of Supervisors, and with the people of Rapides Parish generally, keeping aloof from all cliques and parties, and I certainly hoped that the threatened storm would blow over, as had so
I

November

advisable for

me

to vote for Bell

often occurred before, after similar threats.

At our seminary

the order of exercises

went along with the regularity of the seasons. Once a week, I had the older cadets to practise reading, reciting, and elocution, and noticed that their selections were from Calhoun, Yancey, and other Southern speakers, all treating of the defense of their slaves and their home institutions as the very highest duty of the patriot.
this

Among
of

was

to be

expected; and

among

the

members

boys our

board, though most of
erally,

them declaimed

against politicians gen-

and especially abolitionists, as pests, >et there was a growing feeling that danger was in the wind. I recall the visit of a young gentleman who had been sent from Jackson, by the Governor of Mississippi, to confer with Governor Moore, then on his plantation at Bayou Robert, and who had

come over

to see our college.

He

spoke to

me

openly of

seces-

sion as a fixed fact, and that

were only left open for discussion. I also recall the visit of some man who was said to be a high officer in the order of " Knights of the Golden Circle," of the existence of which order I was even ignorant, until But in Noexplained to me by Major Smith and Dr. Clark. vember, 1860, no man ever approached me offensively, to ascertain my views, or my proposed course of action in case of secession, and no man in or out of authority ever tried to ind uce me to take part in steps designed to lead toward disunion. I think my general opinions were well known and understood, viz., that " secession was treason, was war ; " and that in no event could the North and West permit the Mississippi River to pass
its details

1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.

153
at the

out of their control.

But some men

South actually sup-

posed at the time that the Northwestern States, in case of a
disruption of the General Government, would be
interest to

drawn

in self-

What I now write I an alliance with the South. do not offer as any thing like a history of the important events of that time, but rather as my memory of them, the effect they had on me personally, and to what extent they influenced my
personal conduct.

South Carolina seceded December 20, 1860, and Mississippi Emissaries came to Louisiana to influence the Govafter. ernor, Legislature, and people, and it was the common assertion that, if all the Cotton States would follow the lead of South Carolina, it would diminish the chances of civil war, because a bold and determined front would deter the General Government from any measures of coercion. About this time also, viz., early in December, we received Mr. Buchanan's annual message to Congress, in which he publicly announced that the General Government had no constitutional power to " coerce a State." I confess this staggered me, and I feared that the prophecies and assertions of Alison and other European commentators on our form of government were right, and that our Constitution was a mere rope of sand, that would break with the first pressure. The Legislature of Louisiana met on the 10th of December, and passed an act calling a convention of delegates from the people, to meet at Baton Rouge, on the 8th of January, to take into consideration the state of the Union; and, alalthough it was universally admitted that a large majority of the voters of the State were opposed to secession, disunion, and all the steps of the South Carolinians, yet we saw that they were powerless, and that the politicians would sweep them along rapidly to the end, prearranged by their leaders in Washington. Before the ordinance of secession was passed, or the convention had assembled, on the faith of a telegraphic dispatch sent by the two Senators, Benjamin and Slidell, from their seats in the United States Senate at Washington, Governor Moore ordered the seizure of all the United States forts at the mouth of the Mississippi and Lake Pontchartrain, and of the L^nited States
soon

154
arsenal at

LOUISIANA.

[1859-'61.

Baton Kouge. The forts had no garrisons, but the was held by a small company of artillery, commanded by Major Haskins, a most worthy and excellent officer, who had lost an arm in Mexico. I remember well that I was strongly and bitterly impressed by the seizure of the arsenal, which occurred on January 10, 1SG1. When I went first to Baton Rouge, in 1S50, en route to Alexandria, I found Captain Rickett's company of artillery stationed in the arsenal, but soon after there was somewhat of a clamor on the Texas frontier about Brownsville, which induced the War Department to order Rickett's company to that frontier. I remember that Governor Moore remonstrated with -the Secretary of War because so much dangerous property, composed of muskets, powder, etc., had been left by the United States unguarded, in a parish where the slave population was as five or six to one of whites and it was on his official demand that the United States Government ordered Ilaskins's company to replace Rickett's. This company did not number forty men. In the night of January 9th, about five hundred New Orleans militia, under command of a Colonel Wheat, went up from New Orleans by boat, landed, surrounded the arsenal, and demanded its surrender. Haskins was of course unprepared for such a step,
arsenal
;

yet he at

first

resolved to defend the post as he best could with

But Bragg, who was an old army acquaintance had a parley with him, exhibited to him the vastly superior force of his assailants, embracing two field-batteries, and offered to procure for him honorable terms, to march out with drums and colors, and to take unmolested passage in a boat up to St. Louis; alleging, further, that the old Union was at an end, and that a just settlement would be made between the two new fragments for all the property stored in the arsenal. Of course it was Haskins's duty to have defended his post to the death but up to that time the national authorities in Washington had shown such pusillanimity, that the officers The result, anyhow, was of the army knew not what to do. that Haskins surrendered his post, and at once embarked for St. Louis. The arms and munitions stored in the arsenal were
his small force.

of his,

;


1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.

X55
to

scattered

—some
;

to Mississippi,

some

New

Orleans, some to

were consigned two thousand muskets, three hundred Jiiger rifles, and a large amount of cartridges and ammunition. The invoices were signed by the former ordnance-sergeant, Olodowski, as a captain of ordnance, and I think he continued such on General Bragg's staff through the whole of the subsequent civil war. These arms, etc., came up to me at Alexandria, with orders from Governor Moore to receipt for and account for them. Thus I was made the receiver of stolen goods, and these goods the property of the United States. This grated hard on my feelings as an ex-army-officer, and on counting the arms I noticed that they were packed in the old familiar boxes, with the " U. S." simply scratched off. General G. Mason Graham had resigned as the chairman of the Executive Committee, and Dr. S. A. Smith, of Alexandria, then a member of the State Senate, had succeeded him as chairman, and acted as head of the Board of Supervisors. At the time I was in most intimate correspondence with all of these parties, and our letters must have been full of poli tics, but I have ouly retained copies of a few of the letters, which I will embody in this connection, as they will show, better than by any thing I can now recall, the feelings of parties at The seizure of the arsenal at Baton Rouge that critical period. occurred January 10, 1861, and the secession ordinance was not passed until about the 25th or 2Gth of the same month. At all events, after the seizure of the arsenal, and before the passage of the ordinance of secession, viz., on the 18th of January, I wrote as follows:
Slireveport
Louisiana State Seminary of Learning and Military Academy, January 18, 1861.
|

and to me,

at the Central Arsenal,

)

Governor Tiiomas O. Moore, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.
I occupy a quasi-miWtavj position under the laws of the State, I proper to acquaint you that I accepted such position when Louisiana was a State in the Union, and when the motto of this seminary was inserted in marble over the main door: "By the liberality of the General

Sir

:

As

deem

it

The Union esto perpetual of the United States. Recent events foreshadow a great change, and it becomes all men to If Louisiana withdraw from the Federal Union, I prefer to mainchoose.
Government

;;

156
tain

LOUISIANA.

[1859-'61.

and

my allegiance to the Constitution as long as a fragment of it survives my longer stay here would be wrong in every sense of the word.
I

In that event,
advise

beg you will send or appoint some authorized agent to

take charge of the arms and munitions of

war belonging

to the State, or

me what disposition to make of them. And furthermore, as president of the Board of Supervisors, I beg you to take immediate steps to relieve me as superintendent, the moment the
State determines to secede, for on no earthly account will I do any act or

think any thought hostile to or in defiance of the old Government of the

United States.

With great

respect, your obedient servant,

W.

T.

Sherman, Superintendent.

[Pbivatb.]

January

18, 1861.

To Governor Mooee.

My dear Sir I take it for granted that you have been expecting for some days the accompanying paper from me (the above official letter). I have repeatedly and again made known to General Graham and Dr. Smith that, in the event of a severance of the relations hitherto existing between the Confederated States of this Union, I would be forced to choose the old
:

Union.
that

It

is

barely possible

all

the States

may

secede, South and North,

new combinations may

result,

but this process will be one of time and
opinions await the subsequent develop-

uncertainty, and I cannot with

my

ment.

have never been a politician, and therefore undervalue the excited and opinions of present rulers, but I do think, if this people cannot execute a form of government like the present, that a worse one will result.
I

feelings

I will keep the cadets as quiet as possible.

They

are nervous, but I

think the interest of the State requires them here, guarding this property,

and acquiring a knowledge which
times.

will

be useful to your State in after-

"When I leave, which I now regard as certain, the present professors can manage well enough, to afford you leisure time to find a suitable successor
to me.

You might

order Major Smith to receipt for the arms, and to

command, while the academic exercises could go on under the board. In time, some gentleman will turn up, better qualified than I am, to carry on the seminary to its ultimate point of success. I entertain the
exercise military

kindest feelings toward

all,

only in great events

we must

and would leave the State with much regret choose, one way or the other. Truly, your friend, W. T. Sherman.


1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.
January
19, 1861

157
Saturday.

Dr.

S.

A. Smith, President Board of Supervisors, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.
Sir
:

have just finished my quarterly reports to the parents of who have been here. All my books of account are written up to date. All bills for the houses, fences, etc., are settled, and nothing now remains but the daily routine of recitations and drills. I have written officially and unofficially to Governor Moore, that with my opinions

Dear

I

all

the cadets here, or

of the claimed right of seccession, of the seizure of public forts, arsenals,
in your midst, as a guard to tho arsenal

and the ignominious capture of a United States garrison, stationed and for the protection of your own people, it would be highly improper for me longer to remain. No
etc.,

great inconvenience can result to the seminary.
I

I will

be the chief

loser.

came down two months before my pay commenced. I made sacrifices in Kansas to enable me thus to obey the call of Governor WicklifFe, and you know that last winter I declined a most advantageous offer of employment abroad and thus far I have received nothing as superintendent of the arsenal, though I went to Washington and New York (at my own expense) on the faith of the five hundred dollars salary promised.
;

These are

all

small matters in comparison with those involved in the

present state of the country, which will cause sacrifices by millions, instead
of by hundreds.

The more

I think of

it,

the

more

I

think I should be away,

the sooner the better; and therefore I hope you will join with Governor

Moore
here,

in authorizing me to turn over to Major Smith the military command and to the academic board the control of the daily exercises and

recitations.

There will be no necessity of your coming up. You can let Major Smith receive the few hundreds of cash I have on hand, and I can meet you on a day certain in New Orleans, when we can settle the bank account. Before I leave, I can pay the steward Jarreau his account for the month, and there would be no necessity for other payments till about the close of March, by which time the board can meet, and elect a treasurer and superintendent
also.

At present I have no class, and there will be none ready till about the month of May, when there will be a class in " surveying." Even if you do not elect a superintendent in the mean time, Major Smith could easily teach
this class, as he is very familiar with the subject-matter. Indeed, I think you will do well to leave the subject of a new superintendent until one per-

fectly satisfactory turns up.

There
in bank.

is

only one favor I would ask.

The seminary has plenty of money

The Legislature
them
is

will surely appropriate for

my salary
them

as superin-

tendent of this arsenal.
State Treasury, send

Would you not

let

me make my

drafts
for

to you, let the Treasurer note

on the payment

when

the appropriation

made, and then pay them out of the seminary

158
fund?

LOUISIANA.
The
drafts will be paid in

[1859-'61

March, and the seminary will lose two hundred dollars and more in going to Washington and New York, thereby securing from the United States, in advance, three thousand dollars' worth of the very best arms and clothing and books, at a clear profit to the seminary of over eight hundred dollars. I may be some time in finding new employment, and will stand in need of this money (five hundred dollars) otherwise I would abandon it.
nothing.

This would be just to

me

;

for I actually spent

;

;

I will

not ask you to put the Board of Supervisors to the trouble of

meeting, unless you can get a quorum at Baton Rouge.

With great

respect,

your

friend,

W.

T.

Sheeman.

from which I still possess. It is all in General Bragg's handwriting, with which I am familiar
course of mail, I received the following answer
original of

By

Governor Moore, the

:

Executive Office,

)

Baton Kouge, Louisiana, January
:

23, 1861.

J

Mt deae Sie It is with the deepest regret I acknowledge receipt of your communication of the 18th inst. In the pressure of official business, I can now only request you to transfer to Prof. Smith the arms, munitions, and funds in your hands, whenever you conclude to withdraw from the position you have filled with so much distinction. You cannot regret more than I do the necessity which deprives us of your services, and you will bear with you the respect, confidence, and admiration, of all who have been associated with you. Very truly, your friend,
Colonel

W.

T.

Thomas O. Mooee. SnEEMAN, Superintendent Military Academy, Alexandria.

I
time,

must have received several letters from Bragg, about this which have not been preserved for I find that, on the
;

1st of February, 1861, I

wrote him thus

:

Seminary of Learning, Alexandria, Louisiana, February
Colonel

)

1,

1861.

>

Braxton Beagg, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

Dear Sie: Yours of January 23d and 27th are received. I thank you most kindly, and Governor Moore through you, for the kind manner in which you have met my wishes. Now that I cannot be compromised by political events, I will so shape

:

1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.
tlie institution,

159

my

course as best to serve

which has a strong hold on

my

and respect. The Board of Supervisors will be called for the 9th instant, and I will cooperate with them in their measures to place matters here on a safe and secure basis. I expect to be here two weeks, and will make you full reaffections

turns of

money and property belonging
With

to the State Central Arsenal.

All

the arms and ammunition are safely stored here.

Then

I will write

you

more

at length.

sincere respect, your friend,

W.

T.

Sherman.

Major Smith's
ary 19, 1861.

receipt to

me, for the arms and property beis

longing both to the seminary and to the arsenal,

dated Febru

I subjoin also, in this connection, copies of one or
interest

two papers that may prove of

Baton Rouge, January

28, 1861.

To Major Sherman, Superintendent, Alexandria.

My dear Sir: Your letter was duly received, and would have been answered ere this time could I have arranged sooner the matter of the I shall go from here to New Orleans to-day or tofive hundred dollars. morrow, and will remain there till Saturday after next, perhaps. I shall expect to meet you there, as indicated in your note to me. I need not tell you that it is with no ordinary regret that I view your
determination to leave us, for really
tution,
I

believe that the success of our instiI

now

almost assured,

is

jeopardized thereby.

am

sure that

we

will

have more pleasant relations than those which have existed between yourself and me. I fully appreciate the motives which have induced you to give up a position presenting so many advantages to yourself, and sincerely hope that you may, in any future enterprise, enjoy the success which your character and ability merit and deserve. Should you come down on the Rapides (steamer), please look after my wife, who will, I hope, accompany you on said boat, or some other good one. Colonel Bragg informs me that the necessary orders have been given for the transfer and receipt by Major Smith of the public property.
never have a superintendent with
I shall I

whom

Supervisors, that they

herewith transmit a request to tho secretary to convene the Board of may act as seems best to them in the premises.

In the mean time, Major Smith will command by seniority the cadets, and the Academic Board will be able to conduct the scientific exercises of the institution until the Board of Supervisors can have time to act. Hoping to meet you soon at the St. Charles, I am, Most truly, your friend and servant, S. A. Smith.
P. S.

— Governor

Moore

desires

me

to express his profound regret that

:

;

160
the State
is

LOUISIANA.
about to lose one
officer

[1859-'61.

nies for weal or for

who we all woe among us and
;

fondly hoped had cast his destithat he
is

sensible that

we
A.

lose

thereby an

whom

it

will

be

difficult, if

not impossible, to replace.
S. S.

Baton Rouge, February

11, 1861.

To Major Sherman, Alexandria.

Dear Sir I have been in New Orleans for ten days, and on returning here find two letters from you, also your prompt answer to the resolution
:

House of Representatives, for which I am much obliged. The resolution passed the last day before adjournment. I was purposing to respond, when your welcome reports came to hand. I have arranged to pay you your five hundred dollars.
of the
I will say

nothing of general

politics,

except to give

my

opinion that

there

is

not to be any war.
it

In that event, would

not be possible for you to become a citizen of
to leave us.

our State?

Everyone deplores your determination

At

the

same time, your friends feel that you are abandoning a position that might become an object of desire to any one. I will try to meet you in New Orleans at any time you may indicate but it would be best for you to stop here, wheD, if possible, I will accompany you. Should you do so, you will find me just above the State-House, and facing it. Bring with you a few copies of the *' Rules of the Seminary." Yours truly, S. A. Smith.

Louisiana State Seminary of Learntng and Military Academy, February 14, 1861.

) )

Colonel

Sir

:

W. T. Sherman. I am instructed by

the Board of Supervisors of this institution to

present a copy of the resolutions adopted by them at their last meeting " Resolved, That the thanks of the Board of Supervisors are due, and are

hereby tendered, to Colonel William T. Sherman for the able and efficient manner in which he has conducted the affairs of the seminary during the
time the institution has been under his control

—a period
talent.

attended with

unusual
fully

difficulties,

requiring on the part of the superintendent to success-

overcome them a high order of administrative

And

the board

further bear willing testimony to the valuable services that Colonel Sher-

man

has rendered them in their efforts to establish an institution of learnevincing at
all

ing in accordance with the beneficent design of the State and Federal Gov-

ernments

;

times a readiness to adapt himself to the everits

varying requirements of an institution of learning in
to attain a position of honor and usefulness.

infancy, struggling

:

1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.

161

" Resolved, further, That, in accepting the resignation of Colonel Sher-

man

as Superintendent of the State

Academy, we tender

to

Seminary of Learning and Military him assurances of our high personal regard, and
it

our sincere regret at the occurrence of causes that render
cause of education."

necessary to

part with so esteemed and valued a friend, as well as co-laborer in the

Powhatan Clabke,

Secretary to the Board.

A copy of
W.

the resolution of the

Academic Board, passed

at

their session of April 1,

1861

" Resolved, That in the resignation of the late superintendent, Colonel
T. Sherman, the Academic Board deem it not improper to express their deep conviction of the loss the institution has sustained in being thus de-

They cannot fail to appreciate the manliness of marked the actions of Colonel Sherman. "While he is personally endeared to many of them as a friend, they consider it their high pleasure to tender to him in this resolution their regret on his separaprived of an able head.
character which has always

some length, because, during the I was guilty of a breach of hospitality in taking up arms against the South. They were manifestly the aggressors, and we could only defend our own by assailing them. Yet, without any knowledge of what the future had in store for me, I took unusual precautions that the institution should not be damaged by my withdrawal.
I have given the above at
civil

war,

it

was in Southern

circles asserted that

About the 20th
records,

of February, having turned over all property, and money, on hand, to Major Smith, and taking with me the necessary documents to make the final settlement with Dr. S. A. Smith, at the bank in New Orleans, where the funds of the institution were deposited to my credit, I took passage from Alexandria for that city, and arrived there, I think, on the 23d. Dr. Smith met me, and we went to the bank, where I

turned over to him the balance, got him to audit all my accounts, certify that they were correct and just, and that there remained not one cent of balance in my hands. I charged in my account current for my salary up to the end of February, at the
rate of four thousand dollars a year,
dollars

and for the

five

hundred

due

me

as superintendent of the Central Arsenal, all of

162

LOUISIANA.

[1859-'61.

which was due and had been fairly earned, and then I stood free and discharged of any and every obligation, honorary or business, that was due by me to the State of Louisiana, or to any
corporation or individual in that State.

This business occupied two or three days, during which I
staid at the St. Louis Hotel.

I usually sat at table with Colo-

nel and Mrs. Bragg, and an officer

who wore
to

the uniform of
that he

Bragg was a colonel in the State service, a colonel of artillery, and that some companies of his regiment garrisoned Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and the arsenal at Baton Rouge. Beauregard at the time had two sons at the Seminary oi Learning. I had given them some of my personal care at the father's request, and, wanting to tell him of their condition and progress, I went to his usual office in the Custom-House Building, and found him in the act of starting for Montgomery, Alabama. Bragg said afterward that Beauregard had been sent for by Jefferson Davis, and that it was rumored that he had been made a brigadier-general, of which fact he seemed jealous, because in the old army Bragg was the senior. Davis and Stephens had been inaugurated President and Vice-President of the Confederate States of America, February 18, 1860, at Montgomery, and those States only embraced the
the State of Louisiana, and was addressed as captain.

wore a

colonel's uniform,

and explained

me

seven cotton States.

I recall a conversation at the tea-table, one

evening, at the St. Louis Hotel.

When

Bragg was speaking

of Beauregard's promotion, Mrs. Bragg, turning to me, said, " You know that my husband is not a, favorite with the new

President."
Mi*. Lincoln,

My mind was

resting on Mr. Lincoln as the

new

President, and I said I did not

know

that

Bragg had ever met

when Mrs. Bragg

said, quite pointedly, " I didn't

mean your

President, but our President." I knew that Bragg hated Davis bitterly, and that he had resigned from the army
in 1855, or 1856, because Davis, as Secretary of
to Fort

War, had

or-

dered him, with his battery, from Jefferson Barracks, Missouri,

Smith or Fort Washita,
it,

expressed

in the Indian country, as Bragg " to chase Indians with six-pounders."

I859-'6L]

LOUISIANA.

163

I visited the quartermaster, Colonel A. C. Myers,

who had

resigned from the army, January 28, 1861, and had accepted
service

old

His office was in the same under the new regime. room in the Lafayette Square building, which he had in 1853, when I was there a commissary, with the same pictures
wall,

on the
"
JSTo,

and the
all.
;

letters

" U. S." on every thing, including

his desk, papers, etc.

I asked

him

if

he did not

feel

funny.

was a comwar, but the two Governments plete success there would be no would settle all matters of business in a friendly spirit, and each would go on in its allotted sphere, without further confusion." About this date, February 16th, General Twiggs, Myers's fatherin-law, had surrendered his entire command, in the Department of Texas, to some State troops, with all the Government property, thus consummating the first serious step in the drama of the conspiracy, which was to form a confederacy of the cotton States, before working upon the other slave or border States, and before the 4th of March, the day for the inauguration of
not at
inevitable, secession

The thing was

President Lincoln.
I

walked the

streets of

New

Orleans,

and found business

Ships were strung for miles along the lower levee, and steamboats above, all discharging or receiving

going along as usual.
cargo.

The Pelican flag of Louisiana was flying over the Custom-

House, Mint, City Hall, and everywhere.
carried every flag

At

the levee ships

on earth except that of the United States, and I was told that during a procession on the 22d of February, celebrating their emancipation from the despotism of the United States Government, only one national flag was shown from a house, and that the house of Cuthbert Bullitt, on Lafayette Square. He was commanded to take it down, but he refused, and defended it with his pistol.

The only
at the time,

officer of the

army

that I can recall, as being there

was Colonel C. L. Kilburn, of the Commissary Department, and he was preparing to escape
faithful,

who was

North.
that Louisiana,

Everybody regarded the change of Government as final; by a mere declaration, was a free and indepen-

164:

LOUISIANA.

[1859-'61.

dent State, and could enter into any
she chose.

new alliance

or combination

Men

were being enlisted and armed, to defend the

State,

and

there was not the least evidence that the national Administration

designed to
authority.

make any

effort,

by

force, to vindicate the national

I therefore bade adieu to all

the 25th of February took
caster,

my friends, and about my departure by railroad, for Lan-

via Cairo and Cincinnati. Before leaving this subject, I will simply record the fate of some of my associates. The seminary was dispersed by the war,
all

and

the professors and cadets took service in the Confederacy,

except Vallas, St.

Ange, and Cadet Taliaferro.

The latter joined
Orleans was
re-

a Union regiment, as a lieutenant, after

New

taken by the United States

fleet,

under Farragut.

I think that

both Talks and

St. Ange have died in poverty since the war. Major Smith joined the rebel army in Virginia, and was killed in April, 1865, as he was withdrawing his garrison, by night, from the batteries at Drury's Bluff, at the time General Lee began his final retreat from Bichmond. Boyd became a captain of engineers on the staff of General Bichard Taylor, was captured, and was in jail at Natchez, Mississippi, when I was on my MeHe succeeded in getting a letter to me on ridian expedition. my arrival at Vicksburg, and, on my way down to New Orleans, I stopped at Natchez, took him along, and enabled him to effect As soon as the war was an exchange through General Banks. reorganized and the old instiAlexandria, returned to over, he the next winter, the him in but, visited tution, where I 1867 ground. The students, building took fire and burned to the library, apparatus, etc., were transferred to Baton Bouge, where the same institution now is, under the title of the Louisiana University. I have been able to do them many acts of kindness, and am still in correspondence with Colonel Boyd, its
;

president.

General G. Mason Graham is still living on his plantation, on Bayou Bapides, old and much respected. Dr. S. A. Smith became a surgeon in the rebel army, and at the close of the war was medical director of the trans-Missis-

1859-'61.]

LOUISIANA.

165

since the war, at

Department, with General Kirby Smith. I have seen him New Orleans, where he died about a year ago. Dr. Clark was in Washington recently, applying for a place I assisted him, but with no as United States consul abroad. success, and he is now at Baltimore, Maryland. After the battle of Shiloh, I found among the prisoners
sippi

Cadet which , fitted him out with some clean clothing, of he was in need, and from him learned that Cadet Workman

was

killed in that battle.

Governor Moore's plantation was devastated by General Banks's troops. After the war he appealed to me, and through the Attorney-General, Henry Stanbery, I aided in having his land restored to him, and I think he is now living there. Bragg, Beauregard, and Taylor, enacted high parts in the succeeding war, and now reside in Louisiana or Texas.

CHAPTEK
MISSOURI.

VII.

APRIL AND MAT,

1861.

During the time
ington
;

of these events in Louisiana, I was in cod

my brother, John Sherman, at Wash Mr. Ewing, at Lancaster, Ohio and Major II. S. Turner, at St. Louis. I had managed to maintain my family comfortably It at Lancaster, but was extremely anxious about the future. looked like the end of my career, for I did not suppose that " civil war " could give me an employment that would provide for the family. I thought, and may have said, that the national crisis had been brought about by the politicians, and, as it Therefore, when I was upon us, they " might fight it out." turned North from New Orleans, I felt more disposed to look to St. Louis for a home, and to Major Turner to find me employment, than to the public service. I left New Orleans about the 1st of March, 1861, by rail to Jackson and Clinton, Mississippi, Jackson, Tennessee, and Columbus, Kentucky, where we took a boat to Cairo, and thence, All the way, I heard, in by rail, to Cincinnati and Lancaster. the cars and boats, warm discussions about politics to the effect that, if Mr. Lincoln should attempt coercion of the seceded States, the other slave or border States would make common cause, when, it was believed, it would be madness to attempt to reduce them to subjection. In the South, the people were earnest, fierce and angry, and were evidently organizing for action whereas, in Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio, I saw not the
stant correspondence with
; ; ;

1861.]

MISSOURI.
It certainly

1G7
looked to

least sign of preparation.

me

as

though

the people of the North would tamely submit to a disruption of
the Union, and the orators of the South used, openly and con-

would be no war, and that a would hold all the blood to be shed. On reaching Lancaster, I found letters from my brother John, inviting me to come to Washington, as he wanted to see me and from Major Turner, at St. Louis, that he was trying to secure for me the
stantly, the expressions *that there

lady's thimble

;

office of

president of the Fifth Street Railroad, with a salary
;

Mr. Lucas and D. A. would vote for This suited me me, and the election would occur in March. exactly, and I answered Turner that I would accept, with thanks. But I also thought it right and proper that I should first go to Washington, to talk with my brother, Senator Sherman. Mr. Lincoln had just been installed, and the newspapers were filled with rumors of every kind indicative of war the chief act of interest was that Major Robert Anderson had taken by night into Fort Sumter all the troops garrisoning Charleston Harbor, and that he was determined to defend it against the demands of the State of South Carolina and of the Confederate States. I must have reached Washington about the 10th of March. I found my brother there, just appointed Senator, in place of Mr. Chase, who was in the cabinet, and I have no doubt my opinions, thoughts, and feelings, wrought up by the events in Louisiana, seemed to him gloomy and extravagant. About Washington I saw but few signs of preparation, though the Southern Senators and Representatives were daily sounding their threats on the floors of Congress, and were publicly withdrawing to join the Confederate Congress at Montgomery. Even in the War Department and about the public offices there was open, unconcealed talk, amounting to high-treason. One day, John Sherman took me with him to see Mr. Lincoln. He walked into the room where the secretary to the President now sits, we found the room full of. people, and Mr. Lincoln sat at the end of the table, talking with three or four gentlemen, who soon left. John walked up, shook hands, and took a
of twenty-five hundred dollars
that

January held a controlling interest of stock,

;

168

MISSOURI.

[1861

chair near him, holding in his hand some papers referring to minor appointments in the State of Ohio, which formed the subject of conversation. Mr. Lincoln took the papers, said he would refer them to the proper heads of departments, and would be glad to make the appointments asked for, if not already promised. John then turned to me, and said, "Mr. President, this is my brother, Colonel Sherman, who is just up from Louisiana, he may give you some information you want." " All " said Mr. Lincoln, " how are they getting along down there % " I said, " They think they are getting along swimming" Oh, well " said he, " I ly they are preparing for war." guess we'll manage to keep house." I was silenced, said no more to him, and we soon left. I was sadly disappointed, and remember that I broke out on John, d ning the politicians generally, saying, " You have got things in a hell of a fix, and you may get them out as you best can," adding that the country was sleeping on a volcano that might burst forth at any minute, but that I was going to St. Louis to take care of my family, and would have no more to do with it. John begged me to be more patient, but I said I would not; that I had no time to wait, that I was off for St. Louis and off I went. At Lancaster I found letters from Major Turner, inviting me to St. Louis, as the place in the Fifth Street Railroad was a sure thing, and that Mr. Lucas would rent me a good house on Locust Street, suitable for my family, for six hundred dollars a year. Mrs. Sherman and I gathered our family and effects together, started for St. Louis March 27th, where we rented of Mr. Lucas the house on Locust Street, between Tenth and Eleventh, and occupied it on the 1st of April. Charles Ewing and John Hunter had formed a law-partnership in St. Louis, and agreed to board with us, taking rooms on the third floor In the latter part of March, I was duly elected president of the Fifth Street Railroad, and entered on the discharge of my duties April 1, 1861. "We had a central office on the corner of Fifth and LoThe road cust, and also another up at the stables in Bremen. was well stocked and in full operation, and all I had to do was to watch the economical administration of existing affaire, winch
!

!

;

;

1861.]

MTSSOUEI.

169

and zeal. But the whole air was full of wars and rumors of wars. The struggle was going on politically for the border States. Even in Missouri, which was a slave State, it was manifest that the Governor of the State, Claiborne Jackson, and all the leading politicians, were for the South in case of a war. The house on the northwest corner of Fifth and Pine was the rebel headquarters, where the rebel flag was hung publicly, and the crowds about the Planters' House were all more or less rebel. There was also a camp in Lindell's Grove, at the end of Olive Street, under command of General D. M. Frost, a Northern man, a graduate of West Point, in open sympathy with the Southern leaders. This camp was nominally a State camp of instruction, but, beyond doubt, was in the interest of the Southern cause, designed to be used against the national authority in the event of the General Government's attempting to coerce the Southern Confederacy. General William S. Harney was in command of the Department of Missouri, and resided in his own house, on Fourth Street, below Market and there were five or six companies of United States troops in the arsenal, commanded by Captain N". Lyon throughout the city, there had been organized, almost exclusively out of the German part of the population, four or Hve regiments of " Home Guards," with which movement Frank Blair, B. Gratz Brown, John M. Schofield, Clinton B. Fisk, and others, were most active on the part of the national authorities. Frank Blair's brother Montgomery was in the cabinet of Mr. Lincoln at Washington, and to him seemed committed the general management of affairs in Missouri. The newspapers fanned the public excitement to the highest pitch, and threats of attacking the arsenal on the one hand, and the mob of d d rebels in Camp Jackson on the other, were bandied about. I tried my best to keep out of the current, and only talked freely with a few men among them Colonel John O' Fallon, a wealthy gentleman who resided above St. Louis. He daily came down to my office in Bremen, and we walked up and down the pavement by the hour, deploring the sad condition of our country, and the seemI endeavored to do with fidelity
;

;

:

:

:

170

MISSOURI.

[1861.

ing drift toward dissolution and anarchy.

I used also to go

down
of

to the arsenal occasionally to see Lyon, Totten,

my

army

acquaintance, and was glad to see
if

and other them making

preparations to defend their post,

not to assume the offensive.

The bombardment

of Fort Sumter, which was announced

by telegraph, began April 12th, and ended on the 14th. "We then knew that the war was actually begun, and though the South was openly, manifestly the aggressor, yet her friends and apologists insisted that she was simply acting on a justifiable defensive, and that in the forcible seizure of the public forts within her
limits the people
sight.

were acting with reasonable prudence and

fore-

Yet neither party seemed willing to invade, or cross the border. Davis, who ordered the bombardment of Sumter, knew the temper of his people well, and foresaw that it would precipitate the action of the border States;

for almost immediately

North Carolina, Arkansas, and Tennessee, followed the lead of the cotton States, and conventions were deliberating in Kentucky and Missouri.
Virginia,

On

the night of Saturday, April 6th, I received the followWashington, April

ing dispatch
6,

1861.

Major W. T. Sheeman

:

make you

Will you accept the chief clerkship of the War Department assistant Secretary of War when Congress meets.

?

We

will

M. Blaie, Postmaster- General.

To which
;

I replied by telegraph,

Monday morning,

" I can-

not accept " and by mail as follows

Office St. Louis Kailroad Company, Monday, April 8, 1861.

} j

Hon. M. Blaie, Washington, D.
I received,

C.

about nine o'clock Saturday night, your telegraph dispatch,

which I have this moment answered, " I cannot accept." I have quite a large family, and when I resigned my place in Louisiana, on account of secession, I had no time to lose and, therefore, after my hasty visit to Washington, where I saw no chance of employment, I came
;

to St. Louis, have accepted a place in this company, have rented a house, and incurred other obligations, so that I am not at liberty to change.

1861.]

MISSOURI.

171

thank you for tho compliment contained in your offer, and assure you all success in its almost impossible task of governing this distracted and anarchical people.
I

that I wish the Administration

Yours

truly,

W.

T.

Shebman.

I was afterward told that this letter gave offense, and that some of Mr. Lincoln's cabinet concluded that I too would

prove false to the country. Later in that month, after the capture of Fort Sumter by the Confederate authorities, a Dr. Cornyn came to our house on Locust Street, one night after I had gone to bed, and told

he had been sent by Frank Blair, who was not well, and wanted to see me that night at his house. I dressed and walked over to his house on Washington Avenue, near Fourteenth, and found there, in the front-room, several gentlemen, among whom Blair was in the back-room, closeted I recall Henry T. Blow. with some gentleman, who soon left, and I was called in. He there told me that the Government was mistrustful of General Harney, that a change in the command of the department was to be made that he held it in his power to appoint a brigadiergeneral, and put him in command of the department, and he offered me the place. I told him I had once offered my services, and they were declined that I had made business engagements in St. Louis, which I could not throw off at pleasure that I had long deliberated on my course of action, and must decline his He reasoned with offer, however tempting and complimentary. event, he should apthat me, but I persisted. He told me, in point Lyon, and he did so. Finding that even my best friends were uneasy as to my political status, on the 8th of May I addressed the following official
;
;

me

;

letter to

the Secretary of

War

:

Office of St. Loins Railroad Company,

)

May
Hon.
S.

8,

1861.

J

Oameeon, Secretary of War, Washington, D.
Sie
:

G.

Deae

I

hold myself now, as always, prepared to serve

my

country

in the capacity for

which

I

was

trained.

I

did not and will not volunteer

for three months,

because I cannot throw

my

family on the cold charity of

172
the world.

MISSOURI.
But
for the three-years call,

[1861.

made by

the President, an officer

can prepare his
I will

command and do good

service.
I feel

not volunteer as a soldier, because rightfully or wrongfully

unwilling to take a mere private's place, and, having for
in California

many

years lived

and Louisiana, the men are not well enough acquainted with
to

me

to elect

me

my

appropriate place.

Should

my

services be needed, the records of the

War Department
W.
T.

will

enable you to designate the station in which I can render most service.

Yours

truly,

Sherman.

To

this I

do not think I received a direct answer ; but, on the

14th of the same month, 1 was appointed colonel of the Thirteenth Regular Infantry.
I

remember going

to the arsenal

on the 9th of May, taking

my

children with

were drawn up Guards," and I saw men distributing cartridges to the boxes. I also saw General Lyon running about with his hair in the wind, his pockets full of papers, wild and irregular, but I knew him to be a man of vehement purpose and of determined action. I saw of course that it meant business, but whether for defense or offense I did not know. The next morning I went up to the railroad-office in Bremen, as usual, and heard at every corner of the streets that the " Dutch " were moving on Camp Jackson. People were barricading their houses, and men were running in I hurried through my business as quickly as I that direction. could, and got back to my house on Locust Street by twelve o'clock. Charles Ewing and Hunter were there, and insisted on going out to the camp to see " the fun." I tried to dissuade them, saying that in case of conflict the by-standers were more likely to be killed than the men engaged, but they would go. I felt as much interest as anybody else, but staid at home, took my little son "Willie, who was about seven years old, and walked up and down the pavement in front of our house, listening for the sound of musketry or cannon in the direction of Camp Jackson. While so engaged Miss Eliza Dean, who lived opposite us,
called

in the street-cars. "Within the arsenal wall in parallel lines four regiments of the " Home

me

me

across the street, told

me

that her brother-in-law,

Dr. Scott, was a surgeon in Frost's camp, and she was dread

1861.J

MISSOUKI.

173

fully afraid
eral

he would be

killed.

I reasoned with her that Genif

Lyon was

a regular officer; that
resistance impossible

he had gone

out, as

reported, to
as

Camp

Jackson, he would take with
;

him such

a force

would make

but she would not be com-

camp was made up of the young men from the first and best families of St. Louis, and that they were I explained that young men of the proud, and would fight.
forted, saying that the

best families did not like to be killed better than ordinary

people.

just about Twelfth,

Edging gradually up the street, I was in Olive Street when I saw a man running from the di!

rection of

Camp Jackson at full speed, calling, as he went, " They've surrendered, they've surrendered " So I turned back
the bell at Mrs. Dean's.
Eliza

came to the door, and rang and I explained what I had heard; but she angrily slammed Evidently she was disappointed to find the door in my face
!

she was mistaken in her estimate of the rash courage of the
best families.

I again turned in the direction of

Camp

Jackson,

my

boy

Willie with

me

still.

At

the head of Olive Street, abreast of
Blair's

Lindell's Grove, I

found Frank

regiment in the

street,

with ranks opened, and the Camp Jackson prisoners inside. crowd of people was gathered around, calling to the prisoners

A

by name, some hurrahing for Jeff Davis, and others encouraging the troops. Men, women, and children, were in the crowd. I passed along till I found myself inside the grove, where I met Charles Ewing and John Hunter, and we stood looking at the troops on the road, heading toward the city. A band of music was playing at the head, and the column made one or two ineffectual starts, but for some reason was halted. The battalion of regulars was abreast of me, of which Major Rufus Saxton was in command, and I gave him an evening paper, which He was readI had bought of the newsboy on my way out. ing from it some piece of news, sitting on his horse, when the column again began to move forward, and he resumed his place at the head of his command. At that part of the road, or street, was an embankment about eight feet high, and a
drunken fellow tried to pass over
it

to the people opposite.

174

MISSOURI.

[1861.

One of the regular sergeant file-closers ordered him back, but he attempted to pass through the ranks, when the sergeant The drunken barred his progress with his musket "a-port." his musket, when seized the sergeant threw man him off with violence, and he rolled over and over down the bank. By the time this man had picked himself up and got his hat, which had fallen off, and had again mounted the embankment, the regulars had passed, and the head of Osterhaus's regiment of Home Guards had come up. The man had in his hand a small pistol, which he fired off, and I heard that the ball had struck the leg of one of Osterhaus's staff the regiment stopped there was a moment of confusion, when the soldiers of that regiment began I heard the balls cutting to fire over our heads in the grove. the leaves above our heads, and saw several men and women running in all directions, some of whom were wounded. Of Charles Ewing threw course there was a general stampede. Willie on the ground and covered him with his body. Hunter ran behind the hill, and I also threw myself on the ground. The fire ran back from the head of the regiment toward its rear, and as I saw the men reloading their pieces, I jerked Willie up, ran back with him into a gulley which covered us, lay there until I saw that the fire had ceased, and that the column was again moving on, when I took up Willie and started back for home round by way of Market Street. woman and child were killed outright two or three men were also killed, and several others were wounded. The great mass of the people on that occasion were simply curious spectators, though men were sprinkled through the crowd calling out, " Hurrah for Jeff Davis " and others were particularly abusive of the " damned Dutch." Lyon posted a guard in charge of the vacant camp, and marched his prisoners down to the arsenal some were paroled, and others held, till afterward they were regularly exchanged. very few days after this event, May 14th, I received a dispatch from my brother Charles in Washington, telling me to come on at once that I had been appointed a colonel of the Thirteenth Kegular Infantry, and that I was wanted at Wash
;
;

A

;

!

;

A

;

ington immediately.

1861.]

MISSOURI.

175

Of course I could no longer defer action. I saw Mr. Lucas, Major Turner, and other friends and parties connected with I left my family, the road, who agreed that I should go on. impression would that I be allowed because I was under the to enlist my own regiment, which would take some time, and I expected to raise the regiment and organize it at Jefferson Barracks. I repaired to Washington, and there found that the Government was trying to rise to a level with the occasion. Mr. Lincoln had, without the sanction of law, authorized
the raising of ten

new

regiments of regulars, each infantry

regiment to be composed of three battalions of eight companies each and had called for seventy-five thousand State volunteers.
;

seemed to me utterly inadequate still it was none I took the oath of office, and was furnished with a list of officers, appointed to my regiment, which was still incomplete. I reported in person to General Scott, at his office on Seventeenth Street, opposite the "War Department, and applied for authority to return West, and raise my regiment at Jefferson Barracks, but the general said my lieutenant-colonel, Burbank, was fully qualified to superintend the enlistment, and that he wanted me there and he at once dictated an order for me to

Even

this call

;

of

my

business.

;

report to

him

in person for inspection duty.

Satisfied

that I

Louis, I instructed Mrs.
caster,

wouid not be permitted to return to St. Sherman to pack up, return to Lan
place as president of the Fifth Street

and

trust to the fate of war.

I also resigned

my

Railroad, to take effect at the end of
received pay

May, so that in fact I from that road for only two months' service, and
career.

then began

my new army

CHAPTER
MISSOURI.

VIII.
KENTUCKY AND

FROM THE BATTLE OF BULL RUN TO PADUCAH

1861-1862.

And now
to 1865

that, in these notes, I

have

fairly

reached the

period of the civil war, which ravaged our country from 1861

an event involving a conflict of passion, of prejudice, and of arms, that has developed results which, for better or worse, have left their mark on the world's history I feel that I tread on delicate ground. I have again and again been invited to write a history of

the war, or to record for publication
of
it,

my
is

personal recollections
;

with large

offers of

money

therefor

all

of which I have

heretofore declined, because the truth

not always palatable,

and should not always be told. Many of the actors in the grand drama still live, and they and their friends are quick to controThe great end of peace has versy, which should be avoided. been attained, with little or no change in our form of government, and the duty of all good men is to allow the passions of

we may direct our physical and mental labor to repair the waste of war, and to engage in the greater task of continuing our hitherto wonderful national development. What I now propose to do is merely to group some of my personal recollections about the historic persons and events of the day, prepared not with any view to their publication, but
that period to subside, that

rather for preservation

till

I

am gone

;

and then

to be allowed

1861-'62.]

BULL KUN TO PADUCAH.

177

to follow into oblivion the cords of similar papers, or to be used

by some
I

who may need them by way of illustration. have heretofore recorded how I again came into the milihistorian

tary service of the United States as a colonel of the Thirteenth

Regular Infantry, a regiment that had no existence at the time, and that, instead of being allowed to enlist the men and instruct them, as expected, I was assigned in "Washington City, by an order of Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, to inspection duty
near

him on the 20th of June, 1861. At that time Lieutenant-General Scott commanded

the

army

D. Townsend as his adjutant-general, Major G. W. Cullum, United States Engineers, and Major SchuyThe general had an office upler Hamilton, as aides-de-camp. stairs on Seventeenth Street, opposite the War Department, and resided in a house close by, on Pennsylvania Avenue. All fears for the immediate safety of the capital had ceased, and quite a large force of regulars and volunteers had been collected in and about Washington. Brigadier-General J. K. Mansfield commanded in the city, and Brigadier-General Irvin McDowell on the other side of the Potomac, with his headquarters at Arlington House. His troops extended in a semicircle from Alexandria to above Georgetown. Several forts and redoubts were either built or in progress, and the people were already clamorous for a general forward movement. Another considerable army had also been collected in Pennsylvania under General Patterson, and, at the time I speak of, had moved forward to Hagerstown and Williamsport, on the Potomac River. My brother, John Sherman, was a volunteer aide-de-camp to General Patterson, and, toward the end of June, I went up to Hagerstown to see him. I found that army in the very act of moving, and we rode down to Williamsport in a buggy, and were present when the leading division crossed the Potomac River by fording it waist-deep. My friend and classmate, George H. Thomas, was there, in command of a brigade in the leading division. I talked with him a good deal, also with General Cadwalader, and with the staff-officers of General Patterson, viz., Fitz-Jolm Porter, Belger, Beckwith, and others, all of whom
in chief, with Colonel E.
.

;

178

BULL RUN TO PADUOAH.

[1861-'62.

seemed encouraged to think that the war was to be short and decisive, and that, as soon as it was demonstrated that the General Government meant in earnest to defend its rights and property, some general compromise would result. Patterson's army crossed the Potomac River on the 1st or 2d of July, and, as John Sherman was to take his seat as a Senator in the called session of Congress, to meet July 4th, he resigned his place as aide-de-camp, presented me his two horses and equipment, and we returned to "Washington together. The Congress assembled punctually on the 4th of July, and the message of Mr. Lincoln was strong and good it recognized the fact that civil war was upon us, that compromise of any kind was at an end and he asked for four hundred thousand men, and four hundred million dollars, wherewith to vindicate the national authority, and to regain possession of the captured forts and other property of the United States. It was also immediately demonstrated that the tone and temper of Congress had changed since the Southern Senators and members had withdrawn, and that we, the military, could now go to work with some definite plans and ideas. The appearance of the troops about Washington was good, but it was manifest they were far from being soldiers. Their uniforms were as various as the States and cities from which they came their arms were also of every pattern and calibre and they were so loaded down with overcoats, haversacks, knapsacks, tents, and baggage, that it took from twenty-five to fifty wagons to move the camp of a regiment from one place to another, and some of the camps had bakeries and cooking establishments that would have done credit to Delmonico. While I was on duty with General Scott, viz., from June 20th to about June 30th, the general frequently communicated to those about him his opinions and proposed plans. He seemed vexed with the clamors of the press for immediate action, and the continued interference in details by the President, Secretary of War, and Congress. He spoke of organizing a grand army of invasion, of which the regulars were to constitute the " iron column," and seemed to intimate that he himself would take the
:

;

;

;

1861-'62.]

BULL EUN TO PADUOAH.

179

field in person, though he was at the time very old, very heavy, and very unwieldy. His age must have been about seventy-

five years.

At

that date, July 4, 1861, the rebels

had two armies

in

front of

Washington

;

the one at Manassas Junction,

commanded

by General Beauregard, with his advance guard at Fairfax CourtHouse, and indeed almost in sight of Washington. The other, commanded by General Joe Johnston, was at Winchester, with its advance at Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry but the advance had fallen back before Patterson, who then occupied Martinsburg and the line of the Baltimore & Ohio Kailroad. The temper of Congress and the people would not permit the slow and methodical preparation desired by General Scott and the cry of " On to Richmond " which was shared by the volunteers, most of whom had only engaged for ninety days, forced General Scott to hasten his preparations, and to order a general advance about the middle of July. McDowell was to move from the defenses of Washington, and Patterson from Martinsburg. In the organization of McDowell's army into divisions and brigades, Colonel David Hunter was assigned to command the Second Division, and I was ordered to take command of his former brigade, which was composed of five regiments in position in and about Fort Corcoran, and on the ground I assumed command on the 30th of opposite Georgetown. and at once to prepare it for the general adJune, proceeded
;
!

vance.

My command

constituted the Third Brigade of the First

which division was commanded by Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler, a graduate of West Point, but who had seen little or no actual service. I applied to General McDowell for borne staff-officers, and he gave me, as adjutant-general, Lieutenant Piper, of the Third Artillery, and, as aide-de-camp, Lieutenant McQuesten, a fine young cavalry-officer, fresh from
Division,

West

Point.

I selected for the field the Thirteenth

New
;

York, Colonel

York, Colonel Corcoran; the Seventy-ninth New York, Colonel Cameron and the Second These were all good, Wisconsin, Lieutenant - Colonel Peck.

Quimby;

the Sixty-ninth

New

180

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

[186W62,

strong, volunteer regiments, pretty well commanded and 1 had reason to believe that I had one of the best brigades in Captain Ayres's battery of the Third Regular the whole army. Artillery was also attached to my brigade. The other regiment, the Twenty-ninth New York, Colonel Bennett, was destined to be left behind in charge of the forts and camps during our absence, which was expected to be short. Soon after I had assumed the command, a difficulty arose in the Sixty-ninth, an This regiment had volunteered in New York, Irish regiment.
;

early in April, for ninety days

;

but,

of passing through Baltimore, they

by reason of the difficulty had come via Annapolis,

had been held for duty on the railroad as a guard for nearly a month before they actually reached Washington, and were then mustered in about a month after enrollment. Some of the men claimed that they were entitled to their discharge in ninety days from the time of enrollment, whereas the muster-roll read ninety days from the date of muster-in. One day, Colonel Corcoran explained this matter to me. I advised him to reduce the facts to writing, and that I would submit it to the War Department for an authoritative decision. He did so, and the War Department decided that the muster-roll was the only and contract of service, that it would be construed literally that the regiment would be held till the expiration of three months from the date of muster-in, viz., to about August 1, General Scott at the same time wrote one of his char1861. acteristic letters to Corcoran, telling him that we were about to engage in battle, and he knew his Irish friends would not leave him in such a crisis. Corcoran and the officers generally wanted to go to the expected battle, but a good many of the men were not so anxious. In the Second Wisconsin, also, was developed The actual colonel was Dr. Coon, a gooda personal difficulty. hearted gentleman, who knew no more of the military art than a child whereas his lieutenant-colonel, Peck, had been to West
; ;

Point, and

knew

the

drill.

Preferring that the latter should

remain in command of the regiment, I put Colonel Coon on my personal staff, which reconciled the difficulty. In due season, about July 15th, our division moved forward,

1861-'62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUOAH.
;

181

leaving our camps standing

Reyes's brigade in the lead, then
last.

Schenck's, then mine, and Richardson's

We
all

marched via

Vienna, Germantown, and Centreville, where
posed of five divisions, seemed to converge.
strated
little

the army, comfor with

The march demon;

save the general laxity of discipline

all

my

personal efforts I could not prevent the

men from

strag-

gling for water, blackberries, or any thing on the
fancied.

way they

At Centreville, on the 18th, Richardson's brigade was sent General Tyler to reconnoitre Blackburn's Ford across Bull by Run, and he found it strongly guarded. From our camp, at Centreville, we heard the cannonading, and then a sharp musketry-fire. I received orders from General Tyler to send forward Ayres's
for
battery, and very soon after another order came advance with my whole brigade. We marched the three miles at the double-quick, arrived in time to re-

me

to

lieve Richardson's brigade,

which was just drawing back from
five of

the ford, worsted, and stood for half an hour or so under a fire
of artillery,

which killed four or

my

men.

General

Tyler was there in person, giving directions, and soon after he
ordered us
all

back to our camp in Centreville.

This reconnois-

sance had developed a strong force, and had been

made without
us that

the orders of General
the

McDowell

;

however,

it

satisfied

on the other side of Bull Run, and had no intention to leave without a serious battle. "We lay in camp at Centreville all of the 19th and 20th, and during that night began the movement which resulted in the battle of Bull Run, on July 21st. Of this so much has been written that more would be superfluous and the reports of the opposing commanders, McDowell and Johnston, are fair and correct. It is now generally admitted that it was one of the best-planned battles of the war, but one of the worst-fought. Our men had been told so often at home that all they had to do was to make a bold appearance, and the rebels would run and nearly all of us for the first time then heard the sound of cannon and muskets in anger, and saw the bloody scenes common to all battles, with which we were soon to be familiar. We had good organ izain force
; ;

enemy was

182
tion,

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861 -'62.

good men, but no cohesion, no real discipline, no respect no real knowledge of war. Both armies were fairly defeated, and, whichever had stood fast, the other would have run. Though the North was overwhelmed with mortification and shame, the South really had not much to boast of, for in
for authority,

the three or four hours of fighting their organization was so broken up that they did not and could not follow our army,

when
flight.

it

was known
It is

to

be in a

state of disgraceful
it

and

causeless

easy to criticise a battle after

is

over, but all

now admit

that

none

others, equally

battle should not

done better than we be
I insert

did at Bull
lost

raw in war, could have Run and the lesson of that
;

on a people

like ours.

my

official report,
:

as a condensed statement of

my
) J

share in the battle

Headquarters Third Brigade, First Division, Fort Corcoran, July 25, 18G1.

To Captain A. Baied, Assistant Adjutant- General, First Division {General
Tyler's).

Sie

:

I

have the honor to submit

this

my

report of the operations of

The brigade is composed Quimby Sixty-ninth New York, Colonel Corcoran Seventy-ninth New York, Colonel Cameron Second Wisconsin, Lieutenant-Colonel Peck; and Company E, Third Artillery, under command of Captain R. B. Ayres, Fifth Artillery. We left our camp
brigade during the action of the 21st instant.
of the Thirteenth

my

New York
;

Volunteers, Colonel

;

;

near Centreville, pursuant to orders,

at half-past 2 a. m., taking place in

your column, next to the brigade of General Schenck, and proceeded as far as the halt, before the enemy's position, near the stone bridge across Bull Here the brigade was deployed in line along the skirt of timber to Run. the right of the Warrenton road, and remained quietly in position till after The enemy remained very quiet, but about that time we saw a 10 a. m. rebel regiment leave its cover in our front, and proceed in double-quick time on the road toward Sudley Springs, by which we knew the columns of ColoAbout the same time we nels Hunter and Heintzelman were approaching. observed in motion a large mass of the enemy, below and on the other side
of the stone bridge.
I directed

Captain Ayres to take position with his bat-

tery near our right, and to open fire on this mass; but you

had previously de-

tached the two rifle-guns belonging to this battery, and, finding that the Bmooth-bore guns did not reach the enemy's position, we ceased firing, and
I

attached to Captain Carlisle's battery.

you would send to me the thirty-pounder rifle-gun At the same time I shifted the New York Sixty-ninth to the extreme right of the brigade. Thus we remained till
sent a request that

1861-'62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUOAH.

183

we heard

the musketry-fire across Bull Run, showing that the head of Colo-

was engaged. This firing was brisk, and showed that Hunter was driving before him the enemy, till about noon, when it became certain the enemy had come to a stand, and that our forces on the other side of Bull Run were all engaged, artillery and infantry. Here you sent me the order to cross over with the whole brigade, to tho
nel Hunter's column
assistance of Colonel Hunter.

Early in the day,

when

reconnoitring the

had seen a horseman descend from a bluff in our front, cross the stream, and show himself in the open field on this side; and, inferring that we could cross over at the same point, I sent forward a company as skirmishers, and followed with the whole brigade, the New York Sixty-ninth
ground,
I

leading.

We

in ascending the steep bluff

found no difficulty in crossing over, and met with no opposition opposite with our infantry, but it was impas-

sable to the artillery,

and

I sent

possible, otherwise to use his discretion.

Run, but remained on that side, herewith describes his operations during the remainder of the day. Advancing slowly and cautiously with the head of the column, to give time for
the regiments in succession to close up their ranks,
party of the

to Captain Ayres to follow if Captain Ayres did not cross Bull with the rest of your division. His report

word back

we

first

encountered a

enemy

retreating along a cluster of pines; Lieutenant-Colonel

Haggerty, of the Sixty-ninth, without orders, rode out alone, and endeavored

One of the enemy, in full view, at short range, dead from his horse. The Sixty-ninth opened fire on this party, which was returned; but, determined to effect our junction with Hunter's division, I ordered this fire to cease, and we proceeded with caution toward the field where we then plainly saw our forces engaged. Displaying our colors conspicuously at the head of our column, we succeeded in attracting the attention of our friends, and soon formed the brigade in rear Here I learned that Colonel Hunter was disabled by a of Colonel Porter's. severe wound, and that General McDowell was on the field. I sought him out, and received his orders to join in pursuit of the enemy, who was falling back to the left of the road by which the army had approached from Sudley Placing Colonel Quimby's regiment of rifles in front, in column, Springs.
to intercept their retreat.

shot Haggerty, and he

fell

by

division, I directed the other

regiments to follow in line of battle, in the

New York Seventy-ninth, and New York Quimby's regiment advanced steadily down the hill and up the ridge, from which he opened fire upon the enemy, who had made another stand on ground very favorable to him, and the regiment continued advancing as the enemy gave way, till the head of the column reached the point near which Rickett's battery was so severely cut up. The other regiments descended the hill in line of battle, under a severe cannonade and, the ground affording comparative shelter from the enemy's artillery, they
order of the Wisconsin Second,
Sixty-ninth.
;

184

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.
flank,

[1861-'62.

changed direction, by the right
tioned.

and followed the road before menleft front,

At

the point where this road crosses the ridge to our
fire

the

ground was swept by a most severe

of artillery,

rifles,

and musketry, and

we saw, in succession, several regiments driven from it; among them the Zouaves and battalion of marines. Before reaching the crest of this hill, the roadway was worn deep enough to afford shelter, and I kept the several regiments in it as long as possible but when the Wisconsin Second was abreast of the enemy, by order of Major Wadsworth, of General McDowell's staff, I ordered it to leave the roadway, by the left flank, and to attack the
;

enemy.
This regiment ascended to the brow of the
severe
ing
fire
hill steadily,

received the
deliver-

of the enemy, returned

it

with

spirit,

and advanced,

its fire.

This regiment

is

uniformed in gray

cloth,

almost identical with
the regiment
fell

that of the great bulk of the secession
into confusion

army

;

and,

when

and retreated toward the road, there was a universal cry that they were being fired on by our own men. The regiment rallied again,
passed the
order.

brow

of the

hill

a second time, but

was again repulsed

in dis-

By this

time the

New York

Seventy-ninth had closed up, and in like

manner it was ordered to cross the brow of the hill, and drive the enemy from cover. It was impossible to get a good view of this ground. In it there was one battery of artillery, which poured an incessant fire upon our advancing column, and the ground was very irregular with small clusters of The fire pines, affording shelter, of which the enemy took good advantage. of rifles and musketry was very severe. The Seventy-ninth, headed by its colonel, Cameron, charged across the hill, and for a short time the contest was severe; they rallied several times under fire, but finally broke, and
gained the cover of the
This
left
hill.

the field open to the

New York
;

Sixty-ninth, Colonel Corcoran,

who, in his turn, led his regiment over the crest, and had in full, open view the ground so severely contested the fire was very severe, and the roar of cannon, musketry, and rifles, incessant it was manifest the enemy was here
;

in great force, far superior to us at that point.

The Sixty-ninth held the

ground

for

some

time, but finally fell back in disorder.

All this time Quimby's

overlooking the same
half-past 3
p. m.,

field

of action, and similarly engaged.

regiment occupied another ridge, to our left, Here, about

began the scene of confusion and disorder that charUp to that time, all had kept their places, and seemed perfectly cool, and used to the shell and shot that fell, comparatively harmless, all around us but the short exposure to an intense fire of small-arms, at close range, had killed many, wounded more, and had produced disorder in all of the battalions that had attempted to encounter
acterized the remainder of the day.
;

it.

nel

Men fell away from their ranks, talking, and Cameron had been mortally wounded, was

in great confusion.

Colo-

carried to an ambulance.

;

1861-'62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

1S5

and reported dying. Many other officers were reported dead or missing, and many of the wounded were making their way, with more or less assistance, to the buildings used as hospitals, on the ridge to the west. We succeeded in partially reforming the regiments, but it was manifest that they would not stand, and I directed Colonel Corcoran to move along the ridge Gento the rear, near the position where we had first formed the brigade. eral McDowell was there in person, and used all possible efforts to reassure

we formed an irregwhich were then seen to issue from the position from which we had been driven, and we began our retreat toward the same ford of Bull Run by which we had approached the field of battle. There was no positive order to retreat, although for an hour it had been going on by the operation of the men themselves. The ranks were thin and irregular, and we found a stream of people strung from the hospital across Bull Run, and far toward Centreville. After putting in motion the irregular square in person, I pushed forward to find Captain Ayres's battery at the crossing of Bull Run. I sought it at its last position, before the brigade had crossed over, but it was not there then passing through the woods, where, in the morning, we had first formed line, we approached the blacksmith's shop, but there found a detachment of the secession cavalry and thence made a circuit, avoiding Cub Run Bridge, into Centreville, where I found General McDowell, and from him understood that it was his purpose to rally the forces, and make a stand at Centreville. But, about nine o'clock at night, I received from General Tyler, in perThis retreat was by son, the order to continue the retreat to the Potomac. night, and disorderly in the extreme. The men of different regiments mingled together, and some reached the river at Arlington, some at Long
the men.

By

the active exertions of Colonel Corcoran,

ular square against the cavalry

;

Bridge, and the greater part returned to their former camp, at or near Fort

Corcoran.

I

laneous crowd crossing over the aqueduct and ferries.

reached this point at noon the next day, and found a miscelConceiving this to
I at

be demoralizing,

once commanded the guard to be increased, and

all

persons attempting to pass over to be stopped. This soon produced

its effect

men

sought their proper companies and regiments. Comparative order wa3

restored,

and
the

all

were posted

to the best advantage.

I herewith inclose the official report of
officer of

Captain Kelly, commanding
of the killed, wounded,

New York

Sixty-ninth

;

also, full lists

and missing.

Our
ett's

loss

was heavy, and occurred

chiefly at the point

near where Rick-

battery was destroyed.

Lieutenant-Colonel Haggerty was killed about

noon, before

we had

effected a junction with Colonel Hunter's division.

Colonel Cameron was mortally

wounded leading

his regiment in the charge,

and Colonel Corcoran has been missing since the cavalry-charge near the building used as a hospital.

L86

BULL KUN TO PADUCAH.
RKQIMENTS,
Etc.
Killed.

[1861-'62.

Wounded.

Missing.

Total.

New York New York New York

Ayres's Battery Thirteenth Sixty-ninth Seventy-ninth

Wisconsin Second

6 11 83 32 24
111

3 27 59 51 65 205

*20

95 115
63

9 58 192 198 152 609

293

For names, rank,
all

etc.,

of the above, I refer to the

lists

herewith.

Lieutenants Piper and McQuesten, of
Lieutenant Bagley, of the
reported missing.

my

personal

staff,

were under

fire

day, and carried orders to and fro with as

much

coolness as on parade.

New York

Sixty-ninth, a volunteer aide, asked
is

leave to serve with his company, during the action, and
I

among

those

have intelligence that he

is

a prisoner, and slightly

wounded.
Colonel Coon, of Wisconsin, a volunteer aide, also rendered good service

during the day.

W.

T.

Sherman, Colonel commanding Brigade.
its

This report, which I had not read probably since

date

till

now,

recalls to

me

vividly the whole scene of the affair at Blackfor the
first

burn's Ford,
balls strike

when

time in

my

life I

saw cannon-

men and

crash through the trees and saplings above

and around as, and realized the always sickening confusion as one approaches a fight from the rear then the night-march from Centreville, on the Warrenton road, standing for hours wondering what was meant; the deployment along the edge of the field that sloped down to Bull Run, and waiting for Hun;

ter's

approach on the other side from the direction of Sudley

Springs,

away off
lest

to

our right

;

the terrible scare of a poor negro
lines
;

who was caught between our
and the fear
;

the crossing of Bull Run,

we

should be fired on by our

own men

;

the

which occurred in plain sight and the first scenes of a field strewed with dead men and horses. Yet, at that period of the battle, we were the victors and felt jubilant. At that moment, also, my brigade passed Hunter's division but Heintzelman's was still ahead of us, and we followed its lead along the road toward Manassas Junction, crossing a small stream and ascending a long hill, at the summit of which the battle was going on. Here my regiments came into
killing of Lieutenant-Colonel Haggerty,
;

;

1861-'62.J

BULL RUST TO PADUCAH.

187

and were driven back, each in its For two hours we continued to dash at the woods on our left front, which were full of rebels but I was convinced their organization was broken, and that they had simply halted there and taken advantage of these woods as a cover, to reach which we had to pass over the intervening fields about the Henry House, which were clear, open, and gave them a decided advanAfter I had put in each of my regiments, and had them tage. driven back to the cover of the road, I had no idea that we were
action well, but successively,
turn.
;

beaten, but reformed the regiments in line in their proper order,

and only wanted a

little rest,

almost alone, except Syke's regulars,

when I found that my brigade was who had formed square

against cavalry and were coming back. I then realized that the whole army was " in retreat," and that my own men were indiCorcoran and I vidually making back for the stone bridge. formed the brigade into an irregular square, but it fell to pieces and, along with a crowd, disorganized but not much scared, Cor the brigade got back to Centreville to our former camps. coran was captured, and held a prisoner for some time but 1 got safe to Centreville. I saw General McDowell in Centreville, and understood that several of his divisions had not been en gaged at all, that he would reorganize them at Centreville, and there await the enemy. I got my four regiments in parallel lines in a field, the same in which we had camped before the battle, and had lain down to sleep under a tree, when I heard some one asking for me. I called out where I was, when Gen eral Tyler in person gave me orders to march back to our camps at Fort Corcoran. I aroused my aides, gave them orders to call up the sleeping men, have each regiment to leave the field by a flank and to take the same road back by which we had come. It was near midnight, and the road was full of troops, wagons, and batteries. We tried to keep our regiments separate, but all became inextricably mixed. Toward morning we reached Vienna, where I slept some hours, and the next day, about noon,
;

we reached Fort

Corcoran.

A slow, mizzling rain had set in, and probably a more gloomy
day never presented
itself.

All organization seemed to be

at

an

188

BULL RUN fO PADUCAH.
;

[1861-'62.

labored hard to collect our men into and into their former camps, and, on the 23d of July, I moved the Second Wisconsin and Seventy-ninth New York closer in to Fort Corcoran, and got things in better order than I had expected. Of course, we took it for granted
staff

end

but I and

my

their proper companies

would be on our heels, and we accordingly prepared to defend our posts. By the 25th I had collected all the
that the rebels

made my report, and had my brigade about as well governed as any in that army although most of the ninety-day men, especially the Sixty-ninth, had become extremely tired of the war, and wanted to go home. Some of them were so mumaterials,
;

tinous,

at

threatening,

open fire and I ordered that at the three principal roll-calls the men should form ranks with belts and muskets, and that they should keep their ranks until I in person had received the reports and had dismissed them. The Sixty-ninth still occupied Fort Corcoran, and one morning, after reveille, when I had just received the report, had dismissed the regiment, and was leaving, I found myself in a crowd of men crossing the drawbridge on their way to a barn close by, where they had their sinks among them was an officer, who said " Colonel, I am going to New York today. What can I do for you ? " I answered " How can you to New York ? I do not remember to have signed a leave go for you." He said, " No he did not want a leave. He had engaged to serve three months, and had already served more than that time. If the Government did not intend to pay him, he could afford to lose the money that he was a lawyer, and had neglected his business long enough, and was then going home." I noticed that a good many of the soldiers had paused about us to listen, and knew that, if this officer could defy me, they also would. So I turned on him sharp, and said " Captain, this question of your term of service has been submitted to the rightful authority, and the decision has been published in orders. You are a soldier, and must submit to orders till you are prop;

one time, that I had the battery to unlimber, if they dared to leave camp without orders, I would on them. Drills and the daily exercises were resumed,

:

:

;

;

:

erly discharged.

If

you attempt

to leave without orders, it will

;

1861-'62.]

BULL KTO TO PABUCAH.
!

189

Go back into the be mutiny, and I will shoot you like a dog fort now, instantly, and don't dare to leave without my consent." I had on an overcoat, and may have had my hand about the breast, for he iooked at me hard, paused a moment, and then
The men scattered, and I returned fort. where I was quartered, close by. That same day, which must have been about July 26th, I was near the river-bank, looking at a block-house which had been built for the defense of the aqueduct, when I saw a carriage coming by the road that crossed the Potomac River at Georgetown by a ferry. I thought I recognized in the carriage the
turned back into the
to the house

person of President Lincoln. I hurried across a bend, so as to stand by the road-side as the carriage passed. I was in uniform,

with a sword on, and was recognized by Mr. Lincoln and Mr.

Seward,

who

rode side by side in an open hack.

I inquired if
:

they were going to

my

camps, and Mr. Lincoln said

"

Yes

we heard that you had got over we would come over and see the much changed and were rough.
tions to his

the big scare, and we thought c The roads had been boys.' "
I asked
if

I

might give

direc-

coachman, he promptly invited me to jump in and to tell the coachman which way to drive. Intending to begin on the right and follow round to the left, I turned the driver into a side-road which led up a very steep hill, and, seeing a soldier, called to him and sent him up hurriedly to announce to
the colonel (Bennett, I think) that the President was coming.

As we slowly ascended the hill, I discovered that Mr. Lincoln was full of feeling, and wanted to encourage our men. I asked if he intended to speak to them, and he said he would like to. I asked him then to please discourage all cheering, noise, or any that we had had enough of it before Bull sort of confusion Run to ruin any set of men, and that what we needed were cool, thoughtful, hard-fighting soldiers no more hurrahing, no more humbug. lie took my remarks in the most perfect good-nature. Before we had reached the first camp, I heard the drum beating the " assembly," saw the men running for their tents, and in a few minutes the regiment was in line, arms presented, and then brought to an order and " parade rest "
;

!

;

190

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

Mr. Lincoln stood np in the carriage, and made one of the and most feeling addresses I ever listened to, referring to our late disaster at Bull Run, the high duties that still devolved on us, and the brighter days yet to come. At one or two points the soldiers began to cheer, but he promptly checked them, saying " Don't cheer, boys. I confess I rather
neatest, best,
:

like it myself,

but Colonel Sherman here says

it is

not military

and I guess we had better defer to his opinion." In winding up, he explained that, as President, he was commander-in-chief that he was resolved that the soldiers should have every thing that the law allowed and he called on one and all to appeal to him personally in case they were wronged. The effect of this speech was excellent. We passed along in the same manner to all the camps of my brigade and Mr. Lincoln complimented me highly for the order, cleanliness, and discipline, that he observed. Indeed, he and Mr. Seward both assured me that it was the first bright moment they had experienced since the battle. At last we reached Fort Corcoran. The carriage could not enter, so I ordered the regiment, without arms, to come outside, and gather about Mr. Lincoln, who would speak to them. He made to them the same feeling address, with more personal allusions, because of their special gallantry in the battle under Corcoran, who was still a prisoner in the hands of the enemy and he concluded with the same general offer of redress in case of grievance. In the crowd I saw the officer with whom I had had the passage at reveille that morning. His face was pale, and lips compressed. I foresaw a scene, but sat on the front
; ;

seat of the carriage as quiet as a lamb.

This

officer
:

way through
dent, I

the crowd to the carriage, and said

forced his " Mr. Presi-

have a cause of grievance.

This morning I went to

speak to Colonel Sherman, and he threatened to shoot me."

Mr. Lincoln, who was still standing, said, " Threatened to shoot you ? " " Yes, sir, he threatened to shoot me." Mr. Lincoln looked at him, then at me, and stooping his tall, spare form toward the officer, said to him in a loud stage-whisper, easily heard for some yards around "Well, if I were you, and lie
:

1861-'62.]

BULL KUN TO PADUCAII.

191

threatened to shoot, I would not trust him, for I believe he

would do
the

it." The men laughed at

officer

turned about and disappeared, and

him.

Soon the

carriage drove on, and, as

we descended the hill, I explained the facts to the President, who answered, " Of course I didn't know any thing about it, but I thought you knew your own business best." I thanked him for his confidence, and assured him that what he had done
would go
far to enable

me to maintain good discipline, and

it

did.

this time the day was well spent. I asked to take my and the President and Mr. Seward drove back to Washington. This spirit of mutiny was common to the whole army, and was not subdued till several regiments or parts of regiments had been ordered to Fort Jefferson, Florida, as punishment. General McDowell had resumed his headquarters at the Ar lington House, and was busily engaged in restoring order to his army, sending off the ninety-days men, and replacing them by regiments which had come under the three-years call. We were all trembling lest we should be held personally accountable for General McClellan had been the disastrous result of the battle. summoned from the West to Washington, and changes in the subordinate commands were announced almost daily. I remember, as a group of officers were talking in the large room of the Arlington House, used as the adjutant-general's office, one evening, some young officer came in with a list of the new brigadiers just announced at the War Department, which embraced the names of Heintzelman, Keyes, Franklin, Andrew Porter, W. T. Sherman, and others, who had been colonels in the battle* and all of whom had shared the common stampede. Of course, we discredited the truth of the list and Heintzelman broke out Every mothit's all a lie in his nasal voice, " By We all felt he was right, er's son of you will be cashiered." and we were all announced in but, nevertheless, it was true

By

leave,

;

,

!

;

general orders as brigadier-generals of volunteers.

firmed McDowell's organization.
river, as

General McClellan arrived, and, on assuming command, conInstead of coming over the

we

expected, he took a house in Washington, and only
to time to

came over from time

have a review or inspection.

192
I

BULL KUN" TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

had received several new regiments, and had begun two new on the hill or plateau, above and farther out than Fort Corcoran and I organized a system of drills, embracing the evolutions of the line, all of which was new to me, and I had to learn the tactics from books but I was convinced that we had a long, hard war before us, and made up my mind to begin at
forts
; ;

the very beginning to prepare for

it.

and troops were pouring in from all quarters General McClellan told me he intended to organize an army of a hundred thousand men, .with one hundred held-batteries, and I still hoped he would come on our side of the Potomac, pitch his tent, and prepare for real hard work, but his headquarters still remained in a house in "Washington City. I then thought, and still think, that was a fatal mistake. His choice as general-in-chief at the time w as fully justified by his high reputation in the army and country, and, if he then had any political views or ambition, I surely did not suspect it. About the middle of August I got a note from BrigadierGeneral Robert Anderson, asking me to come and see him at his room at Willard's Hotel. I rode over and found him in conversation with several gentlemen, and he explained to me that events in Kentucky were approaching a crisis that the Legislature was in session, and ready, as soon as properly backed by the General Government, to take open sides for the Union cause that he was offered the command of the Department of the Cumberland, to embrace Kentucky, Tennessee, etc., and that he wanted help, and that the President had offered to allow him
passing,
;
r ; ;

August was

to select out of the

new

brigadiers four of his

own

choice.

I

had been a lieutenant in Captain Anderson's company, at Fort Moultrie, from 1813 to 1816, and he explained that he wanted me as his right hand. He also indicated George II. Thomas, D. Of course, I always C. Buell, and Burnside, as the other three. willing and was perfectly to go with Anderwanted to go West, We agreed to call on son, especially in a subordinate capacity.
the President on a subsequent day, to talk with

him about

it,

and we did. It hardly seems probable that Mr. Lincoln should have come to Willard's Hotel to meet us, but my impression 13

:

:

:

1861-'62.]

BULL PwUN TO PADUCAH.

193

and that General Anderson had some difficulty in him to appoint George H. Thomas, a native of Virginia, to be brigadier-general, because so many Southern officers had already played false but I was still more emphatic in my indorsement of him by reason of my talk with him at the time he crossed the Potomac with Patterson's army, when Mr. Lincoln promised to appoint him and to assign him to duty with General Anderson. In this interview with Mr. Lincoln, I also explained to him my extreme desire to serve in a subordinate capacity, and in no event to be left in a superior command. He promised me this with promptness, making the jocular remark that his chief trouble was to find places for the too many generals who wanted to be at the head of affairs, to command
that
lie

did,

prevailing on

;

armies, etc.

The

official

order

is

dated
[Special Order No. 114.]

Headquarters of the Armt, Washington, August 24, 1861.

)

j

The following assignment is made of the general officers of the volunteer service, whose appointment was announced in General Orders No. 62, from the War Department To the Department of the Cumberland, Brigadier-General Kobert Anderson commanding
Brigadier-General

W.

T.

Sherman,

Brigadier- General George H. Thomas.
• •

By command

•.••
;

of Lieutenant-General Scott

E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant- General.

After some days, I was relieved in command of my brigade and post by Brigadier General Fitz-John Porter, and at once took my departure for Cincinnati, Ohio, via Cresson, Pennsylvania, where General Anderson was with his family and he, Thomas, and I, met by appointment at the house of his brother, Larz Anderson, Esq., in Cincinnati. We were there on the 1st and 2d of September, when several prominent gentlemen of Kentucky met us to discuss the situation, among whom were Jackson, Harlan, Speed, and others. At that time, William
13

;

194

BULL EOT" TO PADUOAH.

[1861-'62.

Nelson, an officer of the navy, had been commissioned a briga-

and had his camp at Dick Robinson, beyond the Kentucky River, south of Nicholasville and Brigadier-General L. H. Rousseau had another camp at Jeffersonville, opposite Louisville. The State Legislature was in session at Frankfort, and was ready to take definite action as soon as General Anderson was prepared, for the State was threatened with invasion from Tennessee, by two forces one from the direction of Nashville, commanded by Generals Albert Sidney Johnston and Buckner and the other from the direction of Cumberland Gap, commanded by Generals Crittenden and Zollicoffer. General Anderson saw that he had not force enough to resist these two columns, and concluded to send me in person for help to Indianapolis and Springfield, to confer with the Governors of Indiana, and Illinois, and to General Fremont,
dier-general of volunteers,

a few miles

:

;

who commanded

in St. Louis.

McClellan and Fremont were the two men toward whom the country looked as the great Union leaders, and toward them were streaming the newly-raised regiments of infantry and cavalry, and batteries of artillery ; nobody seeming to think of the

While I was to make Anderson and Thomas were to go to LouisNone of us had a staff, or any ville and initiate the department. army, and, indeed, we had organizing an of the machinery for no army to organize. Anderson was empowered to raise regiments in Kentucky, and to commission a few brigadier-generals. At Indianapolis I found Governor Morton and all the State officials busy in equipping and providing for the new regiments, and my object was to divert some of them toward Kentucky but they were called for as fast as they were musintervening link covered by Kentucky.
this tour, Generals
;

tered in, either for the

army of McClellan or Fremont.. At Springfield also I found the same general activity and zeal, Governor Yates busy in providing for his men ; but these men
Louis,

also

had been promised to Fremont. I then went on to St. where all was seeming activity, bustle, and preparation. Meeting R. M. Renick at the Planters' House (where I stopped), Renick saidj I inquired where I could find General Fremont.

1861-

,

62.]

BULL RUN TO PABUCAH.

195

do you want with General Fremont?" I said I had come to see him on business and he added, " You don't sup pose that he will see such as you ? " and went on to retail all the scandal of the day that Fremont was a great potentate, surrounded by sentries and guards; that he had a more showy court than any real king that he kept senators, governors, and the first citizens, dancing attendance for days and weeks before that if I expected to see him on granting an audience, etc. business, I would have to make my application in writing, and submit to a close scrutiny by his chief of staff and by his civil surroundings. Of course I laughed at all this, and renewed my simple inquiry as to where was his office, aud was informed that he resided and had his office at Major Brant's new house on Chouteau Avenue. It was then late in the afternoon, and I concluded to wait till the next morning but that night I received a dispatch from General Anderson in Louisville to hurry badk, as events were pressing, and he needed me. Accordingly, I rose early next morning before daybreak, got breakfast with the early railroad-passengers, and about sunrise was at the gate of General Fremont's headquarters. sentinel with drawn sabre paraded up and down in front of the I had on my undress uniform indicating my rank, and house.
;
:

"What

;

;

;

A

inquired of the sentinel, " Is General Fremont up % " He answered, " I don't know." Seeing that he was a soldier by his bearing, I spoke in a sharp, emphatic voice, " Then find out."

He
He

called for the corporal of the guard,

and soon a fine-looking

German

sergeant came, to

whom

I addressed the same inquiry.

in turn did not know, and I bade him find out, as I had immediate and important business with the general. The ser geant entered the house by the front-basement door, and after ten or fifteen minutes the main front-door above was slowly opened from the inside, and who should appear but my old San Francisco acquaintance Isaiah C. Woods, whom I had not seen or heard of since his flight to Australia, at the time of the
failure of

Adams

closed the door,
of the hall.

& Co. in 1855 He ushered me in hastily, and conducted me into the office on the right We were glad to meet, after so long and event!

196
ful

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.
an
interval,

[1861-'62.

and mutually inquired after our respective and special acquaintances. I found that he was a commissioned officer, a major on duty with Fremont, and Major Eaton, now of the Paymaster's Department, was in the same office with him. I explained to them that I had come from General Anderson, and wanted to confer with General Fremont in person. Woods left me, but soon returned, said the general would see me in a very few minutes, and within ten minutes I was shown across the hall into the large parlor, where General Fremont received me very politely. We had met before, as early as 1847, in California, and I had also seen him several times when he was senator. I then in a rapid manner ran over all the points of interest in General Anderson's new sphere of action, hoped he would spare us from the new levies what troops he could, and generally act in concert with us*. He told me that his first business would be to drive the rebel General Price and his army out of Missouri, when he would turn his attention down the Mississippi. He asked my opinion about the various kinds of field-artillery which manufacturers were thrusting on him, especially the then newlyinvented James gun, and afterward our conversation took a wide turn about the character of the principal citizens of St. Louis, with whom I was well acquainted. Telling General Fremont that I had been summoned to Louisville, and that I should leave in the first train, viz., at 3 Returning to Wood's office, I p. m., I took my leave of him. found there two more Californians, viz., Messrs. Palmer and Haskell, so I felt that, while Fremont might be suspicious of others, he allowed free ingress to his old California acquaintfamilies
ances.

Returning to the Planters' House, I heard of Beard, anMormon, who had the contract for the line of redoubts which Fremont had ordered to be constructed around the city, before he would take his departure for the interior of the State and while I stood near the office-counter, I saw old Baron Steinberger, a prince among our early California I avoided him adventurers, come in and look over the register.
other Californian, a
;

1861-'G2.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAII.
St.
is

197

on purpose, but his presence in
"

Louis recalled the maxim,

Where

the vultures are, there

a carcass close

by " and
;

I

suspected that the profitable contracts of the quartermaster,

McKinstry, had drawn to
prising

St.

Louis some of the most enterfell

men

of California.

I suspect they can account for the

fact that, in a

very short time, Fremont

from

his high estate

in Missouri,

by reason

of frauds, or supposed frauds, in the ad-

command. and reached Louisville the next morning. I found General Anderson quartered at the Louisville Hotel, and he had taken a dwelling house on Captain O. D. Greene was his adjutant-genStreet as an office. eral, Lieutenant Throckmorton his aide, and Captain Prime, of General George the Engineer Corps, was on duty with him. II. Thomas had been dispatched to camp Dick Bobinson, to
ministration of the affairs of his
I left St. Louis that afternoon

relieve Nelson.

The city was full of all sorts of rumors. moved by considerations purely of a political
the step, whatever
it

The

Legislature,

nature,

had taken

was, that amounted to an adherence to the

This was be the signal for action. For it we were utterly unprepared, whereas the rebels were fully prepared. General Sidney Johnston immediately crossed into Kentucky, and advanced as far as Bowling Green, which he began to fortify, and thence dispatched General Buckner with a division forward toward Louisville General ZollicofTer, in like manner, On the entered the State and advanced as far as Somerset. It was clay I reached Louisvihe the excitement ran high. occupied, September known that Columbus, Kentucky, had been 7th, by a strong rebel force, under Generals Pillow and Polk, and that General Grant had moved from Cairo and occupied
Union, instead of joining the already-seceded States.
universally

known

to

;

Paducah in force on the

6th.

Many

of the rebel families ex-

pected Buckner to reach Louisville at any moment.
Guthrie, president
of

That night,

General Anderson sent for me, and I found with him Mr.
the Louisville

&

Nashville Railroad,

who had

in his hands a dispatch to the effect that the bridge

across the Polling

Fork

of Salt Creek, less than thirty miles

198
out,

BULL KUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

had been burned, and tbat Buckner's force, en route for had been detained beyond Green River by a train thrown from the track. We learned afterward that a man named Bird had displaced a rail on purpose to throw the train off the track, and thereby give us time. Mr. Guthrie explained that in the ravine just beyond Salt Creek were several high and important trestles which, if destroyed, would take months to replace, and General Anderson thought it well worth the effort to save them. Also, on Muldraugh's Hill beyond, was a strong position, which had in former years been used as the site for the State " Camp of Instruction," and we all supposed that General Buckner, who was familiar with the ground, was aiming for a position there, from which to operate on Louisville. All the troops we had to counteract Buckner were Rousseau's Legion, and a few Home Guards in Louisville. The former were still encamped across the river at Jeffersonville so General Anderson ordered me to go over, and with them, and such Home Guards as we could collect, make the effort to secure possession of Muldraugh's Hill before Buckner could reach it. I took Captain Prime with me, and crossed over to Rousseau's camp. The long-roll was beaten, and within an hour the men, to the number of about one thousand, were marching for the Meantime General ferry-boat and for the Nashville depot. Anderson had sent to collect some Home Guards, and Mr. Guthrie to get the trains ready. It was after midnight before we began to move. The trains proceeded slowly, and it was daybreak when we reached Lebanon Junction, twenty-six miles out, where we disembarked, and marched to the bridge over Salt whether to prevent River, which we found had been burnt Buckner coming into Louisville, or us from going out, was not clear. Rousseau's Legion forded the stream and marched up to the State Camp of Instruction, finding the high trestles all secure. The railroad-hands went to work at once to rebuild the I remained a couple of days at Lebanon Junction, durbridge. ing which General Anderson forwarded two regiments of volunteers that had come to him. Before the bridge was done we
Louisville,
; ;

;

1861-'62.J

BULL EUN TO PADUCAH.

199

advanced the whole camp to the summit of Muldraugh's Hill,
just back of Elizabethtown.

There I learned

definitely that

General Buckner had not crossed Green River at all, that General Sidney Johnston was fortifying Bowling Green, and preparing for a systematic advance into Kentucky, of which he

was a native, and with whose people and geography he must have been familiar. As fast as fresh troops reached Louisville, they were sent out to me at Muldraugh's Hill, where I was endeavoring to put them into shape for service, and by the 1st of October I had the equivalent of a division of two brigades preparing to move forward toward Green River. The daily correspondence between General Anderson and myself satisfied me that the worry and harassment at Louisville were exhausting his strength and health, and that he would soon leave. On a telegraphic summons from him, about the 5th of October, I went down to Louisville, when General Anderson said he could not stand the mental torture of his command any longer, and that he must go away, or it would kill him. On the 8th of October he actually published an order relinquishing the command, and, by reason of my seniority, I had no alternative but to assume command, though much against the grain, and in direct violation of Mr. I am certain that, in my earliest comLincoln's promise to me. munication to the "War Department, I renewed the expression of my wish to remain in a subordinate position, and that I received the assurance that Brigadier-General Buell would soon arrive from California, and would be sent to relieve me. By that time I had become pretty familiar with the geography and the general resources of Kentucky. "We had parties all over the State raising regiments and companies but it was manifest that the young men were generally inclined to the cause of the South, while the older men of property wanted to be let alone i. e., to remain neutral. As to a forward movement that fall, it was simply impracticable for we were forced to use divergent lines, leading our columns farther and farther apart and all I could attempt was to go on and collect force and material at the two points already chosen, viz., Dick Robinson and
;

;

;

200
Elizabeth town,

BULL KUN TO PADUCAH.
General George H. Thomas
still

[1861-'62.

continued to
the latter,

command

the former, and on the 12th of October I dispatched

Brigadier-General A.

McD. McCook

to

command

which had been moved forward to Nolin Creek, fifty-two miles Staff-officers began out of Louisville, toward Bowling Green. to arrive to relieve us of the constant drudgery which, up to that time, had been forced on General Anderson and myself and these were all good men. Colonel Thomas Swords, quartermaster, arrived on the 13th Paymaster Larned on the 14th ; and Lieutenant Smyzer, Fifth Artillery, acting ordnance-officer, on Captain Symonds was already on duty as the comthe 20th missary of subsistence Captain O. D. Greene was the adjutantgeneral, and completed a good working staff. The everlasting worry of citizens complaining of every petty delinquency of a soldier, and forcing themselves forward to
; ;
;

discuss politics,

made

the position of a

commanding general

no sinecure. I continued to strengthen the two corps forward and their routes of supply all the time expecting that Sidney Johnston, who was a real general, and who had as correct information of our situation as I had, would unite his force with Zollicoffer, and fall on Thomas at Dick Robinson, or McCook at Nolin. Had he done so in October, 1861, he could have walked into Louisville, and the vital part of the population would have Why he did not, was to me a myshailed him as a deliverer. and is now for I know that he saw the move, and tery then at one time for a start toward Frankhad his wagons loaded up fort, passing between our two camps. Conscious of our weakness, I was unnecessarily unhappy, and doubtless exhibited it too much to those near me but it did seem to me that the Govern; ; ;

ment at Washington, intent on the larger preparations of Fremont in Missouri and McClellan in Washington, actually ignored
us in Kentucky.

About this time, say the middle of October, I received notice, by telegraph, that the Secretary of War, Mr. Cameron (then in St. Louis), would visit me at Louisville, on his way back to Washington. I was delighted to have an opportunity to properly represent the actual state of affairs, and got Mr. Guthrie tc

1861'-62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

201

go with me across to Jeifersonville, to meet tlie Secretary of War and escort him to Louisville. The train was behind time, but Mr. Guthrie and I waited till it actually arrived. Mr, Cameron was attended by Adjutant-General Lorenzo Thomas, and six or seven gentlemen who turned out to be newspaper reinquiry was, when he could start he had been detained at St. Louis so long, it was important he should hurry on to Washington. I explained that the regular mail-boat would leave very soon but I begged him to come over to Louisville viz., at 12 m. that I wanted to see him on business as important as any in Washington, and hoped he would come and spend at least a day with us. He asked if every thing was not well with us, and I that things were actually bad, as bad as told him far from it bad could be. This seemed to surprise him, and Mr. Guthrie added his persuasion to mine when Mr. Cameron, learning that he could leave Louisville by rail via Frankfort next morning early, and make the same connections at Cincinnati, consented to go with us to Louisville, with the distinct understanding that he must leave early the next morning for Washington.
porters.

Mr. Cameron's

first

for Cincinnati, saying that, as

;

;

;

We accordingly all took hacks, crossed the river by the ferry, and drove to the Gait House, where I was then staying. Brigadier-General T. J. Wood had come down from Indianapolis by the same train, and was one of the party. We all proceeded to my room on the first floor of the Gait House, where our excellent landlord, Silas Miller, Esq., sent us a good lunch and something to drink. Mr. Cameron was not well, and lay on my bed, but joined in the general conversation. He and his party seemed to be full of the particulars of the developments in St. Louis of some of Fremont's extravagant contracts and expenses, which were the occasion of Cameron's trip to St. Louis, and which finally resulted in Fremont's being relieved, first by General Hunter, and after by General II. W. Halleck. After some general conversation, Mr. Cameron called to me, u Now, General Sherman, tell us of your troubles." I said I
preferred not to discuss business with so many strangers present. He said, " They are all friends, all members of my family, and

202

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

you may speak your mind freely and without
sure I stepped to the door, locked
it

restraint."

I

am

and then fully and fairly represented the state of affairs in Kentucky, especially the situation and numbers of my troops. I complained that the new levies of Ohio and Indiana were diverted East and West, and we got scarcely any thing that our forces at Nolin and Dick Eobinson were powerless for invasion, and only tempting to a general such as we believed Sidney Johnston to be that, if Johnston chose, he could march to Louisville any
to prevent intrusion,
;
;

Cameron exclaimed " You astonish me Our informants, the Kentucky Senators and members of Congress, claim that they have in Kentucky plenty of men, and all they want are arms and money." I then said it was not true for the young men
day.
: !

;

were arming and going out openly in broad daylight to the rebel camps, provided with good horses and guns by their fathers, who were at best " neutral " and as to arms, he had, in "Washington, promised General Anderson forty thousand of the best Springfield muskets, instead of which we had received only about twelve thousand Belgian muskets, which the Governor of Pennsylvania had refused, as had also the Governor of Ohio, but which had been adjudged good enough for Kentucky.
;

I

asserted that volunteer colonels raising regiments in various

parts of the State

had come to Louisville for arms, and when

they saw what I had to offer had scorned to receive them
confirm the truth of which I appealed to Mr. Guthrie,
that every

—to
said

who

was true, and he repeated what 1 had often heard him say, that no man who owned a slave or a mule in Kentucky could be trusted. Mr. Cameron appeared alarmed at what was said, and turned to Adjutant-General L. Thomas, to inquire if he knew of any troops available, that had not been already assigned. He mentioned Negley's Pennsylvania Brigade, at Pittsburg, and a couple of other regiments that were then en route for St. Louis. Mr. Cameron ordered him to divert these to Louisville, and Thomas made the telegraphic orders on the spot. He further promised, on reaching "Washington, to give us more of his time and assistance.

word

I had spoken

;

1861-'62.]

BULL RUN TO TADUCAH.

203

In the general conversation which followed, I remember takmap of the United States, and assuming the people ot the whole South to be in rebellion, that our task was to subdue
ing a large

them, showed that McClellan was on the
of less than a hundred miles, and

left,

having a frontage

same ; whereas

I,

the centre,

Fremont the right, about the had from the Big Sandy to Padu-

cah, over three hundred miles of frontier ; that McClellan had a hundred thousand men, Fremont sixty thousand, whereas to me

had only been
at once,

allotted about eighteen thousand.

I argued that,

for the purpose of defense,

we

should have sixty thousand

men

and for offense, would need two hundred thousand, before we were done. Mr. Cameron, who still lay on the bed, threw up his hands and exclaimed, " Great God where are they to come from ? " I asserted that there were plenty of men at the North, ready and willing to come, if he would only accept their services for it was notorious that regiments had been formed in all the Northwestern States, whose services had been refused by the War Department, on the ground that they would not be needed. We discussed all these matters fully, in the most friendly spirit, and I thought I had aroused Mr. Cameron to a realization of the great war that was before us, and was in fact upon us. I heard him tell General Thomas to make a note of our conversation, that he might attend to my requests on reaching Washington. We all spent the evening together agreeably in conversation, many Union citizens calling to pay their respects, and the next morning early we took the train for Frankfort Mr. Cameron and party going on to Cincinnati and Washington, and I to Camp Dick Robinson to see General Thomas and the troops there. I found General Thomas in a tavern, with most of his regiments camped about him. He had sent a small force some miles in advance toward Cumberland Gap, under Brigadier-General
!

;

;

Schoepf.
Louisville
;

arrived in

Remaining there a couple of days, I returned to on the 22d of October, General Negley's brigade boats from Pittsburg, was sent out to Camp Nolin

and the Thirty-seventh Indiana, Colonel Hazzard, and Second
Minnesota, Colonel

Yan

Cleve, also reached Louisville

by

rail,

:

204

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

and were posted at Elizabethtown and Lebanon Janction. These were the same troops which had been ordered by Mr. Cameron when at Louisville, and they were all that I received thereafter,
prior to

my

leaving Kentucky.

On

reaching Washington, Mr.

Cameron

called

on General Thomas,

as

he himself afterward told

memorandum of events during his absence, and in that memorandum was mentioned my insane request for two hundred thousand men. By some newspaper man this was
me, to submit his
seen and published, and, before I had the least conception of
I
it,

was universally published throughout the country as " insane, crazy," etc. Without any knowledge, however, of this fact, I had previously addressed to the Adjutant-General of the army at Washington this letter
Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, Louisville, Kentucky, October 22, 1861.
)
)

To General L. Tiiomas, Adjutant- General, Washington, D.
Sir
:

G.

On my

arrival at

Camp Dick
at

Robinson,

I

found General Thomas

had stationed a Kentucky regiment
support.
lie

Rock

Castle Hill, beyond a river of

the same name, and had sent an Ohio and an Indiana regiment forward in
hire teams, and to

was embarrassed for transportation, and I authorized him to move his whole force nearer to his advance-guard, so as to support it, as he had information of the approach of Zollicoffer toward London. I have just heard from him, that he had sent forward General

Schoepf with Colonel Wolford's cavalry, Colonel Steadman's Ohio regiment, and a battery of artillery, followed on a succeeding day by a Tennessee He had still two Kentucky regiments, the Thirty-eighth Ohio and brigade. another battery of artillery, with which he was to follow yesterday. This
force, if concentrated,
it is all

should be strong enough for the purpose

;

at all events,

he had or

I could give him.
fully,

I

explained to you

when

here, the supposed position of our adver-

saries,

among which was
all

a force in the valley of Big Sandy, supposed to be

to collect

General Nelson at Maysville was instructed and Colonel Gill's regiment of Ohio Volunteers. Colonel Harris was already in position at Olympian Springs, and a regiment lay at Lexington, which I ordered to his support. This leaves the line of Thomas's operations exposed, but I cannot help it. I explained so fully to yourself and the Secretary of War the condition of things, that You know my views I can add nothing new until further developements. that this great centre of our field is too weak, far too weak, and I have

advancing on Paris, Kentucky.
the

men he

could,

begged and implored

till

I

dare not say more.

1661-'62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

205

He sent a detachment of his Buckner still is beyond Green River. men, variously estimated at from two to four thousand toward GreensGeneral Ward, with about one thousand men, retreated to Campburg. bellsburg, where he called to his assistance some partially-formed regiments to the number of about two thousand. The enemy did not advance, The officers and General Ward was at last dates at Campbellsburg. charged with raising regiments must of necessity be near their homes to but at or near Greens collect men, and for this reason are out of position burg and Lebanon, I desire to assemble as large a force of the Kentucky
;

Volunteers as possible.
necessity
is

This organization

is

necessarily irregular, but the
to

so great that I

must have them, and therefore have issued
This has

them arms and clothing during the process of formation.
tated their enlistment;

facili-

but inasmuch as the Legislature has provided
its

money

for

organizing the Kentucky Volunteers, and intrusted

dis-

bursement to a board of loyal gentlemen, I have endeavored to cooperate with them to hasten the formation of these corps. The great difficulty is, and has been, that as volunteers offer, we have not

arms and clothing to give them. The arms sent us are, as you already know, European muskets of uncouth pattern, which the volunteers will not
touch.

General
Rousseau's.

McCook

has

now

three brigades

—Johnson's,

Wood's, and

Negley's brigade arrived to-day, and will be sent out at once.
also arrived,
I

The Minnesota regiment has
zard's

regiment of Indiana troops

and will be sent forward. Hazhave ordered to the mouth of Salt
is

Creek, an important point on the turnpike-road leading to Elizabethtown.
I

again repeat that our force here

out of

all

proportion to the impor;

tance of the position.

would be disastrous to the nation and expect of new men, who never bore arms, to do miracles, is not right.
defeat
I

Our

to

am, with

much respect, yours truly, W. T. Sheeman, Brigadier- General commanding.

About
all

tins

time

my attention was drawn to the

publication in

the Eastern papers, which of course was copied at the West, of the report that I was " crazy, insane, and mad," that " I had

demanded two hundred thousand men

for the defense of

Ken-

tucky;" and the authority given for this report was stated to be the Secretary of War himself, Mr. Cameron, who never, to my knowledge, took pains to affirm or deny it. My position was therefore simply unbearable, and it is probable I resented the cruel insult with language of intense feeling. Still I received no orders, no reinforcements, not a word of encouragement or

206
relief.

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.
About November
all

[1861-'62.

1st,

General McClellan was appointed
field,

commander-in-chief of

the armies in the
It is

and by
:

tele-

graph called for a report from me.

herewith given

Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, Louisville, Kentucky, November 4, 1861.

\ J

General L. Thomas, Adjutant- General, Washington, D. C.
Sie
:

In compliance with the telegraphic orders of General McClellan,

received late last night, I submit this report of the forces in Kentucky,

and of their condition.

The tabular statement shows the position of the several regiments. The camp at Nolin is at the present extremity of the Nashville Eailroad. This force was thrown forward to meet the advance of Buckner's army, which
then fell back to Green River, twenty-three miles beyond. These regiments were substantially without means of transportation, other than the railroad, which is guarded at all dangerous points, yet is liable to interruption at any moment, by the tearing up of a rail by the disaffected inhabiThese regiments are composed of good materials, tants or a hired enemy. but devoid of company officers of experience, and have been put under They are generally well clad, and thorough drill since being in camp. provided for. Beyond Green River, the enemy has masked his forces, and No pains it is very difficult to ascertain even the approximate numbers. have been spared to ascertain them, but without success, and it is well known that they far outnumber us. Depending, however, on the railroads to their rear for transportation, they have not thus far advanced this side of Green River, except in marauding parties. This is the proper line of advance, but will require a very large force, certainly fifty thousand men, as
their railroad facilities south enable

them

to concentrate at Munfordsville

the entire strength of the South.
into four brigades,

General McCook's

command

is

divided

under Generals Wood, R.

"W. Johnson, Rousseau,

and

Negley.
land

General Thomas's line of operations is from Lexington, toward CumberGap and Ford, which are occupied by a force of rebel Tennesseeans, under the command of Zollicoffer. Thomas occupies the position at Lon-

don, in front of

two roads which lead to the fertile part of Kentucky, the Richmond, and the other by Crab Orchard, with his reserve at by one Camp Dick Robinson, eight miles south of the Kentucky River. His provisions and stores go by railroad from Cincinnati to Nicholasville, and thence in wagons to his several regiments. He is forced to hire transportation.

Brigadier-General Nelson
east of Paris,

burg, in

is operating by the line from Olympian Springs, on the Covington & Lexington Railroad, toward Prestonthe valley of the Big Sandy, where is assembled a force of from

;

1861- '62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

207

twenty-five to thirty-five hundred rebel Kentuckians waiting reinforcements from Virginia. My last report from him was to October 28th, at which time he had Colonel Harris's Ohio Second, nine hundred strong; Colonel Norton's Twenty-first Ohio, one thousand; and Colonel Sill's Thirty-third Ohio, seven hundred and fifty strong with two irregular Kentucky regiments, Colonels Marshall and Metcalf. These troops were on the road near Hazel Green and West Liberty, advancing toward Prestonburg. Upon an inspection of the map, you will observe these are all divergent lines, but rendered necessary, from the fact that our enemies choose them as places of refuge from pursuit, where they can receive assistance from neighboring States. Our lines are all too weak, probably with the exception of that to Prestonburg. To strengthen these, I am thrown on the raw levies of Ohio and Indiana, who arrive in detachments, perfectly fresh from the country, and loaded down with baggage, also upon the Kentuckians, who are slowly forming regiments all over the State, at points remote from danger, and whom it will be almost impossible to assemble together. The organization of this latter force is, by the laws of Kentucky, under the control of a military board of citizens, at the capital, Frankfort, and they think they will be enabled to have fifteen regiments toward the middle of this month, but I doubt it, and deem it unsafe to rely on them. There are four regiments forming in the neighborhood of Owensboro', near the mouth of Green River, who are doing good service, also in the neighborhood of Campbellsville, but it is unsafe to rely on troops so suddenly armed and equipped. They are not yet clothed or uniformed. I know well you will think our force too widely distributed, but we are forced to it by the attitude of our enemies, whose force and numbers the country never has and probably never will comprehend. I am told that my estimate of troops needed for this line, viz., two hundred thousand, has been construed to my prejudice, and therefore leave This is the great centre on which our enemies can conit for the future. centrate whatever force is not employed elsewhere. Detailed statement of present force inclosed with this. With great respect, your obedient servant,
;

W.

T. Siieeman, Brigadier- General

commanding.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL MCCOOK^ CAMP, AT NOLIN, FIFTY-TWO MILES FROM LOUISVILLE, KENTUCKY, NOVEMBER 4, 1861.
First Brigade (General RorssEAu).— Third Kentucky, Colonel Bulkley Fourth Kentucky, Colonel Whittaker; First Cavalry, Colonel Board; Stone's battery; two companies Nineteenth United States Infantry, and two companies Fifteenth United States Infantry, Captain Gilman. Second Brigade (General T. J. Wood).— Thirty-eighth Indiana, Colonel

:

.

:

208
Scribner
nel Bass
;

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.
Thirty-ninth Indiana, Colonel Harrison
;

[1861-'62.

Thirtieth Indiana, Colo-

Twenty-ninth Indiana, Colonel Miller. Third Brigade (General Johnson). Forty-ninth Ohio, Colonel Gibson Fifteenth Ohio, Colonel Dickey Thirty-fourth Illinois, Colonel King Thir;

;

;

;

ty-second Indiana, Colonel Willach.

Fourth Brigade (General
ty-ninth Pennsylvania, Colonel

Negley).

— Seventy-seventh
;

Pennsylvania,
;

Colonel Ilambright; Seventy-eighth Pennsylvania, Colonel Sinnell

Seven-

Stambangh

Battery

,

Captain Mueller.

(General G. II. Thomas). Kentucky, ColoKentucky, Colonel Fry Kentucky Cavalry, Colonel Woolford; Fourteenth Ohio, Colonel Steadman First Artillery, Colonel
nel Bramlette
;
;

Camp Dick Robinson

;

Barnett; Third Ohio, Colonel Carter;
Bardstoicn, Kentucky

East Tennessee, Colonel Byrd.

Tenth Indiana, Colonel Manson. Crab Orchard. Thirty-third Indiana, Colonel Coburn. Thirty-fourth Indiana, Colonel Steele ThirtyJeffersonmlle, Indiana. sixth Indiana, Colonel Grose First Wisconsin, Colonel Starkweather. Mouth of Salt River. Ninth Michigan, Colonel Duffield Thirtyseventh Indiana, Colonel Hazzard. Lebanon Junction. Second Minnesota, Colonel Yan Cleve. Olympian Springs. Second Ohio, Colonel Harris. Cynthiana, Kentucky. Thirty-fifth Ohio, Colonel Yandever. Mcholasville, Kentucky. Twenty-first Ohio, Colonel Norton Thirty-

— —

;

;

;

— —

;

eighth Ohio, Colonel Bradley.

Big

Hill.

Colesburg.

— Seventeenth Ohio, Colonel Connell. — Twenty-fourth Colonel Hecker.
Illinois,

Klizabethtown, Kentucky.
nel Edwards, forming

—Nineteenth
Castle
;

Illinois,

Colonel Turchin.
Colo-

Owensbord* or Henderson.

— Thirty-first

Indiana, Colonel Cruft;
;

Rock

Colonel Boyle, Harrodsburg
;

Colonel

Barney, Irvine

;

Colonel Hazzard, Burksville

Colonel naskins, Somerset.

And, in order to conclude this subject, I also add copies of two telegraphic dispatches, sent for General McClellan's use about the same time, which are all the official letters received at his headquarters, as certified by the Adjutant-General, L. Thomas,
in a letter of February
1,

1862, in answer to an application of
ad-

my

brother, Senator

John Sherman, and on which I was
Louisville, November
3,

judged insane
10
p. m.

To General McClellan, Washington, D.

C.

Dispatch just received. We are forced to operate on three lines, all dependent on railroads of doubtful safety, requiring strong guards. From
Paris to Prestonburg, three Ohio regiments and some militia

— enemy

vari-

1861-'62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAB

209

ously reported from thirty-five hundred to seven thousand. From Lexington toward Cumberland Gap, Brigadier-General Thomas, ono Indiana and five Ohio regiments, two Kentucky and two Tennessee hired wagons and badly clad. Zollicofter, at Cumberland Ford, about seven thousand. Leo
;

reported on the
fifty-two miles,

way with

Virginia reinforcements.

In front of Louisville,

McCook, with

four brigades of about thirteen thousand, with

four regiments to guard the railroad, at all times in danger.

Enemy

along

Green River to Bowling Green, Nashville, and Clarksville. Buckner, Hardee, Sidney Johnston, Polk, and Pillow, the two former in immediate command, the force as large as they want or can subsist, from twenty-five to thirty thousand. Bowling Green, strongly fortified. Our forces too small to do good, and too large to sacrifice. W. T. Sherman, Brigadier- General.
Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, Louisville, Kentucky, Novembtr 6, 1861.

the railroad from

)
)

General L. Thomas, Adjutant- General.
Sir
:

General McClellan telegraphs
definite

tion of affairs here.
clear

and

me to report to him daily the situaThe country is so large that it is impossible to give views. Our enemies have a terrible advantage in the fact

and along our avenues of travel, they have and business-men, who seemingly pursue their usual calling, but are in fact spies. They report all our movements and strength, while we can procure information only by circuitous and unreliable means. I inclose you the copy of an intercepted letter, which is but the type of others. Many men from every part of the State are now enrolled under Buckner have gone to him while ours have to be raised in neighborhoods, and cannot bo called together except at long notice. These volunteers are being organized under the laws of the State, and the 10th of November is fixed for the time of consolidating them into companies and regiments. Many of them are armed by the United States as home guards, and many by General Anderson and myself, because of the necessity of being armed to guard their camps against internal enemies. Should we be overwhelmed, they would scatter, and their arms and clothing will go to
that in our midst, in our camps,
active partisans, farmers

the enemy, furnishing the very material they so

much

need.

We

should

have here a very large

force, sufficient to give confidence to the

Union men

of the ability to do what should be done possess ourselves of all the State. But all see and feel we are brought to a stand-still, and this produces doubt and alarm. With our present force it wT ould be simple madness to cross Green River, and yet hesitation may be as fatal. In like manner the other columns are in peril, not so much in front as rear, the railroads over which

our stores must pass being

much

exposed.
far

guarded by three regiments, yet

it is

I have the Nashville Railroad from being safe and, the moment
;

210
actual hostilities

BULL EUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

commence, these roads will be interrupted, and we will be this in part I have put a cargo of provisions at the mouth of Salt River, guarded by two regiments. All these detachments weaken the main force, and endanger the whole. Do not conclude, as beThey are as stated, and the future looks fore, that I exaggerate the facts. It wouid be better if some man of sanguine mind were as dark as possible. Yours truly, Uere, for I am forced to order according to my convictions. W. T. Sheeman, Brigadier- General commanding.
in a

dilemma.

To meet

After the war was over, General Thomas

J.

Wood, then

m

command
of

of the district of Vicksburg, prepared a statement ad-

dressed to the public, describing the interview with the Secretary

War, which he
it

calls a

" Council of War."

I did not then

deem

necessary to renew a matter which had been swept into

oblivion
witness,

it is

by the war itself but, as it worthy of insertion here.
;

is

evidence

by an

eye-

STATEMENT.
On
the 11th of October, 1861, the writer,

who had been

personally on

mustering duty in Indiana, was appointed a brigadier-general of volunteers, and ordered to report to General Sherman, then in command of the

Department of the Cumberland, with succeeded General Robert Anderson.
famous
eral
visit of inspection to

his headquarters at Louisville,

having

When the

writer was about leaving

Indianapolis to proceed to Louisville, Mr. Cameron,

returning from his
St. Louis,

General Fremont's department, at

Missouri, arrived at Indianapolis, and announced his intention to visit Gen-

Sherman.

The writer was invited to accompany the party to Louisville. Taking the early morning train from Indianapolis to Louisville on the 16th of
October, 1861, the party arrived in Jeffersonville shortly after mid-day. General Sherman met the party in Jeffersonville, and accompanied it to the Gait House, in Louisville, the hotel at which he was stopping.

During the afternoon General Sherman informed the writer that a council
of war was to be held immediately in his private room in the hotel, and
desired

General Sherman and the writer The writer entered the room first, and observed in it Mr. Cameron, Adjutant-General L. Thomas, and some other persons, all of whose names he did not know, but whom he recognized as being of Mr. Cameron's party. The name of one of the party the writer had learned, which he remembers as Wilkinson, or Wilkerson, and who The he understood was a writer for the New York Tribune newspaper.

him

to be present at the council.

proceeded directly to the room.

1861-'62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.
also in the

211

Hon. James Guthrie was

room, having been invited, on account

of his eminent position as a citizen of Kentucky, his high civic reputation,

well-known devotion to the Union, to meet the Secretary of War in When General Sherman entered the room he closed the door, and turned the key in the lock. Before entering on the business of the meeting, General Sherman remarked substantially: "Mr. Cameron, we have met here to discuss matters and interchange views which should be known only by persons high in the confidence of the Government. There are persons present whom I do not know, and I desire to know, before opening the business of the council, whether they are persons who may be properly allowed to hear the views which I have to submit to you." Mr. Cameron replied, with some little testiness of manner, that the persons referred to belonged to his party, and there was no objection to their knowing whatever might be communicated

and

his

the council.

to him.

Certainly the legitimate and natural conclusion from this remark of Mr. Cameron's was that whatever views might be submitted by General Sherman would be considered under the protection of the seal of secrecy, and would not be divulged to the public till all apprehension of injurious consequences from such disclosure had passed. And it may be remarked, further, that justice to General Sherman required that if, at any future time, his conclusions as to the amount of force necessary to conduct the operations committed to his charge should be made public, the grounds on which his
conclusions were based should be

made

public at the

same time.

Mr. Cameron then asked General Sherman what his plans were.

To

this

General Sherman replied that ho had no plans; that no sufficient force

had been placed
tions
;

at his disposition

with which to devise any plan of opera-

commanding general could project a plan of campaign, he must know what amount of force he would have to operate with. The general added that he had views which he would be happy to submit for the consideration of the Secretary. Mr. Cameron desired to hear
that, before a

General Sherman's views.
General Sherman began by giving and the then condition of the State.
large majority of the people of
his opinion of the people of

Kentucky,
to the

He remarked

that he believed a very

Kentucky were thoroughly devoted
;

Union, and loyal to the Government, and that the Unionists embraced almost

more substantial men in the State but, unfortunately, was no organization nor arms among the Union men that the rebel minority, thoroughly vindictive in its sentiments, was organized and armed (this having been done in advance by their leaders), and, beyond the reach of the Federal forces, overawed and prevented the Union men from organizing; that, in his opinion, if Federal protection were extended throughout the State to the Union men, a largo force could be raised for tho service of
all

the older and

there

;

the Government.

212

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'C2.

possession as to the

General Sherman next presented a resume of the information in hifl number of the rebel troops in Kentucky. Commencing; with the force at Columbus, Kentucky, the reports varied, giving the strength
It
it

from ten to twenty thousand.
Polk.

was commanded by Lieutenant-General
;

General Sherman fixed

at the lowest estimate

say, ten thousand.

Bowling Green, commanded by General A. S. Johnston, supported by Hardee, Buckner, and others, was variously estimated at from eighteen to thirty thousand. General Sherman estimated this force at the lowest figures given to it by his information eighteen thousand. He explained that, for purposes of defense, these two forces ought, owing to the facility with which troops might be transported from one to the other, by the net-work of railroads in Middle and "West Tennessee, to be

The

force at

General Sherman remarked, also, on the facility with which reinforcements could be transported by railroad to Bowling
considered almost as one.

Green, from the other rebellious States.

The
General
six

third organized body of rebel troops
ZollicofFer, estimated,

was

in Eastern

Kentucky, under

according to the most reliable information, at
if

thousand men.

This force threatened a descent,

unrestrained, on the

blue-grass region of Kentucky, including the cities of Lexington, and Frankfort,

the capital of the State

;

and

if

successful in its primary

movements,

as

it

would gather head

as

it

advanced, might endanger the safety of Cin-

cinnati.

General Sherman said that the information in his possession indicated an intention, on the part of the rebels, of a general and grand advance toward the Ohio River. He further expressed the opinion that, if such advance should be made, and not checked, the rebel force would be swollen by at least twenty thousand recruits from the disloyalists in Kentucky. His low computation of the organized rebel soldiers then in Kentucky fixed the strength at about thirty-five thousand. Add twenty thousand for reinforcements gained in Kentucky, to say nothing of troops drawn from other rebel States, and the effective rebel force in the State, at a low estimate,

would be

fifty-five

thousand men.

General Sherman explained forcibly how largely the difficulties of suppressing the rebellion would be enhanced, if the rebels should be allowed
to plant themselves firmly, with strong fortifications, at

on the Ohio River.

It

would bo

facile for

them

to carry the

commanding points war thence

into the loyal States north of the river.

To resist an advance of the rebels, General Sherman stated that he did not have at that time in Kentucky more than some twelve to fourteen thousand effective men. The bulk of this force was posted at camp Nolin, on the Louisville & Nashville Railway, fifty miles south of Louisville. A part of it was in Eastern Kentucky, under General George H. Thomas, and
a verv small force

was

in the

lower valley of Green River.

;

1861-'62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.
made

213

This disposition of the force had been

for the double purpose of

and protecting tho raising and organization of troops among the Union men of Kentucky. Having explained the situation from the defensive point of view, General Sherman proceeded to consider it from tho offensive stand-point. The Government had undertaken to suppress the rebellion the ojiusfaciendi, therewatching and checking the
rebels,
;

on the Government. The rebellion could never be put down, the authority of the paramount Government asserted, and the union of the States declared perpetual, by force of arms, by maintaining the defensive to accomplish these grand desiderata, it was absolutely necessary the Government should adopt, and maintain until tho rebellion was crushed, the
fore, rested

offensive.

For the purpose of expelling the rebels from Kentucky, General Shersaid that at least sixty thousand soldiers were necessary. Considering that the means of accomplishment must always be proportioned to the end to be achieved, and bearing in mind the array of rebel force then in Kentucky, every sensible man must admit that the estimate of the force given by General Sherman, for driving the rebels out of the State, and reestablishing and maintaining the authority of the Government, was a very low one. The truth is that, before the rebels were driven from Kentucky, many more than sixty thousand soldiers were sent into the State. Ascending from the consideration of the narrow question of the political and military situation in Kentucky, and the extent of force necessary to redeem the State from rebel thraldom, forecasting in his sagacious intellect the grand and daring operations which, three years afterward, he realized in a campaign, taken in its entirety, without a parallel in modern times, General Sherman expressed the opinion that, to carry the war to the Gulf of Mexico, and destroy all armed opposition to the Goverment, in the entire Mississippi Valley, at least two hundred thousand troops were abso-

man

lutely requisite.

Mr. Cameron asked, with

Sherman had concluded the expression of his views, much warmth and apparent irritation, u Where do you suppose, General Sherman, all this force is to come from ? " General Sherman replied that he did not know that it was not his duty to raise,
So soon
as General
;

and put the necessary military force into the field; that duty pertained to the War Department. His duty was to organize campaigns and command the troops after they had been put into the field. At this point of the proceedings, General Sherman suggested that it might be agreeable to the Secretary to hear the views of Mr. Guthrie. Thus appealed to, Mr. Guthrie said he did not consider himself, being a civilian, competent to give an opinion as to the extent of force necessary to carry the war to the Gulf of Mexico; but, being well informed of the condition of things in Kentucky, he indorsed fully General Sherman's
organize,

opinion of the force required to drive the rebels out of the State

;

214
The foregoing were
is

BULL KUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62

a circumstantial account of the deliberations of the

council that

of any importance.

A good deal of desultory conversation followed, on immaterial matters and some orders were issued by telegraph, by the Secretary of War, for some small reinforcements to be sent to Kentucky immediately, from Pennsylvania and Indiana.
A short time
York Tribune.
after the council

membered by the

writer

was held —the exact time not now re—an imperfect narrative of appeared in the New
is it

This account announced to the public the conclusions

uttered by General

Sherman in the council, without giving the reasons on which his conclusions were based. The unfairness of this course to General Sherman needs no comment. All military men were shocked by the gross breach of faith which had been committed.
Tn.
Vicksburg, Mississippi, August
J.

"Wood, Major- General Volunteers.

24, 1866.

Brigadier-General

Don

Carlos Buell arrived at Louisville

about the middle of November, with orders to relieve me, and I

was transferred for duty
at
St. Louis.

to the

Department of the Missouri, and

ordered to report in person to Major-General H. "W. Halleck
I accompanied General Buell to the

Nolin, where he reviewed and inspected the

under the command of our way back General Buell inspected the regiment of Hazzard
at Elizabethtown.

camp at camp and troops General A. McD. McCook, and on

I then turned over

my command

to him,

and took

my

departure for St. Louis.

At the time I was so relieved I thought, of course, it was done in fulfillment of Mr. Lincoln's promise to me, and as a
necessary result of
that promise;

my

repeated

demand
felt,

for the fulfillment of

and was of course deeply moved to observe, the manifest belief that there was more or less of truth in the rumor that the cares, perplexities, and anxiety of the situation had unbalanced my judgment and mind. Still, on a review of the only official documents before the War Department at the time, it was cruel for a Secretary of War to give a tacit credence to a rumor which probably started without
his

but I saw and

wish or intention, yet through his instrumentality.

Of

course

I could not deny the fact, and had to submit to

all its

painful

consequences for months

;

and, moreover, I could not hide from

:

1861-'62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

215

many of the officers and soldiers subsequently placed under my command looked at me askance and with suspicion.
myself that
Indeed,

was not until the following April that the battle of me personally the chance to redeem my good name. On reaching St. Louis and reporting to General Halleck, 1 was received kindly, and was shortly afterward (viz., November 23d) sent up to Sedalia to inspect the camp there, and the troops located along the road back to Jefferson City, and I was ordered to assume command in a certain contingency. I found
it

Shiloh gave

General Steele at Sedalia with his regiments scattered about
loosely;

and General Pope at Otterville, twenty miles back, The rebel general, Sterling with no concert between them. Price, had his forces down about Osceola and Warsaw. I advised General Halleck to collect the whole of his men into one camp on the La Mine River, near Georgetown, to put them into brigades and divisions, so as to be ready to be handled, and I gave some preliminary orders looking to that end. But the newspapers kept harping on my insanity and paralyzed my In spite of myself, they tortured from me some words efforts. and acts of imprudence. General Halleck telegraphed me on November 26th " Unless telegraph-lines are interrupted, make no movement of troops without orders;" and on November 29th: "No forward movement of troops on Osceola will be made only strong reconnoitring-parties will be sent out in the supposed direction of the enemy the bulk of the troops being
: ;

;

held in position

till

more

reliable information is obtained."

About the same time

I received the following dispatch
) J

Headquarters, St. Louis, Missouri, November 28, 1861. Brigadier- General Sherman, Sedalia:
Mrs. Sherman
is

here.

General Halleck

is satisfied,

from reports of

no attack on Sedalia is intended. You will there fore return to this city, and report your observations on the condition of the troops you have examined. Please telegraph when you will leave. ScnuYLEE Hamilton, Brigadier- General and Aide-de- Camp.
scouts received here, that

I accordingly returned to St. Louis, where I found Mrs. Sherman, naturally and properly distressed at the continued and

:

216

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

and she had from Sedalia simply swelled the cry. It was alleged that I was recalled by reason of something foolish I had done at Sedalia, though in fact I had done absolutely nothing, except to recommend what was done immediately thereafter on the advice of Colonel McPherson, on a subsequent inspection. Seeing and realizing that my efforts were useless, I concluded to ask for a twenty days' leave of absence, to accompany Mrs. Sherman to our home in Lancaster, and to allow the storm to blow over somewhat. It also happened to be mid-winter, when nothing was doing so Mrs. Sherman and I returned to Lancaster, where I was born, and where I supposed I was better known and appreciated. The newspapers kept up their game as though instigated by malice, and chief among them was the Cincinnati Commercial, whose editor, Halsted, was generally believed to be an honorable man. P. B. Ewing, Esq., being in Cincinnati, saw him and asked him why he, who certainly knew better, would reiterate such a damaging slander. He answered, quite cavalierly, that it was one of the news-items of the day, and he had to keep up with the time; but he would be most happy to publish any correction I might make, as though I could deny such a malireiterated reports of the newspapers of
insanity,
recall

my

come from Lancaster

to

see me.

This

;

cious piece of scandal affecting myself.

On

the 12th of

Novem-

ber I

had occasion
letter in

to write to General Halleck, and I have a

copy of his

answer
St. Loui9, December 18, 1861.

Brigadier- Ckneral

W

'.

T.

Sherman, Lancaster, Ohio.

but was mislaid for the

dear General: Yours of the 12th was received* a day or two ago, moment among private papers, or I should have anThe newspaper attacks are certainly shameless and swered it sooner. scandalous, but I cannot agree with you, that they have us in their power
u to destroy us as they please."
will not disturb
I certainly get

My

my

share of abuse, but

it

me.
of the troops
in itself, but because I

thought
I

was not countermanded by me because I was not then ready for it. had better information of Price's movements than you had, and I had no

Your movement
it

an unwise ono

apprehension of an attack.
line,

I

intended to concentrate the forces on that
until I could

but

I

wished the movement delayed

determine on a better

position.

:

a

1861-'G2.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAU.

217

ly the location

After receiving Lieutenant-Colonel McPhcrson's report, I made preciseyou had ordered. I was desirous at the time not to prevent

the advance of Price by any

movement on our

part,

hoping that ho would

move on Lexington
ceola for

;

but finding that he had determined to remain at Osat least, I

made the movement you proposed. As you you and others may have misconstrued the reason of my countermanding your orders. Our organization goes on I hope to see you well enough for duty soon. Yours truly, slowly, but we will effect it in time. H. W. IIalleok.
some time
could not

know my

plans,

.

.

.

And

subsequently, in a letter to

Hon. Thomas Ewing,

in

answer to some inquiries involving the same general subject, General Hal leek wrote as follows
St. Louis,

February

15, 18G2.

Hon. Thomas Ewing, Lancaster, Ohio.

Dear
man,

Sir

:

Your note of the

13th,

in relation to Brigadier-General

and one of this date, from Mr. SherSherman's having being relieved from

command
did so for

was not put

November last, are just received. General Sherman command at Sedalia ho was authorized to assume it, and a day or two. Ho did not know my plans, and his movement of
in Sedalia, in

in

;

troops did not accord with them.
as they were,

I therefore directed

him

and report here the

result of his inspection, for

to leave them which purpose

he had been ordered there. No telegram or dispatch of any kind was sent by me, or by any one with my knowledge or authority, in relation to it. After his return here, I gave him a leave of absence of twenty days, for the benefit of his health. As I

was then pressing General McClellan
to explain

for

more

officers, I

deemed

it

necessary

General Sherman's physical and mental system is so completely broken by labor and care as to render him, for the present, unfit for duty perhaps a few weeks' This was the only communication I made on the rest may restore him." subject. On no occasion have I ever expressed an opinion that his mind was affected otherwise than by over-exertion to have said so would have done
I

why

did

so.

I

used these words: "I

am
;

satisfied that

;

him the
health

greatest injustice.
1

After General Sherman returned from his short leave,

found that his

was nearly restored, and I placed him temporarily in command of the camp of instruction, numbering over fifteen thousand men. I then
field.

wrote to General McClellan that he would soon be able to again take the This is the total of my I gave General Sherman a copy of my letter. correspondence on the subject. As evidence that I have every confidence in
General Sherman,
I

have placed him

in

command

of Western Kentucky

command

only second in importance in this department.

As soon

as di-

:

218

BULL RUST TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

visions and columns can be organized, I propose to send him into the field where he can render most efficient service. I have seen newspaper squibs charging him with being " crazy," etc. This is the grossest injustice I do not, however, consider such attacks worthy of notice. The best answer is General Sherman's present position, and the valuable services he is rendering to the country. I have the fullest confidence in him.
;

Very respectfully, your obedient
H.

servant,

W. Halleok, Major- General.

On

returning to St. Louis, on the expiration of

my

leave of

absence, I found that General Halleck
his troops
:

under General S. R. Curtis, in the General Grant was then at Paducah, and General Curtis was under orders for Rolla. I
see River;
part,

one part, and another

was beginning to move under General U. S. Grant, up the Tennes-

direction of Springfield, Missouri.

was ordered
St.

to take Curtis's place in

command

of the

camp

of

instruction, at

Benton Barracks, on the ground back of North Louis, now used as the Fair Grounds, by the following
[Special Order

order
No.
87].

Headquarters Department oe the Missouri,
St. Louis, December 23, 1861.

\ )

[extract.]

assigned to the

Brigadier-General "W. T. Sherman, United States Volunteers, is hereby command of the camp of instruction and post of Benton

He will have every armed regiment and company in his command ready for service at a moment's warning, and will notify all concerned that, when marching orders are received, it is expected that they will be instantly
Barracks.

obeyed no excuses for delay will be admitted. General Sherman will immediately report to these headquarters what regiments and companies, at
;

Benton Barracks, are ready

for the field.

By

order of Major-General Halleck,
J. 0.

Kelten, Assistant Adjutant- General.
in the build-

I immediately assumed

command, and found,
officer,

ing constructed for the commanding

Brigadier-General

Strong, and the family of a captain of Iowa cavalry, with

whom

we

boarded.

Major

Curtis, son of General Curtis,

was the

adjutant-general,

Hammond, who was

but was soon relieved by Captain J. JEL appointed assistant adjutant-general, and

assigned to duty with me.

1801-62.]

BULL RUN TO PADUCAL.

219

Brigadier-General
pertaining to the post
in as
eral

Hmibut was also

there,

and about a dozen

regiments of infantry and cavalry.

I at once gave all matters
attention, got the regiments

my personal

good order

as possible, kept

up communication with Gen-

Halleck's headquarters by telegraph, and,

when

orders

came for the movement of any regiment or detachment, it The winter was very wet, and the ground moved instantly. badly drained. The quarters had been erected by General Fremont, under contract they were mere shells, but well arranged for a camp, embracing the Fair Grounds, and some forty acres of flat ground west of it. I instituted drills, and was specially ordered by General Halleck to watch Generals Hurlbut and Strong, and report as to their fitness for their commissions as brigadier-generals. I had known Hurlbut as a young lawyer, in Charleston, South Carolina, before the Mexican "War, at which time he took a special interest in military matters, and I found him far above the average in the knowledge of regimental and brigade drill, and so reported. General Strong had been a merchant, and he told me that he never professed to be a soldier, but had been urged on the Secretary of War for the commission of a brigadier-general, with the expectation of be coming quartermaster or commissary-general. He was a good, kind-hearted gentleman, boiling over with patriotism and zeal. I advised him what to read and study, was considerably amused at his receiving instruction from a young lieutenant who knew the company and battalion drill, and could hear him practise in his room the words of command, and tone of voice, " Break from the right, to march to the left " " Battalion, halt " "For ward into line " etc. Of course I made a favorable report in Among the infantry and cavalry colonels were some his case. who afterward rose to distinction David Stuart, Gordon
;
! ! !

Granger, Bussey,

etc., etc.

Though

it

was mid-winter, General Halleck was pushing

his

preparations most vigorously, and surely he brought order out
of chaos in St. Louis with

commendable energy.

I

remember,
talking

one night, sitting in his room, on the second floor of the Planters'

House, with him and General Cullum, his chief of

staff,

" ;

220

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH.

[1861-'62.

of tilings generally, and the subject then was of the much-talkedof " advance," as soon as the season would permit. Most people

urged the movement down the Mississippi River but Generals Polk and Pillow had a large rebel force, with heavy guns in a very strong position, at Columbus, Kentucky, about eighteen
;

miles below Cairo.

Cairo

;

and General U.

Commodore Foote had his gunboat fleet at S. Grant, who commanded the district,

was

collecting

a large force at Paducah, Cairo, and Bird's

General Halleck had a m&p on his table, with a large pencil in his hand, and asked, " Where is the rebel line ? Cullum drew the pencil through Bowling Green, Forts DonelPoint.
line," said Halleck.
it ?

" That is their son and Henry, and Columbus, Kentucky. " Now, where is the proper place to break
"

And
it

either

Cullum or

I said,

"Naturally the centre."
its

Halleck drew a line perpendicular to the other, near

middle,

coincided nearly with the general course of the Tennessee River and he said, " That's the true line of operations."

and

;

This occurred more than a month before General Grant began
as he was subject to General Halleck's have always given Halleck the full credit for that movement, which was skillful, successful, and extremely rich indeed, it was the first real success on in military results our side in the civil war. The movement up the Tennessee began about the 1st of February, and Fort Henry was captured by the joint action of the navy under Commodore I oote, and the land-forces under General Grant, on the 6th of February, 18G2. About the same time, General S. R. Curtis had moved forward from Rolla, and, on the 8th of March, defeated the rebels under McCulloch, Yan Dorn, and Price, at Pea Ridge. As soon as Fort Henry fell, General Grant marched straight across to Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River, invested the place, and, as soon as the gunboats had come round from the Tennessee, and had bombarded the water-front, lie assaulted vv hereupon Buckner surrendered the garrison of twelve thousand men Pillow and ex-Secretary of War General Floyd having personally escaped across the river at night, occasioning a good deal of fun and criticism at their expense.

the

movement, and,

orders, I

;

;

:

:

1861-'62.J

BULL RUN TO PADCCAH.
fall

221

Before the
ceived, at

of Donelson, but after that of Henry, I re-

Benton Barracks, the following orders
Headquarters Department of the Missouri,
St. Louis, February 13, 1S62.
|

J

Brigadier- General Sherman, Benton Barracks

You will immediately repair to Paducah, Kentucky, and assume command of that post. Brigadier-General Hurlbut will accompany you. The command of Benton Barracks will be turned over to General Strong.
H.

W. Halleck, Major- General.

Paducah the same day, and think that General Cullum went with me to Cairo General Halleck' s purpose being to push forward the operations up the Tennessee River with unusual vigor. On reaching Paducah, I found this dispatch
I started for
;
:

Headquarters Department of the Missouri,
St. Louis,

}

February 15, 18G2.

J

Brigadier- General Sherman, Paducah, Kentucky

:

Send General Grant every thing you can spare from Paducah and Smith
land
;

also General Hurlbut.
entirely.

Bowling Green has been evacuated

H.

"W.

Halleck, Major- General.

The next day brought us news

of the surrender of Buckner,

and probably at no time during the war did we all feel so heavy a weight raised from our breasts, or so thankful for a most fruitful series of victories. They at once gave Generals Halleck, Grant, and C. F. Smith, great fame. Of course, the rebels let go their whole line, and fell back on Nashville and Island No. Ten, and to the Memphis & Charleston Kailroad. Everybody was anxious to help. Boats passed up and down constantly, and very soon arrived the rebel prisoners from Donelson. I saw General Buckner on the boat, he seemed self-sufficient, and
thought their loss was not really so serious to their cause as

we

did.

From
made no

the time I had left Kentucky, General Buell had really
substantial progress,

though strongly reenf orced beyond

222

BULL RUN TO PADUOAH.

[1861-'62.

even what I had asked for. General Albert Sidney Johnston had remained at Bowling Green until his line was broken at Henry and Donelson, when he let go Bowling Green and fell back and, on Buell's approach, he did not even hastily to Nashville tarry there, bnt continued his retreat southward.
;

;

CHAPTEK
MAKCH AND

IX.

BATTLE OF SHILOH.
APRIL, 1862.

In the middle of February, 1862, Major-General Halleck

commanded

all

the armies in the valley of the Mississippi, from

his headquarters in St. Loins.

These were, the

Ohio, Major-General Buell, in Kentucky; the
Tennessee, Major-General Grant, at Forts
S.

Army Army

of the

of the

Henry and Donelson R. Curtis, in Southern Missouri. Fie posted his chief of staff, General Cullum, at Cairo, and me at Paducah, chiefly to expedite and facilitate the important operations then in progress up the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers. Fort Donelson surrendered to General Grant on the 16th of February, and there must have been a good deal of confusion resulting from the necessary care of the wounded, and disposition of prisoners, common to all such occasions, and there was a real difficulty in communicating between St. Louis and Fort
and General
Donelson.

General Buell had also followed up the rebel army, which had retreated hastily from Bowling Green to and through Nashville, a city of so much importance to the South, that it was at one time proposed as its capital. Both Generals Grant and Buell looked to its capture as an event of great importance. On the 21st General Grant sent General Smith with his division to

Clarksville, fifty miles above Donelson, toward Nashville, and on the 27th went himself to Nashville to meet and confer with General Buell, but returned to Donelson the next dav

:

:

:

224

BATTLE OF SniLOH.

[1862

Meantime, General Halleck at St. Louis must have felt that were getting away from him, and began to send dispatches to me at Paducah, to be forwarded by boat, or by a rickety telegraph-line up to Fort Henry, which lay entirely in a hostile country, and was consequently always out of repair.
his armies

On

the 1st of
it

March

I receivod the following dispatch,

warded

to General Grant, both

and by the telegraph and boat
St. Louis,

for-

March

1, 1862.

To General Grant, Fort Uenrxj
Transports will bo sent you as soon as possible, to
the Tennessee River.

move your column up
;

be to deand also the railroad connections at Corinth, Jackson, and Humboldt. It is thought best that these objects bo attempted in tho order named. Strong
stroy the railroad-bridge over Bear Creek, near Eastport, Mississippi

The main object of

this expedition will

detachments of cavalry and light
rapid
opposition.

artillery,

supported by infantry,
river,

may by

movements reach these points from tho

without any serious
It will

Avoid any general engagements with strong
to retreat than to risk a general battle.

forces.

be better

This should bo strongly impressed

on the officers sent with expeditions from tho river. General C. F. Smith or some very discreet officer should bo selected for such commands. Having accomplished those objects, or such of them as may bo practicable, you will return to Danville, and move on Paris. Perhaps the troops sent to Jackson and Humboldt can reach Paris by This must depend on tho land as easily as to return to tho transports. All telegraphic character of the roads and the position of tho enemy. The gunboats will accompany tho lines which can be reached must bo cut. Any loyal Tennesseeans who desire it, transports for their protection. may be enlisted and supplied with arms. Competent officers should bo I have inleft to command Forts Henry and Donelson in your absence.
dicated in general terms the object of this.

H.

W. Halleck, Major- General.
Cairo, March
2,

Again on the 2d
1862.

To General Grant

:

General Halleck, February 25th, telegraphs me " General Grant will send no more forces to Clarksville. General Smith's division will come to Fort Henry, or a point higher up on the Tennessee River transports will Two gunboats in Tennessee River with also bo collected at Paducah.
:

;

Grant.

Forts Henry and Donelson, and

General Grant will immediately have small garrisons detailed for n all other forces made ready for the field

:

1862.]

BATTLE OF SHILOH.
letter of tho 28th, I learn

225
at Fort Donelson,

From your

you were

and

General Smith at Nashville, from which I infer you could not have received Ilulleck's telegram of last night says: "Who sent Smith's division orders.
to Nashville?
I

ordered

it

across to tho Tennessee,

where they aro wanted

immediately.

Order them back.
all

Send

all

spare transports up Tennessee to

General Grant."
see.
I

Evidently the general supposes you to be on the Tennesthe transports I can find for you, reporting to Gen-

am

sending

eral

Sherman

for orders to go

up the Cumberland for

you,, or, if

you march

across to Fort Henry, then to send

them up the Tennessee.
G. W. Cullum, Brigadier- General.

On

the 4th came this dispatch
St. Louis,

March

4,

1862.

To Major- General U.

S.

Grant:

You will place Major-General C. F. Smith in command of expedition, Why do you not obey my orders to and remain yourself at Fort Henry. report strength and positions of your command ? H. W. Halleok, Major- General.
Halleck was evidently working himself into a passion, but he far from the seat of war to make due allowance for the

was too

General Grant had done so much, that General Halleck should have been patient. Meantime, at Paducah, I was busy sending boats in every direction some under
actual state of facts.

the orders of

General Halleck, others of General Cullum;
still

others for General Grant, and

others for General Buell at

same time I was organizing out of the new troops that were arriving at Paducah a division for myself when allowed to take the field, which I had been promised by General Halleck. His purpose was evidently to operate up the Tennessee Biver, to break up Bear Creek Bridge and the railroad communications between the Mississippi and Tennessee Rivers, and no doubt he was provoked that Generals Grant and Smith had turned aside to Xaskville. In the mean time several of the gunboats, under Captain Phelps, United States Navy, had gone up the Tennessee as far as Florence, and on their return had reported a strong Union feeling among the people along the river. On the 10th of March, having received the necessary orders from General Halleck, I embarked my division at PaduNashville
;

and

at the

226

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

[1862.

cah. It was composed of four brigades. The First, commanded by Colonel S. G. Hicks, was composed of the Fortieth Illinois, Forty-sixth Ohio, and Morton's Indiana Battery, on the boats Sallie List, Golden Gate, J. B. Adams, and Lancaster. The Second Brigade, Colonel D. Stuart, was composed of the Fifty-fifth Illinois, Seventy-first Ohio, and Fifty-fourth Ohio embarked on the Hannibal, Universe, Hazel Dell, Cheeseman, and Prairie Rose. The Third Brigade, Colonel Hildebrand, was composed of the Seventy-seventh Ohio, Fifty-seventh Ohio, and Fifty-third Ohio embarked on the Poland, Anglo-Saxon, Ohio "No. Three, and Continental. The Fourth Brigade, Colonel Buckland, was composed of the Seventy-second Ohio, Forty-eighth Ohio, and Seventieth Ohio embarked on the Empress, Baltic, Shenango, and Ma;

;

;

rengo.

Fort Henry, the river being high and in There I reported in person to General C. F. Smith, and by him was ordered a few miles above, to the remains of the burned railroad bridge, to await the rendezvous I had my headquarters on the Conof the rest of his army.
splendid order.
tinental.

We steamed up to

Among my colonels I had a strange character Thomas Worthington, colonel of the Forty-sixth Ohio. He was a graduate of West Point, of the class of 1827 was, therefore, older than General Halleck, General Grant, or myself, and claimed to know more of war than all of us put together. In ascending
;

the river he did not keep his place in the column, but pushed

on and reached Savannah a day before the

rest of

my

division.

When

I reached that place, I found that Worthington had

landed his regiment, and was flying about giving orders, as though he were commander-in-chief. I made him get back to his boat, and gave him to understand that he must thereafter keep his place. General C. F. Smith arrived about the 13th of March, with a large fleet of boats, containing Hurlbut's division, Lew. Wallace 's division, and that of himself,
then commanded by Brigadier-General

W. H.

L. Wallace.

1862.]

BATTLE OF
Sniitli sent for

SIIILOH.

227

me to meet him on Lis boat, and on under escort of the two gunboats, Lexington and Tyler, commanded by Captains Gwin and I was to land at some point beShirk, United States' Navy. low Eastport, and make a break of the Memphis & Charleston Railroad, between Tuscumbia and Corinth. General Smith was quite unwell, and was suffering from his leg, which was swollen and very sore, from a mere abrasion in stepping This actually mortified, and resulted in his into a small-boat. death about a month after, viz., April 25, 18G2. lie was adGeneral
ordered

me

to push

jutant of the Military

Academy during

the early part of
cadets.

my

career there, and afterward

commandant of

very handsome and soldierly Donelson had acted with so

was a man, of great experience, and at
lie

much

personal bravery that to
of

him many
diately

attributed the

success

the assault.

I

imme-

steamed up the Tennessee River, following the two gunboats, and, in passing Pittsburg Landing, was told by Captain Gwin that, on his former trip up the river, he had found a rebel regiment of cavalry posted there, and that it was the usual landing-place for the people about Corinth, distant thirty miles. I sent word back to General Smith that, if we were detained up the river, he ought to post some troops at Pittsburg Landing. We went on up the river cautiously, till we saw Eastport and Chickasaw, both of which were occupied by
rebel batteries

and

a small rebel force of infantry.

We then dropped back
a
r

few miles below, w hence led

the

Memphis
:

repair-shops.

& We

Yellow River, on Charleston road, where were the company's
quietly to the
of
a road to Burnsville, a place
at

mouth

once commenced disembarking the com-

mand

first

the cavalry, which started at once for Burnsville,

with orders to tear up the railroad-track, and burn the depots,
shops, etc
as they
T

and I followed with the infantry and artillery as fast It was raining very hard at the time. Daylight found us about six miles out, w here we met the cavalry returning. They had made numerous attempts to cross the streams, which had become so swollen that mere brooks covered the whole bottom and my aide-de-camp, Sanger, whom I had
;

w ere disembarked.

T

;

228

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

[1862.

loss, by drowning, of was pouring in torrents, and reports from the rear came that the river was rising very fast, and that, unless we got back to our boats soon, the bottom would be simply impassable. There was no alternative but to regain our boats and even this was so difficult, that we had to unharness the artillery-horses, and drag the guns under water through the bayous, to reach the bank of the river. Once more embarked, I concluded to drop down to Pittsburg Landing, and to make the attempt from there. During the night of the 14th, we dropped down to Pittsburg Landing, where I found Ilurlbut' s division Leaving my command there, I steamed down to Sain boats. vannah, and reported to General Smith in person, who saw in the flooded Tennessee the full truth of my report and he then instructed me to disembark my own division, and that of General Ilurlbut, at Pittsburg Landing to take positions well back, and to leave room for his whole army telling me that he would soon come up in person, and move out in force to make the lodgment on the railroad, contemplated by General Hal-

dispatched with the cavalry, reported the
several of the

men.

The

rain

;

;

;

;

leck's orders.

Lieutenant-Colonel McPherson, of General C. F. Smith's, or
staff, returned with me, and on the 16th of March we disembarked and marched out about ten miles toward Corinth, to a place called Monterey or Pea Ridge,

rather General Halleck's,

where the rebels had a cavalry regiment, which of course decamped on our approach, but from the people we learned that trains were bringing large masses of men from every direction McPherson and I reconnoitred the ground well, into Corinth. and then returned to our boats. On the 18th, Ilurlbut disembarked his division and took post about a mile and a half out, near where the roads branched, one leading to Corinth and the On the 19th I disembarked my other toward Hamburg. division, and took post about three miles back, three of the brigades covering the roads to Purdy and Corinth, and the other brigade (Stuart's) temporarily at a place on the Hamburg Poad, near Lick Creek Ford, where the Bark Poad came into the Hamburg Poad. "Within a few days, Prentiss's division arrived

1862.

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

229

and afterward McClernand's and W. IL which formed a line to our rear. Lew Wallace's division remained on the north side of Snake Creek, on a road leading from Savannah or Crump's Landing to Purdy. General C. F. Smith remained back at Savannah, in chief command, and I was only responsible for my own division. I kept pickets well out on the roads, and made myself familiar with all the ground inside and outside my lines. My personal staff was composed of Captain J. II. Hammond, assistant adjutant-general Surgeons Hartshorn and L'Hommedieu LieuLieutenant Colonels Ilascall and Sanger, inspector-generals tenants McCoy and John Taylor, aides-de-camp. We were all conscious that the enemy was collecting at Corinth, but in what force we could not know, nor did we know what was going on behind us. On the 17th of March, General U. S. Grant was restored to the command of all the troops up the Tennessee River, by reason of General Smith's extreme illness, and because he had explained to General Ilalleck satisfactorily his conduct after Donelson and he too made his headquarters at Savannah, but frequently visited our camps. I always acted on that our the supposition that we were an invading army purpose was to move forward in force, make a lodgment on the Memphis & Charleston road, and thus repeat the grand tactics of Fort Donelson, by separating the rebels in the interior from those at Memphis and on the Mississippi River. We did not fortify our camps against an attack, because we had no orders to do so, and because such a course would have made our raw men timid. The position was naturally strong, with Snake Creek on our right, a deep, bold stream, with a confluent (Owl Creek) to our right front and Lick Creek, with a similar confluent, on our left, thus narrowing the space over which we could be attacked to about a mile and a half or two miles. At a later period of the war, we could have rendered this position impregnable in one night, but at this time we did not do it, and it may be it is well we did not. From about the 1st of April we were conscious that the rebel cavalry in our front was getting bolder and more saucy and on Friday, the 4th of

and camped on

my

left,

L. Wallace's divisions,

;

;

;

;

;

;

;

230
April,

BATTLE OF

SIIILOH.

[1862

it dashed down and carried off one of our picket guards, composed of an officer and seven men, posted a couple of miles out on the Corinth road. Colonel Buckland sent a company to its relief, then followed himself with a regiment, and, fearing lest he might be worsted, I called out his whole brigade and followed some four or five miles, when the cavalry in advance encountered artillery. I then, after dark, drew back to our lines, and reported the fact by letter to General Grant, at Savannah but thus far we had not positively detected the presence of infantry, for cavalry regiments generally had a couple of gims along, and I supposed the guns that opened on us on
;

the evening of Friday, April 4th, belonged to the cavalry that

was hovering along our whole front. Saturday passed in our camps without any unusual event, the weather being wet and mild, and the roads back to the steamboat-landing being heavy with mud but on Sunday morning, the 6th, early, there was a good deal of picket-firing, and I got breakfast, rode out along my lines, and, about four hundred yards to the front of Appier's regiment, received from some bushes in a ravine to the left front a volley which killed my orderly, Holliday. About the same time I saw the rebel lines of battle in front coming down on us as far as All my troops were in line of battle, the eye could reach. and the ground was favorable to us. I gave the necessary ready,
;

orders to the battery (Waterhouse's) attached to Hildebrand's
brigade, and cautioned the
rebels

men

to reserve their fire

till

the

had crossed the ravine of Owl Creek, and had begun the also, sent staff-officers to notify Generals McClernand ascent and Prentiss of the coming blow. Indeed, McClernand had already sent three regiments to the support of my left flank, and
;

when the onset came. In a few minutes the battle of " Shiloh " began with extreme Its history has been well given, and fury, and lasted two days. it has been made the subject of a great deal of controversy. Hildebrand's brigade was soon knocked to pieces, but Buckland's
they were in position

and McDowell's kept their organization throughout. Stuart's was driven back to the river, and did not join me in person till

1862.]

BATTLE OF

SfflLOH.

231
reports of that

the second clay of the battle.
battle are

I think

my several

condensed and good, made on the
facts
:

spot,

when

all

the

names and

were fresh in

my

memory, and

are herewith

given entire

Headquarters First Division, Pittsburg Landing, March 17, 1802.

|

)

Captain "Wm. McMichael, Assistant Adjutant- General
Smith, Savannah, Tennessee.

to

General 0. F.

Sie: Last night I dispatched a party of cavalry, at G p.m., under the

command
phis road.

of Lieutenant-Colonel Heath, Fifth Ohio Cavalry, for a strong
if possible,

reconnoissance,

to be converted into

The command got

off punctually, followed at

an attack upon the Memtwelve o'clock at

night by the First Brigade of
ell,

my

division,

commanded by Colonel McDow-

the other brigades to follow in order.

About one at night tho cavalry returned, reporting the road occupied in by the enemy, with whose advance-guard they skirmished, driving them back about a mile, taking two prisoners, and having their chief guide, Thomas Maxwell, Esq., and three men of tho Fourth Illinois wounded.
force

Inclosed please find tho report of Lieutenant-Colonel Heath; also a copy of his instructions, and tho order of march. As soon as the cavalry returned, I saw that an attempt on the road was frustrated, and accordingly have placed McDowell's brigade to our right front, guarding the pass of

Snake Creek Stuart's brigade to tho left front, to watch tho pass of Lick Creek and I shall this morning move directly out on the Corinth road, about eight miles to or toward Pea Ridgo, which is a key-point to the
;

;

southwest.

General Ilurlbut's division will bo landed to-day, and the
infantry disposed so as to defend Pittsburg, leaving

artillery

and

my

division entire for

any movement by land or water. As near as I can learn, there are five regiments of rebel infantry at Purely at Corinth, and distributed along tho railroad to Iuca, are probably but my information from prisoners is very indisthirty thousand men Every road and path is occupied by the enemy's cavalry, whose ortinct. ders seem to be, to fire a volley, retire, again fire and retire. The force on the Purdy road attacked and driven by Major Bowman yesterday, was about sixty strong. That encountered last night on tho Corinth road was about five companies of Tennessee cavalry, sent from Purdy about 2 p. m.
;
;

yesterday.
I hear there is a force of two regiments on Pea Ridge, where the Purdy and Corinth roads come together. I

at the point

am

satisfied

we cannot

reach

the

Memphis
is

&

Charleston road

without a considerable engagement, which
ieck's instructions, so that I will

prohibited by General Hal-

be governed by your orders of yesterday,

; ;

232
to

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

[1862.

circle of three miles,

occupy Pittsburg strongly, extend the pickets so as to include a semiand push a strong reconnoissanco as far out as Lick Creek and Pea Ridge. I will send down a good many boats to-day, to be employed as you
direct
;

may

sacks of corn, as
of coal.
I will

and would be obliged if you would send a couple of thousand much hay as you can possibly spare, and, if possible, a barge
collect corn

cribs
I

send a steamboat under care of the gunboat, to on the river-bank have the honor to be your obedient servant,

from

W.

T.

SnERMAN,

Brigadier- General commanding First Division.

Headquarters, Steamboat Continental,
Pittsburg, March 18,
18(32.

)

)

Captain Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General
:

to

General Grant.

Sir The division surgeon having placed some one hundred or more sick on board the Fanny Bullitt, I have permitted her to take them to Savannah. There is neither house nor building of any kind that can be used for
a hospital hero.
I

hope to receive an order to establish

floating hospitals, but in the

mean

by the advice of the surgeon, allow these sick men to leave. Let me hope that it will meet your approbation. The order for debarkation camo while General Sherman was absent with three brigades, and no men are left to move the effects of these brigades. The landing, too, is small, with scarcely any chance to increase it; thereColonel McArthur has arrived, fore there is a great accumulation of boats. and is now cutting a landing for himself. General Sherman will return this evening. I am obliged to transgress, and write myself in the mean time,
time,

Respectfully your obedient servant,
J. II.

Hammond,

Assistant Adjutant- General.

have been half-way to Corinth and to Purdy. letter, and approve all but floating hospitals regimental surgeons can take care of all sick, except chronic cases, which can always be sent down to Paducah. Magnificent plain for camping and drilling, and a military point of great The enemy has felt us twice, at great loss and demoralization strength. am now much worn out. will report at length this evening
P. S
p.

—4

m.

—Just back

;

All right.

Have just read this

;

W.

T.

Sherman, Brigadier- General.

1862.]

BATTLE OF SHILOH.
Headquarters First Division,
Pittsburg Landing, March

233
)

19, 1802.

)

Captain Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General to General Grant, Savannah^
Tennessee.

have just returned from an extensive reconnoissance toward am strongly impressed with the importance of this position, both for its land advantages and its stratogic position. The ground itself admits of easy defense by a small command, and yet affords admirable camping-ground for a hundred thousand men. I will as soon as
Sir:
I

Corinth and Purdy, and

make or cause to be made a topographical sketch of the position. The only drawback is that, at this stage of water, the spaco for landing is contracted too much for the immense fleet now here discharging.
possible

push tho loading and unloading of boats, but suggest that you send Dodd, if possible) tho best quartermaster you can, that he may control and organize this whole matter. I have a good commissary, and will keep as fow provisions afloat as possible. Yours, etc.,
I will

at once (Captain

"W. T.

SnERMAN, Brigadier- General commanding.
Headquarters Sherman's Division,

}

Camp Shilou, near Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee, April
Captain
:

2,

1862.

\

J.

A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General

to

General Grant.

Sir In obedience to General Grant's instructions of March 31st, with one section of Captain Muench's Minnesota Battery, two twelve-pound howitzers, a detachment of Fifth Ohio Cavalry of one hundred and fifty men, under Major Ricker, and two battalions of infantry from the Fifty-seventh

and Seventy-seventh Ohio, under the command of Colonels Hildebrand and Mungen, I marched to the river, and embarked on the steamers Empress and Tecumseh. The gunboat Cairo did not arrive at Pittsburg, until after midnight, and at G a. m. Captain Bryant, commanding tho gunboat, notified me that he was ready to proceed up the river. I followed, keeping the transports within about threo hundred yards of tho gunboat. About 1 p. m., the Cairo commenced shelling the battery abovo the mouth of Indian Creek, but elicited no reply. She proceeded up the river steadily and cautiously, followed close by the Tyler and Lexington, all throwing shells at the points where, on former visits of the gunboats, enemy's batteries were found. In this order all followed, till it was demonstrated that all the enemy's batteries, including that at Chickasaw, were abandoned.
I ordered the battalion of infantry under Colonel Hildebrand to disembark at Eastport, and with the other battalion proceeded to Chickasaw and landed. Tho battery at this point had evidently been abandoned some

time,

away by

and consisted of the remains of an old Indian mound, partly washed the river, which had been fashioned into a two-gun battery, with a small magazine. The ground to its rear had evidently been overflowed

234

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

[1862.

during the late freshet, and led to the removal of the guns to Eastport,

where the batteries were on high, elevated ground, accessible at all seasons from the country to the rear. Upon personal inspection, I attach little importance to Chickasaw as a The people, who had fled during the approach of the military position. gunboats, returned to the village, and said the place had been occupied by one Tennessee regiment and a battery of artillery from Pensacola. After
port, not

remaining at Chickasaw some hours, all the boats dropped back to Eastmore than a mile below, and landed there. Eastport Landing
is

during the late freshet must have been about twelve feet under water, but
at the present stage the landing

the best

I

have seen on the Tennessee

River.

The levee

is

clear of trees or snags,

and a hundred boats could land

there without confusion.

The soil is of sand and gravel, and very firm. The road back is hard, and at a distance of about four hundred yards from the water begin the gravel hills of the country. The infantry scouts sent out by Colonel Hildebrand found the enemy's cavalry mounted, and watching the Iuca road, about two miles back of Eastport. The distance to Iuca is only eight miles, and Iuca is the nearest point and has the best road by which the Charleston & Memphis Railroad can be reached. I could obtain no certain information as to the strength of the enemy there, but am satisfied that it would have been folly to have attempted it with my command. Our object being to dislodge the enemy from the batteries recently erected near Eastport, and this being attained, I have returned, and report the river to be clear to and beyond Chickasaw. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, W. T. Sherman,
Brigadier- General commanding Division.

Headquarter? Fifth Division,

j
j*

Camp Shiloh, April
Captain
J.

5,

1862.

A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General, District of Western

Tennessee.

have the honor to report that yesterday, about 3 p. m., the lieumen of the advance pickets imprudently advanced from their posts and were captured. I ordered Major Ricker, of the Fifth Ohio Cavalry, to proceed rapidly to the picket-station, ascertain the truth, and act according to circumstances. He reached the station, found the pickets had been captured as reported, and that a company of infantry sent by the brigade commander had gone forward in pursuit of some cavalry. He rapidly advanced some two miles, and found them engaged, charged the enemy, and drove them along the Ridge road, till ho
Sib
:

I

tenant commanding and seven

:

;

1862.]

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

235

met and received three discharges of artillery, when he very properly wheeled under cover, and returned till he met me. As soon as I heard artillery, I advanced with two regiments of infantry,
and took position, and remained until the scattered companies of infantry and cavalry had returned. This was after night. I infer that the enemy is in some considerable force at Pea Ridge, that yesterday morning they crossed a brigade of two regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, and one battery of field-artillery, to the ridge on which the Corinth road lies. They halted the infantry and artillery at a point about five miles in my front, sent a detachment to the lane of General Meaks, on the north of Owl Creek, and the cavalry down toward our camp. This cavalry captured a part of our advance pickets, and afterward engaged the two companies of Colonel Buckland's regiment, as described by him in his report herewith inclosed. Our cavalry drove them back upon their artillery and Infantry, killing many, and bringing off ten prisoners, all
of the First

Alabama Cavalry, whom
(list

I

send to you.

We

lost of the pickets

one first-lieutenant and seven
;

men

of the Ohio
pri-

Seventieth Infantry

inclosed)

one major, one lieutenant, and one
;

vate of the Seventy-second Ohio, taken prisoners

eight privates

wounded
killed

(names in

full,

embraced

in report of Colonel
left

Buckland, inclosed herewith).

We
I

took ten prisoners, and
be,

two

rebels

wounded and many

on

the field.

have the honor to

your obedient servant,

W.

T.

Sherman,

Brigadier- General, commanding Division

Headquarters Fifth Division,

\

Camp Shiloh, April
Captain
Sir
:

10, 1802.

\

J.
I

A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General
to report that,

to

General Grant.
inst.,

had the honor

on Friday the 4th

the enemy's

cavalry drove in our pickets, posted about a mile and a half in advance of

on the main Corinth road, capturing one first-lieutenant aDd that I caused a pursuit by the cavalry of my division, driving On Saturday the enemy's them back about five miles, and killing many. cavalry was again very bold, coming well down to our front yet I did not believe they designed any thing but a strong demonstration. On Sunday morning early, the 6th inst., the enemy drove our advance-guard back on the main body, when I ordered under arms all my division, and sent word to General McClernand, asking him to support my left to General Prentiss,
centre,

my

seven

men

;

;

;

giving

him

notice that the

enemy was

in our front in force,

and to General

Hurlbut, asking him to support General Prentiss.

At

that time

— 7 a. m. —

my

division

First

was arranged as follows Brigade, composed of the Sixth Iowa, Colonel

J.

A. McDowell

; ;

236
Fortieth

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

1862.

li

Illinois, Colonel Hicks; Forty-sixth Ohio, Colonel Worthington and the Morton battery, Captain Behr, on the extreme right, guarding the bridge on the Purdy road over Owl Creek. Second Brigade, composed of the Fifty -fifth Illinois, Colonel D. Stuart; the Fifty-fourth Ohio, Colonel T. Kilby Smith and the Seventy-first Ohio, Colonel Mason, on the extreme left, guarding the ford over Lick Creek. Third Brigade, composed of the Seventy-seventh Ohio, Colonel Ililderand the Fifty-third Ohio, Colonel Appier and the Fifty-seventh Ohio, Colonel Mungen, on the left of the Corinth road, its right resting on Shiloh
;
;

;

meeting-house.
the Forty-eighth Ohio, Colonel Sullivan

Fourth Brigade, composed of the Seventy-second Ohio, Colonel Buckland and the Seventieth Ohio, Colonel Cockerill, on the right of the Corinth road, its left resting on Shiloh
;

meeting-house.

Two

batteries of artillery

— Taylor's and Waterhouse's —were posted, the

left, with a front-fire over The cavalry, open ground between Mungen's and Appier's regiments. eight companies of the Fourth Illinois, under Colonel Dickey, were posted in a large open field to the left and rear of Shiloh meeting-house, which I

former at Shiloh, and the latter on a ridge to the

regarded as the centre of
front,

my

position.

Shortly after 7 a. m., with

my

entire

staff, I

rode along a portion of our

and when in the open field before Appier's regiment, the enemy's pickets opened a brisk fire upon my party, killing my orderly, Thomas D. Ilolliday, of Company II, Second Illinois Cavalry. The fire came from the bushes which line a small stream that rises in the field in front of Appier's camp, and flows to tho north along my wholo front. This valley afforded the enemy partial cover but our men were so posted as to have a good fire at them as they crossed the valley and ascended the rising ground on our side. About 8 a. m. I saw the glistening bayonets of heavy masses of infantry to our left front in the woods beyond the small stream alluded to, and be;

came

satisfied for the first

time that the enemy

designed a determined

attack on our whole camp.

my division were then in lino of battle at their rode to Colonel Appier, and ordered him to hold his ground at all hazards, as he held the left flank of our first line of battle, and I informed him that he had a good battery on his right, and strong support to his rear.
All the regiments of
I

proper posts.

request,

General McClernand had promptly and energetically responded to my and had sent me three regiments which were posted to protect
left flank

Waterhouse's battery and the

of

my

line.

opened by the enemy's battery, in the woods to our front, Taylor's and TTaterhouse's batteries throwing shells into our camp. promptly responded, and I then observed heavy battalions of infantry

The

battle


1862.]

BATTLE OF

SH1L0II.

237
;

passing obliquely to the left, across the open field in Appier's front also, Our infantry and other columns advancing directly upon my division. artillery opened along tho whole line, and the battle became general. Other

heavy masses of the enemy's forces kept passing across the field to our left, I saw at once that the and directing their course on General Prentiss. enemy designed to pass my left flank, and fall upon Generals McClcrnand and Prentiss, whose line of camps was almost parallel with the Tennessee Very soon the sound of artillery Paver, and about two miles back from it. and musketry announced that General Prentiss was engaged and about About this time Appier's regi9 a. m. I judged that he was falling back. ment broke in disorder, followed by Mungen's regiment, and the enemy
;

pressed forward on Waterhouse's battery thereby exposed. The three Illinois regiments in immediate support of this battery stood
for

some time

;

but the enemy's advance was so vigorous, and the
Colonel Raith, of the Forty-third
Illinois,

fire so

severe, that

when

received a se-

fell from his horse, his regiment and the others manifested and tho enemy got possession of three guns of this (Waterhouse's) Although our left was thus turned, and tho enemy was pressing battery. our whole line, I deemed Shiloh so important, that I remained by it and renewed my orders to Colonels McDowell and Buckland to hold their ground; and we did hold these positions until about 10 a. m., when the enemy had got his artillery to the rear of our left flank and some change

vere

wound and

disorder,

Two regiments of Ilildebrand's brigade became absolutely necessary. Appier's and Mungen's had already disappeared to tho rear, and Ilildebrand's own regiment was in disorder. I therefore gave orders for Taylor's battery still at Shiloh to fall back as far as the Purdy and Hamburg road, I and for McDowell and Buckland to adopt that road as their now lino. rodo across the angle and met Bohr's battery at the cross-roads, and ordered Captain Behr gave the it immediately to come into battery, action right. order, but he was almost immediately shot from his horse, when drivers and gunners fled in disorder, carrying off tho caissons, and abandoning five out The enemy pressed on, gaining this batof six guns, without firing a shot. tery, and wo were again forced to choose a new line of defense. Ilildebrand's brigade had substantially disappeared from tho field, though he himself bravely remained. McDowell's and Buckland's brigades maintained their organizations, and were conducted by my aides, so as to join on General McClernand's right, thus abandoning my original camps and lino. This was about 10* a. m., at which titno the enemy had made a furious attack on General McClernand's whole front. He struggled most determinedly, but, finding him pressed, I moved McDowell's brigade directly against the left flank of the enemy, forced him back some distance, and then directed the men to avail themselves of every cover trees, fallen timber, and a wooded

— —

valley to

our right.

We

held this position for four long hours, some-

238

BATTLE OF SHILOH.
;

[1862.

General McClernand and myand struggling to maintain this line. "While we were so hard pressed, two Iowa regiments approached from the rear, but could not be brought up to the severe fire that was raging in our front, and General Grant, who visited us on that ground, will remember our situation about 3 p. m. but about 4 p. m. it was evident that Hurlbut's line had been driven back to the river and knowing that General Lew Wallace was coming with reinforcements from Crump's Landing, General McClernand and I, on consultation, selected a new line of defense, with its right covering We fell back as well a bridge by which General Wallace had to approach.
self acting in perfect concert,
; ;

times gaining and at others losing ground

as

we

could, gathering in addition to our
find,

own

such scattered forces as

we

and formed the new line. During this change the enemy's cavalry charged us, but were handsomely repulsed by the Twenty-ninth Illinois Regiment. The Fifth Ohio Battery, which had come up, rendered good service in holding the enemy in check for some time, and Major Taylor also came up with another battery and got into position, just in time to get a good flank-fire upon the enemy's column, as he pressed on General McClernand's right, checking his advance when General McClernand's division made a fine charge on the enemy and drove him back into the ravines to our front and right. I had a clear field, about two hundred yards wide, in my immediate front, and contented myself with keeping the enemy's infantry at that distance during the rest of the day. In this position we rested for the night. My command had become decidedly of a mixed character. Buckland's brigade was the only one that
could
;

retained

its

organization.

Colonel Hildebrand was personally there, but

his brigade

was

not.

Colonel

McDowell had been
river,

severely injured by a

fall

off his horse,

and had gone to the

and the three regiments of

his bri-

gade were not in line. The Thirteenth Missouri, Colonel Crafts J. Wright, had reported to me on the field, and fought well, retaining its regimental organization and it formed a part of my line during Sunday night and all Monday. Other fragments of regiments and companies had also fallen into my division, and acted with it during the remainder of the battle. Generals Grant and Buell visited me in our bivouac that evening, and from them I learned the situation of affairs on other parts of the field. General Wallace arrived from Crump's Landing shortly after dark, and formed his line to my right rear. It rained hard during the night, but our men were in good spirits, lay on their arms, being satisfied with such bread and meat as could be gathered at the neighboring camps, and determined to redeem on
;

Monday the losses of Sunday. At daylight of Monday I received General
recaptuie our original camps.
I

Grant's orders to advance and

dispatched several
find,

members
all

of

my

staff to

bring up
Stuart,

all

the

men

they could

especially the brigade of Colonel

which had been separated from the

division

the day before
it,

;

and

at the appointed

time the division, or rather what remained of

with tho

1862.]

BATTLE OF SHILOIL
moved forward and

239
reoccupied

Thirteenth Missouri and other fragments,
attracted the
quarters.

the ground on the extreme right of General McClernand's camp, where
fire

we

of a battery located near Colonel McDowell's former head-

Here I remained, patiently waiting for the sound of General advance upon the main Corinth road. About 10 a. m. the heavy firing in that direction, and its steady approach, satisfied me; and General Wallace being on our right flank with his well-conducted division, I led the
Buell's

head of

my

column to General McClernand's
its

right,

formed

lino of battle,

facing south, with Buckland's brigade directly across the ridge, and Stuart's

and thus advanced, steadily and slowly, Taylor had just got to me from the rear, where he had gone for ammunition, and brought up three These guns, which I ordered into position, to advance by hand firing. guns belonged to Company A, Chicago Light Artillery, commanded by Lieutenant P. P. Wood, and did most excellent service. Under cover of their fire, we advanced till we reached the point where the Corinth road crosses the line of McClernand's camp, and here I saw for the first time the well-ordered and compact columns of General Buell's Kentucky forces, whose soldierly movements at once gave confidence to our newer and less Here I saw Willich's regiment advance upon a point of disciplined men. water-oaks and thicket, behind which I knew the enemy was in great Then arose the severest musketrystrength, and enter it in beautiful style. fire I ever heard, and lasted some twenty minutes, when this splendid regiment had to fall back. This green point of timber is about five hundred yards east of Shiloh meeting-house, and it was evident hero was to be the struggle. The enemy could also be seen forming his lines to the south. General McClernand sending to me for artillery, I detached to him the three guns of Wood's battery, with which he speedily drove them back, and, seeing some others to the rear, I sent one of my staff to bring them forward, when, by almost providential decree, they proved to be two twenty-fourpound howitzers belonging to McAlister's battery, and served as well as
brigade on
right in the
fire

woods

;

under a heavy

of musketry and artillery.

guns ever could be.
This was about 2 p. m. The enemy had one battery close by Shiloh, and another near tho Hamburg road, both pouring grape and canister upon any column of troops that advanced upon the green point of water-oaks. Willich's regiment had been repulsed, but a whole brigade of McCook's diI vision advanced beautifully, deployed, and entered this dreaded wood. ordered my second brigade (then commanded by Colonel T. Kilby Smith,
Colonel Stuart being wounded) to form on

Colonel Buckland, on

its

right; all to

its right, and my fourth brigade, advance abreast with this Kentucky

brigade before mentioned, which I afterward found to be Rousseau's bri-

gade of McCook's division. I gave personal direction to the twenty-fourpounder guns, whose well-directed fire first silenced the enemy's guns to
the
left,

and afterward at the Shiloh meeting-house.

;

240
Bousseau's brigade
ing every thing before
;

BATTLE OF
moved
it,

SfflLOH.

[1862.

in splendid order steadily to the front, sweep-

at 4 p. m. we stood upon the ground of our and the enemy was in full retreat. I directed my several brigades to resume at once their original camps. Several times during the battle, cartridges gave out; but General Grant had thoughtfully kept a supply coming from the rear. When I appealed to

and

original front line

regiments to stand
tire a

fast,

although out of cartridges, I did so because, to re
effect

regiment for any cause, has a bad

on others.

I

commend

the

Fortieth Illinois and Thirteenth Missouri for thus holding their ground

under heavy fire, although their cartridge-boxes were empty. I am ordered by General Grant to give personal credit where I think it is due, and censure where I think it merited. I concede that General McCook's splendid division from Kentucky drove back the enemy along the Corinth road, which was the great centre of this field of battle, where Beauregard commanded in person, supported by Bragg's, Polk's, and Breckenridge's I think Johnston was killed by exposing himself in front of his divisions. troops, at the time of their attack on Buckland's brigade on Sunday morning although in this I may be mistaken. My division was made up of regiments perfectly new, nearly all having received their muskets for the first time at Paducah. None of them had ever been under fire or beheld heavy columns of an enemy bearing down on them as they did on last Sunday. To expect of them the coolness and steadiness of older troops would be wrong. They knew not the value of combination and organization. When individual fears seized them, the first impulse was to get away. My third brigade did break much too soon, and I am not yet advised where they Colonel Hildebrand, were during Sunday afternoon and Monday morning. its commander, was as cool as any man I ever saw, and no one could have made stronger efforts to hold his men to their places than he did. He kept his own regiment with individual exceptions in hand, an hour after Ap;

and Mungen's regiments had left their proper field of action. Colonel Buckland managed his brigade well. I commend him to your notice as a cool, intelligent, and judicious gentleman, needing only confidence and experience to make a good commander. His subordinates, Colonels Sullivan and Cockerill, behaved with great gallantry the former receiving a severe wound on Sunday, and yet commanding and holding his regiment well in hand all day, and on Monday, until his right arm was broken by a shot. Colonel Cockerill held a larger proportion of his men than any colonel in my division, and was with me from first to last. Colonel J. A. McDowell, commanding the first brigade, held his ground on Sunday, till I ordered him to fall back, which he did in line of battle and when ordered, he conducted the attack on the enemy's left in good style. In falling back to the next position, ho was thrown from his horse and injured, and his brigade was not in position on Monday morning. Hie
pier's
;

:

1862.]

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

241

subordinates, Colonels nicks and Worthington, displayed great persona,

courage.

Colonel Hicks led his regiment in the attack on Sunday, and reit is feared may prove mortal. He is a brave and and deserves well of his country. Lieutenant-Colonel of the Ohio Forty-sixth, was severely wounded on Sunday, and

ceived a wound, which
gallant gentleman,
TValcutt,

has been disabled ever since.

My

second brigade, Colonel Stuart, was
to fight his

detached nearly two miles from
battle

my headquarters, ne had

own

on Sunday, against superior numbers, as the enemy interposed between him and General Prentiss early in the day. Colonel Stuart was wounded severely, and yet reported for duty on Monday morning, but was
compelled to leave during the day,
T. Kilby Smith,

when the command devolved on

Colonel

who was always

in the thickest of the fight,

and led the
his

brigade handsomely.
I

have not yet received Colonel Stuart's report of the operations of

brigade during the time he was detached, and must therefore forbear to

mention names. Lieutenant-Colonel Kyle, of the Seventy-first, was mortally wounded on Sunday, but the regiment itself I did not see, as only a small fragment of it was with the brigade when it joined the division on Monday morning. Great credit is due the fragments of men of the disordered regiments who kept in the advance. I observed and noticed them, but until the brigadiers and colonels make their reports, I cannot venture to name individuals, but will in due season notice all who kept in our front line, as well as those who preferred to keep back near the steamboat-landing. I will also send a full list of the killed, wounded, and missing, by name, rank, company, and regiment. At present I submit the result in
figures

KILLED.

WOUNDED.

MISSING.

REGIMENTS,

Etc.
Officers.

Men.

Officers.

Men.

Officers.

Men.

Sixth

Iowa

2
1

2
Fifty-fifth Illinois
1

Fifty-fourth Ohio Seventy-first Ohio

2
1
1

49 42 82 45 22
12

8 T 8 8 5
7

48
7 7 13 18 9

117 143 147 183 123 52 107
82 89 85 70 53
'5

89
2 52 41
1

8

2
Fifty-third Ohio

82 45 53 83
5 49 45 89

i
Forty-eijjhth Ohio i

5 8
1

1

1

Taylor's battery, no report

Behr's
Barrett's

V
1
1

*"

Waterhouse's Orderly Holliday
Total

8

14

1

16

302

45

1,280

6

485

242

BATTLE OF SHILOH.
EECAriTTJLATION.
Officers killed Officers wounded Officers missing Soldiers killed

[1862.

16 46
6

302
1,230

Soldiers wounded Soldiers missiug

435
loss in the division

Aggregate

2,034

Tho enemy captured seven of our guns on Sunday, but on Monday recovered seven not tho identical guns we had lost, but enough in number to balance the account. At the time of recovering our camps our men were so fatigued that we could not follow the retreating masses of the enemy but on the following day I followed up with Buckland's and Hildebrand's brigade for six miles, the result of which I have already reported. Of my personal staff, I can only speak with praise and thanks. I think they smelled as much gunpowder and heard as many cannon-balls and bullets as must satisfy their ambition. Captain Hammond, my chief of staff, though in feeble health, was very active in rallying broken troops, encouraging the steadfast and aiding to form the lines of defense and attack. I recommend him to your notice. Major Sanger's intelligence, quick perception, and rapid execution, were of very great value to me, especially in bringing into line

we

;

;

tho batteries that cooperated so efficiently in our movements.

Captains

McCoy and Dayton,

aides-de-camp, were with

me

all

the time, carrying

To Surgeon Hartsorders, and acting with coolness, spirit, and courage. horne and Dr. L'llommedieu hundreds of wounded men are indebted for the kind and excellent treatment received on the field of battle and in the various temporary hospitals created along the line of our operations. They worked day and night, and did not rest till all the wounded of our own troops as well as of tho enemy were in safe and comfortable shelter. To
Major Taylor, chief of artillery, I feel under deep obligations, for his good sense and judgment in managing the batteries, on which so much depended. The cavalry of my I inclose his report and indorse his recommendations. command kept to the rear, and took little part in the action but it would have been madness to have exposed horses to the musketry-fire under which we were compelled to remain from Sunday at 8 a. m. till Monday at 4 p. m. Captain Kossack, of the enginocrs, was with me all the time, and was of great assistance. I inclose his sketch of the battle-field, which is the best I have seen, and which will enable you to see the various positions occupied by my division, as well as of the others that participated in the battle. I will also send in, during the day, the detailed reports of my brigadiers and Bolonels, and will indorse them with such remarks as I deem proper. I am, with much respect, your obedient servant, W. T. Sherman,
;

Brigadier- General commanding Fifth Division.

;

1862.]

BATTLE OF

SHILOII.

243
)

Headquarters Fifth Division,
'Tuesday > April
8,

lbG2.

)

Sir

:

"With the cavalry placed at

my command

and two brigades of

my

morning out on the Corinth road. One after another of the abandoned camps of the enemy lined the roads, with hospitalflags for their protection at all we found more or less wounded and dead men. At the forks of the road I found the head of General T. J. Wood's I ordered cavalry to examine both roads leading division of Buell's Army. toward Corinth, and found the enemy on both. Colonel Dickey, of the Fourth
fatigued troops, I

went

this

;

Illinois

Cavalry, asking for reinforcements, I ordered General

Wood

to adI

vance the head of his column cautiously on the left-hand road, while
ducted the head of the third brigade of

con-

up the right-hand road. About half a mile from the forks was a clear field, through which the road passed, and, immediately beyond, a space of some two hundred yards of fallen timber, and beyond that an extensive rebel camp. The enemy's cavdivision
alry could be seen in this camp after reconnoissance, I ordered the two advance companies of the Ohio Seventy-seventh, Colonel Hildebrand, to deploy forward as skirmishers, and the regiment itself forward into line,
;

my

In this order we advanced cautiously were engaged. Taking it for granted this disposition would clear the camp, I held Colonel Dickey's Fourth Illinois Cavalry ready for the charge. The enemy's cavalry came down boldly at a charge, led by

with an interval of one hundred yards.
until the skirmishers

General Forrest in person, breaking through our line of skirmishers
the regiment of infantry, without cause, broke, threw

;

when

away

their muskets,

and

fled.

The ground was admirably adapted

for a defense of infantry

against cavalry, being miry and covered with fallen timber.

As

the regiment of infantry broke, Dickey's Cavalry began to discharge

their carbines,

and

fell

into disorder.

I instantly sent orders to

the rear for

the brigade to form line of battle, which

was promptly executed. The
enemy's cavalry
field.

broken infantry and cavalry

rallied

on

this line, and, as the

came

to

it,

our cavalry in turn charged and drove them from the

I

advanced the entire brigade over the same ground and sent Colonel Dickey's cavalry a mile farther on the road. On examining the ground which had been occupied by the Seventy-seventh Ohio, we found fifteen of our men dead and about twenty-five wounded. I sent for wagons and had all the wounded carried back to camp, and caused the dead to be buried, also the

whole rebel camp to be destroyed. Hero we found much ammunition for fiold-pieces, which was destroyed also two caissons, and a general hospital, with about two hundred and eighty Confederate wounded, and about fifty of our own wounded men. Not having the means of bringing them off, Colonel Dickey, by my orders, took a surrender, signed by the medical director (Lyle) and by all the attending surgeons, and a pledge to report themselves to you as prisoners of war; also a pledge that our wounded should be carefully attended to, and surrendered

244
to us

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

[1862.

to-morrow as soon as ambulances could go out. I inclose this written document, and request that you cause wagons or ambulances for our wounded to be sent to-morrow, and that wagons be sent to bring in the manytents belonging to us
out.
I

did not destroy them, because I

which are pitched along the road for four miles knew the enemy could not move

them. The roads are very bad, and are strewed with abandoned wagons, ambulances, and limber-boxes. The enemy has succeeded in carrying off
the guns, but has crippled his batteries by abandoning the hind limberI am satisfied the enemy's infantry boxes of at least twenty caissons. and artillery passed Lick Creek this morning, traveling all of last night,

and that he
retreat
;

left

to his rear

all

his

cavalry,

which has protected

his

but signs of confusion and disorder mark the whole road.

The

check sustained by us at the fallen timber delayed our advance, so that night came upon us before the wouDded were provided for and the dead buried, and our troops being fagged out by three days' hard fighting, exposure, and privation, I ordered them back to their camps, where they now are.
I

have the honor to

be,

your obedient servant,

W.

T.

Sherman,

Brigadier- General commanding Division.

of Shiloh, but

General Grant did not make an official report of tlie battle all its incidents and events were covered by the division commanders and subordinates. Probably no reports of single battle of the war gave rise to such wild and damaging reIt

ports.

was publicly asserted
;

at the

North
;

that our

army was

taken completely by surprise
tents
;

that the rebels caught us in our

bayoneted the men in their beds that General Grant was drunk; that Buell's opportune arrival saved the Army of the Tennessee from utter annihilation, etc. These reports were in a measure sustained by the published opinions of Generals Buell, Nelson, and others, who had reached the steamboat-landing from the east, just before nightfall of the 6th, when there was a large crowd of frightened, stampeded men, who clamored and Perdeclared that our army was all destroyed and beaten. sonally I saw General Grant, who with his staff visited me about 10 a. m. of the 6th, when we were desperately engaged. But we had checked the headlong assault of our enemy, and then held our ground. This gave hjm great satisfaction, and he told me that things did not look as well over on the left. lie also told me that on his way up from Savannah that morning he

;

1862.]

BATTLE OF SHILOH.
at

245

Crump's Landing, and had ordered Lew Wallace's come up on mj right, He again came to me just betelling me to look out for him. fore dark, and described the last assault made by the rebels at the ravine, near the steamboat-landing, which he had repelled by a heavy battery collected under Colonel J. D. Webster and other officers, and he was convinced that the battle was over for that day. He ordered me to be ready to assume the offensive in the morning, saying that, as he had observed at Fort Donelson at the crisis of the battle, both sides seemed defeated, and whoever assumed the offensive was sure to win. General Grant also explained to me that General Buell had reached the bank of the Tennessee River opposite Pittsburg Landing, and was in the act of ferrying his troops across at the time he was speaking to me. About half an hour afterward General Buell himself rode up to where I was, accompanied by Colonels Fry, Michler, and others of his staff. I was dismounted at the time, and General Buell made of me a good many significant inquiries about matters and things generally. By the aid of a manuscript map made by myself, I pointed out to him our positions as they had been in the morning, and our then positions I also
had stopped
division to cross over Lick Creek, so as to
;

him that my right then covered the bridge over Lick Creek by which we had all day been expecting Lew Wallace that McClernand was on my left, Hurlbut on his left, and so on. But Buell said he had come up from the landing, and had not seen our men, of whose existence in fact he seemed to doubt. I insisted that I had five thousand good men still left in line, and thought that McClernand had as many more, and that with what was left of Hurlbut's, W. H. L. Wallace's, and Prentiss's divisions, we ought to have eighteen thousand men fit for battle. I reckoned that ten thousand of our men were dead, wounded, or prisoners, and that the enemy's loss could not be much less. Buell said that Nelson's, McCook's, and Crittenden's divisions of his army, containing eighteen thousand men, had
explained to
arrived and could cross over in the night, and

be ready for the

next day's battle.

I argued that with these reinforcements

we

246
could sweep the

BATTLE OF SHILOH.
field.
lie

[1862

Buell seemed to mistrust us, aud

re-

peatedly said that
cially

did not like the looks of things, espe
that night, lest he should

about the boat-landing, and I really feared he would

not cross over his

army

become

in

volved in our general

disaster.

lie did not, of course, under-

stand the shape of the ground, and asked

me

for the use of

my

map, which I lent him on the promise that he would return it. He handed it to Major Michler to have it copied, and the original returned to me, which Michler did two or three days after the battle. Buell did cross over that night, and the next day we
assumed the offensive and swept the
battle decisively.
field,

thus gaining the

Nevertheless, the controversy was started and

kept up, mostly to the personal prejudice of General Grant,
as usual

who

maintained an imperturbable
battle, a constant

silence.

After the

sanitary commission agents,

men and women, came up

stream of civilian surgeons, and the Ten-

maimed and wounded had imperfect means of shelter and care. These people caught up the camp-stories, which on their return home they retailed through their local papers, usually elevating
nessee to bring relief to the thousands of
soldiers for

whom we

their

own

neighbors into heroes, but decrying

all others.

Among

them was Lieutenant-Governor Stanton,
in Belfontaine,

of Ohio,

who
'

published

Ohio, a most abusive article about General Grant

and As General Grant did not and would not take up the cudgels, I did so. My letter in reply to Stanton, dated June 10, 1S62, was published in the Cincinnati Commercial soon after its date. To this Lieutenant-Governor Stanton replied, and I further rejoined in a letter dated July 12, 1862. These letters are too personal to be revived. By this time the good people of the North had begun to have their eyes opened, and to give us in the field more faith and support. Stanton was never again elected to any public office, and was commonly spoken of as " the late Mr. Stanton." He is now dead, and I doubt not in life he often regretted his mistake in attempting to gain popular fame by abusing the army-leaders., then as now an easy and favorite mode of gaining notoriety, if not popularity. Of course, subsequent events gave General
his subordinate generals.
s

1802.]

BATTLE OF

SIIILOH.

247

ate place in history, but the
is

Grant and most of the other actors in that battle their appropridanger of sudden popular clamors
well illustrated by this case.

Tho
most

battle of Sliiloh, or Pittsburg Landing,

was one of the
6,

fiercely contested of the war.

On

the morning of April

1SG2, the five divisions of McClernand, Prentiss, Hurlbut,
L. Wallace,

W.

II.

and Sherman, aggregated about thirty-two thousand intrenchments of any sort, on the theory that as soon as Buell arrived we would march to Corinth to attack the enemy. The rebel army, commanded by General Albert Sidney Johnston, was, according to their own reports and admissions, forty-five thousand strong, had the momentum of attack, and beyond all question fought skillfully from early morning till about 2 p. m., when their commander-in-chief was killed by a Minie-ball in the calf of his leg, which penetrated the boot and There was then a perceptible lull for severed the main artery. a couple of hours, when the attack was renewed, but with much Early at night the less vehemence, and continued up to dark. division of Lew Wallace arrived from the other side of Snake Creek, not having fired a shot. A very small part of General Buell's army was on our side of the Tennessee River that evening, and their loss was trivial. During that night, the three divisions of McCook> Nelson, and Crittenden, were ferried across the Tennessee, and fought with us the next day (7th). During that night, also, the two wooden gunboats, Tyler, commanded by Lieutenant Gwin, and Lexington, Lieutenant Shirk, both of the regular navy, caused shells to be thrown toward that part of the field of battle known to be occupied by the enemy. Beauregard afterward reported his entire loss as ten thousand six hundred and ninety-nine. Our aggregate loss, made up from official statements, shows seventeen hundred killed, seven thousand four hundred and ninetyfive wounded, and three thousand and twenty-two prisoners aggregate, twelve thousand two hundred and seventeen, of which twenty-one hundred and sixty-seven were in Buell's army, leaving for that of Grant ten thousand and fifty. This result is a fair measure of the amount of fighting done by each army.
men.

We had no

;

CHAPTER
APRIL TO JULY,

X.

BHILOH TO MEMPHIS.
1862.

While the " Army of the Tennessee," under Generals Grant and C. F. Smith, was operating up the Tennessee River, another force, styled the " Army of the Mississippi," commanded by Major-General John Pope, was moving directly down the Mississippi River, against that portion of the rebel line which, under Generals Polk and Pillow, had fallen back from Columbus, Kentucky, to Island Number Ten and New Madrid. This army had the full cooperation of the gunboat fleet, commanded by Admiral Foote, and was assisted by the high flood of that season, which enabled General Pope, by great skill and industry, to open a canal from a point above Island Number Ten to New Madrid below, by which he interposed between the rebel army and its available line of supply and retreat. At the very time that we were fighting the bloody battle on the Tennessee River, General Pope and Admiral Foote were bombarding the batteries on Island Number Ten, and the Kentucky shore abreast of it and General Pope having crossed over by steamers a part of his
;

army
at

to the east bank, captured a large part of this rebel army,

and near Tiptonville. General Halleck still remained

at St. Louis,

whence he gave

general directions to the armies of General Curtis, General

Grant, and General Pope and instead of following up his most important and brilliant successes directly down the Mississippi, he concluded to bring General Pope's army around to the Ten;

;

1862.]

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.

249

come in person to command there. The gunboat pushed on down the Mississippi, but was brought up again all standing by the heavy batteries at Fort Pillow, about fifty About this time Admiral Farragut, miles above Memphis. with another large sea-going fleet, and with the cooperating army of General Butler, w as entering the Mississippi River by the Passes, and preparing to reduce Forts Jackson and St, Philip in order to reach New Orleans so that all minds were turned to the conquest of the Mississippi River, and surely adequate means were provided for the undertaking. The battle of Shiloh had been fought, as described, on the 6th and 7th of April and when the movement of the 8th had revealed that our enemy was gone, in full retreat, leaving killed, wounded, and much property by the way, we all experienced a feeling of relief. The struggle had been so long, so desperate and bloody, that the survivors seemed exhausted and nerveless we appreciated the value of the victory, but realized also its great
nessee, and to
fleet
r ; ;

cost of

life.

The

close of the battle

had

left

the

Army

of the

Tennessee on the right, and the Army of the Ohio on the left but I believe neither General Grant nor Buell exercised command, the one over the other each of them having his hands full
;

in repairing damages.

All the division, brigade, and regimental
in collecting stragglers, regaining lost

commanders were busy
their

and in providing for forward, and some changes of organization became necessary. Then, or very soon after, I consolidated my four brigades into three, which were commanded First, Brigadier-General Morgan L. Smith Second, Colonel John A. McDowell; Third, Brigadier-General About the same time I was promoted to majorJ. "W*. Denver.
property, in burying dead
horses,

men and

wounded.

Some few new regiments came

:

;

general of volunteers.

The
see,

Seventy-first Ohio was detached to Clarksville, Tennesand the Sixth and Eighth Missouri were transferred to my

division.

In a few days

after the battle,

General Halleck arrived by
of
all

steamboat from St. Louis, pitched his camp near the steamboatlanding, and assumed personal

command

the armies.

He

250

SEILOH TO MEMPHIS.

[1862.

was attended by his staff, composed of General G. W. Cullum, U. S. Engineers, as his chief of staff; Colonel George Thorn, U. and Colonels Kelton and Kemper, adjutants-genS. Engineers eral. It soon became manifest that his mind had been prejudiced by the rumors which had gone forth to the detriment of General Grant for in a few days he issued an order, reorganizing and rearranging the whole army. General Buell's Army of the Ohio constituted the centre; General Pope's army, then arriving at Hamburg Landing, was the left the right was made up of mine and Hurlbut's divisions, belonging to the old Army of the Tennessee, and two new ones, made up from the fragments of the divisions of Prentiss and C. F. Smith, and of troops transferred thereto, commanded by Generals T. W. Sherman and Davies. General George H. Thomas was taken from Buell, to command the right. McClernand's and Lew Wallace's divisions were styled the reserve, to be commanded by McClernand. General Grant was substantially left out, and was named " second in command," according to some French notion, with no
;
;

;

clear, well-defined

command
;

or authority.

He

still
;

retained his

composed of Rawlins, adjutant-general Riggin, Lagow, and Hilyer, aides and he had a small company of the Fourth Illinois Cavalry as an escort. For more than a month he thus remained, without any apparent authority, frequently visiting me and others, and rarely complaining but I could see that he felt deeply the indignity, if not insult, heaped upon him. General Jhomas at once assumed command of the right
old
staff,
;

wing, and, until

we

reached Corinth, 1 served immediately un-

der his command.

We were

classmates, intimately acquainted,

had served together before in the old army, and in Kentucky, and it made to us little difference who commanded the other, provided the good cause prevailed. Corinth was about thirty miles distant, and we all knew that we should find there the same army with which we had so fiercely grappled at Shiloh, reorganized, reenforced, and commanded in chief by General Beauregard in place of Johnston, who had fallen at Shiloh. But we were also reenforced by Buell's and Pope's armies; so that before the end of April our army ex-

1862.]

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.

$51

at

tended from Snake Kiver on the right to the Tennessee River, Hamburg, on the left, and must have numbered nearly one

hundred thousand men.

Ample

supplies of all kinds reached us
;

by the Tennessee

River, which had a good stage of water
portation was limited, and
several armies

much

but our wagon transconfusion occurred in haul-

the end of April, the and the general forward movement on Corinth began. My division was on the extreme right of the right wing, and marched out by the " White House," leaving Monterey or Pea Ridge to the south. Crossing Lick Creek, we came into the main road about a mi]e south of Monterey, where we turned square to the right, and came into the Purdy road, near "Elams." Thence we followed the Purdy

ing supplies to the several camps.

By

seemed

to be ready,

road to Corinth,
bile

my

skirmishers reaching at

all

times the

Mo-

Of course our marches were govOhio Railroad. erned by the main centre, which followed the direct road from Pittsburg Landing to Corinth and this movement was provokingly slow. We fortified almost every camp at night, though we had encountered no serious opposition, except from cavalry, which gave ground easily as we advanced. The opposition increased as we neared Corinth, and at a place called Russell's we had a sharp affair of one brigade, under the immediate di;

&

rection of Brigadier-General

Morgan
This

L. Smith, assisted

by the

brigade of General Denver.
of

affair

occurred on the 19th

May, and our

line

was then within about two miles of the

northern intrenchments of Corinth.

On the 27th I received orders from General Halleck " to send a force the next day to drive the rebels from the house in
possible,

our front, on the Corinth road, to drive in their pickets as far as and to make a strong demonstration on Corinth itself "
;

on any adjacent division for assistance. I reconnoitred the ground carefully, and found that the main road led forward along the fence of a large cotton-field to oui right front, and ascended a wooded hill, occupied in some force by the enemy, on which was the farm-house referred to in General Ilalleck's orders. At the farther end of the field was a
authorizing
to call

me

252

SniLOH TO MEMPHIS.

Ll862.

double log-house, whose chinking had been removed; so that

formed a good block-house from which the enemy could fire on any person approaching from our quarter. General Hurlbut's division was on my immediate left, and General McClernand's reserve on our right rear. I asked of each the assistance of a brigade. The former sent General Veatch's, and the latter General John A. Logan's brigade. I asked the former to support our left flank, and the latter our right flank. The next morning early, Morgan L. Smith's brigade was deployed under cover on the left, and Denver's on the right, ready to move forward rapidly at a signal. I had a battery of four twenty -pound Parrott guns, commanded by Captain Silversparre. Colonel Ezra Taylor, chief of artillery, had two of these guns moved up silently by hand behind a small knoll, from the crest of which the enemy's block-house and position could be distinctly seen when all were ready, these guns and several quick rounds were fired at were moved to the crest, This was the house, followed after an interval by a single gun. the signal agreed on, and the troops responded beautifully, crossed the field in line of battle, preceded by their skirmishers who carried the position in good style, and pursued the enemy
it
;

for half a mile beyond.

The main

line halted

on the

crest of the ridge,

from which
had

we

could look over the parapets of the rebel works at Corinth,
calls.

and hear their drum and bugle

The

rebel brigade
;

evidently been taken by surprise in our attack

it

soon rallied

and came back on us with the usual yell, driving in our skirmishers, but was quickly checked when it came within range of our guns and line of battle. Generals Grant and Thomas happened to be with me during this affair, and were well pleased at the handsome manner in which the troops behaved. That night we began the usual entrenchments, and the next day brought forward the artillery and the rest of the division, which then extended from the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, at Bowie Hill Cut, to the Corinth & Purdy road, there connecting with Hurlbut's division. That night, viz., May 29th, we heard unusual sounds in Corinth, the constant whistling of locomotives, and

1862.]

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.

253

soon after daylight occurred a series of explosions followed by a
dense smoke rising high over the town.
line connecting

There was a telegraph
I inquired if he

my

headquarters with those of General Halleck,

about four miles

off,

on the Hamburg road.

knew
in

the cause of the explosions and of the smoke, and he an swered to " advance with my division and feel the enemy if still

my

front."

I immediately dispatched

two regiments from Each brigade

each of

my

three brigades to feel the immediate front, and in a

very short time advanced with the whole division.

found the rebel parapets abandoned, and pushed straight for the
town, which lies in the northeast angle of intersection of the Mobile & Ohio and Memphis & Charleston Railroads. Many buildings had been burned by the enemy on evacuation, which had begun the night before at G p. m., and continued through the night, the rear-guard burning their magazine at the time of withdrawing, about daybreak. Morgan L. Smith's brigade followed the retreating rear-guard some four miles to the Tuscuinbia Bridge, which was found burned. I halted the other brigades at the college, about a mile to the southwest of the town, where I was overtaken by General Thomas in person. The heads of all the columns had entered the rebel lines

about the same time, and there was some rather foolish clamor
for the first honors, but in fact there

was no honor

in the event.

Beauregard had made a clean retreat to the south, and was only But seriously pursued by cavalry from General Pope's Hank. he reached Tupelo, where he halted for reorganization; and there is no doubt that at the moment there was much disorganization in his ranks, for the

woods were

full of deserters

whom

we did not even take prisoners, but advised them to make their way home and stay there. We spent the day at and near the college, when General Thomas, who applied for orders at Halleck's headquarters, directed

me

to conduct

my

division back to
left

the

camp

of the night before, where

we had
all

our

trains.

The advance on Corinth had occupied the most beautiful and valuable month
paigning in this latitude.

of

the month

of

May,

of the year for camfighting, save
;

on General Pope's

left

There had been little flank about Farmington

and on our

;

254
right
I

SHILOn TO MEMPHIS.
esteemed
it

[1862.

a

magnificent
in guard

drill,

as

it

served

for

and picket duty, and in habituating them to out-door life; and by the time we had reached Corinth I believe that army was the best then on this continent, and could have gone where it pleased. The four subdivisions were well commanded, as were the divisions and brigades of the whole army. General Halleck was a man of great capacity, of large acquirements, and at the time possessed the confidence of the country, and of most of the army. I held him in high estimation, and gave him credit for the combinations which had resulted in placing this magnificent army of a hundred thousand men, well equipped and provided, with a good base, at Corinth, from which he could move in any
direction.

the instruction of our

men

Had

he held his force as a

unit,

he could have gone

tc

Mobile, or Yicksburg, or anywhere in that region, which would

by one move have solved the whole Mississippi problem
and, from what he then told me, I believe he intended such

was overruled from Washington. Be that may, the army had no sooner settled down at Corinth before it was scattered General Pope was called to the East, and his army distributed among the others; General Thomas was relieved from the command of the right wing, and reassigned to his division in the Army of the Ohio and that whole army under General Buell was turned east along the Memphis & McClernand's Charleston road, to march for Chattanooga. " reserve " was turned west to Bolivar and Memphis. General
a campaign, but
it

as

:

;

Halleck took post himself at Corinth, assigned Lieutenant-Colonel McPherson to take charge of the railroads, with instructions
to repair

Columbus, Kentucky, and to collect cars and locomotives to operate them to Corinth and Grand Junction. I was soon dispatched with my own and Hurlbut's divisions northwest fourteen miles to Chewalla, to save what? could be of /my value out of six trains of cars belonging to the rebels which had been wrecked and partially burned at the time of the evacu-

them

as far as

ation of Corinth.
xV short

time before leaving Corinth I rode from

my camp

; :

1862.]

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.

255

to

General Halleck's headquarters, then in tents just outside of

we sat and gossiped for some time, when he mentioned to me casually that General Grant was going away I inquired the cause, and he said that he the next morning. did not know, but that Grant had applied for a thirty days' Of course we all knew leave, which had been given him. that he was chafing under the slights of his anomalous position, and I determined to see him on my way back. His camp was a short distance off the Monterey road, in the woods, and consisted of four or five tents, with a sapling railing around the front. As I rode up, Majors Rawlins, Lagow, and Hilyer, were in front of the camp, and piled up near them were the usual office and camp chests, all ready for a start in the morning. I inquired for the general, and was shown to his tent, where I found him seated on a camp-stool, with papers on a rude camp-table he seemed to be employed in assorting letters, and tying them up with red tape into convenient bundles. After passing the usual compliments, I inquired if it were true that he was going away. He said, " Yes." I then inquired the reason, and he said " Sherman, you know. You know that I am in the way here.
the town, where
;

it as long as I can, and can endure it no longer." where he was going to, and he said, " St. Louis." I then asked if he had any business there, and he said, " Not a bit." I then begged him to stay, illustrating his case by my own. Before the battle of Shiloh, I had been cast down by a mere newspaper assertion of " crazy " but that single battle had given me new life, and now I was in high feather and I argued with him that, if he went away, events would go right along, and he would be left out whereas, if he remained, some happy accident might restore him to favor and his true place. He certainly appreciated my friendly advice, and promised to wait awhile at ail events, not to go without seeing me again, or communicating with me. Yery soon after this, I was ordered to Chewalla, where, on the Gth of June, I received a note from him, saying that he had reconsidered his intention, and would remain.

I have stood
I inquired

;

;

;

I cannot find the note, but

my

answer

I

have kept.

256
Major- General Grant.

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.
Chewalla, June
6,

[1862.

1802.

have just received your note, and am rejoiced at your for you could not be quiet at home for a week when armies were moving, and rest could not relieve your mind of the gnawing sensation that injustice had been done you.

My

dear Sir

:

I

conclusion to remain

;

My
damage
miles.

orders at Chewalla were to rescue the wrecked trains

there, to reconnoitre

westward and estimate the amount of

to the railroad as far as

Grand Junction, about

fifty

We camped

our troops on high, healthy ground to the
volunteer locomotive-

south of Chewalla, and after I had personally reconnoitred the
country, details of

men were made and
cars,

I found six locothrown from the track, parts of the machinery detached and hidden in the surrounding swamp, and all damaged as much by fire as possible. It seems that these trains were inside of Corinth during the night of evacuation, loading up with all sorts of commissary stores, etc., and about daylight were started west; but the cavalrypicket stationed at the Tuscumbia bridge had, by mistake or The panic, burned the bridge before the trains got to them. trains, therefore, were caught, and the engineers and guards hastily scattered the stores into the swamp, and disabled the trains as far as they could, before our cavalry had discovered The weather was hot, and the swamp their critical situation. fairly stunk with the putrid flour and fermenting sugar and molasses I was so much exposed there in the hot sun, pushing forward the work, that I got a touch of malarial fever, which hung on me for a month, and forced me to ride two days in an

engineers obtained to superintend the repairs.

motives and about sixty

;

ambulance, the only time I ever did such a thing during the whole war. By the 7th I reported to General Hal leek that the amount of work necessary to reestablish the railroad between
not to attempt Corinth and Grand Junction was so great, that he concluded its repair, but to rely on the road back to Jack-

son (Tennessee), and forward to Grand Junction ; and I was ordered to move to Grand Junction, to take up the repairs from
there toward

Memphis.

1862.]

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.
of Corinth

257

by Beauregard, and the movements of General McClernand's force toward Memphis, had necessitated the evacuation of Fort Pillow, which occurred about June 1st soon followed by the further withdrawal of the Confederate army from Memphis, by reason of the destruction of the rebel gunboats in the bold and dashing attack by our gunboats under command of Admiral Davis, who had succeeded Foote. This occurred June 7th. Admiral Farragut had also
;

The evacuation

captured

New

Orleans after the terrible passage of Forts Jack-

May 24th, and had ascended the river high as Yicksburg so that it seemed as though, before the end of June, we should surely have full possession of the whole river. But it is now known that the progress of our "Western armies had aroused the rebel government to the exercise of the most stupendous energy. Every man capable of bearing arms at the South was declared to be a soldier, and forced to act as
son and St. Philip on
;

as

such.

All their armies were greatly reenforced, and the most

despotic

power was granted

to enforce discipline

and

supplies.

Beauregard was replaced by Bragg, a man of more ability of greater powers of organization, of action, and discipline but naturally exacting and severe, and not possessing the qualities He had a hard task to attract the love of his officers and men.
to bring into order

— —

and discipline that mass of men to whose

command he
fairly

succeeded at Tupelo, with which he afterward

outmanoeuvred General Buell, and forced him back from Chattanooga to Louisville. It was a fatal mistake, however, that halted General Halleck at Corinth, and led him to disto that date,

army that, West. in the assembled had been up During the latter part of June and first half of July, I had my own and Hurlbut's divisions about Grand Junction, Lagrange, Moscow, and Lafayette, building railroad-trestles and bridges, fighting off cavalry detachments coming from the south, and waging an everlasting quarrel with planters about their negroes and fences they trying, in the midst of moving armies, to raise a crop of corn. On the 17th of June I sent a detachment of two brigades, under General M. L. Smith, to Holly Springs,
perse and scatter the best materials for a fighting

258

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.

[1862.

in the belief that I could better protect the railroad

from some
the
his

point in front than by scattering our
23d, I was at Lafayette Station,
staff

men along it and, on when General Grant, with
;

and a very insignificant escort, arrived from Corinth en route for Memphis, to take command of that place and of the District lie came very near falling into the hands of West Tennessee. of the enemy, who infested the whole country with small but bold detachments of cavalry. Up to that time I had received my orders direct from General Halleck at Corinth, but soon after I fell under the immediate command of General Grant, and so continued to the end of the war; but, on the 29th, General Ilalleck notified me that " a division of troops under General C. S. Hamilton of Hosecrans's army corps,' had passed the Ilatchie from Corinth," and was destined for Holly
i

me to " cooperate as far as advisable," but " not to neglect the protection of the road." I ordered General
Springs, ordering

Hurlbut to leave detachments at Grand Junction and Lagrange, and to inarch for Holly Springs. I left detachments at Moscow and Lafayette, and, with about four thousand men, marched for the same point. Hurlbut and I met at lludsonville, and thence marched to the Coldwater, within four miles of Holly Springs.

We

encountered only small detachments of rebel cavalry un-

der Colonels Jackson and Pierson, and drove them into and

through Holly Springs but they hung about, and I kept an infantry brigade in Holly Springs to keep them out. I heard nothing from General Hamilton till the 5th of July, when I re;

ceived a letter from
for Corinth

him dated

Rienzi, saying that he had been

within nineteen miles of Holly Springs and had turned back
;

and on the next day, July

6th, I got a telegraph

order from General Ilalleck, of July 2d, sent me by courier from Moscow, " not to attempt to hold Holly Springs, but to

back and protect the railroad." We accordingly marched back twenty-five miles Hurlbut to Lagrange, and I to Moscow. The enemy had no infantry nearer than the Tallaha tehee bridge, but their cavalry was saucy and active, superior to ours, and I despaired of ever protecting a railroad, presenting a broad front of one hundred miles, from their dashes.
fall

;

1802.]

SIIILOH TO MEMPHIS.

25 J
(

this time, we were taunted by the Confedeiate soland citizens with the assertion that Lee had defeated McClellan at Richmond that he would soon be in Washington and that our turn would come next. The extreme caution of General Halleck also indicated that something had gone wrong, and, on the lGth of July, at Moscow, I received a dispatch from him, announcing that he had been summoned to Wash ington, which, he seemed to regret, and which at that moment lie announced that his command I most deeply deplored. would devolve on General Grant, who had been summoned around from Memphis to Corinth by way of Columbus, Kentucky, and that I was to go into Memphis to take command of By the District of West Tennessee, vacated by General Grant. this time, also, I was made aware that the great army that had assembled at Corinth at the end of May had been scattered and dissipated, and that terrible disasters had befallen our other armies in Virginia and the East. I soon received orders to move to Memphis, taking Ilurlbut's We reached Memphis on the 21st, and on the division along. 22d I posted my three brigades mostly in and near Fort Pickering, and Ilurlbut's division next below on the river-bank by reason of the scarcity of water, except in the Mississippi River itself. The weather was intensely hot. The same order that

About

diers

;

took us to Memphis required

me

to send the division of General

Lew Wallace
was

(then

commanded by Brigadier-General A. P.
by steamboat. I made my own camp Mr. Moon's house, and gave my chief at;

Ilovey) to Helena, Arkansas, to report to General Curtis, which
easily accomplished

in a vacant lot, near

tention to the construction of Fort Pickering, then in charge of

Major Prime, United States Engineers and discipline of the two divisions under
the administration of civil
affairs.

to perfecting the drill

my command;

and to

At

the time

when General Halleck was summoned from
expected of him immediate and important
of the
re-

Corinth to Washington, to succeed McClellan as commander-inchief, I surely
sults.

Ohio was at the time inarching toward Chattanooga, and was strung from Eastport by Huntsville to

The Army

260

SIIILOn

TO MEMPHIS.
of General Buell.

[1862.

Bridgeport, under the
ner, the

command

In like man-

Army of

the Tennessee was strung along the same gento Tuscumbia,

eral line,

from Memphis

and was commanded by
for both these

General Grant, with no
forces
:

common commander

army which General Halleck had so well assembled at Corinth, was put on the defensive, with a frontage of three hundred miles. Soon thereafter the rebels displayed peculiar energy and military skill. General Bragg had reorganized the army of Beauregard at Tupelo, carried it rapidly and skillfully toward Chattanooga, whence he boldly assumed the offensive, moving straight for Nashville and Louisso that the great
ville,

and compelling General Buell
at Louisville.

to fall

back to the Ohio

River

The army

of

Yan Dorn and

Price had been brought from

the trans-Mississippi Department to the east of the river, and

was collected at and about Holly Springs, where, reenforced by Armstrong's and Forrest's cavalry, it amounted to about forty thousand brave and hardy soldiers. These were General Grant's immediate antagonists, and so many and large detachments had
been drawn from him, that for a time he was put on the defenIn person he had his headquarters at Corinth, with the sive. three divisions of Hamilton, Davies, and McKeail, under the General Ord had immediate orders of General Bosecrans. succeeded to the division of McClernand (who had also gone to Washington), and held Bolivar and Grand Junction. I had in Memphis my own and Hurlbut's divisions, and other smaller detachments were strung along the Memphis tfc Charleston road. But the enemy's detachments could strike this road at so many points, that no use could be made of it, and General Grant had to employ the railroads, from Columbus, Kentucky, to Corinth and Grand Junction, by way of Jackson, Tennessee, a point common to both roads, and held in some force. In the early part of September the enemy in our front manifested great activity, feeling with cavalry at all points, and on the 13th General Yan Dorn threatened Corinth, while General Price seized the town of Iuka, which was promptly abandoned by a small garrison under Colonel Murphy. Price's force

1862.]

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.

261

was about eight thousand men, and the geneial impression was that he was en route for Eastport, with the purpose to cross the Tennessee River in the direction of Nashville, in aid of GenGeneral Grant eral Bragg, then in full career for Kentucky.
determined to attack him in force, prepared to regain Corinth
inth,

Van Dorn could reach it. He had drawn Ord to Corand moved him, by Burnsville, on Iuka, by the main road, twenty-six miles. General Grant accompanied this column At the same time he had dispatched as far as Burnsville. Rosecrans by roads to the south, via Jacinto, with orders to approach Iuka by the two main roads, coming into Iuka from the south, viz., the Jacinto and Fulton roads.
before

On
not

the 18th

four miles out of Iuka.

General Ord encountered the enemy about His orders contemplated that he should
but, as usual, Rosecrans

had gained his posihad encountered difficulties in the confusion of roads, his head of column did not reach the vicinity of Iuka till 4 p. m. of the 19th, and then his troops were long drawn out on the single Jacinto
a serious attack, until Rosecrans
;

make

tion

on the south

road,

leaving the Fulton road clear for Price's use.

Price
back,

perceived his advantage, and attacked with vehemence the head
of Rosecrans's column, Hamilton's division, beating
it

capturing a battery, and killing and disabling seven hundred

and

thirty-six

men,

so that

when

night closed in Rosecrans was

driven to the defensive, and Price, perceiving his danger, de-

withdrew by the Fulton road, and the next morning Although General Ord must have been within four or six miles of this battle, he did not hear a sound and he or General Grant did not know of it till advised the next morning by a courier who had made a wide circuit to reach them. General Grant was much offended with General Rosecrans because
liberately

was gone.

;

of this

affair,
fail,

but in

my experience

these concerted

movements

generally

unless with the very best kind of troops, and then

in a country
is

not the case in Northern Mississippi.

on whose roads some reliance can be placed, which If Price was aiming

and was therefore beaten. He made a wide circuit by the south, and again joined Yan Dorn.
for Tennessee, he failed,

262

SIIILOH TO MEMPHIS.

[13G2.

On the Gtli of September, at Memphis, I received an order from General Grant dated the 2d, to send Hurlbut's division
to Brownsville, in the direction of Bolivar, thence to report
letter to

by

him

at Jackson.

The

division started the
side

and, as our

men and

officers

had been together

same day, by side from
breaking

the

first

landing at Shiloh,

we

felt the parting like the

up

of a family.

But General Grant was forced

to use every

man, for he knew well that Yan Dorn could attack him at pleasure, at any point of his long line. To be the better prepared, on the 23d of September he took post himself at Jackson, Tennessee, with a small reserve force, and gave Rosecrans command of Corinth, with his three divisions and some detachments, aggregating about twenty thousand men. He posted General Ord with his own and Hurlbut's divisions at Bolivar, with outposts toward Grand Junction and Lagrange. These amounted to nine or ten thousand men, and I held Memphis with my own division, amounting to about six thousand men. The whole of General Grant's men at that time may have aggregated fifty thousand, but he had to defend a frontage of a hundred and fifty miles, guard some two hundred miles of railway, and as much river. Van Dorn had forty thousand men, united, at perfect liberty to move in any direction, and to choose his own point of attack, under cover of woods, and a superior body of cavalry, familiar with every foot of the ground. Therefore General Grant had good reason for telegraphing to General Halleck, on the 1st of October, that his position was precarious, " but I hope to get out of it all right." In Memphis my business was to hold fast that important flank, and by that date Fort Pickering had been made very strong, and capable of perfect defense by a single brigade. I therefore endeavored by excursions to threaten Yan Dorn's detachments to the southeast and east. I repeatedly sent out strong detachments toward Holly Springs, which w as his main depot of supply; and General Grierson, with his Sixth Illinois, the only cavalry I had, made some bold and successful dashes at the Coldwater, compelling Yan Dorn to cover it by Armstrong's
r

whole division of cavalry.

Still,

by the

1st of October, General

1862.]

SHILOII TO MEMPniS.

263

Grant was satisfied that the enemy was meditating an attack in force on Bolivar or Corinth and on the 2d Yan Dorn made his appearance near Corinth, with his entire army. On the 3d from the north and northwest. he moved down on that place General Rosecrans went out some four miles to meet him, but was worsted and compelled to fall back within the line of his These had been begun under General Halleck, but were forts. much strengthened by General Grant, and consisted of several detached redoubts, bearing on each other, and inclosing the town and the depots of stores at the intersection of the two railroads. Yan Dorn closed down on the forts by the evening of the 3d, and on the morning of the 4th assaulted with great vehemence. O ur men, covered by good parapets, fought gallantly, and defended their posts well, inllicting terrible losses on the enemy, so that by noon the rebels were repulsed at all points, and drew Their losses, off, leaving their dead and wounded in our hands. will whole truth probably never variously estimated, but the were be known, for in that army reports and returns were not the fashion. General Itosecrans admitted his own loss to be three hundred and fifteen killed, eighteen hundred and twelve wounded, and two hundred and thirty-two missing or prisoners, and claimed on the part of the rebels fourteen hundred and twenty-three dead, two thousand and twenty-five prisoners and wounded. Of course, most of the wounded must have gone off or been carried off, so that, beyond doubt, the rebel army lost at Corinth fully six thousand men. Meantime, General Grant, at Jackson, had dispatched Brigadier-General McPherson, with a brigade, directly for Corinth, which reached General Bosecrans after the battle and, in anticipation of his victory, had ordered him to pursue instantly, notifying him that he had ordered OixTs and Hurlbut's divisions
;
;

rapidly across to Pocahontas, so as to strike the rebels in flank.

On

the

morning of the

5th, General

Ord reached

the llatchie
crossed over

Biver, at Davis's bridge, with four thousand

men

;

and encountered the retreating army, captured a battery and several hundred prisoners, dispersing the rebel advance, and forcing t]ie main column to make a wide circuit by the south in order to

264
cross

SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.
the Hatcliie River.

[1862.

Had

General Rosecrans pursued

promptly, and been on the heels of this mass of confused and
routed men,
ruined
;

Yan

Dorn's army would surely have been utterly

as it was,

Yan Dorn

regained Holly Springs somewhat

demoralized.

General Rosecrans did not begin his pursuit till the next morning, the 5th, and it was then too late. General Grant was again displeased with him, and never became fully reconciled.

ferred to the

General Hosecrans was soon after relieved, and transArmy of the Cumberland, in Tennessee, of which

he afterward obtained the command, in place of General Buell, who was removed. The effect of the battle of Corinth was very great. It was, indeed, a decisive blow to the Confederate cause in our quarter, and changed the whole aspect of affairs in "West Tennessee. From the timid defensive we were at once enabled to assume the bold offensive. In Memphis I could see its effects upon the citizens, and they openly admitted that their cause had sustained a death-blow. But the rebel government was then at its maximum strength Yan Dorn was reenforced, and very soon Lieutenant-General J. C. Pemberton arrived and assumed the command, adopting for his line the Tallahatchie River, with an advance-guard along the Cold water, and smaller detachments forward at Grand Junction and Hernando. General Grant, in like manner, was reenforced by new regiments. Out of those which were assigned to Memphis I organized two new brigades, and placed them under officers who had gained skill and experience during the previous campaign.
;

CHAPTER
JULY,
1862,

XI.

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
TO JANUARY,
1863-

entered Memphis, July 21, 1862, 1 found the no business doing, the stores closed, churches, The people were all more or schools, and every thing shut up. less in sympathy with our enemies, and there was a strong prospect that the whole civil population would become a dead weight on our hands. Inasmuch as the Mississippi River was then in our possession northward, and steamboats were freely plying with passengers and freight, I caused all the stores to be opened, churches, schools, theatres, and places of amusement, to be reestablished, and very soon Memphis resumed its appearance of an active, busy, prosperous place. I also restored the mayor (whose name was Parks) and the city government to the performance of their public functions, and required them to maintain a good civil police. Up to that date neither Congress nor the President had made any clear, well-defined rules touching the negro slaves, and the different generals had issued orders according to their own political sentiments. Both Generals Halleck and Grant regarded
place dead;

When we first

the slave as

still

a slave, only that the labor of the slave belonged

to his owner, if faithful to the Union, or to the
if

United

States,

the master had taken up arms against the Government, or ad

hered to the fortunes of the rebellion.

Therefore, in Memphis,

we received
of

put them to work on the fortifications, supplied them with food and clothing, and reserved the question
all fugitives,

payment of wages

for future decision.

No force was allowed

:

;

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
to be used to restore a fugitive slave to his master in
if

[1862-'63.

but

any event the master proved his loyalty, he was usually permitted to see his slave, and, if he could persuade him to return home, it

was permitted.
versy.

The Secretary

Cotton, also, was a fruitful subject of controof the Treasury, Mr. Chase, was ex-

tremely anxious at that particular time to promote the purchase of cotton, because each bale was worth, in gold, about three hun-

dred dollars, and answered the purpose of coin in our foreign exchanges. He therefore encouraged the trade, so that hundreds
of greedy speculators nocked

down

the Mississippi, and resorted

from the interior, often from negroes who did not own it, but who knew where it was concealed. This whole business was taken from the jurisdiction of the military, and committed to Treasury agents appointed by Mr. Chase. Other questions absorbed the attention of military commanders and by way of illustration I here insert a few letters from my "letter-book," which contains hundreds on similar
to all sorts of measures to obtain cotton

purchasing

it

;

subjects
Headquarters Fifth Division, Memphis, Tennessee, August 11, 1862.
I

J

Eon.

S. P.
:

Chase, Secretary of the Treasury.
letter of

Sir

Your

August

2d, just received, invites

my discussion

of the

cotton question.
I will

write plainly and slowly, because I

know you havo no
is

time to

lis-

ten to

trifles.

This

is

no

trifle

;

when one

nation
:

at

war with another,
in

all

the people of the one are enemies of the other

then the rules are plain and

easy of understanding.

Most unfortunately, the war

which we are now

engaged has been complicated with the belief on the one hand that all on the other are not enemies. It would have been better if, at the outset, this
mistake had not been made, and
it is wrong longer to be misled by it. The Government of the United States may now safely proceed on the proper and not only aro rule that all in the South are enemies of all in the North they unfriendly, but all who can procure arms now bear them as organized regiments, or as guerrillas. There is not a garrison in Tennessee where a man can go beyond the sight of the flag-staff without being shot or captured. It so happened that these people had cotton, and, whenever they apprehended our largo armies would move, they destroyed the cotton in the They belief that, of course, we would seize it, and convert it to our use. It had been did not and could not dream that we would pay money for it.
;

;

l862-

,

63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS TOST.

2G7

condemned to destruction by their own acknowledged government, and was therefore lost to their people and could have been, without injustice, taken by us, and sent away, either as absolute prize of war, or for future compensation. But the commercial enterprise of the Jews soon discovered that ten cents would buy a pound of cotton behind our army that four cents would take it to Boston, where they could receive thirty cents in gold. The bait was too tempting, and it spread like fire, when here they discovered that salt, bacon, powder, fire-arms, percussion-caps, etc., etc., were worth and, strange to say, this traffic was not only permitted, but as much as gold
; ; ;

in the interior could know it, hundreds, yea thouand millions of dollars had been disbursed; and I have no doubt that Bragg's army at Tupelo, and Van Dora's at Vicksburg, received enough salt to make bacon, without which they could not have moved their armies in mass; and that from ten to twenty thousand fresh arms, and a due supply of cartridges, have also been got, I am equally satisfied. As soon as I got to Memphis, having seen the effect in the interior, I ordered (only as to my own command) that gold, silver, and Treasury notes, were contraband of war, and should not go into the interior, where all were hostile. It is idle to talk about Union men here many want peace, and fear war and its results; but all prefer a Southern, independent government, and are fighting or working for it. Every gold dollar that was spent for cotton, was sent to the seaboard, to be exchanged for bank-notes and Confederate scrip, which will buy goods here, and are taken in ordinary transactions. I therefore required cotton to be paid for in such notes, by an obligation to pay at the end of the war, or by a deposit of the price in the hands of 'a trustee, viz., the United States Quartermaster. Under these rules cotton is being obtained about as fast as by any other process, and yet the enemy receives no " aid or comfort.'' Under the "gold" rule, the country people who had concealed their cotton from the burners, and who openly scorned our greenbacks, were willing enough to take Tennessee money, which will buy their groceries but now that the trade is to be encouraged, and gold paid out, I admit that cotton will be sent in by our open enemies, who can make better use of gold than they can of their hidden bales of cotton.

encouraged.

Before

we

sands of barrels of

salt

:

my views on England ever threatens war because wo don't furnish her cotton, tell her plainly if she can't employ and feed her own people, to send them here, where they cannot only earn an honest living, but soon secure independence by moderate labor. We are not bound to furnish her cotton. She has more reason to fight the South for burning that cotton, than us for not shipping it. To aid the South on this ground would be hypocrisy which the world would detect at once. Let her make her ultimatum, and there are enough generous minds in Europe that will counteract her in the balance. Of course her motive is to cripple a
I

this

may not appreciate may be ventured.

the foreign aspect of the question, but

If

268
power that
rivals

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[18G2-'63.

to usurp her history.

her in commerce and manufactures, that threatenes even In twenty more years of prosperity, it will require
the Continent of America or the Isle of Britain.

a close calculation to determine whether England, her laws and history,
claim for a

home

There-

fore, finding

us in a death-struggle for existence, she seems to seek a quarrel

to destroy both parts in detail.

Southern people know
cotton.

this full well,

and

will only accept the alliance

of England in order to get arms and manufactures in exchange for their

The Southern Confederacy will accept no other mediation, because knows full well that in Old England her slaves and slavery will receive no more encouragement than in New England.
she

France certainly does not need our cotton enough to disturb her equiand her mediation would be entitled to a more respectful consideration than on the part of her present ally. But I feel assured the French will not encourage rebellion and secession anywhere as a political doctrine. Certainly all the German states must bo our ardent friends and, in case of European intervention, they could not be kept down.
librium,
;

With great

respect, your obedient servant,

W.

T.

Sherman, Major- General.

Headquarters Fifth Division, Army of the Tennessee, Memphis, July 23, 1862.

f

\

Dr. E.

S.

Plummek and
:

others,

Physicians in Memphis, Signers

to

a Petition.

Gentlemen
sure

I

have

this

moment

received your communication, and as-

you that it grieves my heart thus to be the instrument of adding to the seeming cruelty and hardship of this unnatural war.

On my

arrival hero, I found

my

predecessor (Genoral Hovey) had issued

an order permitting the departure south of all persons subject to the conscript law of the Southern Confederacy. Many applications have been made to me to modify this order, but I regarded it as a condition precedent by

which

I

was bound
;

in honor,

and therefore

I

havo made no changes or mod

nor shall I determine what action I shall adopt in relation to persons unfriendly to our cause who remain after the time limited by Genifications

eral Ilovey's order has expired.

It is

now

sunset,

and

availed themselves of General Ilovey's authority, and
phis, are

all who have not who remain in Mem-

supposed to bo loyal and true men.
cannot allow the personal convenience of even a me in my determination to make Memphis
all

I will only say that I

largo class of ladies to influenco

a safe place of operations for an army, and
indicate.

people

who

are unfriendly

should forthwith prepare to depart in such direction as I

may

hereafter

Surgeons are not

liable to

be made prisoners of war, but they should not

;

1862-'G3.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
army which they regard
as hostile.

269
The
situ-

resido within the lines of an

ation
I

would be too

delicate.

am, with great respect, your obedient servant,

W.

T.

Sherman, Major- General.

Headquarters, Memphis, July

24, 1862.

Samuel Sawyer,

Esq., Editor

Union Appeal, Memphis.

Dear

Sir

:

It is well I

should come to an understanding at once with the

press as well as the people of Memphis, which I

am

ordered to

command

which means, to control for the interest, welfare, and glory of the whole Government of the United States. Thus, though you Personalities in a newspaper are wrong and criminal. meant to be complimentary in your sketch of my career, you make more than a dozen mistakes of fact, which I need not correct, as I don't desire my biography to be written till I am dead. It is enough for the world to know that I live and am a soldier, bound to obey the orders of my superiors, the laws of my country, and to venerate its Constitution and that, when discretion is given me, I shall exercise it wisely and account to my superiors. General Sherman and I regard your article headed " City Council Colonel Slack," as highly indiscreet. Of course, no person who can jeopardize the safety of Memphis can remain here, much less exercise public authorbut I must take time, and be satisfied that injustice be not done. ity If the parties named be the men you describe, the fact should not be published, to put them on their guard and thus to encourage their escape. The evidence should be carefully collected, authenticated, and then placed But your statement of facts is entirely qualified, in my mind, in my hands. and loses its force by your negligence of the very simple facts within your reach as to myself: I had been in the army six years in 1846 am not related by blood to any member of Lucas, Turner & Co.; was associated with them
;

;

;

in business six years (instead of two)

;

am

not colonel of the Fifteenth In-

fantry, but of the Thirteenth.

knowledged error as to eral Morgan L. Smith did not belong to my command at the battle of Shiloh at all, but he was transferred to my division just before reaching Corinth. I mention these facts in kindness, to show you how wrong it is to speak of
persons.

Your correction, this morning, of the acGeneral Denver and others, is still erroneous. Gen-

mayor, Boards of Aldermen, and policemen, good time. Use your influence to reestablish system, order, government. You may rest easy that no military commander is going to neglect internal safety, or to guard against external danger; but to do right requires time, and more patience than I usually possess. If I find the press of Memphis actuated by
I will attend to the judge,
all in

;

270

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-'G3.

high principle and a sole devotion to their country, I will be their best
friend
;

but, if

I

find

them

personal, abusive, dealing in innuendoes
selfish

and hints

at a blind venture,

and looking to their own
;

aggrandizement and fame,
a mistaken

then they had better look out

for I regard such persons as greater ene-

mies to their country and to mankind than the

men who, from
etc.,

sense of State pride, have taken up muskets, and fight us about as hard as

we care

about.

In haste, but in kindness, yours,
"VV.

T. Sherman", Major- General.

Headquarters Fifth Division, Memphis, Tennessee, July 27, 1862.

)
j

John Park, Mayor of Memphis,
Sir
:

present.

Yours of July 24th
will,

papers ever

my

careful

most unbounded respect for
do
of
all in
life,

is before me, and has received, as all similar and most respectful consideration. I have the the civil law, courts, and authorities, and shall

my power

to restore

them
civil

to their proper use, viz., the protection

liberty,

and property.

Unfortunately, at this time,

war

prevails in the land,

and necessarily
officers

the military, for the time being, must be superior to the civil authority, but
it

does not therefore destroy
exist

it.

Civil courts

and executive
I

should

still

and perform

duties,

without which

civil or

municipal bodies would

soon pass into disrespect
phis a

— an end to be avoided.

am

glad to find in

Mem-

mayor and municipal
civil tribunals for

authorities not only in existence, but in the co-

exercise of important functions, and I shall endeavor to restore one or

more
with.
peace,

the arbitration of contracts and

punishment of

crimes,

which the military have neither time nor

inclination to interfere

Among
and

these, first in

importance

quiet, within the jurisdiction of

is the maintenance of order, Memphis. To insure this, I will

keep a strong provost guard in the city, but will limit their duty to guarding public property held or claimed by the United States, and for the arrest and
confinement of State prisoners and soldiers

who

are disorderly or improperly

away from

their regiments.

This guard ought not to arrest citizens for disI

order or minor crimes.
stand that the city police

This should be done by the city police.
is

under-

weak in numbers to accomplish this perfectly, and I therefore recommend that the City Council at once take steps to increase this force to a number which, in their judgment, day and night
too

can enforce your ordinances as to peace, quiet, and order; so that any
people unguarded.
police force

change in our military dispositions will not have a tendency to leave your I am willing to instruct the provost guard to assist the

when any combination

is

made too

strong for

them
fall

to

overcome
all
citi-

but the city police should be strong enough for any probable contingency.

The

cost of maintaining this police force

must necessarily

upon

zens equitably.

:


;

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
I

271

good policy, for the city authorities and County, as you recommend Better meet the expenses at once by for these would have to bo refunded. Therefore, if you, on consultation with the a new tax on all interested. proper municipal body, will frame a good bill for the increase of your police force, and for raising the necessary means for their support and mainOf tenance, I will approvo it and aid you in the collection of the tax.
I

am

not willing, nor do

think

it

to collect the taxes belonging to the State

course, I cannot suggest

how

this tax should

be

laid,

but I think that

it

should be
including

made uniform on all interests, money and merchandise.
I

real estate,

and personal property,

All

who are

protected should share the expenses in proportion to the

interests involved.

am, with respect, your obedient servant,

W.

T. Siierman, Major- General

commanding.

Headquarters Fifth Division,
Memphis, August
7, lb62.

)
|

Captain Fitch, Assistant Quartermaster, Memphis, Tennessee.
Sir
:

The duties devolving on the quartermaster of

this post, in addition

to his legitimate functions, are very important and onerous, and I

am

fully

aware that the task is more than should devolve on one man. I will endeavor to get you help in the person of some commissioned officer, and, if possible, one under bond, as he must handle largo amounts of money in trust but, for the present, we must execute the duties falling to our share
;

as well as possible.

are

:

On the subject of vacant houses, General Grant's orders " Take possession of all vacant stores and houses in the city, and have
at reasonable rates
;

them rented
loyalty;

rent to be paid monthly in advance. These

buildings, with their tenants, can be turned over to proprietors
also

on proof of

take charge of such as have been leased out by disloyal
profits of this class

owners." I understand that General Grant takes the rents and
cation act of Congress

of real property under the rules and laws of war, and not under the confis;

therefore the question of

title is

not involved

simply the possession, and tho rents and profits of houses belonging to our
enemies, which are not vacant,

we hold

in trust for

them or the Government,

according to the future decisions of the proper tribunals.

called

Mr. McDonald, your chief agent in renting and managing this business, on mo last evening and left with me written questions, which it would
;

take a volumo to answer and a Webster to elucidate

but as

we can only
I

attempt

plain, substantial justice, I will

answer these questions as well as

and to the point First. When ground is owned by parties have leased tho ground to parties now in the
can, briefly

city

who have gone south, and who own the improve-

ments on the ground

?

;

272
Ansicer.

MEMPniS TO ARKANSAS POST.
The United
States takes tho rents due the

[1802-'C3.

owner of the land

does not disturb the owner of tho improvements.
Second.

When

parties

owning houses have gone

south, and the tenant

has given his notes for the rent in advance ?

Answer. Notes are mere evidence of the debt duo landlord. The tenant pays the rent to the quartermaster, who gives a bond of indemnity against the notes representing the debt for the particular rent.
Third.

When

the tenant has expended several months' rent in repairs

on the house ? Answer. Of course, allow
showing.
Fourth.
Ansicer.
session.

all

such credits on

reasonable proof and

When tho owner
The rent

has gono south, and parties here hold liens on

tho property and are collecting the rents to satisfy their liens?
of a house can only bo
If a loyal tenant

mortgaged to a porson in posbe in possession and claim the rent from himself
it
;

as

duo to himself on some other debt, allow

but, if not in actual posses-

sion of the property, rents are not good liens for a debt, but

must bo paid to

the quartermaster.
Fifth.

Of

parties claiming foreign protection

?

Answer.

Many

claim foreign protection

who

are not entitled to

it.

If

they are foreign subjects residing for business in this country, they are entitled to consideration and protection so long as they obey the laws of tho country. If they occupy houses belonging to absent rebels, they must pay
rent to the quartermaster.
If they

own

property, they

must occupy

it

by

themselves, tenants, or servants.

Eighth.

When

houses are occupied and tho owner has gone south, leav?

ing an agent to collect rent for his benefit

Answer. Rent must be paid to tho quartermaster. No agent can collect and remit money south without subjecting himself to arrest and trial for aiding and abetting the public enemy.

When houses are owned by loyal citizens, but are unoccupied? Answer. Such should not bo disturbed, but it would be well to advise them to have some servant at the house to occupy it. Tenth. When parties who occupy the house are creditors of the owner,
Ninth.

who
mits

Ansicer.

has gone south ? You only look to collection of rents.
it

Any

person

who

trans-

money south is liable enemy but I do not think
;

to arrest and trial for aiding and abetting the

Eleventh.

When

the parties

our business to collect debts other than rents. who own the property have left the city

under General Ilovey's Order No. 1, but are in the immediate neighborhood, on their plantations? Answer. It makes no difference where they are, so they are absent. Twelfth. When movable property is found in stores that are closed ?

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

273

prefers to

Answer. The goods are security for the rent. If the owner of the goods remove the goods to paying rent, he can do so. Thirteenth. When the owner lives in town, and refuses to take the oath
?

of allegiance

Answer.
the oath.

If the

house be occupied,
it

it

does not

fall

under the order.

If

the houso be vacant,
All persons in
to be loyal,

does.

The owner can recover his property by taking

Memphis
citizens,

residing within our military lines are presumed
at

good

and may

any moment be called to serve on
required by the Constitution

juries, posses comitatus, or other civil service

and laws of our country. Should they be called upon to do such duty, which would require them to acknowledge their allegiance and subordination to the Constitution of the United States, it would then be too late to refuse. So long as they remain quiet and conform to these laws, they are entitled to protection in their property and lives.
"We have nothing to do with confiscation. We only deal with possession, and therefore the necessity of a strict accountability, because the United States assumes the place of trustee, and must account to the rightful owner for his property, rents, and profits. In due season courts will be established
to execute the laws,
lieved of this duty

the confiscation act included,

when we

will

be re-

and trust. Until that time, every opportunity should be given to the wavering and disloyal to return to their allegiance to the Constitution of their birth or adoption.
I

am,

etc.,

W.

T.

Sherman,

Major- General commanding.

Headquarters Fifth Division, Memphis, Tennessee, August 26, 1862.

)

J

Major- General Grant, Corinth, Mississippi.
Sir: In pursuance of your request that I should keep you advised of

matters of interest here, in addition to the purely
write.
I

official

matters, I

now

dispatched promptly the thirteen companies of cavalry, nine of Fourth

Illinois,

and four of Eleventh

Illinois,

to their respective destinations,

punctually on the 23d instant, although the order was only received on the
22d.
I received at

the same time, from Colonel Dickey, the notice that

was burned, and therefore I prescribed their order march via Bolivar. They started at 12 m. of the 23d, and I have no news of them since. None of the cavalry ordered to me is yet heard
the bridge over Hatchie
of

from.

The

guerrillas

Raleigh, on the road

from the

city.

I

have destroyed several bridges over Wolf Creek one at by which I had prescribed trade and travel to and have a strong guard at the lower bridge over Wolf River,
;

274

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-'63.

by which we can reach the country to the north of that stream but, as own bridges, I will hold them to my order, and allow no trade over any other road than the one prescribed, using the lower or Randolph road for our own convenience. I am still satisfied there is no large force of rebels anywhere in the neighborhood. All the navy gunboats are below except the St. Louis, which lies off the city. When Commodore Davis passes down from Cairo, I will try to see him, and get him to exchange the St. Louis for a fleeter boat not iron-clad one that can move up and down the river, to break up ferry-boats and canoes, and to prevent all passing across the river. Of course, in spite of all our
;

the Confederates have burned their

;

efforts,

smuggling

is

carried on.

We

occasionally

make

hauls of clothing,

gold-lace, buttons, etc., but I

the interior somehow.
this point,

I

and arms are got to have addressed the Board of Trade a letter on
satisfied that salt

am

which will enable us to control it better. You may have been troubled at hearing reports of drunkenness here. There was some after pay-day, but generally all is as quiet and orderly I traverse the city every day and night, and assert that Memas possible. phis is and has been as orderly a city as St. Louis, Cincinnati, or New York. Before the city authorities undertook to license saloons, there was as much whiskey here as now, and it would take all my command as customhouse inspectors, to break open all the parcels and packages containing I can destroy all groggeries and shops where soldiers get liquor liquor. just as we would in St. Louis. The newspapers are accusing me of cruelty to the sick; as base a charge as was ever made. I would not let the Sanitary Committee carry off a boat-load of sick, because I have no right to. We have good hospitals here, and plenty of them. Our regimental hospitals are in the camps of the men, and the sick do much better there than in the general hospitals so say my division surgeon and the regimental surgeons. The civilian doctors
;

would,

if

permitted, take

away our

entire
;

command.
and
it is

General Curtis sends
not right that nurses

his sick

up

here, but usually no nurses

should be taken from

my command

for his sick.

I think that,
it is

when we

are endeavoring to raise soldiers and to instruct them,

bad policy to

keep them at hospitals as attendants and nurses. I send you Dr. Derby's acknowledgment that he gave the leave of absence of which he was charged. I have placed him in arrest, in obedience to General Ilalleck's orders, but he remains in charge of the Overton Hospital,

which is not full of patients. The State Hospital also is not full, and I cannot imagine what Dr. Derby wants with the Female Academy on Vance Street. I will see him again, and now that he is the chief at Overton Hospital, I think he will not want the
academy.
Still, if

by the children and

he does, under your orders I will cause it to be vacated They have just advertised for Sisters of Mercy.

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

275

more scholars, and will be sadly disappointed. If, however, this building or any other be needed for a hospital, it must be taken ; but really, in my
do not see what possible chance there is, under present circumwith patients the two large hospitals now in use, besides the one asked for. I may, however, be mistaken in the particular building asked for by Dr. Derby, and will go myself to see. The fort is progressing well, Captain Jenney having arrived. Sixteen heavy guns are received, with a large amount of shot and shell, but the
heart, I stances, of filling

platforms are not yet ready still, if occasion should arise for dispatch, I can put a larger force to work. Captain Prime, when here, advised that the work should proceed regularly under the proper engineer officers and
;

laborers.

I

am,

etc.,

W.

T.

Sheeman, Major- General commanding.

Headquarters Fifth Division, Memphis, Tennessee, September 4, 1862.

)
J"

Colonel J. C. Kelton, Assistant Adjutant- General, Headquarters of the

Army, Washington, D.

C.

Dear Colonel:
the receipt

Please acknowledge to the major-general
his letter,

commanding

by me of

his orders.

promptly modified my first Trade in cotton
it

and convey to him my assurances that I have instructions about cotton, so as to conform to
is

now

free,

but in

all else I

endeavor so to

control

that the
still

enemy
I
feel

shall receive

no contraband goods, or any aid
steamboats are sadly

or comfort;

sure that the officers of
salt

and other prohibited articles at waypoints along the river. This, too, in time will be checked. All seems well here and hereabout no large body of the enemy within striking distance. A force of about two thousand cavalry passed through Grand Junction north last Friday, and fell on a detachment of the Bolivar army at Middleburg, the result of which is doubtless reported to you. As soon as I heard of the movement, I dispatched a force to the southeast by way of diversion, and am satisfied that the enemy's infantry and artillery fell back in consequence behind the Tallahatchie. The weather is very hot, country very dry, and dust as bad as possible. I hold my two divisions ready, with their original complement of trans;

tempted by high prices to land

portation, for field service.

Of course all things must now depend on events in front of Washington and in Kentucky. The gunboat Eastport and four transports loaded with prisoners of war destined for Vicksburg have been lying before Memphis for two days, but are now steaming up to resume their voyage. Onr fort progresses well, but our guns are not yet mounted. The engi-

:

276
neers are
tain

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
now
shaping the banquette to receive platforms.
in
I

[1862-'G3.

expect Cap-

Prime from Corinth
I

two or three

days.

am, with great respect, yours,

W.

T.

Sheeman, Major- General commanding.

Headquarters Fifth Division, Memphis, Tennessee, September 21, 18G2.

f

j

Editor Bulletin.
Sir:

Your comments on the
is

recent orders of Generals Halleclk and

McClellan afford the occasion appropriate for
that there

me to make

public the fact
itself,

a law of Congress, as old as our

Government

reenacted on the 10th of April, 1800, and in force ever since.

but That law

reads " All officers and soldiers are to behave themselves orderly in quarters

and on the march; and whoever shall commit any waste or spoil, either in walks of trees, parks, warrens, fish-ponds, houses and gardens, cornfields, inclosures or meadows, or shall maliciously destroy any property whatever belonging to the inhabitants of the United States, unless by order of the commander-in-chief of the armies of said United States, shall (besides such penalties as they are liable to by law) be punished according to the nature and degree of the offense, by the judgment of a general or regimental courtmartial."

Such

is

the law of Congress; and the orders of the commander-in-chief

and pillaging shall be These orders have not come to me officially, but I have seen them in newspapers, and am satisfied that they express the determination of the commander-in-chief. Straggling and pillaging have ever been great military crimes and every officer and soldier in my command knows what stress I have laid upon them, and that, so far as in my power lies, I will punish them to the full extent of the law and orders. The law is one thing, the execution of the law another. God himself has commanded: "Thou shalt not kill," "thou shalt not steal," "thou Will any one say these things shalt not covet thy neighbor's goods," etc. are not done now as well as before these laws were announced at Sinai?
are, that officers or soldiers convicted of straggling

punished with death.

;

I

admit the law to be that "no

officer or soldier of

the United States shall

commit waste or destruction of

cornfields, orchards, potato-patches, or

any
I

kind of pillage on the property of friend or foe near Memphis," and that
stand prepared to execute the law as far as possible.

No

officer or soldier

should enter the house or premises of any peace-

able citizen,

no matter what

officer or soldier

his politics, unless on business; and no such can force an entrance unless he have a written order from

a commanding officer or provost-marshal, which written authority must be
exhibited
if

demanded.

When

property such as forage, building or othei

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
by the United
States, a receipt will

277
be given by the

materials are needed
officer

taking them, which receipt should be presented to the quartermaster,

who

will substitute therefor a regular voucher, to

be paid according to the

circumstances of the case.
citizen

If the officer refuse to give such receipt, the

may

fairly infer

that the property

should, for his

own

protection, ascertain the

If and report him in writing. whose property is name, company, and regiment of the actual transgressor. punish there must be a trial, and there must be testimony.

the

officer,

destruction, the person

is wrongfully taken, and he name, rank, and regiment of any soldier commits waste or thus wasted must find out the

In order to
It is

not suf-

ficient that

a general accusation be made, that soldiers are doing this or

I cannot punish my whole command, or a whole battalion, because one or two bad soldiers do wrong. The punishment must reach the perpetrators, and no one can identify them as well as the party who is in-

that.

terested.

The

State of Tennessee does not hold itself responsible for acts of

larceny committed by her citizens, nor does the United States or any other
nation.
inflicted
soldiers,

These are individual acts of wrong, and punishment can only be on the wrong-doer. I know the difficulty of identifying particular but difficulties do not alter the importance of principles of justice.
to increase their efforts to find out the

They should stimulate the parties
actual perpetrators of the crime.

Colonels of regiments and commanders of corps are liable to severe punishment for permitting their men to leave their camps to commit waste
or destruction; but
soldiers are
I

know

full

well that

many
;

of the acts attributed to

and negroes, and are charged to soldiers because of a desire to find fault with them but this only reacts upon the community and increases the mischief. While every officer would willingly follow up an accusation against any one or more of bis men whose names or description were given immediately after the discovery of the act, he would naturally resent any general charge against his good men, for the criminal conduct of a few bad ones. I have examined into many of the cases of complaint made in'this general way, and have felt mortified that our soldiers should do acts which are nothing more or less than stealing, but I was powerless without some clew whereby to reach the rightful party. I know that the great mass of our soldiers would scorn to steal or commit crime, and I will not therefore entertain vague and general complaints, but stand prepared always to follow up any reasonable complaint when the charge is definite and the names of witnesses furnished. I know, moreover, in some instances when our soldiers are complained of, that they have been insulted by sneering remarks about " Yankees," "Northern barbarians," " Lincoln's hirelings," etc. v People who use such language must seek redress through some one else, for I will not tolerate incitizens

committed by

278
suits to

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
our country or canse.

[1862-'63

When

people forget their obligations to a

Government that made them respected among the nations of the earth, and speak contemptuously of the flag which is the silent emblem of that country, I will not go out of my way to protect them or their property. I will punish the soldiers for trespass or waste if adjudged by a court-martial, because
but soldiers are men and citizens as well as soldiers, and should promptly resent any insult to their country, come from what quarter it may. I mention this phase because it is too common. Insult to a soldier does not justify pillage, but it takes from the officer the disposition he would otherwise feel to follow up the inquiry and punish the

they disobey orders

;

wrong-doers.

Again, armies in motion or stationary must commit some waste. Flankers

must

let

down

fences and cross fields

;

and,

when an

attack

is

contemplated

ground of houses, fences, and trees. This is waste, but is the natural consequence of war, chargeable on those who caused the war. So in fortifying a place, dwelling-houses must be taken, materials used, even wasted, and great damage done, which in the end may prove useless. This, too, is an expense not and generally war is chargeable to us, but to those who made the war destruction and nothing else. We must bear this in mind, that however peaceful things look, we are really at war; and much that looks like waste or destruction is only *>he removal of objects that obstruct our fire, or would afford cover to an
or apprehended, a
will naturally clear the
;

command

enemy.
mitted by army-stragglers, which
death-penalty
if

This class of waste must bo distinguished from the wanton waste comis wrong, and can be punished by the

proper testimony can be produced.
Yours,
etc.,

W.

T.

Sheeman, Major- General commanding.

Satisfied that, in the progress of the war,

Memphis would

become an important depot, I pushed forward the construction of Fort Pickering, kept most of the troops in camps back of the city, and my own headquarters remained in tents on the edge of the city, near Mr. Moon's house, until, on the approach
of winter, Mrs. Sherman came down with the children to visit me, when I took a house nearer the fort. All this time battalion and brigade drills were enforced, so that, when the season approached for active operations
farther south, I

had

my

division in the best possible order
it

and about the

1st of

November

was composed

as follows

:


1862-'63.]

;;

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

279

First Brigade, Brigadier-General M. L. Smith.
nel G. A. Smith
;

—Eighth Missouri, Colo;

Sixth Missouri, Colonel Peter E. Bland
;

One Hundred

and Thirteenth niinois, Colonel George B. Hoge Fifty-fourth Ohio, ColoOne Hundred and Twentieth Illinois, Colonel G. W. nel T. Kilby Smith McKeaig.
;

Second Brigade, Colonel John Adair McDowell. Sixth Iowa, LieutenFortieth Illinois, Colonel J. W. Booth Fortysixth Ohio, Colonel C. 0. "Walcutt; Thirteenth United States Infantry,
ant-Colonel John M. Corse
;

;

First Battalion,

Major D. Chase. Third Brigade, Brigadier-General
;

J. "W.

Denver.

—Forty-eighth Ohio,
S.

Colonel P. J. Sullivan

Fifty-third Ohio, Colonel

W.

Jones

;

Seventieth

Ohio, Colonel J. B. Cockerill.

Fourth Brigade, Colonel David Stuart. Fifty-fifth Illinois, Colonel O. Malmburg; Fifty-seventh Ohio, Colonel W. Mungen; Eighty-third Indiana, Colonel B. Spooner One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois, Colonel Tupper One Hundred and Twenty-seventh Illinois, Lieutenant-Colonel Eldridge. Fifth Brigade, Colonel R. P. Buckland. Seventy-second Ohio, Lieutenant-Colonel D. TV. C. Loudon Thirty-second Wisconsin, Colonel J. W. Howe Ninety -third Indiana, Colonel Thomas Ninety-third Illinois, Major J. M. Fisher.
;

;

;

;

Subsequently, Brigadier-General J. G.

Lauman

arrived at

Memphis, and
L. Smith, J.

I

made up

a sixth brigade, and organized these

6ix brigades into three divisions,

under Brigadier-Generals M. Denver, and J. G. Lauman. About the 17th of November I received an order from General Grant, dated

W.

Lagrange, November

15, 1862.

Meet me at Columbus, Kentucky, on Thursday next. If you have a good map of the country south of you, take it up with you. U. S. Geant, Major- General.

by boat, and met General Grant, who had reached Columbus by the railroad from Jackson, Tennessee. He explained to me that he proposed to move against Pemberton, then intrenched on a line behind the Tallahatchie Eiver below Holly Springs that he would move on Holly Springs and Abberville, from Grand Junction that McPherson, with the troops at Corinth, would aim to make junction with him at Holly Springs and that he wanted me to leave in Memphis a proper garrison,
I started forthwith
;
;

280

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-'63.

and to aim for the Tallahatchie, so as to come up on his right by a certain date. He further said that his ultimate object was to capture Yicksburg, to open the navigation of the Mississippi River, and that General Halleck had authorized him to call on the troops in the Department of Arkansas, then commanded by General S. R. Curtis, for cooperation. I suggested to him that if he would request General Curtis to send an expedition from some point on the Mississippi near Helena, then held in force, toward Grenada, to the rear of Pemberton, it would alarm him for the safety of his communications, and would assist us materially in the proposed attack on his front. He authorized me to send to the commanding officer at Helena a request to that effect, and, as soon as I reached Memphis, I dispatched my aide, Major McCoy, to Helena, who returned, bringing me a letter from General Frederick Steele, who had just reached Helena with Osterhaus's division, and who was temporarily in command, General Curtis having gone to St. Louis. This letter contained the assurance that he " would send from Friar's Point a large force under Brigadier-General A. P.

Hovey

in the direction of Grenada, aiming to reach the Talla-

Monday, Tuesday, or WednesMy command was appointed to start on Wednesday, November 2-ith, and meantime MajorGeneral S. A. Hurlbut, having reported for duty, was assigned to the command of Memphis, with four regiments of infantry one battery of artillery, two companies of Thielman's cavalry and the certain prospect of soon receiving a number of new
hatchie at Charleston, on the next

day (December

1st) at furthest."

regiments,
I

known

to be en route.

marched out of Memphis punctually with three small
till we approached the Tallawhen we converged on Wyatt to cross the river, there

divisions, taking different roads

hatchie,

a bold, deep stream, with a newly-constructed fort behind.

I

had Grierson's Sixth Illinois Cavalry with me, and with it opened communication with General Grant when we were abreast of Holly Springs. We reached Wyatt on the 2d day of December without the least opposition, and there learned that Pemberton's whole army had fallen back to the Yalabusha,

:

:


281

1862- 63.J

,

MEMPHIS TO AKKANSAS POST.

near Grenada, in a great measure by reason of the exaggerated

which had reached Charlesand some of General Hovey's cavalry, under General Washburn, having struck the railroad in the neighborhood of Coffeeville, naturally alarmed General Pemberton for the safety of his communications, and made him let go his Tallahatchie line with all the forts which he had built at great cost in labor. We had to build a bridge at Wyatt, which consumed a couple of days, and on the 5th of December my whole command was at College Hill, ten miles from Oxford, whence I reported to General Grant in Oxford.
ton
;

reports concerning the Helena force,

On

the 8th I received the following letter
Oxford,
Mississippi, December 8, 1862.

Morning.

General Sheeman, College Hill.

Dear General
Washington

:

The following

is

a copy of dispatch just received from

Washington, December

7, 1862.

—12 m.

General

Grant

:

You
tis

The capture of Grenada may change our plans will move your troops as you may deem best
in

in regard to Vicksburg. to accomplish the great

You will retain, till further orders, all troops of General Curyour department. Telegraph to General Allen in St. Louis for all steamboats you may require. Ask Porter to cooperate. Telegraph what are your present plans. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief.
object in view.

now

I

the morning.
is

wish you would come over this evening and stay to-night, or come in My notion I would like to talk with you about this matter.

to send

two

divisions

back to Memphis, and
If I

fix

upon a day when they

should effect a landing, and press from here with this

proper time to cooperate.
a depot of provisioEs there.
ately

do not do

this I will

command at the move our present force
proceed, and establish
had, to

to Grenada, including Steele's, repairing road as

we
is

move immedion Jackson, Mississippi, cutting loose from the road. Of the two plans I look most favorably on the former. Come over and we will talk this matter over. Yours truly, U. S. Grant, Major- General.
a good ready

When

I repaired at once to Oxford, and found General Grant
in a large house with all his
staff, arid

we

discussed every pos-

:

:

:

;

282
sible chance.

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

|"1862-'63.

He
;

explained to

me

that large reinforcements

had been promised, which would reach Memphis very soon, if not already there that the entire gunboat fleet, then under the command of Admiral D. D. Porter, would cooperate that we could count on a full division from the troops at Helena and he believed that, by a prompt movement, I could make a lodgment up the Yazoo and capture Yicksburg from the rear that its garrison was small, and he, at Oxford, would so handle his troops as to hold Pemberton away from Yicksburg. I also understood that, if Pemberton should retreat south, he would follow him up, and would expect to find me at the Yazoo River, if not inside of Yicksburg. I confess, at that moment I did not dream that General McClernand, or anybody else, was scheming for the mere honor of capturing Yicksburg. We knew at the time that General Butler had been reenf orced by General Banks at New Orleans, and the latter was supposed to be working his way up-stream from New Orleans, while we were working down. That day General Grant dispatched to General Halleck, in
; ; ;

"Washington, as follows
Oxtoed, December
8,

1862.

Major- General H. "W. Halleok, Washington, D.

G.

He will have

General Sherman will command the expedition down the Mississippi. a force of about forty thousand men will land above Vicks;

burg (up the Yazoo, if practicable), and cut the Mississippi Central road and the road running east from Vicksburg, where they cross Black Eiver. I will cooperate from here, my movements depending on those of the enemy.

With the large cavalry force now at my command, I will be able to have them show themselves at different points on the Tallahatchie and Yalabusha and, when an opportunity occurs, make a real attack. After cutting the two roads, General Sherman's movements to secure the end desired will
necessarily be left to his judgment.
I will

occupy

this road to Coffee ville.

U.

S.

Geant, Major- General.

I was shown this dispatch before the general drew
in his

it was sent, and afterward up for me the following letter of instructions

own

handwriting, which I

now

possess

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
8,

283
»

Headquarters Thirteenth Army Corps, Department op the Tennessee, Oxford, Mississippi, December

1862.

J

Major- General
present.

W.
You

T.

Shebman, commanding Right Wing Army in

the Field,

Genebal

:

will proceed with as little delay as practicable to

Mem-

with you one division of your present On your arrival at Memphis you will assume command of all there, and that portion of General Curtis's forces at present east sissippi River, and organize them into brigades and divisions in
phis, Tennessee, taking

command.
the troops
of the Mis-

your

own

way.

As soon

as possible

move with them down the

river to the vicinity of
fleet

Vicksburg, and, with the cooperation of the gunboat
ner as circumstances and your

under command

of Flag-Officer Porter, proceed to the reduction of that placo in such man-

own judgment may

dictate.

The amount of
take, will

rations, forage, land transportation, etc., necessary to

be

left entirely

to yourself.

The quartermaster

in St. Louis will

tation for thirty thousand

men.

be instructed to send you transporShould you still find yourself deficient,

your quartermaster will be authorized to make up the deficiency from such
transports as

may come

into the port of

Memphis.

Memphis put yourself in communication with Admiral Porter, and arrange with him for his cooperation. Inform me at the earliest practicable day of the time when you will emarriving in

On

bark, and such plans as

may

in readiness to cooperate

then be matured. I will hold the forces here with you in such manner as the movements of the

enemy may make

necessary.

Leave the District of Memphis in the command of an efficient officer and' with a garrison of four regiments of infantry, the siege-guns, and what
ever cavalry force

may

be there.

One regiment
left at Friar's

of infantry and at least a section of artillery will also be

Point or Delta, to protect the stores of the cavalry post that

will be left there.

Yours

truly,

U.

S.

Geant, Major- General.

I also insert here another letter, dated the 14th instant, sent

afterward to
received by

me me

at

Memphis, which completes
first

all

instructions

governing the

movement

against Ticks-

burg:
Headquarters Department of the Tennessee, Oxford, Mississippi, December 14, 1662.
)
J

Major- General Sheeman, commanding\
I

etc.,

Memphis, Tennessee:

have not had one word from Grierson since he left, and am getting uneasy about him. I hope General Gorman will give you no difficulty

284

MEMPHIS TO AEKANSAS POST.

[1862-'63.

about retaining the troops on this side the river, and Steele to oommand The twenty-one thousand men you have, with the twelve thousand from Helena, will make a good force. The enemy are as yet on the Yala-

them.

busha.

I

am

pushing

down on them

slowly, but so as to keep up the im-

pression of a continuous move.

I feel particularly
;

anxious to have the
start.

Helena cavalry on
If

this side of the river

if

not now, at least after you
to go

Gorman

will send them, instruct

them where
will probably

and how to commu-

nicate with me.

My headquarters
mean time
I will

hence.

In the
if

order transportation,

be in Coffeeville one week etc. ... It would

be well

the Yazoo.

you could have two or three small boats suitable for navigating It may become necessary for me to look to that base for sup-

plies before

we

get through.

.

.

.

U.

S.

Grant, Major- General.

When we rode to Oxford from College Hill, there happened a little circumstance which seems worthy of record. While General Van Dorn had his headquarters in Holly Springs, viz., in October, 1862, he was very short of the comforts and luxuries of life, and resorted to every possible device to draw from the abundant supplies in Memphis. He had no difficulty whatever in getting spies into the town for infor mation, but he had trouble in getting bulky supplies out through our guards, though sometimes I connived at his supplies of
cigars, liquors, boots, gloves, etc., for his individual use
;

but

medicines and large supplies of
if

all

kinds were confiscated,

attempted to be passed out. As we rode that morning toward Oxford, I observed in a farmer's bam-yard a wagon that looked like a city furniture-wagon with springs. We were always short of wagons, so I called the attention of the quartermaster, Colonel J. Condit Smith, saying, " There is a good wagon; go for it." He dropped out of the retinue with an

and after we had ridden a mile or so he overtook us, and I asked him, " What luck ? " He answered, " All right I have secured that wagon, and I also got another," and explained that he had gone to the farmer's house to inquire about the furniture-wagon, when the farmer said it did not belong to him, but to some party in Memphis, adding that in his barn was another belonging to the same party. They went to the barn, and there found a handsome city hearse, with pall and plumes.
orderly,
;

1862-'63.J

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
said they

285

The farmer

had had a big funeral out of Memphis,

but when it reached his house, the coffin was found to contain a fine assortment of medicines for the use of Yan Dorn's army.

Thus under the pretense
vent.
It

of a first-class funeral, they

had

car-

ried through our guards the very things

we had

tried to pre-

was a good

trick,

but diminished our respect for such

pageants afterward.

As

soon as I was in possession of General Grant's instruc-

tions of

with a further request that I should by land to Helena, to notify General Steele of the general plan, I re8th,

December

dispatch Colonel Grierson, with his cavalry, across

turned to College Hill, selected the division of Brigadier-General

Morgan

L.

Smith

to return

with

me

to

Memphis

;

started

Grierson on his errand to Helena, and ordered Generals Denver

and Lauman

to report to General

Grant for further orders.

We

by the most direct route, reached Memphis by noon of December 12th, and began immediately the preparaThere I found two irregutions for the Vicksburg movement. lar divisions which had arrived at Memphis in my absence, commanded respectively by Brigadier-General A. J. Smith and Brigadier-General George W. Morgan. These were designated
started back

the First and Third Divisions, leaving the Second Division of

Morgan

L. Smith to retain

its

original

name and number.

I also sent orders, in the

name

of General Grant, to General

Gorman, who meantime had replaced General Steele in comof Helena, in lieu of the troops which had been east of the Mississippi and had returned, to make up a strong division This division was accordto report to me on my way down. ingly organized, and was commanded by Brigadier-General

mand

Fourth Division. was assembling from St. Louis and Cairo, and Admiral Porter dropped down to Memphis with his whole gunboat fleet, ready to cooperate in the movement. The preparations were necessarily hasty in the extreme, but this was the essence of the whole plan, viz., to reach Vicksburg as it were by surprise, while General Grant
Frederick Steele, constituting

my

Meantime a

large fleet of steamboats

held in check Pemberton's

army about Grenada, leaving me

:

;

286

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-'63.

to contend only with the smaller garrison of

Vicksburg and its well-known strong batteries and defenses. On the 19th the Memphis troops were embarked, and steamed down to Helena, where on the 21st General Steele's division was also embarked; and on the 22d we were all rendezvoused at Friar's Point, in
the following order, viz.
Steamer Forest Queen, general headquarters, and battalion Thirteenth United States Infantry.
First Division, Brigadier-General A. J. Smith.
vision headquarters

—Steamers Des Arc,
;

di-

and escort
;

;

Metropolitan, Sixth Indiana

Twenty-third Wisconsin

J. C.

Snow, Sixteenth Indiana
;

;

H. Dickey, Hiawatha, NineJ.

Ohio J. Ninth Kentucky
ty-sixth
;

S.

Pringle, Sixty-seventh Indiana

J.

;

R. Campbell, Ninety-seventh Indiana
Illinois;
;

W. Cheeseman, Duke of Ar;

gyle,

Seventy-seventh

Qity of Alton,

One Hundred and Eighth

and Forty-eighth Ohio
missary-boat

City of Louisiana, Mercantile Battery ; Ohio Belle,

Seventeenth Ohio Battery; Citizen, Eighty-third Ohio; Champion, com-

General Anderson, Ordnance. Second Division, Brigadier-General M. L. Smith.
;

— Steamers Chancellor,
Sixteenth
;

headquarters, and Thielman's cavalry; Planet,
Illinois;

One Hundred and

and B (Missouri Artillery), Eighth Missouri, and section of Parrott guns Omaha, Fifty-seventh Ohio Sioux City, Eighty-third Indiana; Spread Eagle, One Hundred and Twentyseventh Illinois Ed. "Walsh, One Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois Westmoreland, Fifty-fifth Illinois, headquarters Fourth Brigade Sunny South, Fifty-fourth Ohio Universe, Sixth Missouri Robert Allen, commissaryCity of Memphis, Batteries
;

A

;

;

;

;

;

boat.
TJiircl

Division, Brigadier-General G.

division headquarters;

Sam
Ohio

Gaty, Sixty-ninth
;

W. Morgan. Steamers Empress, Key West, One Hundred and Eighteenth Illinois; Indiana; Northerner, One Hundred and Twentieth

ninth Ohio, and pontoons;

two companies FortyDie Vernon, Third Kentucky; War Eagle, Forty-ninth Indiana (eight companies), and Foster's battery; Henry von Phul, headquarters Third Brigade, and eight companies Sixteenth Ohio; Fanny Bullitt, One Hundred and Fourteenth Ohio, and Lamphere's battery Crescent City, Twenty-second Kentucky and Fifty-fourth Indiana Des Moines, Forty-second Ohio Pembina, Lamphere's and Stone's batBelle Peoria, headquarters Second Brigade,
; ;

teries

;

Lady Jackson, commissary-boat.

tinental, headquarters, escort

Fourth Division, Brigadier-General Frederick Steele. Steamers Conand battery John J. Roe, Fourth and Ninth Iowa; Nebraska, Thirty-first Iowa; Key West, First Iowa Artillery John Warner, Thirteenth Illinois; Tecumseh, Twenty-sixth Iowa; Decatur,
;

;

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

287

Twenty-eighth Iowa; Quitman, Thirty-fourth Iowa; Kennett, Twentyninth Missouri; Gladiator, Thirtieth Missouri; Isabella, Thirty -first Missouri; D. G. Taylor, quartermaster's stores and horses; Sucker State,

Emma,
sixth

Thirty-second Missouri; Dakota, Third Missouri; Tutt, Twelfth Missouri Seventeenth Missouri Adriatfc, First Missouri ; Meteor, Seventy;

Ohio

;

Polar Star, Fifty-eighth Ohio.

At
tions
:

the same time were communicated the following instruc-

Headquarters Eight Winq, Thirteenth Armt Corps, Forest Queen, December 23, 1862.

) J

To Contmanders of Divisions, Generals F. Steele, George J. Smith, and M. L. Smith
:

W. Morgan, A.

hand to each of you a copy of a map, compiled from the main is correct. It is the same used by Admiral Porter and myself. Complete military success can only be accomplished by united action on some general plan, embracing usually a large
this I

With

best sources, and which in the

district of country.

In the present instance, our object
its

is

to secure the

main branches, and to hold them as military channels of communication and for commercial purposes. The river, above Vicksburg, has been gained by conquering the country to its rear, rendering its possession by our enemy useless and unsafe to him, and of great value to us. But the enemy still holds the river from Vicksburg to Baton Rouge, navigating it with his boats, and the possession of it enables him to connect his communications and routes of supply, east and west. To deprive him of this will be a severe blow, and, if done effectually, will be of great advantage to us, and probably the most deoisive act of the war. To accomplish this important result we are to act our part an
navigation of the Mississippi River and

important one of the great whole.

General Banks, with a large force, has reenforced General Butler in Louisiana, and from that quarter an expeGeneral Grant, with the dition, by water and land, is coming northward.
Thirteenth

Corps, of which we compose the right wing, is moving The naval squadron (Admiral Porter) is operating with his gunboat fleet by water, each in perfect harmony with the other. General Grant's left and centre were at last accounts approaching the Yalabusha, near Grenada, and the railroad to his rear, by which he drew his supplies, was reported to be seriously damaged. This may disconcert him somewhat, but only makes more important our line of operations. At the Yalabusha General Grant may encounter the army of General Pemberton, the same which refused him oattle on the line of the Tallahatchie, which was strongly fortified but, as he will not have time to fortify it, he

Army

southward.

;

will

hardly stand th^re; and, in that event, General Grant will immediately

;

288

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862--'63

advance doAvn the high ridge between the Big Black and Yazoo, and will expect to meet us on the Yazoo and receive from us the supplies which he needs, and which he knows we carry along. Parts of this general plan are to cooperate with the naval squadron in the reduction of Vicksburg

between the Yazoo and Big Black and to act in concert with General Grant against Pemberton's forces, supposed to have Jackson, Mississippi, as a point of concentration. Vicksburg is doubtless very strongly fortified, both against the river and land approaches. Already the gunboats have secured the Yazoo up for twentythree miles, to a fort on the Yazoo at Haines's Bluff, giving us a choice for a landing-place at some point up the Yazoo below this fort, or on the island which lies between Vicksburg and the present mouth of the Yazoo. (See
to secure possession of the land lying

map

[5, c, d],

Johnson's plantation.)
is

But, before any actual collision with the enemy, I purpose, after our

whole land-force

in order to Milliken's

rendezvoused at Gaines's Landing, Arkansas, to proceed Bend (a), and there dispatch a brigade, without wag-

ons or any incumbrances whatever, to the Vicksburg

&

Shreveport Railoff that fruitful

road

(at

h and

k) } to destroy that effectually,
;

and to cut

then to proceed to the mouth of the Yazoo, and, after possessing ourselves of the latest and most authentic information from naval officers now there, to land our whole force on the Mississippi side, and then

avenue of supply

to reach the point

Big Black (f)
boats assail
it

;

after

whore the Vicksburg & Jackson Railroad crosses the which to attack Vicksburg oy land, while the gunIt

by water.

may

be necessary (looking to Grant's ap-

proach), before attacking Vicksburg, to reduce the battery at Haines's Bluff
first,

so as to enable

some of the

lighter gunboats

and transports to ascend

the Yazoo and communicate with General Grant.
accomplishing
all

The

detailed

manner of

these results will be communicated in due season, and

these general points are only

made known

at this time, that

commanders
all

may may

study the maps, and also that in the event of non-receipt of orders
act in perfect concert

by following the general movement, unless

specially detached.
all now have the same map, so that no mistakes or confusion need from different names of localities. All possible preparations as to wagons, provisions, axes, and intrenching-tools, should bo made in advance, so that when we do land there will be no want of them. When we begin to act on shore, we must do the work quickly and effectually. The gunboats under Admiral Porter will do their full share, and I feel every assurance that the army will not fall short in its work. Division commanders may read this to regimental commanders, and fur-

You

result

nish brigade

of the

map

to be

commanders a copy. They should also cause as many copies made on the same scale as possible, being very careful in

copying the names.

1862-'G3.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
marked
e

289

The

points

strategical points that will figure in our future operations,

and g (Allan's and Mount Albans) are evidently and these posi-

tions should be well studied.
I

am, with great respect, your obedient servant,

W.

T.

Suebman, Major- General.
calculated for handling

The Mississippi boats were admirably
troops, horses,

guns, stores,

etc.,

easy of embarkation and dis-

all kinds were abundant, except rely on wood, but most of the woodhad to For we fuel. river before the war, had been exyards, so common on the hausted, so that we had to use fence-rails, old dead timber, the Having abundance of men and plenty of logs of houses, etc.

embarkation, and supplies of
this

axes, each boat could daily procure a supply.

ter's

In proceeding down the river, one or more of Admiral Porgunboats took the lead others were distributed throughout the column, and some brought up the rear. We manoeuvred by divisions and brigades when in motion, and it was a magnifi;

cent sight as

we

thus steamed

down
;

the river.

What few

in-

habitants remained at the plantations on the river-bank were

unfriendly, except the slaves

some few

guerrilla-parties in-

fested the banks, but did not dare to molest so strong a force as
I then

commanded.
reached Milliken's

We

Bend on

Christmas-day,

when

I

detached one brigade (Burbridge's), of A. J. Smith's division, to the southwest, to break up the railroad leading from YicksLeaving A. J. Smith's burg toward Shreveport, Louisiana.
division there to await the return of Burbridge, the remain-

ing three divisions proceeded, on the 26th, to the

mouth

of

the Yazoo, and up that river to Johnson's plantation, thir-

teen miles, and there disembarked
the

Steele's

division above

near the house of Johnson (which had been burned by the gunboats
division

mouth

of Chickasaw Bayou, Morgan's

on a former occasion), and M. L. Smith's just below. A. J. Smith's division arrived the next night, and disembarked below that of M. L. Smith. The place of our disembarkation was in fact an island, separated from the high bluff known as Walnut Hills, on which the town of Vicksburg stands, by a broad and

290
shallow bayou
right

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-'63.

evidently an old channel of the Yazoo. On our was another wide bayou, known as Old River and on the left still another, much narrower, but too deep to be forded, known as Chickasaw Bayou. All the island was densely wooded, except Johnson's plantation, immediately on the bank of the Yazoo, and a series of old cotton-fields along Chickasaw Bayou. There was a road from Johnson's plantation directly to Yicksburg, but it crossed numerous bayous and deep swamps by bridges, which had been destroyed; and this road debouched on level ground at the foot of the Yicksburg bluff, opposite strong forts, well prepared and defended by heavy artillery. On this road I directed General A. J. Smith's division, not so much by way of a direct attack as a diversion and threat. Morgan was to move to his left, to reach Chickasaw Bayou, and to follow it toward the bluff, about four miles above A. J. Smith. Steele was on Morgan's left, across Chickasaw Bayou, and M. L. Smith on Morgan's right. We met light resistance at all points, but skirmished, on the 27th, up to the main bayou, that separated our position from the bluffs of Yicksburg, which were found to be strong by nature and by art, and seemingly well defended. On reconnoitring the front in person, during the 27th and 28th, I became satisfied that General A. J. Smith could not cross the intervening obstacles under the heavy fire of the forts immediately in his front, and that the main bayou was impassable, except at two points one near the head of Chickasaw Bayou, in front of Morgan, and the other about a mile lower down, in front of M. L. Smith's division. During the general reconnoissance of the 28th General Morgan L. Smith received a severe and dangerous wound in his hip, which completely disabled him and compelled him to go to his
;

steamboat, leaving the

command

of his division to Brigadier-

General D. Stuart

;

but I drew a part of General A. J. Smith's

division, and that general himself, to the point selected for passing the bayou, and committed that special task to his man-

agement.
General Steele reported that
resell
it

was physically impossible to

the bluffs

from

his position, so I ordered

him

to leave

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

291

but a show of force there, and to return to the west side of

Chickasaw Bayou in support of General Morgan's left. He had and use the steamboats in the Yazoo to get on the firm ground on our side of the Chickasaw. On the morning of December 29th all the troops were ready and in position. The first step was to make a lodgment on the foot-hills and bluffs abreast of our position, while diversions were made by the navy toward Haines's Bluff, and by the first division directly toward Yicksburg. I estimated the enemy's forces, then strung from Yicksburg to Haines's Bluff, at fifteen thousand men, commanded by the rebel Generals Martin Luther Smith and Stephen D. Lee. Aiming to reach firm ground beyond this bayou, and to leave as little time for our enemy to reenforce as possible, I determined to make a show of attack along the whole front, but to break across the bayou at the two points named, and gave general orders accordingly. I pointed out to General Morgan the place where he could pass the bayou, and he answered, " General, in ten minutes after you give the signal I'll be on those hills." He was to lead his division in person, and was to be supported by Steele's division. The front was very narrow, and immediately opposite, at the base of the hills about three hundred yards from the bayou, was a rebel battery, supported by an infantry force posted on the spurs of the hill behind. To draw attention from this, the real point of attack, I gave instructions to commence the attack at the flanks. I went in person about a mile to the right rear of Morgan's
to countermarch
position, at

a place

convenient to receive reports from
;

all

other parts of the line

and about noon of December 29th gave the orders and signal for the main attack. A heavy artillery-fire opened along our whole line, and was replied to by the rebel batteries, and soon the infantry-fire opened heavily, especially on A. J. Smith's front, and in front of General George "W. Morgan. One brigade (De Courcey's) of Morgan's troops crossed the bayou safely, but took to cover behind the bank, and could not be moved forward. Frank Blair's brigade, of Steele's division, in support,
also crossed the bayou, passed over the space of level
to the foot of the hills
;

but, being unsupported

ground by Morgan, and

: ;

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
meeting a very severe
gradually
fell

[18G2-'G8.

cross-fire of artillery,

was staggered and

back, leaving about five hundred
prisoners
;

men

behind,

wounded and

among them Colonel Thomas

Fletcher,

afterward Governor of Missouri.
division, took a
all
;

Thayer's brigade, of Steele's

wrong direction, and did not cross the bayou at, nor did General Morgan cross in person. This attack failed
felt that it

was due to the failure of Genobey his orders, or to fulfill his promise made in person. Had he used with skill and boldness one of his brigades, in addition to that of Blair's, he could have made a lodgment on the bluff, which would have opened the Meantime the Sixth Misdoor for our whole force to follow. souri Infantry, at heavy loss, had also crossed the bayou at the narrow passage lower down, but could not ascend the steep bank right over their heads was a rebel battery, whose fire was in a measure kept down by our sharp-shooters (Thirteenth United States Infantry) posted behind logs, stumps, and trees, on our
and I have always
eral

G.

W. Morgan

to

side of the bayou.

The men
their

of

the Sixth Missouri actually scooped out with

hands caves in the bank, which sheltered them against the fire of the enemy, who, right over their heads, held their muskets outside the parapet vertically, and fired down So critical

was the position, that we could not recall the men till after dark, and then one at a time. Our loss had been pretty heavy, and we had accomplished nothing, and had inflicted little loss on our enemy. At first I intended to renew the assault, but soon became satisfied that, the enemy's attention having been drawn to the only two practicable points, it would prove too costly, and accordingly resolved to look elsewhere for a point below Haines's That night I conferred with AdBluff, or Blake's plantation. miral Porter, who undertook to cover the landing and the next day (December 30th) the boats were all selected, but so alarmed were the captains and pilots, that we had to place sentinels with loaded muskets to insure their remaining at their posts. Under cover of night, Steele's division, and one brigade of Stuart's, were drawn out of line, and quietly embarked on steamboats in the Yazoo River. The night of December 30th was ap
;

;

18G2-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

293

command of General Fred proceed up the Yazoo just below Haines's Bluff, there to disembark about daylight, and make a dash for the hills. Meantime we had strengthened our positions near Chickpointed for this force, under the
Steele, to

asaw Bayou, had all our guns in good position with parapets, and had every thing ready to renew our attack as soon as we heard the sound of battle above. At midnight I left Admiral Porter on his gunboat he had his fleet ready and the night was propitious. I rode back to camp and gave orders for all to be ready by daybreak but when daylight came I received a note from General Steele reporting that, before his boats had got up steam, the fog had settled down on the river so thick and impenetrable, that it was simply impossible to move so the attempt had to be abandoned. The rain, too, began to fall, and the trees bore water-marks ten feet above our heads, so that I became convinced that the part of wisdom was to withdraw. I ordered the stores which had been landed to be reembarked on the boats, and preparations made for all the troops to regain their proper boats during the night of the 1st of January, 1863. From our camps at Chickasaw we
;

;

;

could hear the whistles of the trains arriving in Yicksburg,

could see battalions of men marching up toward Haines's Bluff, and taking post at all points in our front. I was more than convinced that heavy reinforcements were coming to Yicksburg whether from Pemberton at Grenada, Bragg in Tennessee, or from other sources, I could not tell but at no point did the enemy assume the offensive and when we drew off our rear-guard, on the morning of the 2d, they simply followed up the movement, timidly. Up to that moment I had not heard a word from General Grant since leaving Memphis and most assuredly I had listened for days for the sound of his guns in the direction of Yazoo City. On the morning of January 2d, all my command were again afloat in their proper steamboats, when Admiral Porter told me that General McClernand had arrived at the mouth of the Yazoo in the steamboat Tigress, and that it was rumored he had come down to supersede me. Leaving my whole force where it was, I ran down to the mouth of the Yazoo in a small
; ;

;

294
tug-boat,

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-'63.

and there found General McClernand, with orders from the War Department to command the expeditionary force on the Mississippi River. I explained what had been done, and what was the actual state of facts that the heavy reenf orcements pouring into Vicksburg must be Pemberton's army, and that General Grant must be near at hand. He informed me that General Grant was not coming at all that his depot at Holly Springs had been captured by Van Dorn, and that he had drawn back from CofEeeville and Oxford to Holly Springs and Lagrange and, further, that Quimby's division of Grant's army was actually at Memphis for stores when he passed down. This, then, fully explained how Vicksburg was being reenforced. I saw that any attempt on the place from the Yazoo was hopeless and, with General McClernand's full approval, we all came out of the Yazoo, and on the 3d of January rendezvoused at Milliken's Bend, about ten miles above. On the 4th General McClernand issued his General Order No. 1, assuming command of the Army of the Mississippi, divided into two corps; the first to be commanded by General Morgan, composed of his own and A. J. Smith's divisions; and the second, composed of Steele's and Stuart's divisions, to be commanded by me. Up to that time the army had been styled the right wing of (General Grant's) Thirteenth Army Corps, and numbered about thirty thousand men. The aggregate loss during the time of my command, mostly on the 29th of December, was one hundred and seventy-five killed, nine hundred and thirty wounded, and seven hundred and forty-three prisoners. According to Badeau, the rebels lost sixty-three killed, one hundred and thirty-four wounded, and ten prisoners. It afterward transpired that Yan Dorn had captured Holly Springs on the 20th of December, and that General Grant fell back very soon after. General Pemberton, who had telegraphic and railroad communication with Vicksburg, was therefore at
;
;

;

;

perfect liberty to reenforce the place with a garrison equal, if

not superior, to

my command. The rebels held high, commandmovement
of our

ing ground, and could see every
so that the only possible

men and

boats,

hope of success consisted

in celerity

1862->63]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

295

and surprise, and in General Grant's holding all of Pemberton's General Grant was perfectly aware of this, and had sent me word of the change, but it did not reach me in time indeed, I was not aware of it until after my assault of December 29th, and until the news was brought me by General McClernand as related. General McClernand was appointed to this command by President Lincoln in person, who had no knowledge of what was then going on down the river. Still, my relief, on the heels of a failure, raised the usual cry, at There was no the North, of " repulse, failure, and bungling." bungling on my part, for I never worked harder or with more intensity of purpose in my life and General Grant, long after, in his report of the operations of the siege of Yicksburg, gave us all full credit for the skill of the movement, and described the almost impregnable nature of the ground and, although in all official reports I assumed the whole responsibility, I have ever felt that had General Morgan promptly and skillfully sustained the lead of Frank Blair's brigade on that day, we should have broken the rebel line, and effected a lodgment on the hills General Frank Blair was outspoken and behind Yicksburg. indignant against Generals Morgan and De Courcey at the time, and always abused me for assuming the whole blame. But, had we succeeded, we might have found ourselves in a worse trap, when General Pemberton was at full liberty to turn his whole force against us. While I was engaged at Chickasaw Bayou, Admiral Porter was equally busy in the Yazoo Kiver, threatening the enemy's batteries at Haines's and Snyder's Bluffs above. In a sharp engagement he lost one of his best officers, in the person of Captain Gwin, United States Navy, who, though on board an ironclad, insisted on keeping his post on deck, where he was struck in the breast by a round shot, which carried away the muscle, and contused the lung within, from which he died a few clays

army hard pressed meantime.
;

;

;

after.

We of

the

army deplored

his loss quite as

much

as his

fellows of the navy, for he

had been intimately associated with us in our previous operations on the Tennessee Piver, at Shiloh and above, and we had come to regard him as one of us.

296

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-63

On

the 4th of January, 1863, our fleet of transports was

collected at Milliken's

Bend, about ten miles above the mouth of

the Yazoo, Admiral Porter remaining with his gunboats at the

Yazoo.

General John A. McClernand was in chief command,

General George
I

the Second Corps of the

W. Morgan commanded the First Army of the Mississippi.
that a small steamboat, the

Corps and I

had learned

Blue Wing, with

a mail, towing coal-barges and loaded with ammunition, had left

Memphis

for the Yazoo, about the 20th of December, had been captured by a rebel boat which had come out of the Arkansas River, and had been carried up that river to Fort Hindman. "We had reports from this fort, usually called the " Post

of Arkansas," about forty miles above the mouth, that

it

was

held by about five thousand rebels, was an inclosed work, com-

manding the passage
capture from the rear.

of the river, but supposed to be easy of

At that time I don't think General McClernand had any definite views or plans of action. If so, he did not impart them to me. He spoke in general terms of
opening the navigation of the Mississippi, " cutting his way to the sea," etc., etc., but the modus operandi was not so clear. Knowing full well that we could not carry on operations against Vicksburg as long as the rebels held the Post of Arkansas,

coming and going without convoy, me a boy who had been on the Blue Wing, and had escaped, and asked leave to go up the Arkansas, to clear out the Post. He made various objections, but consented to go with me to see Admiral

whence

to attack our boats

I visited

him on

his boat, the Tigress, took with

it. got up steam in the Forest Queen, during the night of January 4th, stopped at the Tigress, took General McClernand on board, and proceeded down the river

Porter about

We

by night to the admiral's boat, the Black Hawk, lying in It must have been near midnight, the mouth of the Yazoo. We were seated in his deshabille. in and Admiral Porter was Post, and asked Arkansas about cabin and I explained my views coal, and could of short was his cooperation. He said that he
not use
to

wood in his iron-clad boats. Of these I asked for two, be commanded by Captain Shirk or Phelps, or some officer

"

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

297
Lis

of

my

acquaintance.

At

that

moment, poor Gwin lay on

bed, in a state-room close by, dying from the effect of the can-

non shot received at Haines's Bluff, as before described. Porter's manner to McClernand was so curt that I invited him out into a forward-cabin where he had his charts, and asked him what he meant by it. He said that " he did not like him that in Washington, before coming "West, he had been introduced to him by President Lincoln, and he had taken a strong
;

I begged him, for the sake of harmony, he which promised to do. Returning to the cabin, to waive the conversation was resumed, and, on our offering to tow his gunboats up the river to save coal, and on renewing the request for Shirk to command the detachment, Porter said, " Suppose I go along myself ? " I answered, if he would do so, it would

prejudice against him.
that,

insure the success of the enterprise.

At
on

that time I supposed
this business,

General McClernand would send

me

but he

Orders were at once issued for the troops not to disembark at Milliken's Bend, but to remain as they were on board the transports. My two divisions were commanded the First, by Brigadier-General Frederick Steele, with three brigades, commanded by BrigadierGenerals F. P. Blair, C. E. Hovey, and J. M. Thayer; the Second, by Brigadier-General D. Stuart, with two brigades, commanded by Colonels G. A. Smith and T. Kilby Smith. The whole army, embarked on steamboats convoyed by the gunboats, of which three were iron-clads, proceeded up the Mississippi River to the mouth of White River, which we reached January 8th. On the next day we continued up White River to the " Cut-off " through this to the Arkansas, and up the Arkansas to Eotrib's farm, just below Fort Hindman. Early the next morning we disembarked. Stuart's division, moving up the river along the bank, soon encountered a force of the enemy intrenched behind a line of earthworks, extending from the river across to the swamp. I took Steele's division, marching by the flank by a road through the swamp to the firm ground behind, and was moving up to get to the rear of Fort Hindman, when General McClernand

concluded to go himself, and to take his whole force.

;

298

MEMPniS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862- 63.

,

first

overtook me, with the report that the rebels had abandoned their position, and had fallen back into the fort. By his orders,

we countermarched,
of the rebels

recrossed the

swamp, and hurried forward

to overtake Stuart, marching for Fort Hindman.

The

first line

was about four miles below Fort Hindman, and the intervening space was densely wooded and obscure, with the exception of some old -fields back of and close to the fort. During the night, which was a bright moonlight one, we reconnoitred close up, and found a large number of huts which had been abandoned, and the whole rebel force had fallen back into and about the fort. Personally I crept up to a stump so close that
I

could hear the

enemy hard

at

work, pulling down houses,

cut-

and building intrenchments. I could almost hear their words, and I was thus listening when, about 4 a. m. the bugler in the rebel camp sounded as pretty a reveille as I ever
ting with axes,
listened to.

When

daylight broke

it

revealed to us a

new

line of para-

pet straight across the peninsula, connecting Fort

Hindman,

on the Arkansas River bank, with the impassable swamp about This peninsula was divided into two its left or rear. nearly equal parts by a road. My command had the ground to the right of the road, and Morgan's corps that to the left. McClernand had his quarters still on the Tigress, back at Notrib's farm, but moved forward that morning (January 11th) to a place in the woods to our rear, where he had a man up a tree, to observe and report the movements. There was a general understanding with Admiral Porter that he was to attack the fort with his three ironclad gunboats directly by its water-front, while we assaulted by land in the rear. About 10 a. m. I got a message from General McClernand, telling me where he could be found, and asking me what we were waiting for. I answered that we were then in close contact with the enemy, viz., about five or six hundred yards
a mile to
off
;

that the next

movement must be

a direct assault
;

;

that this

should be simultaneous along the whole line
waiting to hear from the gunboats
;

and that I was

asking him to notify

Admiral Porter that we were

all

ready.

In about half an

"

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

299

hour I heard the clear ring of the navy-guns ; the fire graduand advancing toward the fort. I had distributed our field-guns, and, when I judged the time
ally increasing in rapidity

had come, I gave the orders to begin. The intervening ground between us and the enemy was a dead level, with the exception of one or two small gullies, and our men had no cover but the few standing trees and some logs on the ground. The troops advanced well under a heavy fire, once or twice falling to the ground for a sort of rest or pause. Every tree had its group of men, and behind each log was a crowd of sharp-shooters, who
kept up so hot a fire that the rebel troops fired wild. The fire of the fort proper was kept busy by the gunboats and Morgan's
corps, so that all my corps had to encounter was the direct fire from the newly-built parapet across the peninsula. This line had three sections of field-guns, that kept things pretty lively, and several round-shot came so near me that I realized that they were aimed at my staff so I dismounted, and made them
;

scatter.

As

the gunboats got closer up I saw their flags actually

over the parapet of Fort Hindman, and the rebel gunners

scamper out of the embrasures and run down into the ditch beAbout the same time a man jumped up on the rebel parapet just where the road entered, waving a large white flag, and numerous smaller white rags appeared above the parapet
hind.
line. I immediately ordered, " Cease firing and sent the same word down the line to General Steele, who had made similar progress on the right, following the border of he swamp. I ordered my aide, Colonel Dayton, to jump on his horse and ride straight up to the large white flag, and when his horse was on the parapet I followed with the rest of my 6taff. All firing had ceased, except an occasional shot away to the right, and one of the captains (Smith) of the Thirteenth Regulars was wounded after the display of the white flag. On entering the line, I saw that our muskets and guns had done good execution for there was a horse-battery, and every horse lay dead in the traces. The fresh-made parapet had been knocked down in many places, and dead men lay around verv

along the whole

!

;

300

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-'63.

thick. I inquired who commanded at that point, and a Colonel Garland stepped up and said that he commanded that brigade.

I ordered

him

to

form

his brigade, stack arms,

hang the

belts

on the muskets, and stand waiting for orders. Stuart's division had been halted outside the parapet. I then sent Major Hammond down the rebel line to the right, with orders to stop Steele's division outside, and to have the other rebel brigade stack its arms in like manner, and to await further orders.
in chief, and he and that he was inside the fort. I then rode into the fort, which was well built, with good parapets, drawbridge, and ditch, and was an inclosed work of four I found it full of soldiers and sailors, its parapets bastions. toward the river well battered in, and Porter's gunboats in the I soon river, close against the fort, with their bows on shore. found General Churchill, in conversation with Admiral Porter and General A. J. Smith, and about this time my adjutantgeneral, Major J. H. Hammond, came and reported that General Deshler, who commanded the rebel brigade facing and opposed to Steele, had refused to stack arms and surrender, on the ground that he had received no orders from his commanding general that nothing separated this brigade from Steele's men except the light parapet, and that there might be trouble there at any moment. I advised General Churchill to send orders at once, because a single shot might bring the whole of Steele's division on Deshler's brigade, and I would not be
I inquired of Colonel Garland
said that General Churchill did,
;

who commanded

soon afterward, we both concluded to go in person. General Churchill had the horses of himself and staff in the ditch they were brought in, and we
responsible for the consequences
; ;

rode together to where Garland was standing, and Churchill

spoke to him in an angry tone, " Why did you display the white flag " Garland replied, " I received orders to do so from
!

one of your staff." Churchill denied giving such an order, and angry words passed between them. I stopped them, saying that it made little difference then, as they were in our power. We continued to ride down the line to its extreme point, where we found Deshler in person, and his troops were still

;

lS62-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

301

standing to tne parapet with their muskets in hand. Steele's men were on the outside. I asked Deshler " What does this
:

mean

He

are a regular officer, and ought to know better." answered, snappishly, that " he had received no orders to
?

You
;

surrender "

when General

Churchill said

:

"

You

see, sir, that

we are

in their power,

and you may surrender."

Deshler turned

to his staff-officers

and ordered them

to repeat the

command

to

I was on my and he was on foot. Wishing to soften the blow of defeat, I spoke to him kindly, saying that I knew a family of Deshlers in Columbus, Ohio, and inquired if they were relations of his. He disclaimed any relation with people living north of the Ohio, in an offensive tone, and I think I gave him a piece of my mind that he did not relish. He was a West Point graduate, small but very handsome, and was afterward killed in battle. I never met him again. Returning to the position where I had first entered the rebel line, I received orders from General McClernand, by one of his staff, to leave General A. J. Smith in charge of the fort and prisoners, and with my troops to remain outside. The officer explained that the general was then on the Tigress, which had moved up from below, to a point in the river just above the fort and not understanding his orders, I concluded to go and see him in person. My troops were then in possession of two of the three brigades which composed the army opposed to us and my troops were also in possession of all the ground of the peninsula outside the " fort proper" (Hindman). I found General McClernand on the Tigress, in high spirits. He said repeatedly " Glo-

" stack arms,"

etc., to the colonels of his brigade.

horse,

;

:

spoke complimentarily of the troops, but was extremely jealous of the navy. He said " I'll make a splendid report " "I had a man
! !

rious

glorious

my

star is ever in the ascendant

!

"

He

;

:

up a

tree " etc. I was very hungry and tired, and fear I did not appreciate the honors in reserve for us, and asked for something to eat and drink. He very kindly ordered something to be brought, and explained to me that by his " orders " he did not
;

wish to interfere with the actual state of facts that General A. J. Smith would occupy " Fort Hindman," which his troops had
;

302
first

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.

[1862-'63.

entered, and I could hold the lines outside, and go on securing the prisoners and stores as I had begun. I returned to the position of Garland's brigade and gave the necessary orders

for marching

all

the prisoners, disarmed, to a pocket formed

by

the river and two deep gullies just above the fort, by which time it had become quite dark. After dark another rebel regi-

ment arrived from Pine

made prisoners. among the rebel
with

marched right in, and was also There seemed to be a good deal of feeling
Bluff,

officers against

Garland,

who asked

leave to stay

which I of course consented. Just outside the rebel parapet was a house which had been used for a hospital. I had a room cleaned out, and occupied it that night. A cavalry-soldier lent me his battered coffee-pot with some coffee and scraps of hard bread out of his nose-bag Garland and I made some coffee, ate our bread together, and talked politics by the fire till quite late at night, when we lay down on straw that was saturated with the blood of dead or wounded men. The next day the prisoners were all collected on their boats, lists were made out, and orders given for their transportation to St. Louis, in charge of my aide, Major Sanger. We then proceeded to dismantle and level the forts, destroy or remove the stores, and we found in the magazine the very ammunition which had been sent for us in the Blue Wing, which was secured and afterward used in our twenty-pound Parrott guns. On the 13th we reembarked the whole expedition returned out of the river by the direct route down the Arkansas dur ing a heavy snow-storm, and rendezvoused in the Mississippi, Here General at Napoleon, at the mouth of the Arkansas. McClernand told me he had received a letter from General Grant at Memphis, who disapproved of our movement up the Arkansas; but that communication was made before he had learned of our complete success. When informed of this, and of the promptness with which it had been executed, he could not but approve. We were then ordered back to Mill ik en's
that night, to
; ;

me

Bend,

to await

General Grant's arrival in person.

We reached

Milliken's

Bend January 21st. McClernand's report of the capture of Fort Hindman almost

1862-'63.]

MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
fleet altogether.

303
This was un-

ignored the action of Porter's
fair,

for I

know

that the admiral led his fleet in person in the

and that his guns silenced those of Fort Hindman, and drove the gunners into the ditch. The aggregate loss in my corps at Arkansas Post was five tiundred and nineteen, viz., four officers and seventy-five men killed, thirty-four officers and four hundred and six men wounded. I never knew the losses in the gunboat fleet, or in Morgan's corps but they must have been less than in mine, which was more exposed. The number of rebel dead must have been nearly one hundred and fifty of prisoners, by actual count, we secured four thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and sent
river-attack,
;
;

them north

to St. Louis.

CHAPTEK
VICKSBURG.

XII.

JANUARY TO JULY,

1863.

The campaign

of 1863, resulting in the capture of Vicks-

its history has been well studied and well described in all the books treating of the civil war, more especially by Dr. Draper, in his "History of the Civil War in America," and in Badeau's " Military History of General Grant." In the latter it is more fully and accurately given than in any other, and is well illustrated by maps and original documents. I now need only attempt to farther illustrate Badeau's account by some additional details. When our expedition came out of the Arkansas River, January 18, 1863, and rendezvoused at the river-bank, in front of the town of Napoleon, Arkansas, we were visited by General Grant in person, who had come down from Memphis in a steamboat. Although at this time Major-General J. A. McClernand was in command of the Army of the Mississippi, by virtue of a confidential order of the War Department, dated October 21, 18G2, which

burg, was so important, that

order bore the indorsement

of

President Lincoln,

General

over him, by reason of his genDepartment of the Tennessee. By an order (No. 210) of December 18, 1862, from the War Department, received at Arkansas Post, the Western armies had been grouped into five corps cParmee, viz. the Thirteenth, MajorGeneral McClernand; the Fourteenth, Major-General George the Fifteenth, Major-GenII. Thomas, in Middle Tennessee eral W. T. Sherman; the Sixteenth, Major-General Ilurlbut,

Grant

still

exercised a

command

eral

command

of the

:

;

then at or near Memphis

;

and the Seventeenth, Major-General

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

305

McPkerson, also at and back of Memphis. General Grant when at Napoleon, on the 18th of January, ordered McCleruand with his own and my corps to return to Vicksburg, to disembark on the west bank, and to resume work on a canal across the peninsula, which had been begun by General Thomas
sissippi

Williams the summer before, the object being to turn the MisRiver at that point, or at least to make a passage for
fleet of

our
site

gunboats and transports across the peninsula, oppo-

Vicksburg.

General Grant then returned to Memphis,
us,

or-

dered to Lake Providence, about sixty miles above
son's corps, the Seventeenth,
his personal supervison to the

McPher-

and then came down again to give whole movement. The Mississippi River was very high and rising, and we began that system of canals on which we expended so much hard work fruitlessly first, the canal at Young's plantation, opposite Vicksburg second, that at Lake Providence and third, at the Yazoo Pass, leading into the head-waters of the Yazoo River. Early in February the gunboats Indianola and Queen of the West ran the batteries of Vicksburg. The latter was afterward crippled in Red River, and was captured by the rebels; and the Indianola was butted and sunk about forty miles below Vicksburg. We heard the booming of the guns, but did not know of her loss till some days after. During the months of January and February, we were digging the canal and fighting off the water of the Mississippi, which continued to rise and threatened to drown us. We had no sure place of refuge except the narrow levee, and such steamboats as remained abreast of
: ;

;

two divisions furnished alternately a detail of So high was a day, to work on the canal. the water in the beginning of March, that McClernand's corps was moved to higher ground, at Milliken's Bend, but I remained at Young's plantation, laid off a due proportion of the levee for each subdivision of my command, and assigned
our camps.
five

My

hundred

men

other pai'ts to such steamboats as lay at the levee.

My own

headquarters were in Mrs. Grove's house, which had the water all around it, and could only be reached by a plank- walk from
the levee, built on posts.

:

:

806

VICKSBURG.

[1863.

General Frederick Steele commanded the first division, and General D. Stuart the second this latter division had been reenforced by General Hugh E wing's brigade, which had arrived
;

from West Virginia.

At

the time of

its

date I received the following note from

General Grant
Milliken's Bend, March
16,

1863

General Sheeman.

Dear Sir: I have just returned from a reconnoissance up Steele's Bayou, with the admiral (Porter), and five of his gunboats. "With some labor in cutting tree-tops out of the way, it will be navigable for any class
of steamers.
I

want you

for such

to have your pioneer corps, or one regiment of good work, detailed, and at the landing as soon as possible.

men

The party will want to take with them their rations, arms, and sufficamp and garrison equipage for a few days. I will have a boat at any place you may designate, as early as the men can be there. The Eighth Missouri (being many of them boatmen) would be excellent men for this
cient

purpose.

As soon as you give directions for these men to be in readiness, come up and see me, and I will explain fully. The tug that takes this is instructed to wait for you.

A

full

supply of axes will be required.
S.

Very

respectfully,
TJ.

Grant, Major- General.

This letter was instantly (8
pare immediately.
the regiment

a. m.) sent to

Colonel Giles A.

Smith, commanding the Eighth Missouri, with orders to pre-

the tug,

He returned it at 9.15, with an answer that was all ready. I went up to Milliken's Bend in and had a conference with the general, resulting in
Headquarters Department of ttie Tennessee, Before Vicksburg, March 10, 18(33.
\

these orders

)

Major- General TV.
:

T

Siieeman, commanding Fifteenth

Army

Corps.

General You will proceed as early as practicable up Steele's Bayou, and through Black Bayou to Deer Creek, and thence with the gunboats now there by any route they may take to get into the Yazoo River, for the purpose of determining the feasibility of getting an army through that route to the east bank of that river, and at a point from which they can
act advantageously against Vicksburg.

1863.]

VICKSBURG.
details

307

from your army corps as may be required to clear out which transports would have to run, and to hold such points as in your judgment should be occupied. I place at your disposal to-day the steamers Diligent and Silver Wave, the only two suitable for the present navigation of this route. Others will be supplied you as fast as required, and they can be got. I have given directions (and you may repeat them) that the party going on board the steamer Diligent push on until they reach Black Bayou, only stopping sufficiently long at any point before reaching there to remove such obstructions as prevent their own progress. Captain Kossak, of the Engineers,

Make such

the channel of the various bayous through

will go with this party.
Steele's

The other boat-load

will

commence

their
all

Bayou, and make the navigation as free as possible
is

the

work in way

through.
five miles

done in Steele's Bayou, except for about In this portion many overhanging trees will have to be removed, and should be dragged out of the channeL
There
but
little

work

to be

about

midway

of the bayou.

Very

respectfully,

U. S. Geant, Major- General.

returning to my camp at Young's Point, I started two boats up the Yazoo and Steele's Bayou, with the Eighth Missouri and some pioneers, with axes, saws, and all the

On

these

tools necessary.

I gave orders for a part of Stuart's division to

proceed in the large boats up the Mississippi River to a point at

Gwin's plantation, where a bend of Steele's Bayou neared the main river and the next day, with one or two staff-officers and orderlies, got a navy-tug, and hurried up to overtake Admiral
;

Porter.

About

sixty miles

up

Steele's

Bayou we came

to the

gunboat Price, Lieutenant "Woodworth, United States Navy, commanding, and then turned into Black Bayou, a narrow, crooked channel, obstructed by overhanging oaks, and filled with cypress

and cotton-wood trees. The gunboats had forced their way through, pushing aside trees a foot in diameter. In about four miles we overtook the gunboat fleet just as it was emerging into Deer Creek. Along Deer Creek the alluvium was higher, and there was a large cotton-plantation belonging to a Mr. Hill, who was absent, and the negroes were in charge of the place. Here I overtook Admiral Porter, and accompanied him a couple of miles up Deer Creek, which was much wider and more free of

308
trees,

YIOKSBURG.

[1863.

with plantations on both sides at intervals. Admiral Porhe had passed the worst, and that he would be able to reach the Boiling Fork and Sunflower. He requested me to
ter thought

return and use

all

possible

means

to clear out

Black Bayou.

I

returned to Hill's plantation, which was soon reached by Major Coleman, with a part of the Eighth Missouri ; the bulk of the regiment and the pioneers had been distributed along the
supervision of Captain then returned to Gwin's plantation and brought up Brigadier- General Giles A. Smith, with the Sixth Missouri, and nart of the One Hundred and Sixteenth

bayous, and set to

work under the general

Kossak. The Diligent and Silver

Wave

Admiral Porter was then working up Deer Creek with his iron-clads, but he had left me a tug, which enabled me to reconnoitre the country, which was all under water except the narrow strip along Deer Creek. During the 19th I heard the heavy navy-guns booming more frequently than seemed consistent with mere guerrilla operations and that night I got a message from Porter, written on tissue-paper, brought me through the swamp by a negro, who had it concealed in a piece of tobacco. The admiral stated that he had met a force of infantry and artillery which gave him great trouble by killing the men who had to expose themselves outside the iron armor to shove off the bows of the boats, which had so little headway that they would not steer. He begged me to come to his rescue as quickly as possible. Giles A. Smith had only about eight hundred men with him, but I ordered him to start up Deer Creek at once, crossing to the east side by an old bridge at Hill's plantation, which we had repaired for the purpose to work his way up to the gunboatfleet, and to report to the admiral that I would come up with every man I could raise as soon as possible. I was almost alone
Illinois.
;
;

at Hill's, but took a canoe, paddled

down Black Bayou

to the

gunboat Price, and
load of

there, luckily, found the Silver "Wave with a

from Gwin's plantation. Taking some of the parties who were at work along the bayou into an empty coal-barge, we tugged it up by a navy-tug, followed by the Silver Wave, crashing through the trees, carrying away pilot-house, but the captain smoke-stacks, and every thing above-deck
just arrived
;

men

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

309

necessity.

(McMillan, of Pittsburg) was a brave fellow, and realized the The night was absolutely black, and we could only

a half of the four miles. We then disembarked, and marched through the canebrake, carrying lighted candles in our hands, till we got into the open cotton-fields at Hill's planThese men tation, where we lay down for a few hours' rest. and part belonged Giles A. brigade, part of Smith's to a were officer present senior Kilby Smith, the being of T. the brigade Lieutenant-Colonel Rice, Fifty-fourth Ohio, an excellent young

make two and

officer.

We had no horses.
morning, March
21st, as soon as daylight ap-

On Sunday
peared,

same route which Giles A. Smith had taken the day before the battalion of the Thirteenth United States Regulars, Major Chase, in the lead. We could hear Porter's guns, and knew that moments were precious. Being on foot myself, no man could complain, and we generally went at the double-quick, with occasional rests. The road lay along Deer Creek, passing several plantations and occasionally, at the bends, it crossed the swamp, where the water came above my hips. The smaller drummer-boys had to carry their drums on their heads, and most of the men slung their cartridge-boxes around their necks. The soldiers generally were glad to have their general and field officers afoot, but we gave them a fair specimen of marching, accomplishing about twenty-one miles by Of course, our speed was accelerated by the sounds of noon. the navy-guns, which became more and more distinct, though we could see nothing. At a plantation near some Indian mounds we met a detachment of the Eighth Missouri, that had been up to the fleet, and had been sent down as a picket to prevent any obstructions below. This picket reported that Admiral Porter had found Deer Creek badly obstructed, had turned back that there was a rebel force beyond the fleet, with some six-pounders, and nothing between us and the fleet. So I sat down on the door-sill of a cabin to rest, but had not been seated ten minutes when, in the wood just ahead, not three hundred yards off, I heard quick and rapid firing of musketry. Jumping up, I ran up the road, and found Lieutenant-Colonel Rice, who said
started, following the
; ;
;

we

810

VICKSBURG.

[1863.

the head of his column had struck a small force of rebels with a working gang of negroes, provided with axes, who on the first fire had broken and run back into the swamp. I ordered Rice to deploy his brigade, his left on the road, and extending as far into the swamp as the ground would permit, and then to sweep forward until he uncovered the gunboats. The movement was rapid and well executed, and we soon came to some large cotton-fields and could see our gunboats in Deer Creek, occasionally firing a heavy eight-inch gun across the cotton-field into the swamp behind. About that time a Major Kirby, of the Eighth Missouri, galloped down the road on a horse he had picked up the night before, and met me. lie explained the situation of affairs, and offered me his horse. I got on bareback, and rode up the levee, the sailors coming out of their iron-clads and cheering most vociferously as I rode by, and as our men swept forward across the cotton-field in full view. I soon found Admiral Porter, who was on the deck of one of his iron-clads, with a shield made of the section of a smoke-stack, and I doubt if he was ever more glad to meet a friend than he was to see me. He explained that he had almost reached the Rolling Fork, when the woods became full of sharp-shooters, who, taking advantage of trees, stumps, and the levee, would shoot down every man that poked his nose outside the protection of their armor so that he could not handle his clumsy boats in the narrow channel. The rebels had evidently dispatched a force from Haines's Bluff up the Sunflower to the Rolling Fork, had anticipated the movement of Admiral Porter's fleet, and had completely obstructed the channel of the upper part of Deer Creek by felling trees into it, so that further progress in that direction was simply impossible. It also happened that, at the instant of my arrival, a party of about four hundred rebels, armed and supplied with axes, had passed around the fleet and had got below it, intending in like manner to block up the channel by the felling of trees, so as to cut off retreat. This was the force we had struck
;

so opportunely at the time before described.

I inquired of

Ad-

miral Porter what he proposed to do, and he said he wanted to
get out of that scrape as quickly as possible.

He

was actually

:

1863.]

VICKSBURG.
as

311

working back when I met him, and,
force to cover his

we

then had a sufficient

movement

completely, he continued to back

He informed me at one time things looked he had made up his mind to blow up the gunboats, and to escape with his men through the swamp to the There being no longer any sharp-shooters to Mississippi River. bother the sailors, they made good progress still, it took three full days for the fleet to back out of Deer Creek into Black Bayou, at Hill's plantation, whence Admiral Porter proceeded to his post at the mouth of the Yazoo, leaving Captain Owen
down Deer
Creek.
so critical that
;

in

Grant,

command of the fleet. I reported the facts who was sadly disappointed at the failure of

to

General

the fleet to

Yazoo above Haines's Bluff, and ordered us resume our camps at Young's Point. We accordingly steamed down, and regained our camps on the 27th. As this expedition up Deer Creek was but one of many efforts to secure a footing from which to operate against Yicksburg, I add the report of Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, who was the
get through to the
all to
first to

reach the fleet
Headquarters First Brigade, Second Division, Army Corps, Young's Point, Louisiana, March 28,
)

Fifteenth

1863.

\

Captain L. M. Dayton, Assistant Adjutant- General.

have the honor to report the movements of the First Brigade up Steele's Bayou, Black Bayou, and Deer Creek. The Sixth Missouri and One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois regiments embarked at the mouth of Muddy Bayou on the evening of Thursday, the 18th of March, and proceeded up Steele's Bayou to the mouth of Black thence up Black Bayou to Hill's plantation, at its junction with Deer Creek, where we arrived on Friday at four o'clock p. m., and joined the Eighth Missouri,

Captain

:

I

in the expedition

;

Lieutenant-Colonel Coleman commanding, which had arrived at that point

two days

before.

there, having

General Sherman had also established his headquarters preceded the Eighth Missouri in a tug, with no other escort
staff,

than two or three of his

reconnoitring

all

the different bayous and
of the troops, but at

branches, thereby greatly facilitating the

movements

the same time exposing himself beyond precedent in a

commanding general. Sherman having received a communication from Admiral Porter at the mouth of

At

three o'clock of Saturday morning, the 20th instant, General

Rolling Fork, asking for a speedy cooperation of the land forces with his
fleet, I

was ordered by General Sherman

to be ready,

with

all

the available

312
force at that point, to

VICKSBURG.
accompany him

[1863.

to hi3 relief; but before starting

it

was arranged that

I

should proceed with the force at hand (eight hundred

men), while he remained, again entirely unprotected, to hurry up the troops

expected to arrive that night, consisting of the Thirteenth Infantry and One Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois Volunteers, completing my brigade, and the

Second Brigade, Colonel T. Kilby Smith commanding. This, as the sequel showed, proved a very wise measure, and resulted in the safety of the wholo fleet. At daybreak we were in motion, with a regular guide. "Wo had proceeded but about six miles, when we found the enemy had been very busy felling trees to obstruct the creek. All the negroes along the route had been notified to be ready at nightTo prevent this as much as possible, I ordered fall to continue the work. all able-bodied negroes to be taken along, and warned some of the principal inhabitants that they would bo held responsible for any moro obstructions
being placed across the creek.
p. m.,

Wo reached the admiral about four o'clock with no opposition save my advance-guard (Company A, Sixth Missouri) being fired into from the opposite side of the creek, killing one man, and slightly wounding another; having no way of crossing, we had to conProceeding with tent ourselves with driving them beyond musket-range. as little loss of time as possible, I found the fleet obstructed in front by fallen trees, in rear by a sunken coal-barge, and surrounded by a large force of rebels with an abundant supply of artillery, but wisely keeping Every tree and stump their main force out of range of the admiral's guns. covered a sharp-shooter, ready to pick off any luckless marine who showed his head abovo-decks, and entirely preventing the working-parties from removing
obstructions.

In pursuance of orders from General Sherman, I reported to Admiral

Porter for orders,
instructed by

who

turned over to
fifty

mo

all

the land-forces in his
I

fleet

(about one hundred and

men), together with two howitzers, and

was

him

to retain a sufficient force to clear out the sharp-shooters,

and

to distribute the remainder along the creek for six or seven miles below,

to prevent any

more obstructions being placed in it during the night. This was speedily arranged, our skirmishers capturing three prisoners. Immediate steps wero now taken to remove the coal-barge, which was accomplished about daylight on Sunday morning, when the fleet moved back toward Black Bayou. By three o'clock p. m. wo had only made about six miles, owing to the large number of trees to be removed at this point, Avhere our progress was very slow, wo discovered a long line of the enemy filing
;

along the edge of the woods, and taking position on the creek below

us,

and about one mile ahead of our advance. Shortly after, they opened fire on tho gunboats from batteries behind the cavalry and infantry. The boats not only replied to the batteries, which they soon silenced, but poured a Heavy skirmishing was also heard in our destructive fire into their lines.

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

313

front,
souri,

whose

supposed to be by three companies from the Sixth and Eighth Misposition, taken the previous night to guard the creek, was be-

yond the point reached by the enemy, a,nd consequently liable te be cut off or captured. Captain Owen, of the Louisville, the leading boat, made every effort to go through the obstructions and aid in the rescuing of the men. I
ordered Major Kirby, with four companies of the Sixth Missouri, forward,

with two companies deployed.
Thirteenth Infantry and

He soon met General Shorman, with One Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois, driving

the the

enemy

before them, and opening communication along tho creek with the

gunboats.

Instead of our three companies referred to as engaging the enemy,

General Sherman had arrived at a very opportune

moment with

regiments mentioned above, and the Second Brigade.

the two The enemy, not ex-

pecting an attack from that quarter, after some hot skirmishing, retreated.

General Sherman immediately ordered the Thirteenth Infantry and One Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois to pursue; but, after following their trace for about two miles, they were recalled. We continued our march for about two miles, when we bivouacked for the night. Early on Monday morning (March 22d) we continued our march, but owing to the slow progress of tho gunboats did not reach Hill's plantation until Tuesday, the 23d instant, where w e remained until the 25th;
r

we then reembarked, and
instant.

arrived at Young's Point on Friday, the 27th

Below you

will find a list of casualties.

Very

respectfully,

Giles A. Smitix,
Colonel Eighth Missouri,
P. S.

commanding

First Brigade.

above that tho Thirteenth Infantry and One being under tho immediate command of General Sherman, he can mention them as their conduct deserves.
I forgot to

stato

Hundred and Thirteenth

Illinois

commanded by was assigned to my corps, and was designated the Third Division and, on the 4th of April, Brigadier-General D. Stuart was relieved from the command of the Second Division, to which Major-General Frank P. Blair was appointed by an order from General Grant's headquarters. Stuart had been with me from the time we were at Benton Barthe 3d of April, a division of troops,

On

Brigadier-General J.

M.

Tuttle,

;

racks, in

command

of the Fifty-fifth Illinois, then of a brigade,
;

and

finally of a division

but he had failed in securing a conChicago, and, having resigned his
I

firmation by the Senate to his nomination as brigadier-general,

by reason of some old

affair at

commission as colonel, he was out of service.

esteemed him

314

VICKSBURG.

[1863

very highly, and was actually mortified that the service should thus be deprived of so excellent and gallant an officer. He after-

ward

settled in

New

Orleans as a lawyer, and died about 1867

or 1868.

On

the 6th of April,

my
:

command, the Fifteenth Corps, was

composed of three divisions

First Division, commanded by Major-General Fred and his three brigades by Colonel Manter, Colonel Charles R. Wood, and Brigadier-General John M. Thayer. The Second Division, commanded by Major-General Frank P. Blair and his three brigades by Colonel Giles A. Smith, Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith, and Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing. The Third Division, commanded by Brigadier-General J. M. Tuttle and his three brigades by Brigadier-General R. P. Buckland, Colonel J. A. Mower, and Brigadier-General John

The
;

Steele

;

;

K

Smith.

My own
aides
;

staff

then embraced: Dayton, McCoy, and Hill,
assistant adjutant-general
;

J.

H. Hammond,
; ;

Sanger, in-

McFeeley, commissary ; J. Condit Smith, quartermaster Charles McMillan, medical director ; Ezra Taylor, chief of artillery ; Neely, ordnance-officer Jenney and Pitzman, engineers. By this time it had become thoroughly demonstrated that
spector-general
;

we

could not divert the main river Mississippi, or get prac-

ticable access to the east

burg,

by any of the

passes

bank of the Yazoo, in the rear of Yicksand we were all in the habit of dis;

cussing the various chances of the future.

General Grant's

headquarters were at Milliken's Bend, in tents, and his strung along the river
all

the

army was way from Young's Point up to
I had always contended

Lake Providence,
that the best

at least sixty miles.

Yicksburg was to resume the movement which had been so well begun the previous November, viz., for the main army to march by land down the country inland of the Mississippi River; while the gunboat-fleet and a minor land-force should threaten Yicksburg on its river-front. I reasoned that, with the large force then subject to Gen-

way

to take

:

;

2863.]

VICKSBURG.

315

viz., four army corps he could easily reeral Grant's orders sume the movement from Memphis, by way of Oxford and Grenada, to Jackson, Mississippi, or down the ridge between the Yazoo and Big Black but General Grant would not, for reasons other than military, take any course which looked like and he himself concluded on the river movea step backward Vicksburg, below so as to appear like connecting with ment General Banks, who at the same time was besieging Port Hud son from the direction of New Orleans. Preliminary orders had already been given, looking to the digging of a canal, to connect the river at Duckport with Willow Bayou, back of Milliken's Bend, so as to form a channel for the conveyance of supplies, by way of Richmond, to ISTew Carthage and several steam dredge-boats had come from the upper rivers One day early in April, I was up at to assist in the work. General Grant's headquarters, and we talked over all these things with absolute freedom. Charles A. Dana, Assistant Sec"War, retary of was there, and Wilson, Rawlins, Frank Blair, McPherson, etc. We all knew, what was notorious, that General McClernand was still intriguing against General Grant, in hopes to regain the command of the whole expedition, and that others were raising a clamor against General Grant in the news papers at the North. Even Mr. Lincoln and General Halleck seemed to be shaken but at no instant of time did we (his per; ; ;

sonal friends) slacken in our loyalty to him.

One

night, after

such a discussion, and believing that General McClernand had

no

real plan of action
j

shaped in his mind, I wrote niy letter

of April 8, 18G3, to Colonel Rawlins,
in full at

which letter is embraced page 616 of Badeau's book, and which I now repro-

duce here
Headquarters Fifteenth Army Corps, Camp near Vicksburg, April 8, 1863.
Colonel J. A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General to General
:
J

)

Grant.

Sie I would most respectfully suggest (for reasons which I will not name) that General Grant call on his corps commanders for their opinions, concise and positive, on the best general plan of a campaign. Unless this be done, there are men who will, in any result falling below the popular


316

VICKSBURG.
was unheeded, and
is

[1863.

standard, claim that their advice
resulted therefrom.
First.

that fatal consequence

My own
Army

opinions are

That the

of the Tennessee

now

far in

advance of the

other grand armies of the United States.

Second. That a corps from Missouri should forthwith he

moved from

St.

Louis to the vicinity of Little Rock, Arkansas

;

supplies collected there while

the river is full, and land communication with Memphis opened via Des Arc on the White, and Madison on the St. Francis River. Third. That as much of the Yazoo Pass, Coldwater, and Tallahatchie Rivers, as can be gained and fortified, be held, and the main army be transported thither by land and water that the road back to Memphis be secured and reopened, and, as soon as the waters subside, Grenada be attacked, and the swamp-road across to Helena be patrolled by cavalry. Fourth. That the line of the Yalabusha be the base from which to op;

erate against the points

above Canton

;

the same river

where the Mississippi Central crosses Big Black, where the Vicksburg & Jackson Railroad crosses (Big Black). The capture of Vicksburg would result.
and, lastly,

Fifth. That a minor force be left in this vicinity, not to exceed ten thou-

sand men, with only enough steamboats to float and transport them to any desired point; this force to be held always near enough to act with the

gunboats

when

the main
City.

army

is

known

to be near Vicksburg

—Haines's
bo

BknT or Yazoo
fifty

Sixth. I do doubt the capacity of Willow

Bayou (which

I estimate to

miles long and very tortuous) as a military channel, to supply an

army

largo enough to operate against Jackson, Mississippi, or the Black River

Bridge and such a channel will be very vulnerable to a force coming from the west, which we must expect. Yet this canal will be most useful as the way to convey coals and supplies to a fleet that should navigate the lower reach of the Mississippi between Vicksburg and the Red River. Seventh. The chief reason for operating solely by water was the season of the year and high water in the Tallahatchie and Yalabusha Rivers. The spring is now here, and soon these streams will be no serious obstacle, save in the ambuscades of the forest, and whatever works the enemy may have erected at or near Grenada. North Mississippi is too valuable for us to allow the enemy to hold it and make crops this year. I make these suggestions, with the request that General Grant will read them and give them, as I know he will, a share of his thoughts. I would prefer that he should not answer this letter, but merely give it as much or as little weight as it deserves. Whatever plan of action he may adopt will receive from me the same zealous cooperation and energetic support as though conceived by myself. I do not believe General Banks I am, etc., will make any serious attack on Port Hudson this spring. W. T. Sherman, Major- General.
;

1863.]

VICKSBURG.
is

317

This

the letter which some critics have styled a "protest."

We

never had a council of war at any time during the Vicks-

burg campaign.
do and should.

AVe often met

casually, regardless of

rank or
officers

power, and talked and gossiped of things in general, as

shows my opinions clearly at that stage of the game, and was meant partially to induce General Grant to call on General McClernand for a similar expression of opinion, hut, so far as I know, he did not. lie went on quietly to work out his own designs; and he has told me, since the war, that had we possessed in December, 18G2, the experience of marching and maintaining armies without a regular base, which we afterward acquired, he tt'ould have gone on from Oxford as first contemplated, and would not have turned back because of the destruction of his The distance from depot at Holly Springs by Van Dorn. Oxford to the rear of Yicksburg is little greater than by the circuitous route we afterward followed, from Bruinsburg to Jackson and Vicksburg, during which we had neither depot nor train of supplies. I have never criticised General Grant's strategy on this or any other occasion, but I thought then that he had lost an opportunity, which cost him and us six months' extrahard work, for we might have captured Yicksburg from the direction of Oxford in January, quite as easily as was afterward done in July, 18G3.

But

my

letter speaks for itself.

It

burg,

General Grant's orders for the general movement past Yicksby Richmond and Carthage, were dated April 20, 1863.
to lead off

McClernand was
and

with his corps, McPherson next,

my

corps (the Fifteenth) to bring

up the

rear.

Prelimi-

nary thereto, on the night of April lGth, seven iron-clads led by

Admiral Porter in person, in the Benton, with three transports, and ten barges in tow, ran the Yicksburg batteries by night. Anticipating a scene, I had four yawl-boats hauled across the swamp, to the reach of the river below Yicksburg, and manned them with soldiers, ready to pick up any of the disabled wrecks as they floated by. I was out in the stream when the fleet passed Yicksburg, and the scene was truly sublime. As soon as the rebel gunners detected the Benton, which was in the lead, they

318

VIOKSBURG.

[1863.

*

opened on her, and on the others in succession, with shot and houses on the Vicksburg side and on the opposite shore were set on fire, which lighted up the whole river and the roar of cannon, the bursting of shells, and finally the burning of the Henry Clay, drifting with the current, made up a picture of the Each gunboat returned the fire as she terrible not often seen. passed the town, while the transports hugged the opposite shore. When the Benton had got abreast of us, I pulled off to her, boarded, had a few words with Admiral Porter, and as she was drifting rapidly toward the lower batteries at Warrenton, I left, and pulled back toward the shore, meeting the gunboat Tuscumbia towing the transport Forest Queen into the bank out of the range of fire. The Forest Queen, Captain Conway, had been my flag-boat up the Arkansas, and for some time after, and I was very friendly with her officers. This was the only transport whose captain would not receive volunteers as a crew, but her own officers and crew stuck to their boat, and carried her safely below the Yicksburg batteries, and afterward rendered splendid service in ferrying troops across the river at Grand Gulf and Bruinsburg. In passing Yicksburg, she was damaged in the hull and had a steam-pipe cut away, but this was soon repaired. The Henry Clay was set on fire by bursting shells, and burned up one of my yawls picked up her pilot floating on a piece of wreck, and the bulk of her crew
shell
;

;

;

escaped in their
Steele's

own

yawl-boat to the shore above.

The
good

Sil

ver Wave, Captain McMillan,

the same that was with us

up
ser-

Bayou, passed

safely,

and she

also rendered

vice afterward.

Subsequently, on the night of April 26th, six other trans-

numerous barges loaded with hay, corn, freight, and were drifted past Yicksburg of these the Tigress was hit, and sunk just as she reached the river-bank below, on our side. I was there with my yawls, and saw Colonel Lagow, of General Grant's staff, who had passed the batteries in the Tigress, and I think he was satisfied never to attempt such a thing again. Thus General Grant's army had below Yicksburg an abundance of stores, and boats with
ports with
provisions,
;

;

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

319

which to cross the river. The road by which the troops marched was very bad, and it wr as not until the 1st of May that it was clear for my corps. "While waiting my turn to march, I received a letter from General Grant, written at Carthage, saying that he proposed to cross over and attack Grand Gulf, about the end of April, and he thought I could put in my time usefully by making a " feint " on Haines's Bluff, but he did not like to order me to do it, because it might be reported at the North that I had again been " repulsed, etc." Thus we had to fight a senseless clamor at the North, as well as a determined foe and the obstacles of Nature. Of course, I answered him that I would make the "feint," regardless of public clamor at a distance, and I did make it most effectually using all the old boats I could get about Milliken's Bend and
the

mouth

of the Yazoo, but taking only ten small regiments,

selected out of Blair's division, to

make

a

show of

force.

We

afterward learned that General Pemberton in Yicksburg had
previously dispatched a large force to the assistance of General

Bowen,

at

Grand Gulf and Port Gibson, which

force

had pro-

ceeded as far as Hankinson's Ferry,
ostentatious
sent

when he discovered our movement up the Yazoo, and recalled his men, and

rebel troops

them up to Haines's Bluff to meet us. This detachment of must have marched nearly sixty miles without rest,

for afterward, on reaching Yicksburg, I heard that the

men were

perfectly exhausted, and lay along the road in groups, completely fagged out.

This diversion, made with so much pomp and display, therefore completely fulfilled its purpose, by leaving General Grant to contend with a minor force, on landing at Bruinsburg, and afterward at Port Gibson and Grand Gulf. In May the waters of the Mississippi had so far subsided that all our canals were useless, and the roads had become practicable. After McPherson's corps had passed Richmond, I took up the route of march, with Steele's and Tuttle's divisions. Blair's division remained at Milliken's Bend to protect our depots there, till relieved by troops from Memphis, and then he was ordered to follow us. Our route lay by Richmond and Roundabout

Bayou

;

then, following

Bayou Yidal we struck the

Mississippi

;

320
at

VICKSBURG.

[1863.

Perkins's plantation. Thence the route followed Lake St. Joseph to a plantation called Ilard Times, about five miles above Grand Gulf. The road was more or less occupied by wagons and detachments belonging to McPherson's corps still we marched rapidly and reached Hard Times on the 6th of May.
;

or Lake St. Joseph were many very fine cotand I recall that of a Mr. Bowie, brother-in-law of the Hon. Beverdy Johnson, of Baltimore. The house was very handsome, with a fine, extensive grass-plot in front. We

Along the Bayou
ton-plantations,

entered the yard, and, leaving our horses with the headquarters
escort,

walked to the house.

On

the front-porch I found a

magnificent grand-piano, with several satin-covered arm-chairs,
in one of which sat a

Union soldier (one of McPherson's men), with his feet on the keys of the piano, and his musket and knapsack lying on the porch. I asked him what he was doing there, and he answered that he was " taking a rest " this was manifest and I started him in a hurry to overtake his command. The house was tenantless, and had been completely ransacked articles of dress and books were strewed about, and a handsome boudoir with mirror front had been cast down, striking a French
;

The library was extensive, and hanging on the wall were two full-length portraits of Peverdy Johnson and his wife, one of the most beautiful ladies of our country, with whom I had been acquainted in Washington at the time of General TayBehind the mansion was the usual double lor's administration. row of cabins called the "quarters." There I found an old negro (a family servant) with several women, whom I sent to the house to put things in order telling the old man that other troops would follow, and he must stand on the porch to tell any officers who came along that the property belonged to Mr. Bowie, who was the brother-in-law of our friend Mr. Peverdy Johnson, of Baltimore, asking them to see that no further harm was done. Soon after we left the house I saw some negroes carrying away furniture which manifestly belonged to the house, and compelled them to carry it back and after reachbedstead,

shivering

the glass.

with a fine collection of books

;

;

;

ing camp that night, at

Hard

Times, I sent a wagon back to

;

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

321

Bowie's plantation, to bring up to Dr. Hollingsworth's house
the two portraits for safe keeping
;

but before the wagon had

reached Bowie's the house was burned, whether by some of our men or by negroes I have never learned.

At
across,

the river there was a good deal of scrambling to get

because the means of ferriage were inadequate
across

;

but by

the aid of the Forest

mand

Queen and several gunboats I got during the 7th of May, and marched out

my comto

Han-

Ferry (eighteen miles), relieving General Crocker's division of McPherson's corps. McClernand's corps and McPherson's were still ahead, and had fought the battle of Port Gibson, on the 11th. I overtook General Grant in person at
kinson's

Auburn, and he accompanied my corps all the way into Jackwhich we reached May 14th. McClernand's corps had been left in observation toward Edwards's Ferry. McPherson had fought at Raymond, and taken the left-hand road toward Jackson, via Clinton, while my troops were ordered by General Grant 'n person to take the right-hand road leading through Mississippi Springs. "We reached Jackson at the same time McPherson fighting on the Clinton road, and my troops fighting just outside the town, on the Raymond road, where we captured three entire field-batteries, and about two hundred prisoners of war. The rebels, under General Joe Johnston, had retreated through the town northward on the Canton road. Generals Grant, McPherson, and I, met in the large hotel facing the State-House, where the former explained to us that he had intercepted dispatches from Pemberton to Johnston, which made it important
son,

work smart to prevent a junction of their respective McPherson was ordered to march back early the next day on the Clinton road to make junction with McClernand, and I was ordered to remain one day to break up railroads, to
for us to
forces.

destroy the arsenal, a f oundery, the cotton-factory of the Messrs.

Green,

etc., etc.,

and then

to follow

McPherson.

McPherson left Jackson early on the 15th, and General Grant during the same day. I kept my troops busy in tearing up railroad-tracks, etc., but early on the morning of the 16th received notice from General Grant that a battle was imminent

"

322
near Edwards's Depot
;

YIOKSBUEG.
that
lie

[1863.

wanted

me

to dispatch one 01

my
as I

divisions immediately,

and

to follow with the other as soon

had completed the work of destruction. Steele's division and later in the day I followed with the other division (Tuttle's). Just as I was leaving Jackson, a very fat man came to see me, to inquire if his hotel, a large, framebuilding near the depot, were doomed to be burned. I told him we had no intention to burn it, or any other house, except the machine-shops, and such buildings as could easily be converted to hostile uses. He professed to be a law-abiding Union man, and I remember to have said that this fact was manifest from the sign of his hotel, which was the " Confederate Hotel ; the sign " United States " being faintly painted out, and " Confederate " painted over it I remembered that hotel, as it was
started immediately,
!

the supper-station for the

New

Orleans trains

when

I used to

travel the road before the war.

I had not the least purpose,

however, of burning

it,

but, just as

we were

leaving the town,

it

burst out in flames and was burned to the ground.

I never

found out exactly who set it on fire, but was told that in one of our batteries were some officers and men who had been made prisoners at Shiloh, with Prentiss's division, and had been carried past Jackson in a railroad-train they had been permitted by the guard to go to this very hotel for supper, and had nothing to pay but greenbacks, which were refused, with insult, by this same law-abiding landlord. These men, it was said, had quietly and stealthily applied the fire underneath the hotel just as we were leaving the town. About dark we met General Grant's staff-officer near Bolton Station, who turned us to the right, with orders to push on to Yicksburg by what was known as the upper Jackson Road, which crossed the Big Black at Bridgeport. During that day (May 16th) the battle of Champion Hills had been fought and won by McClernand's and McPherson's corps, aided by one division of mine (Blair's), under the immediate command of General Grant and McPherson was then following the mass of Pemberton's army, disordered and retreating toward Yicksburg by the Edwards's Ferry road. General Blair's division had
;
;

1863.]

VICKSBURG.
rear,

323
to McCler-

come up from the
Hills,

was temporarily attached
it

nand's corps, taking part with

but on the 17th

it

Champion was ordered by General Grant across
in the battle of
there.

to Bridgeport, to join

me

Just beyond Bolton

there was a small hewn-log
;

house,

standing back in a yard, in which was a well

at this

some of

our soldiers were drawing water.

I rode in to get a drink, and,

some soldier to hand it to was a volume of the Constitution of the United States, and on the title-page was written the name of Jefferson Davis.
seeing a book on the ground, asked
It

me.

inquiry of a negro, I learned that the place belonged to the then President of the Southern Confederation. His brother

On

Joe Davis's plantation was not far off one of my staff-officers went there, with a few soldiers, and took a pair of carriagehorses, without my knowledge at the time. He found Joe Davis at home, an old man, attended by a young and affectionate niece but they were overwhelmed with grief to see their country overrun and swarming with Federal troops. We pushed on, and reached the Big Black early, Blair's troops having preceded us by an hour or so. I found General Blair in person, and he reported that there was no bridge across the Big Black that it was swimming-deep and that there was a rebel force on the opposite side, intrenched. He had ordered a detachment of the Thirteenth United States Regulars, under Captain Charles Ewing, to strip some artillery-horses, mount the men, and swim the river above the ferry, to attack and drive away the party on the opposite bank. I did not approve of this
; ;

;

;

risky attempt, but crept

down

close to the brink of the river-

bank, behind a corn-crib belonging to a plantation-house near by,

and saw the parapet on the opposite bank. Ordering a section of guns to be brought forward by hand behind this corn-crib, a few well-directed shells brought out of their holes the little party that was covering the crossing, viz., a lieutenant and ten men, who came down to the river-bank and surrendered. Blair's pontoon-train was brought up, consisting of India-rubber boats, one of which was inflated, used as a boat, and brought over the prisoners. pontoon-bridge was at once begun, finished by

A

324:

VICKSBURG.
began the passage.

[1868.

night, and the troops

After dark, the

whole scene was
joined

lit

me

there,

up with fires of pitch-pine. General Grant and we sat on a log, looking at the passage of
;

fires the bridge swayed to and under the passing feet, and made a fine war-picture. At daybreak we moved on, ascending the ridge, and by 10 a. m. the head of my column, long drawn out, reached the Benton road, and gave us command of the peninsula between the Yazoo and Big Black. I dispatched Colonel Swan, of the Fourth Iowa Cavalry, to Haines's Bluff, to capture that battery from the rear, and he afterward reported that he found it abandoned, its garrison having hastily retreated into Yicksburg, leaving their guns partially disabled, a magazine full of ammunition, and a hospital Colonel Swan saw one of our full of wounded and sick men. gunboats lying about two miles below in the Yazoo, to which he She steamed up, and to its commander the cavalry signaled. turned over the battery at Haines's Bluff, and rejoined me in front of Yicksburg. Allowing a couple of hours for rest and to close up the column, I resumed the march straight on Yicks-

the troops by the light of those
fro

About two miles before reaching the forts, the road the left was the main Jackson road, and the right was the "graveyard" road, which entered Yicksburg near a large
burg.

forked

;

cemetery.

General

Grant in person directed

me

to

take

the right-hand road, but, as McPherson had not yet got up

from the

direction of the railroad-bridge at

Big Black,

I sent

the Eighth Missouri on the main Jackson road, to push the
rebel skirmishers into town, and to remain until relieved

by

McPherson's advance, which happened
18th.
ulars,

late that evening,

May
Reg-

The battalion of the Thirteenth United commanded by Captain "Washington, was at
;

States

the head of

the column on the right-hand road, and pushed the rebels close

one of my staff, Captain Pitzman, behind their parapets receiving a dangerous wound in the hip, which apparently By night Blair's whole division had disabled him for life. closed up against the defenses of Yicksburg, which were found to be strong and well manned and, on General Steele's head of
;

column

arriving, I turned

it still

more to the

right,

with orders to

1863.]

VICKSBURG.
its

325

make connection with our There was a good deal of desultory fighting that evening, and a man was killed by the side of General Grant and myself, as we sat by the road-side looking
work
the bluff, so as to
fleet in

way down

the Mississippi River.

at Steele's division passing to the right.

General Steele's

men

from Yicksburg up to Haines's Bluff, which road lay at the foot of the hills, and intercepted some prisoners and wagons which were coming down from Haines's
reached the road which led
Bluff.

main Jackson

All that night McPherson's troops were arriving by the road, and McClernand's by another near the railcorps (the Fifteenth) had the right of the line of invest; ;

road, deploying forward as fast as they struck the rebel works.

My

McPherson's (the Seventeenth) the centre and McClerleft, reaching from the river above to the railroad below. Our lines connected, and invested about
nand's (the Thirteenth) the
three-quarters of the land-front of the fortifications of Yicksburg.

ment

On

the supposition that the garrison of Yicksburg was demoralrailroad crossassault at our

by the defeats at Champion Hills and at the ing of the Big Black, General Grant ordered an
ized
respective fronts on the 19th.
parapet, but could not cross over.
ly

My troops reached
The
well.

the top of the

rebel parapets were strong-

maimed, and the enemy fought hard and
officer,

My loss

was

pretty heavy, falling chiefly on the Thirteenth Regulars, whose

commanding

Captain Washington, was killed, and several
night,

other regiments were pretty badly cut up.

the ground up to the ditch

till

We, however, held and then drew back only

a short distance, and began to counter-trench.

On

the grave-

yard road, our parapet was within
rebel ditch.

less

than

fifty

yards of the

May, General Grant called the three corps commanders together, viz., McClernand, McPherson, and Sherman. We compared notes, and agreed that the assault of the day before had failed, by reason of the natural strength of the position, and because we were forced by the nature of the ground to limit our attacks to the strongest parts of the enemy's line, viz., where the three principal roads entered the citv
the 20th of

On

326
It

YIOKSBUEG.

[1863.

was not a council of war, but a mere consultation, resulting from General Grant for us to make all possible preparations for a renewed assault on the 22d, simultaneously, at 10 I reconnoitred my front thoroughly in person, from a. m. right to left, and concluded to make my real attack at the right flank of the bastion, where the graveyard road entered the enemy's intrenchments, and at another point in the curtain about a hundred yards to its right (our left) also to make a strong demonstration by Steele's division, about a mile to our right, toward the river. All our field-batteries were put in position, and were covered by good epaulements the troops were brought forward, in easy support, concealed by the shape of the ground ; and to the minute, viz., 10 a. m. of May 22d, the small party, that might be troops sprang to the assault.
in orders
;

;

A

called a forlorn hope, provided with plank to cross the ditch,

advanced at a run, up to the very ditch the lines of infantry sprang from cover, and advanced rapidly in line of battle. I took a position within two hundred yards of the rebel parapet, on the off slope of a spur of ground, where by advancing
;

two or three steps I could see every thing. The rebel line, concealed by the parapet, showed no sign of unusual activity, but as our troops came in fair view, the enemy rose behind their parapet and poured a furious fire upon our lines and, for about two hours, we had a severe and bloody battle, but at every point we were repulsed. In the very midst of this, when shell and shot fell furious and fast, occurred that little episode which has been celebrated in song and story, of the boy Orion P. Howe, badly wounded, bearing me a message for cartridges, calibre 54, described in my letter to the Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of This boy was afterward appointed a cadet to the United "War. States Naval Academy, at Annapolis, but he could not graduate, and I do not now know what has become of him. After our men had been fairly beaten back from off the parapet, and had got cover behind the spurs of ground close up to the rebel works, General Grant came to where I was, on foot, having I pointed out to him left his horse some distance to the rear. the rebel works, admitted that my assault had failed, and he said
;

1863.]

VICKSBUEG.

327

the result with McPherson and McClernand was about the same. While he was with me, an orderly or staff-officer came and handed him a piece of paper, which he read and handed to me. I think the writing was in pencil, on a loose piece of paper, and was in General McClernand's handwriting, to the effect that " his troops had captured the rebel parapet in his front," that " the flag of the Union waved over the stronghold of Yieksburg," and asking him (General Grant) to give renewed orders to McPherson and Sherman to press their attacks on their respective fronts, lest the enemy should concentrate on him (McClernand). General Grant said, " I don't believe a word of it " but I reasoned with him, that this note was official, and must be credited, and I offered to renew the assault at once with new troops. He said he would instantly ride down the line to McClernand's front, and if I did not receive orders to the contrary, by 3 o'clock p. m., I might try it again. Mower's fresh brigade was brought up under cover, and some changes
;

were made in Giles Smith's brigade
hearing heavy firing
the second assault.
successful

;

and, punctually at 3

p. m.,

down along
It

the line to

my left,
first,

I ordered

was a repetition of the

equally un-

and bloody.

It also transpired that the

same thing

had occurred with General McPherson, who lost in this second assault some most valuable officers and men, without adequate result and that General McClernand, instead of having taken any single point of the rebel main parapet, had only taken one or two small outlying lunettes open to the rear, where his men were at the mercy of the rebels behind their main parapet, and most of them were actually thus captured. This affair caused great feeling with us, and severe criticisms on General McClernand, which led finally to his removal from the command of the Thirteenth Corps, to which General Ord succeeded. The immediate cause, however, of General McClernand's removal was the publication of a sort of congratulatory order addressed to his troops, first published in St. Louis, in which he claimed that he had actually succeeded in making a lodgment in Vicksburg, but had lost it, owing to the fact that McPherson and Sherman did not fulfill their parts of the gen;

328
eral

VICKSBURG.
plan of attack.

[1863.

This was simply untrue.

The two

several

assaults

made May

22d, on the lines of Yicksburg, had failed,
of the position and the de-

by reason of the great strength
termined fighting of
tion at
its

I have since seen the -posiand without hesitation I declare that at Yicksburg to have been the more difficult of the two. Thereafter our proceedings were all in the nature of a siege. General Grant drew more troops from Memphis, to prolong our general line to the left, so as completely to invest the place on its land-side, while the navy held the river both above and below. General Mower's brigade of Tuttle's division was also sent across the river to the peninsula, so that by May 31st Yicksburg was completely beleaguered. Good roads were constructed from our camps to the several landing-places on the Yazoo River, to which points our boats brought us ample supplies so that we were in a splendid condition for a siege, while our enemy was shut up in a close fort, with a large civil population of men, women, and children to feed, in addition to his combatant force. If we could prevent sallies, or relief from the outside, the fate of the garrison of Yicksburg was merely
garrison.

Sevastopol,

;

a question of time.

my headquarters camp close up to the works, near the centre of my corps, and General Grant had his bivouac behind a ravine to my rear. We estimated Pemberton's whole force in
I had

Yicksburg at thirty thousand men, and it was well known that the rebel General Joseph E. Johnston was engaged in collecting another strong force near the Big Black, with the intention to attack our rear, and thus to afford Pemberton an opportunity Even then the ability of General to escape with his men. Johnston was recognized, and General Grant told me that he was about the only general on that side whom he feared. Each corps kept strong pickets w,ell to the rear; but, as the rumors of Johnston's accumulating force reached us, General Grant concluded to take stronger measures. He had received from the North General J. G. Parkes's corps (Ninth), which had been posted at Haines's Bluff then, detailing one division from each of the three corps Warmee investing Yicksburg, he
;

:

1863.]

VICKSBUKG.

329

and to counteract any movement on the part of General Johnston to I reconnoitred the whole country, from relieve Yicksburg. Haines's Bluff to the railroad bridge, and posted the troops thus Parkes's two divisions from Haines's Bluff out to the Benton or ridge road Tuttle's division, of my corps, joining on and extending to a plantation called Young's, overlooking Bear Creek valley, which empties into the Big Black above Messinger's Ferry then Mc Arthur's division, of McPherson's corps, took up the line, and reached to Osterhaus's division of McClernand's corps, which held a strong fortified position at the railroad-crossing of the Big Black River. I was of opinion that, if Johnston should cross the Big Black, he could by the favorable
ordered
to

me

go

out, take a general

command

of

all,

;

;

nature of the country be held in check

till

a concentration could

be effected by us at the point threatened.
tion

From

the best informathirty or forty

we

could gather, General Johnston

had about

thousand men. I took post near a plantation of one Trible, near Markham's, and frequently reconnoitred the whole line, and could see the enemy engaged in like manner, on the east side of Big Black but he never attempted actually to cross over,
;

cavalry, just above Bear Creek, which I was there from June 20th to the was easily driven back. 4th of July. In a small log-house near Markham's was the family of Mr. Klein, whose wife was the daughter of Mrs. Day, of New Orleans, who in turn was the sister of Judge T. W. Bartley, my brother-in-law. I used frequently to drop in and take a meal with them, and Mrs. Klein was generally known as the general's cousin, which doubtless saved her and her family from molestation, too common on the part of our men. One day, as I was riding the line near a farm known as Parson Fox's, 1 heard that the family of a Mr. Wilkinson, of New Orleans, was a refugeeing " at a house near by. I rode up, inquired, and found two young girls of that name, who said they were the children of General Wilkinson, of Louisiana, and that their brother had been at the Military School at Alexandria. Inquiring for their mother, I was told she was spending the day

except

with some

"

330

VICKSBUEG.

[1863.

As this house was on my route, I rode there, at Parson Fox's. went through a large gate into the yard, followed by my staff and escort, and found quite a number of ladies sitting on the porch. I rode up and inquired if that were Parson Fox's. The parson, a fine-looking, venerable old man, rose, and said that he was Parson Fox. I then inquired for Mrs. Wilkinson, when an elderly lady answered that she was the person. I asked her if she were from Plaquemine Parish, Louisiana, and she said she was. I then inquired if she had a son who had been a cadet at Alexandria when General Sherman was superintendent, and she answered yes. I then announced myself, inquired after the boy, and she said he was inside of Yicksburg, an artillery lieutenant. I then asked about her husband, whom I had known, when she burst into tears, and cried out in agony, " You killed him at Bull Pun, where he was fighting for his country I disclaimed killing anybody at Bull Kun but all the women present (nearly a dozen) burst into loud lamentations, which made it most uncomfortable for me, and I rode away. On the 3d of July, as I sat at my bivouac by the road-side near Trible's, I saw a poor, miserable horse, carrying a lady, and led by a little negro boy, coming across a cotton-field toward me as they approached I recognized poor Mrs. Wilkinson, and helped her to dismount. I inquired what had brought her to me in that style, and she answered that she kneio Yicksburg was going to surI had render, and she wanted to go right away to see her boy. a telegraph-wire to General Grant's headquarters, and had heard that there were symptoms of surrender, but as yet nothing definite. I tried to console and dissuade her, but she was resolved, and I could not help giving her a letter to General Grant, explaining to him who she was, and asking him to give her the The distance was fully earliest opportunity to see her son. twenty miles, but off she started, and I afterward learned that my letter had enabled her to see her son, who had escaped unharmed. Later in the day I got by telegraph General Grant's notice of the negotiations for surrender and, by his directions, gave general orders to my troops to be ready at a moment's notice to cross the Big Black, and go for Joe Johnston.
!

;

;

;

1863.]

VICKSBUKG.
4,

331

The next day (July

1863) Yicksburg surrendered, and

orders were given for at once attacking

General Johnston.

to march Big Black at the railroad-bridge; the Fifteenth by Messinger's, and the Ninth (General Parkes) by Birdsong's Ferry all to converge on Bolton. My corps crossed the Big Black during the 5th and 6th of July, and marched for Bolton, where we came in with General Ord's troops but the Ninth Corps was delayed in crossing at Birdsong's. Johnston had received timely notice of Pemberton's surrender, and was

The Thirteenth Corps (General Ord) was ordered
and
cross the

rapidly,

;

in full retreat for Jackson.

On

the 8th

all

our troops reached

the neighborhood of Clinton, the weather fearfully hot, and

water scarce. Johnston had marched rapidly, and in retreating had caused cattle, hogs, and sheep, to be driven into the ponds of water, and there shot down so that we had to haul their dead and stinking carcasses out to use the water. On the 10th of July we had driven the rebel army into Jackson, where it turned at bay behind the intrenchments, which had been enlarged and strengthened since our former visit in May. We closed our
;

lines about

Jackson;

my

corps (Fifteenth) held the centre, ex-

tending from the Clinton to the
Parkes' s (Ninth) the

Raymond

road ; Ord's (Thir-

teenth) on the right, reaching Pearl Kiver below the
left,

town

;

and

above the town. On the 11th we pressed close in, and shelled the town from every direction. One of Ord's brigades (Lauman's) got too close, and was very roughly handled and driven back in disorder. General Ord accused the commander (General Lauman) of having
disregarded his orders, and attributed to
aster

him

personally the dis-

and heavy loss of men. He requested his relief, which I granted, and General Lauman went to the rear, and never regained his division.

He

died after the war, in Iowa,

much

he had been universally esteemed a most gallant and excellent officer. The weather was fearfully hot, but we continued to press the siege day and night, using our artillery pretty freely and on the morning of July 17th the place was found evacuated. General Steele's division was sent in pursuit as far as Brandon (fourteen miles), but General
respected, as before that time
;

;

332

VICKSBURG.
off,

[1863.

Johnston had carried his army safely
hot weather would have been fatal to

and pursuit in that

my

command.

Reporting the fact to General Grant, he ordered

me to return,

to send General Parkes's corps to Haines's Bluff, General Ord's

back to Vicksburg, and he consented that I should encamp my whole corps near the Big Black, pretty much on the same ground we had occupied before the movement, and with the prospect of a period of rest for the remainder of the summer. "We
reached our camps on the 27th of July.

Meantime, a division of troops, commanded by BrigadierW. Sooy Smith, had been added to my corps. General Smith applied for and received a sick-leave on the 20th of July; Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing was assigned to its command and from that time it constituted the Fourth Division of the
General
Fifteenth

Army

Corps.

Port Hudson had surrendered to General Banks on the 8th of July (a necessary consequence of the fall of Vicksburg), and thus terminated probably the most important enterprise of the civil war the recovery of the complete control of the Mississippi River, from its source to its mouth or, in the language

of Mr. Lincoln, the Mississippi
I

went " un vexed

to the sea."

put my four

divisions into handsome, clean camps, looking

to health
tiful

and comfort alone, and had

my

headquarters in a beau-

grove near the house of that same Parson Fox where I had found the crowd of weeping rebel women waiting for the
fate of their friends in Yicksburg.

by the Fifteenth Corps in the assault of was mostly confined to the battalion of the Thirteenth Regulars, whose commanding officer, Captain Washington, was mortally wounded, and afterward died in the hands of the enemy, which battalion lost seventy-seven men the Eighty-third out of the two hundred and fifty engaged Indiana (Colonel Spooner), and the One Hundred and Twentyloss sustained

The

May

19th, at Yicksburg,

;

seventh Blinois (Lieutenant-Colonel Eldridge), the aggregate

being about two hundred.

In the assaults of the 22d, the
*vas

loss in the

Fifteenth Corps

about six hundred.

:


VICKSBURG.
333

1863.]

In the attack on Jackson, Mississippi, during the llth-lGth of July, General Ord reported the loss in the Thirteenth Army Corps seven hundred and sixty-two, of which five hundred and thirty-three were confined to Lauman's division General Parkes reported, in the Ninth Corps, thirty-seven killed, two hundred and fifty-eight wounded, and thirty-three missing total, three hundred and twenty-eight. In the Fifteenth Corps the loss
;
:

was

less

;

so that, in the aggregate, the loss as reported

by me

at

the time was less than a thousand men, while

we took

that

num

ber alone of prisoners.

In General Grant's entire army before Yicksburg, composed
of the Ninth, part of the Sixteenth, and the whole of the Thirteenth, Fifteenth,
stated

and Seventeenth Corps, the aggregate by Badeau, was

loss, as

Killed

1,243

Wounded
Missing
Total

7,095

535
8,873

Whereas the Confederate was
Surrendered at Yicksburg Captured at Champion Hills

loss, as stated

by the same

author,

82,000
3,000

Captured at Big Black Bridge Captured at Port Gibson Captured with Loring Killed and wounded
Stragglers Total

2,000
2,000

4,000

10,000
3,000

56,000

Besides which, " a large amount of public property, consisting
of railroads, locomotives, cars, steamers, cotton, guns, muskets,

ammunition,

etc., etc.,

was captured in Yicksburg."

The value of the capture of Yicksburg, however, was not measured by the list of prisoners, guns, and small-arms, but by
the fact that
its

possession secured the navigation of the great

central river of the continent, bisected fatally the Southern Con-

334

VICKSBUKG.

[1863.

which had been used in its conquest and it so happened that the event coincided as to time with another great victory which crowned our arms far away, at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. That was a def en 6ive battle, whereas ours was offensive in the highest acceptation of the term, and the two, occurring at the same moment of time, should have ended the war but the rebel leaders were mad, and seemed determined that their people should drink of the very
federacy, and set the armies
free for other purposes
;

;

lowest dregs of the cup of war, which they themselves had
prepared.

The campaign

of Yicksburg, in

its

conception and execution,

belonged exclusively to General Grant, not only in the great whole, but in the thousands of its details. I still retain many
of his letters and notes,
all

in his

own

handwriting, prescribing

the routes of march for divisions and detachments, specifying

even the amount of food and tools to be carried along. Many persons gave his adjutant-general, Rawlins, the credit for these
things, but they

were in error

;

for no

commanding general

of an

army ever gave more
so

of his personal attention to details, or wrote

own orders, reports, and letters, as General Grant. Yicksburg justly gave him great fame at home The President conferred on him the rank of majorgeneral in the regular army, the highest grade then existing by law and General McPherson and I shared in his success by
of his
at

many

His success and abroad.
;

receiving similar commissions as brigadier-generals in the regular army.

But our

success at

Yicksburg produced other

results not so

favorable to our cause
to escape the

— a general relaxation of
:

effort,

and desire

hard drudgery of camp

officers

sought leaves of

discharges on the most slender pretexts

homes, and soldiers obtained furloughs and even the General Government seemed to relax in its efforts to replenish our ranks with new men, or to enforce the draft, and the politicians were
absence to
visit their
;

pressing their schemes to reorganize or patch
civil

up some form of

government, as

fast as the armies

gained partial possession

of the States.

In order to

illustrate this peculiar

phase of our

civil

war, I

:

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

335

give at this place copies of certain letters which have not heretofore

been published
[Private.]

Washington, August
Major- General

29, 1863.

W.

T. Sherman, VicTcsburg, Mississippi.
:

Mr
sippi,

dear General

The question of reconstruction

in Louisiana, Missis-

and Arkansas, will soon come up for decision of the Government, and not only the length of the war, but our ultimate and complete success, will depend upon its decision. It is a difficult matter, but I believe it can be

and disand effects. I think he is disposed to receive the advice of our generals who have been in these States, and know much more of their condition than gassy politicians in Congress. General Banks has written pretty fully on the subject. 1 wrote to General Grant, immediately after the fall of Vicksburg, for his views in regard to Mississippi, but he has not yet answered. I wish you would consult with Grant, McPherson, and others of cool, good judgment, and write me your views fully, as I may wish to use them with the President. You had better write me unofficially, and then your letter will not be put on file, and cannot hereafter be used against you. You have been in "Washington enough to know how every thing a man writes or says is picked up by his enemies and misconstrued. With kind wishes for your further success,
successfully solved, if the President will consult opinions of cool

creet men,

who

are capable of looking at

it

in all its bearings

I

am

yours truly,

H. W. Halleok.
[Private and Confidential.]

Headquarters, Fifteenth

Army

Corps,

} )

Camp on Big Black,

Mississippi, September 17, 1863.
C.

H. W. Halle ck, Commander-in-Chief, Washington, D.

Dear General

:

I

have received your

letter of

August 29th, and with

pleasure confide to you fully

my

thoughts on the important matters you

suggest, with absolute confidence that
reject the useless or superfluous.

you

will use

what

is

valuable,

and

That part of the continent of North America known as Louisiana, and Arkansas, is in my judgment the key to the whole interior. The valley of the Mississippi is America, and, although railroads have changed the economy of intercommunication, yet the water-channels still mark the lines of fertile land, and afford cheap carriage to the heavy prodMississippi,

ucts of

it.

The inhabitants
security of the

of the country on the Monongahela, the Illinois, the

Minnesota, the Yellowstone, and Osage, are as directly concerned in the

Lower

Mississippi as are those

who

dwell on

its

very bank*

:

336
in Louisiana
;

VICKSBURG.

[1863.

and now that the nation has recovered its possession, this will make a fearful mistake if they again commit its charge to a people liable to misuse their position, and assert, as was recently done, that, because they dwelt on the banks of this mighty stream, they
generation of

men

had a right to control its navigation. I would deem it very unwise at this time, or for years to come, to revive the State governments of Louisiana, etc., or to institute in this quarter any civil government in which the local people have much to say. They had a government so mild and paternal that they gradually forgot they had any at all, save what they themselves controlled; they asserted an absolute right to seize public moneys, forts, arms, and even to shut up They chose war they the natural avenues of travel and commerce. ignored and denied all the obligations of the solemn contract of government and appealed to force. We accepted the issue, and now they begin to realize that war is a twoedged sword, and it may be that many of the inhabitants cry for peace. I know them well, and the very impulses of their nature; and to deal with the inhabitants of that part of the South which borders on the great river, we must recognize the classes into which they have divided themselves First. The large planters, owning lands, slaves, and all kinds of personal property. These are, on the whole, the ruling class. They are educated, wealthy, and easily approached. In some districts they are bitter as gall, and have given up slaves, plantations, and all, serving in the armies of

the Confederacy

;

whereas, in others, they are conservative.

None dare

admit a friendship for us, though they say freely that they were at the outset opposed to war and disunion. I know we can manage this class, but only by action. Argument is exhausted, and words have lost their usual meaning.
this has

Nothing but the logic of events touches their understanding but, of late, worked a wonderful change. If our country wore like Europe, crowded with people, I would say it would be easier to replace this class
;

than to reconstruct
is

it,

subordinate to the policy of the nation

;

but, as this

not the case,

it is

better to allow the planters, with individual exceptions,

gradually to recover their plantations, to hire any species of labor, and to

adapt themselves to the new order of things. Still, their friendship and assistance to reconstruct order out of the present ruin cannot bo depended on.

They watch the operations of our
feel are

armies, and hope

still

for a

Southern Con-

federacy that will restore to them the slaves and privileges which they

otherwise lost forever. In my judgment, wo have two more battles win before we should even bother our minds with the idea of restoring civil order viz., one near Meridian, in November, and one near Shreveport, in February and March next, when Red River is navigable by our gunboats. "When these are done, then, and not until then, will the planters of Louisito

ana, Arkansas, and Mississippi, submit.

Slavery

is

already gone, and, tocnl-

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

337

must be hired. This, of itself, is a vast must be afforded to allow men to adjust their minds and habits to this new order of things. A civil government of the representative type would suit this class far less than a pure military rule, readily adapting itself to actual occurrences, and able to enforce its laws and orders promptly and emphatically. Second. The smaller farmers, mechanics, merchants, and laborers. This class will probably number three-quarters of the whole have, in fact, no real interest in the establishment of a Southern Confederacy, and have been led or driven into war on the false theory that they were to be benefited somehow— they knew not how. They are essentially tired of the war, and would slink back home if they could. These are the real tiers etat of the South, and are hardly worthy a thought; for they swerve to and fro according to events which they do not comprehend or attempt to shape. When the time for reconstruction comes, they will want the old political system of caucuses, Legislatures, etc., to amuse them and make them believe
tivate the land, negro or other labor

revolution, and time

;

they are real sovereigns
of the planters.

;

but in

all

things they will follow blindly the lead

who understand this class, use French do their masses seemingly consult their prejudices, while they make their orders and enforce them. We should do the same. Tliird. The Union men of the South. I must confess I have little respect for this class. They allowed a clamorous set of demagogues to muzzle and drive them as a pack of curs. Afraid of shadows, they submit tamely to squads of dragoons, and permit them, without a murmur, to burn their cotton, take their horses, corn, and every thing and, when we reach them, they are full of complaints if our men take a few fence-rails for fire, or corn They give us no assistance or information, and are to feed our horses.
The Southern
politicians,

them

as the

;

loudest in their complaints at the smallest excesses of our soldiers.
sons, horses, arms,

Their
I ac-

and every thing
all

useful, are in the

army

against us, and

they stay at home, claiming

the exemptions of peaceful citizens.

count them as nothing in this great game of war.
Fourth. The young bloods of the South
:

sons of planters, lawyers about

towns, good billiard-players and sportsmen,

men who

never did work and

them, and the rascals are brave, fine riders, bold to rashness, and dangerous subjects in every sense. They care not a sou for
never
will.

War

suits

niggers, land, or

any thing.

They hate Yankees per

se,

and don't bother

their brains about the past, present, or future.

As

long as they have good

and an open country, they are happy. This is a most men suppose, and they are the most dangerous set of men that this war has turned loose upon the world. They are splendid riders, first-rate shots, and utterly reckless. Stewart, John Morgan, Forrest, and Jackson, are the types and leaders of this class. These men must all be killed or employed by us before we can hope for peace. They have no prophorses, plenty of forage,

larger class than

338

VICKSBURG.

[1863

by any thing, except perhave two brigades of these fellows in my froDt, commanded by Cosby, of the old army, and Whitfield, of Texas. Stephen D. Lee is in command of the whole. I have frequent interviews with their officers, a good understanding with them, and am inclined to think,
sonal considerations.
I

erty or future, and therefore cannot be influenced

when the resources of their country are exhausted, we must employ them. They are the best cavalry in the world, but it will tax Mr. Chase's genius for finance to supply them with horses. At present horses cost them nothing for they take where they find, and don't bother their brains as to who is to pay for them the same may be said of the cornfields, which have, as they believe, been cultivated by a good-natured people for their special benefit. We propose to share with them the free use of these cornfields, planted by
;
;

willing hands, that will never gather the crops.

Now that I have sketched the people who inhabit the district of country under consideration, I will proceed to discuss the future. A civil government now, for any part of it, would be simply ridicuThe people would not regard it, and even the military commanders lous. of the antagonistic parties would treat it lightly. Governors would be simply petitioners for military assistance, to protect supposed friendly interests, and military commanders would refuse to disperse and weaken their armies for military reasons. Jealousies would arise between the two conflicting powers, and, instead of contributing to the end of the war, would actually defer it. Therefore, I contend that the interests of the United States, and of the real parties concerned, demand the continuance of the simple military rule, till after all the organized armies of the South are dispersed, conquered, and subjugated.
The people of
all this

region are represented in the

Army

of Virginia,

and Chattanooga. They have sons and relations in each of the rebel armies, and naturally are interested in their fate. Though
at Charleston, Mobile,

we

hold military possession of the key-points of their country,

still

they con-

and naturally, that should Lee succeed in Virginia, or Bragg at Chattanooga, a change will occur here also. We cannot for this reason attempt to reconstruct parts of the South as we conquer it, till all idea of the establishment of a Southern Confederacy is abandoned. We should avail ourselves
tend,
lull to secure the strategical points that will give us an advantage in the future military movements, and we should treat the idea of civil government as one in which we as a nation have a minor or subordinate interest. The opportunity is good to impress on the population the

of the present

tvuth that they are
events, but

more

interested in civil

that, to enjoy the protection of laws, they

government than we are and must not be passive observers of
;

laws

;

must aid and sustain the constituted authorities in enforcing the they must not only submit themselves, but should pay their share of

taxes,

and render personal services when called on.


1863.]

VIOKSBURG.
seems
to

339
two
years, that

It
all

me,

m contemplating

the history of the past

the people of our country, North, South, East, and "West, have been

undergoing a salutary political schooling, learning lessons which might have been acquired from the experience of other people; but we had all

become

so wise in our

own

conceit that

we would

only learn by actual ex-

perience of our own.

North as well as

The people even of small and unimportant localities, South, had reasoned themselves into the belief that their

opinions were superior to the aggregated interest of the whole nation.

themselves

Half our territorial nation rebelled, on a doctrine of secession that they now scout; and a real numercial majority actually believed that
little

policy of the great whole.

was endowed with such sovereignty that it could defeat the I think the present war has exploded that notion, and were this war to cease now, the experience gained, though dear, would be worth the expense. Another great and important natural truth is still in contest, and can only be solved by war. Numercial majorities by vote have been our great
a
State
arbiter.

Heretofore

all

men have

cheerfully submitted to

it

in questions

left

open, but numerical majorities are not necessarily physical majorities.

inferior, contend they can whip the Northern and therefore by natural law they contend that they This issue is the only real one, and in my judgare not bound to submit. ment all else should be deferred to it. "War alone can decide it, and it is the only question now left for us as a people to decide. Can we whip the South ? If we can, our numerical majority has both the natural and constiIf we cannot whip them, they contend for tutional right to govern them. the natural right to select their own government, and they have the argument. Our armies must prevail over theirs; our officers, marshals, and courts, must penetrate into the innermost recesses of their land, before we have the natural right to demand their submission. I would banish all minor questions, assert the broad doctrine that as a nation the United States has the right, and also the physical power, to penetrate to every part of our national domain, and that we will do it that we will do it in our own time and in our own way that it makes no difference whether it be in one year, or two, or ten, or twenty that we will remove and destroy every obstacle, if need be, take every life, every acre of land, every particle of property, every thing that to us seems proper that we will not cease till the end is attained that all who do not aid us are enemies, and that we will not account to them for our acts. If the people of the South oppose, they do so at their peril and if they stand by, mere lookers-on in this domestic tragedy, they have no right to immu-

The South, though numerically
superiority of numbers,

;

;

;

;

;

nity, protection, or
I

share in the final results.
that, in the

even believe and contend further
is

North, every

member

of

the nation

bound by both natural and constitutional law to "maintain

;

340

V1CKSBURG.

11803.

and defend the Government against all its enemies and opposers whomsoever." If they fail to do it they are derelict, and can be punished, or deprived of all advantages arising from the labors of those who do. If any man, North or South, withholds his share of taxes, or his physical assistance in this, the crisis of our history, he should be deprived of all voice in the future elections of this country, and might be banished, or reduced to the condition of a mere denizen of the land. War is upon us, none can deny it. It is not the choice of the Government
of the United States, but of a faction
;

the Government was forced to ac-

cept the issue, or to submit to a degradation fatal and disgraceful to all the inhabitants. In accepting war, it should be "pure and simple " as applied
to the belligerents.
till

I

would keep
it

it so, till all

traces of the
it,

war

are effaced
to the

;

those

who

appealed to

are sick and tired of

and come

em-

blem of our nation, and sue for peace. I would not coax them, or even meet them half-way, but make them so sick of war that generations would pass away before they would again appeal to it.
I

know what
;

I

say

when

I

repeat that the insurgents of the South sneer

They scorn the alliance with the Copperheads they tell me to my face that they respect Grant, McPherson, and our brave associates who fight manfully and well for a principle, but despise the Copperheads and sneaks at the North, who profess friendship for the South and opposition to the war, as mere covers for their knavery and poltroonery.
at all overtures looking to their interests.

God knows
but
it is
it.

that I deplore this fratricidal
us,

war
is

as

much

as any

man living,

upon

a physical fact

;

and there

only one honorable issue

We must fight it out, army against army, and man against man know, and you know, and civilians begin to realize the fact, that reconciliation and reconstruction will be easier through and by means of strong, well-equipped, and organized armies than through any species of conventions that can be framed. The issues are made, and all discussion is out of place and ridiculous. The section of thirty-pounder Parrott rifles now drilling before my tent is a more convincing argument than the largest Democratic meeting the State of New York can possibly assemble at Albany and a simple order of the War Department to draft enough men to fill our skeleton regiments would be more convincing as to our national perpetuity than an humble pardon to Jeff. Davis and all his misled host. The only government needed or deserved by the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Mississippi, now exists in Grant's army. This needs, simply, enough privates to fill its ranks all else will follow in due season. This army has its well-defined code of laws and practice, and can adapt itself to the wants and necessities of a city, the country, the rivers, the sea, indeed to all parts of this land. It better subserves the interest and policy of the General Government, and the people here prefer it to any weak or ser
from

and

I

;

;

;

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

341

vile

combination that would at once, from force of habit, revive and perpet-

uate local prejudices and passions.

The people

of this country have for-

They know it and and in after-years they will be the better citizens from the dearbought experience of the present crisis. Let them learn now, and learn it well, that good citizens must obey as well as command. Obedience to law, absolute yea, even abject is the lesson that this war, under Providence, will teach the free and enlightened American citizen. As a nation, we shall
feited all right to a voice in the councils of the nation.
it,

feel

be the better for
I

it.

never have apprehended foreign interference in our family quarrel. Of course, governments founded on a different and it may be an antagonistic principle
it

with ours naturally feel a pleasure at our complications, and, wish our downfall but in the end England and France will join with us in jubilation at the triumph of constitutional government over faction. Even now the English manifest this. I do not profess to under-

may

be,

;

stand Napoleon's design in Mexico, and I do not see that his taking military
possession of Mexico concerns us.

We

have as much territory now as we

The Mexicans have failed in self-government, and it was a question as to what nation she should fall a prey. That is now solved, and I don't see that we are damaged. "We have the finest part of the North American
want.
Continent,
all

rebellion in our

we can people and can take care of own land, and compose the strife

;

and,

if

we

can suppress
it,

generated by

we

shall

have enough people, resources, and wealth, if well combined, to defy interference from any and every quarter. I therefore hope the Government of the United States will continue, as
heretofore, to collect, in well-organized armies, the physical strength of

the nation

;

applying

it,

as heretofore, in asserting the national authority

and
far

in persevering,
off, is

succeed
ruled

without relaxation, to the end. This, whether near or not for us to say but, fortunately, we have no choice. We must no other choice is left us except degradation. The South must be
;

conquered.
else,

she will rule us. We must conquer them, or ourselves be There is no middle course. They ask, and will have, nothing and talk of compromise is bosh for we know they would even scorn

by

us, or

;

the offer.
I wish the war could have been deferred for twenty years, till the superabundant population of the North could flow in and replace the losses sustained by war but this could not be, and we are forced to take things
;

as they are.

All therefore I can

now

venture to advise

is

to raise the draft to its

maximum,

the present regiments to as large a standard as possible, Great attention should be paid to and push the war, pure and simple.
fill

the discipline of our armies, for on
bility

them may be founded the

future sta-

of the Government.

342
The
cost of the

VICKSBURG.
war
is,

[1863.

of course, to be considered, but finances will
if

adjust themselves to the actual state of affairs; and, even

we

would,

we

could not change the cost.
it
;

Indeed, the larger the cost now, the less will

loss of life

be in the end for the end must be attained somehow, regardless of and treasure, and is merely a question of time. Excuse so long a letter. "With great respect, etc.,

W.

T. Sherman, Major- General.

that

General Halleck, on receipt of this letter, telegraphed me Mr. Lincoln had read it carefully, and had instructed him

to obtain

my

consent to have

it

published.

At

the time, I pre-

drawn into any newspaper controversy, and so wrote to General Halleck and the above letter has never been, to my knowledge, published though Mr. Lincoln more than once referred to it with marks of approval.
ferred not to be
;

;

IlE AD QUARTERS FIFTEENTH

ARMY

CORPS,
17, 1863.
-

)
J

Camp on Big Black, September
Brigadier -General
Vichsburg.
J.

A. Eawlins, Acting Assistant Adjutant General, your perusal, and for you to read to

Dear General:

I inclose for

General Grant such parts as you deem interesting, letters received by me from Prof. Mahan and General Halleck, with my answers. After you have

my answer to General Halleck, I beg you to inclose it to its address, and return me the others. I think Prof. Mahan's very marked encomium upon the campaign of Yicksburg is so flattering to General Grant, that you may offer to let him keep the letter, if he values such a testimonial. I have never written a word to General Halleck since my report of last December, after the affair at Chickasaw, except a short letter a few days ago, thanking him for the kind manner of his transmitting to me the appointment of brigadier-general. I know that in Washington I am incomprehensible, because at the outset of the war I would not go it blind and rush headlong into a war unprepared and with an utter ignorance of its extent and purpose. I was then construed unsound; and now that I insist on war pure and simple, with no admixture of civil compromises, I am supposed vindictive. You remember what Polonius said to his son Laertes: "Beware of entrance to a quarrel; What is true but, being in, bear it, that the opposed may beware of thee." of the single man, is equally true of a nation. Our leaders seemed at first
read
to thirst for the quarrel, willing, even anxious, to array against us
sible
all

pos-

elements of opposition

;

and now, being

in,

they would hasten to quit
I

long before the " opposed " has received that lesson which he needs.

1863.]

VICKSBURG.

343

would make this war as severe as possible, and show no symptoms of tiring the South begs for mercy; indeed, I know, and you know, that the end would be reached quicker by such a course than by any seeming yielding on our part. I don't want our Government to be bothered by patching up local governments, or by trying to reconcile any class of men. The South has done her worst, and now is the time for us to pile on our blows thick and fast.
till

Instead of postponing the draft

till

after the elections,
if

we ought now
all,

to

have our ranks
reach us
of
I think
all

full

of drafted

men

;

and, at best,

they come at

they will

when we

should be in motion.

General Halleck would like to have the honest, candid opinions
I

of us, viz., Grant, McPherson, and Sherman.
prefer, of course, that
it

have given mine, and
Still,

would

should coincide with the others.
I

no

matter what
mine.
If

my

opinion

may

be,

can easily adapt

my

conduct to the

plans of others, and

am

only too happy

when

I find theirs better

than

no trouble, please show Halleck's
I

letter to

to write also.
filling

know

his regiments are like

McPherson, and ask him mine (mere squads), and need

up.

Yours

truly,

W.

T.

Sherman, Major- General.

;

CHAPTER

XIII.

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
JULY TO DECEMBER,
1863.

After
Union

the fall of Vicksburg, and

its

corollary,

Port Hud-

son, the Mississippi River
forces,

was wholly in the possession of the
line of separation in the ter
it

and formed a perfect

ritories of

our opponents.

Thenceforth, they could not cross
its

save by stealth, and the military affairs on

west bank became unimportant. Grant's army had seemingly completed its share of the work of war, and lay, as it were, idle for a time. In
person General Grant went to
eral

New Orleans to confer with GenBanks, and his victorious army was somewhat dispersed. Parke's corps (Ninth) returned to Kentucky, and afterward formed part of the Army of the Ohio, under General Burnside
Ord's corps (Thirteenth) was sent
ally drifted to

down

to Natchez,
;

New
;

Orleans and Texas

and graduMcPherson's (SevenHurlbut's (Sixteenth)

teenth) remained in and near Vicksburg

;

was at Memphis and mine (Fifteenth) was encamped along the Big Black, about twenty miles east of Vicksburg. This corps was composed of four divisions Steele's (the First) was posted Blair's (the Second), next in at and near the railroad-bridge Third Division (Tuttle's) was order, near Parson Fox's the on the ridge about the head of Bear Creek and the Fourth (Ewing's) was at Messinger's Ford. My own headquarters were in tents in a fine grove of old oaks near Parson Fox's house, and the battalion of the Thirteenth Regulars was the
:

;

;

;

Headquarters guard.

All the camps were arranged for health, comfort,

rest,

and

!863.j

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
It

345

we did not expect any change till and accordingly made ourselves as comfortthe autumn months, There was a short railroad in operation from able as possible. Yicksburg to the bridge across the Big Black, whence supplies With a in abundance were hauled to our respective camps. knowledge of this fact Mrs. Sherman came down from Ohio with Minnie, Lizzie, Willie, and Tom, to pay us a visit in our camp at Parson Fox's. Willie was then nine years old, was well advanced for his years, and took the most intense interest He was a great favorite with the in the affairs of the army. soldiers, and used to ride with me on horseback in the numerous drills and reviews of the time. He then had the promise of as long a life as any of my children, and displayed more inHe was called a " serterest in the war than any of them. geant" in the regular battalion, learned the manual of arms, and regularly attended the parade and guard-mounting of the Thirteenth, back of my camp. We made frequent visits to Yicksburg, and always stopped with General McPherson, who had a large house, and boarded with a family (Mrs. Edwards's) in which were several interesting young ladies. General Grant occupied another house (Mrs. Lum's) in Yicksburg during that summer, and also had his family with him. The time passed very agreeably, diversified only by little events of not much significance, among which I will recount only one. While we occupied the west bank of the Big Black, the east bank was watched by a rebel cavalry-division, commanded by General Armstrong. He had four brigades, commanded by Generals Whitfield, Stark, Cosby, and Wirt Adams. Quite frequently they communicated with us by flags of truce on trivial matters, and we reciprocated, merely to observe them. One day a flag of truce, borne by a Captain B of Louisville, Kentucky, escorted by about twenty-five men, was reported at Messinger's Ferry, and I sent orders to let them come right into my tent. This brought them through the camps of the Fourth Division, and part of the Second and as they drew up in front of my tent, I invited Captain B and another officer with him (a major from Mobile) to dismount, to enter my tent, and to make
drill.

being midsummer,

,

;

346

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1865-

themselves at home.
orders to furnish

Their escort was sent to join mine, with
letter for

them forage and every thing they wanted.
General Grant In the evening
at Vicks-

B

had brought a sealed

burg, which was dispatched to him.

we had a good supper, with wine and cigars, and, as we sat talking, B spoke of his father and mother, in Louisville, got leave to write them a long letter without its being read by any one, and
then

we

talked about the war.
?

He

said:

"What

is

the use

of your persevering
;

simply impossible to subdue eight millions of people " asserting that " the feeling in the South
It is

had become I answered

so embittered that a reconciliation
that, " sitting as

was impossible."
very

we then

were,

we appeared

comfortable, and surely there was no trouble in our becoming " Yes," said he, " that is very true of us, but we are friends."

gentlemen of education, and can
condition of things
;

easily adapt ourselves to

any
to

but this would not apply equally well to the

common
escort

people, or to the

common

soldiers."

I took

him out

the camp-tires behind the tent, and there were the

men

of his

and mine mingled together, drinking their coffee, and what he thought always seem. I asked B of that, and he admitted that I had the best of the argument. Before I dismissed this flag of truce, his companion consulted me confidentially as to what disposition he ought to make of his family, then in Mobile, and I frankly gave him the best advice

happy

as soldiers

I could.

While we were thus lying
the

idle in

Army

of the Cumberland, under General Bosecrans,

camp on the Big Black, was
;

moving

against

Bragg

at

Chattanooga

and the

Army

of the

Ohio, General Burnside, was marching toward East Tennessee.

General Eosecrans was so confident of success that he somewhat scattered his command, seemingly to surround and capture Bragg in Chattanooga but the latter, reenforced from Yirginia, drew out of Chattanooga, concentrated his army at Lafayette, and at Chickamauga fell on Bosecrans, defeated him, and drove him into Chattanooga. The whole country seemed paralyzed by this unhappy event and the authorities in Washington were thoroughly stampeded. From the East the
;
;

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA ^$D KNCXVILLE.

3i7

Eleventh Corps (Slocum), and the Twelfth Corps (Howard),

were sent by rail to Nashville, and forward under command of General Hooker orders were also sent to General Grant, by Halleck, to send what reinforcements he could spare immediately toward Chattanooga. Bragg had completely driven Rosecrans's army into Chattanooga; the latter was in actual danger of starvation, and the The first railroad to his rear seemed inadequate to his supply. intimation which I got of this disaster was on the 22d of September, by an order from General Grant to dispatch one of my divisions immediately into Vieksburg, to go toward Chattanooga, and I designated the First, General Osterhaus Steele meantime having been appointed to the command of the Department General Osterhaus of Arkansas, and had gone to Little Rock. marched the same day, and on the 23d I was summoned to Vieksburg in person, where General Grant showed me the alarming dispatches from General Halleck, which had been sent from Memphis by General Hurlbut, and said, on further thought, that he would send me and my whole corps. But, inasmuch as one division of McPherson's corps (John E. Smith's) had already started, he instructed me to leave one of my divisions on the Big Black, and to get the other two ready to follow at once. I designated the Second, then commanded by Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, and the Fourth, commanded
;

by Brigadier-General Corse. On the 25th I returned to

my camp

on Big Black, gave

all

the necessary orders for these divisions to move, and for the

Third (Tuttle's) to remain, and went into Vieksburg with mj
family.

The

last of

my

corps designed for this expedition

started from camp on the 27th, reached Vieksburg the 28th, and were embarked on boats provided for them. General

Halleck's dispatches

dwelt upon the fact that General Rose-

crans's routes of supply

were overtaxed, and that we should

move from Memphis

eastward, repairing railroads as

we

pro-

gressed, as far as Athens,

Alabama, whence I was to report to General Rosecrans, at Chattanooga, by letter. 1 took passage for myself and family in the steamer Atlan-

:

348
tic,

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
Captain Henry McDougall.
Willie was missing.

[1863.

When

the boat was ready to

Mrs. Sherman supposed him to have been with me, whereas I supposed he was with her. An offistart,

went up to General McPherson's house and soon returned, with Captain Clift leading him, carrying in his hands a small double-barreled shot-gun and I joked him about carrying away captured property. In a short time we got off. As we all stood on the guards to look at our old camps at Young's Point, I remarked that Willie was not well, and he admitted that he was sick. His mother put him to bed, and consulted Dr. Roler, of the Fifty-fifth Illinois, who found symptoms of typhoid fever. The river was low we made slow progress till above Helena; and, as we approached Memphis, Dr. Roler told me that Willie's life was in danger, and he was extremely anxious to reach Memphis for certain medicines and for consultation. We arrived at Memphis on the 2d of October, carried Willie up to the Gayoso Hotel, and got the most experienced physician there, who acted with Dr. Roler, but he sank rapidly, and died the evening of the 3d of October. The blow was a terrible one to us all, so sudden and so unexpected, that I could not help reproaching myself for having consented to his
cer of the Thirteenth

for him,

;

;

visit in that sickly

region in the summer-time.
Born, in

Of

all

my

chil-

dren, he seemed the most precious.

San Francisco, I had watched with intense interest his development, and he seemed more than any of the children to take an interest in my special profession. Mrs. Sherman, Minnie, Lizzie, and Tom, were with him at the time, and we all, helpless and overwhelmed, saw him die. Being in the very midst of an important military enterprise, I had hardly time to pause and think of my personal loss. We procured a metallic casket, and had a military funeral, the battalion of the Thirteenth United States Regulars acting as escort from the Gayoso Hotel to the steamboat Grey Eagle, which conveyed him and my family up to Cairo, whence they proceeded to our home at Lancaster, Ohio, where he was buried. I here give my letter to Captain C. C.
Smith,

who commanded

the battalion at the time, as exhibiting

our intense feelings

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

349
j

Gayoso House, Memphis, Tennessee, October 4, 1863— Midnight.

\

Captain C. 0. Smith, commanding Battalion Thirteenth United States
Regulars.

My

dear Friend

:

I

cannot sleep to-night

till

I

record an expression of
I realize that

the deep feelings of
battalion, for their
feel for

my

heart to you, and to the officers and soldiers of the

kind behavior to

my

poor

child.

you

all

my

family the attachment of kindred, and I assure you of

full

reciprocity.

my profession and office, I could not and sent for the family to come to me in that fatal climate, The child and in that sickly period of the year, and behold the result that bore my name, and in whose future I reposed with more confidence than I did in my own plan of life, now floats a mere corpse, seeking a grave in a distant land, with a weeping mother, brother, and sisters, clustered about him. For myself, I ask no sympathy. On, on I must go, to meet a
Consistent with a sense of duty to
leave

my

post,

!

soldier's fate, or live to see
flag is

our country rise superior to
all

all factions, till its

adored and respected by ourselves and by

the powers of the earth.

But Willie was, or thought he was, a sergeant in the Thirteenth. I have seen his eye brighten, his heart beat, as he beheld the battalion under arms, and asked me if they were not real soldiers. Child as he was, he had the enthusiasm, the pure love of truth, honor, and love of country, which should animate all soldiers. God only knows why he should die thus young. lie is dead, but will not be forgotten till those who knew him in life have followed him to that
same mysterious end. Please convey to the battalion
all

my

heart-felt thanks,

and assure each and

that if in after-years they call on

me

or mine, and mention that they

were of the Thirteenth Regulars when Willie was a sergeant, they will have a key to the affections of my family that will open all it has that w&
;

will share

with them our

last blanket,

our last crust

W.

T.

Your friend, Sherman, Major- General.
!

we had his body diswhere he is now buried in a beautiful spot, in Calvary Cemetery, by the side of another child, " Charles," who was born at Lancaster, in the summer of 1864, died early, and was buried at Notre Dame, Indiana. His body was transferred at the same time to the same spot. Over Willie's grave is erected a beautiful marble monument, designed and executed by the officers and soldiers of that battalion which claimed him as a sergeant and comrade.
Long
afterward, in the spring of 1867,
to St. Louis,

interred

and brought

;

350

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1863.

During the summer and fall of 1363 Major-General S. A. Hurlbut was in command at Memphis. He supplied me copies of all dispatches from Washington, and all the information he
possessed of the events about Chattanooga.

Two

of these dis-

patches cover

all essential

points

:

Washington City, September

15,

1863

—5

p.

m.

Major- General

S.

A. Huelbut, Memphis:

All the troops that can possibly be spared in

West Tennessee and on the

Mississippi River should be sent without delay to assist General Rosecrans

on the Tennessee River.

Urge Sherman to act with all possible promptness. If you have boats, send them down to bring up his

troops.

Information just received indicates that a part of Lee's army has been sent to reenforce Bragg. H. W. Halleok, General-in-Chief.

Washington, September

19,

1863—4

p.

&.

Major- General

S.

A. Huelbut, Memphis^ Tennessee:
information of the number of troops sent toward
Also,

Give

me

definite

Decatur, and where they are.

what other troops are

to follow, and

when.

Has any thing been heard from the troops ordered from Vicksburg ? No efforts must be spared to support Resecrans's right, and to guard the
crossings of the Tennessee River.

H.

W. Halleok,

General-in-Chief.

My

special orders

were

to repair the

Memphis

&

Charles-

ton Railroad eastward as I progressed, as far as Athens, Ala-

bama, to draw supplies by that route, so that, on reaching Athens, we should not be dependent on the roads back to Nashville, already overtaxed by the demand of Rosecrans' s army. On reaching Memphis, October 2d, I found that Osterhaus's division had already gone by rail as far as Corinth, and that

John E. Smith's

division

was in the

act of starting

by

cars.

The Second Division, then commanded by Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, reached Memphis at the same time with me and the Fourth Division, commanded by Brigadier-General John M. Corse, arrived a day or two after. The railroad was in

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

351
but the road

fair condition as far as Corinth, ninety-six miles,

was badly stocked with locomotives and cars, so that it took until the 9th to get off the Second Division, when I gave or ders for the Fourth Division and wagon-trains to march by the

common

road.

On Sunday

morning, October 11th, with a special train

and clerks, the horses of our staff, the battalion of the Thirteenth United States Kegulars, and a few officers going forward to join their commands, among them Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing, I started for Corinth. At Germantown, eight miles, we passed Corse's division (Fourth) on the march, and about noon the train ran by the depot at Colliersville, twenty-six miles out. I was in the rear
loaded with our orderlies
car with

my

staff,

dozing, but observed the train slacking speed

and stopping about half a mile beyond the depot. I noticed some soldiers running to and fro, got out at the end of the car, and soon Colonel Anthony (Sixty-sixth Indiana), who commanded the post, rode up and said that his pickets had just been driven in, and there was an appearance of an attack by a large force of cavalry coming from the southeast. I ordered the men to get off the train, to form on the knoll near the railroad-cut, and soon observed a rebel officer riding toward us with a white flag. Colonel Anthony and Colonel Dayton (one of my aides) were sent to meet him, and to keep him in conversation as long as possible.

They soon

returned, saying

it

was the adjutant of the rebel general Chalmers, who demanded the surrender of the place. I instructed them to return and
give a negative answer, but to delay

him
I

as

much

as possible,

saw Anthony, Dayton, and the rebel bearer of the flag, in conversation, and the latter turn his horse to ride back, when I ordered Colonel McCoy to run to the station, and get a message over the wires as quick as possible to Memphis and Germantown, to hurry forward
so as to give us time for preparation.

Corse's division.

I then ordered the train to back to the depot,

and drew back the battalion of regulars to the small earth redoubt near it. The depot-building was of brick, and had been punctured with loop-holes. To its east, about two hundred

352
yards,

CIIATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1863.

was a small square earthwork or fort, into which were put a part of the regulars along with the company of the Sixtysixth Indiana already there. The rest of the men were dis-

some shallow rifle-trenches "We had hardly made these preparations when the enemy was seen forming in a long line on the ridge to the south, about four hundred yards off, and soon after two parties of cavalry passed the railroad on both sides of us, cutting the wires and tearing up some rails. Soon they opened on us with artillery (of which we had none), and their men were dismounting and preparing to assault. To the south of us was an extensive cornfield, with the corn still standing, and on the other All the houses near, that side was the town of Colliersville. could give shelter to the enemy, were ordered to be set on fire, and the men were instructed to keep well under cover and to reserve their fire for the assault, which seemed inevitable. A long line of rebel skirmishers came down through the cornfield, and two other parties approached us along the railroad on both sides. In the fort was a small magazine containing some cartridges. Lieutenant James, a fine, gallant fellow, who was ordnance-officer on my staff, asked leave to arm the orderlies and clerks with some muskets which he had found in the depot, to which I consented he marched them into the magazine, issued cartridges, and marched back to the depot to assist in its defense. Afterward he came to me, said a party of the enemy had got into the woods near the depot, and was annoying him, and he wanted to charge and drive it away. I advised him to be extremely cautious, as our enemy vastly outnumbered us, and had every advantage in position and artillery; but instructed him, if they got too near, he might make a sally. Soon after, I heard a rapid fire in that quarter, and Lieutenant James was brought in on a stretcher, with a ball through his breast, which I supThe enemy closed down on us several times, posed to be fatal.
tributed into the railroad-cut, and in

near the depot.

;

1

1

After the fight
their

came from

we sent him back to Memphis, where his mother and home on the North River to nurse him. Young James was
fall

father recov-

ering from his wound, but was afterward killed by a

from his horse, near his
of State.

home, when riding with the daughters of Mr. Hamilton Fish, now Secretary

:

1863.J

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
train,

353

and got possession of the rear of our
succeeded in getting five of our horses,

from which they

among them my favorite
and practised shots (with

mare Dolly

;

but our

men were

cool

great experience acquired at Yicksburg), and drove

them back.
to

With

their artillery they

knocked to pieces our locomotive and
;

several of the cars,

and

set fire to the train

but

we managed

get possession again, and extinguished the
reid,

fire.

Colonel Auden-

aide-de-camp, was provoked to find that his valise of nice

had been used to kindle the fire. The fighting continued round us for three or four hours, when we observed signs of drawing off, which I attributed to the rightful cause, the rapid approach of Corse's division, which arrived about dark, having marched the whole distance from Memphis, twenty-six miles, on the double-quick. The next day we repaired damages railroad and locomotive, and went on to Corinth. to the At Corinth, on the lGth, I received the following important
shirts
all

dispatches
Memphis, October
14,

1863—11

a. m.

Will be off in a few hours. My orders are only and report from there by telegraph. McPherson will be He will remain there until Sunday or Monday next, in Canton to-day. and reconnoitre as far eastward as possible with cavalry, in the mean time. U. S. Grant, Major- General.

Arrived

this

morning.

to go to Cairo,

Washington, October

14,

18G3—1

p. m.

Major- General

W.

T.

Sherman, Corinth:
is

Yours of the 10th
is

received.

The important matter

to be attended to

that of supplies.

When Eastport

can be reached by boats, the use of the

railroad can be dispensed wilh; but until that time
far as used.

it must be guarded as The Kentucky Railroad can barely supply General Rosecrans. All these matters must be left to your judgment as circumstances may arise. Should the enemy be so strong as to prevent your going to Athens, or

connecting with General Rosecrans, you will nevertheless have assisted

him greatly by drawing away a part of the enemy's
II.

forces.

W.

IIalleck, Major- General.

On
I

the lSth, with

my

staff

and a small

escort, I

rode forward

to Bnrnsville,

and on the 19th to Iuka, where, on thejiext day,
arrival at Eastport

was most agreeably surprised to hear of the

354

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

T1863.

(only ten miles off) of two gunboats, under the

command

of

Captain Phelps, which had been sent up the Tennessee River

bj Admiral Porter,
eral Rosecrans,

to help us.

Satisfied that, to reach

Athens and to communicate with Gen-

we

should have to take the route north of the

cross at Eastport

Tennessee River, on the 24th I ordered the Fourth Division to with the aid of the gunboats, and to move to
Florence.

About the same

time, I received the general orders

assigning General Grant to

command

the Military Division of

the Mississippi, authorizing him, on reaching Chattanooga, tc

supersede General Rosecrans by General George H. Thomas, with other and complete authority, as set forth in the following letters of General Halleck, which were sent to me by General

Grant

;

and the same orders devolved on

me

the

command

of

the Department and

Army

of the Tennessee.
Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D. C, October 16, 1863.

)

j

Major- General U.

S.

Grant,

Louisville.

General

:

You

will receive

herewith the orders of the President of the

of the Departments of the Ohio, The organization of these departments will Cumberland, and Tennessee. be changed as you may deem most practicable. You will immediately proceed to Chattanooga, and relieve General Rosecrans. You can communiA summary of cate with Generals Burnside and Sherman by telegraph. the orders sent to these officers will be sent to you immediately. It is left optional with you to supersede General Rosecrans by General G. H. Thomas or not. Any other changes will be made on your request by telegram. One of the first objects requiring your attention is the supply of your armies. Another is the security of the passes in the Georgia mountains, You will consult to shut out the enemy from Tennessee and Kentucky. with General Meigs and Colonel Scott in regard to transportation and supplies.

United States, placing you in

command

Should circumstances permit,
for consultation.

I will visit

you personally

in a

few days

H.

W. Halleck,

General-in-Chief.

Headquarters of the Armt, Washington, D. C, October 20, 1863.

| )

Major- General Grant, Louisville.

General

:

In compliance with

my

promise, I

now

proceed to give you

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

355

a brief statement of the objects aimed at by General Rosecrans and General Burnside's

to

movement into East Tennessee, and of the measures directed be taken to attain these objects. It has been the constant desire of the government, from the beginning
rebels,

of the war, to rescue the loyal inhabitants of East Tennessee from the

hands of the
their hold

who

fully appreciated the

importance of continuing

upon that country. In addition to the large amount of agricultural products drawn from the upper valley of the Tennessee, they also obtained iron and other materials from the vicinity of Chattanooga. The possession of East Tennessee would cut oil" one of their most important railroad communications, and threaten their manufactories at Rome, Atlanta,
etc.

"When General Buell was ordered into East Tennessee in the summer of Chattanooga was comparatively unprotected; but Bragg reached there before Buell, and, by threatening his communications, forced him to Again, after the battle of Perryville, retreat on Nashville and Louisville. General Buell was urged to pursue Bragg's defeated army, and drive it from East Tennessee. The same was urged upon his successor, but the lateness of the season or other causes prevented further operations after the battle
18G2,

of Stone River.

Last spring,

when your movements on

the Mississippi River had

drawn

out of Tennessee a large force of the enemy, I again urged General Rosecrans to take advantage of that opportunity to carry out his projected plan

of campaign, General Burnside being ready to cooperate, with a diminished

but

But he could not be persuaded to act in time, preyour campaign should be terminated. I represented to him, but without avail, that by this delay Johnston might bo able to reenforce Bragg with the troops then operating against you. When General Rosecrans finally determined to advance, he was allowed
still

efficient force.
lie still till

ferring to

to select his
tion.

own lines and plans for carrying He was directed, however, to report

out the objects of the expedihis

movements

daily,

till

crossed the Tennessee, and to connect his
eral Burnside's right.

left,

so far as possible, with

he Gen-

General Burnside was directed to move simultane-

ously, connecting his right, as far as possible, with General Rosecrans's left,

either army, the other could move "When General Burnside reached Kingston and Knoxville, and found no considerable number of the enemy in East Tennessee, he was instructed to move down the river and cooperate with General Rosecrans.
so that, if the
to
its

enemy concentrated upon

assistance.

ried out,

These instructions were repeated some fifteen times, but were not carGeneral Burnside alleging as an excuse that he believed that Bragg was in retreat, and that General Rosecrans needed no reinforcements. When the latter had gained possession of Chattanooga he was directed not to

move on Rome

as he proposed, but simply to hold the

moun-

356

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1863.

tain-passes, so as to prevent the ingress of the rebels into East Tennessee.

That object accomplished, I considered the campaign as ended, at least for the present. Future operations would depend upon the ascertained strength and movements of the enemy. In other words, the main objects of the campaign were the restoration of East Tennessee to the Union, and by holding the two extremities of the valley to secure it from rebel invasion.
I received reliable information of the departure of Longfrom the Army of the Potomac, I ordered forward to General Rosecrans every available man in the Department of the Ohio, and again urged General Burnside to move to his assistance. I also telegraphed to

The moment

street's corps

Generals Hurlbut, Sherman, and yourself, to send forward
troops in your department.
rected
If these

all

available

forces

had been sent to General

Rosecrans by Nashville, they could not have been supplied; I therefore dithem to move by Corinth and the Tennessee River. The necessity of this has been proved by the fact that the reinforcements sent to him from
the

Army of the Potomac

have not been

able, for the

want of

railroad trans-

portation, to reach General Rosecrans's

army

in the field.
it is

In regard to the relative strength of the opposing armies,
that General Rosecrans

believed

Bragg had double, if not treble, his force. General Burnside, also, had more than double the force of Buckner and, even when Bragg and Buckner united, Rosecrans's army was very greatly superior in number. Even the eighteen thousand men sent from Virginia, under Longstreet, would not have given the enemy
first

when he

moved

against

;

the superiority.

It is

now

ascertained that the greater part of the prisoners

Banks at Port Hudson, were and improperly declared exchanged, and forced into the ranks to swell the rebel numbers at Chickamauga. This outrageous act, in violation of the laws of war, of the cartel entered into by the rebel authorities,
parolled by you at Vicksburg, and General
illegally

and of
of the

all

sense of honor, gives us a useful lesson in regard to the character
are contending.

enemy with whom we
meet
in

He

neither regards the rules

of civilized warfare, nor even his most solemn engagements.
therefore, expect to

You may, arms thousands of unexchanged prisoners retill

leased by you and others on parole, not to serve again

duly exchanged.

Although the enemy by this disgraceful means has been able to concentrate in Georgia and Alabama a much larger force than we anticipated, your armies will be abundantly able to defeat him. Your difficulty will not be in the want of men, but in the means of supplying them at this season of the year. A single-track railroad can supply an army of sixty or seventy thousand men, with the usual number of cavalry and artillery but beyond
;

that number, or with a large
great.
I

mounted

force, the difficulty of supply is very

do not know the present condition of the road from Nashville to Deit,

catur, but, if practicable to repair

the use of that triangle will be of

:

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
I

357

great assistance to you.

hope, also, that the recent rise of water in the
will enable

Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers

you to employ water trans-

portation to Nashville, Eastport, or Florence.
If you reoccupy the passes of Lookout Mountain, which should never have been given up, you will be able to use the railroad and river from Bridgeport to Chattanooga. This seems to me a matter of vital importance, and should receive your early attention. I submit this summary in the hope that it will assist you in fully under-

standing the objects of the campaign, and the means of attaining these obProbably the Secretary of War, in his interviews with you at Louisjects.

has gone over the same ground. Whatever measures you may deem proper to adopt under existing circumstances, you will receive all possible assistance from the authorities at Washington. You have never, heretofore, complained that such assistance has not been afforded you in your operations, and I think you will have no cause of complaint in your present campaign. Very respectfully, your obeville,

dient servant,

H. W. IIalleck, General-in-Chief.

who was then ahead with the two and John E. Smith, was temporarily assigned to the command of the Fifteenth Corps. General Hurlbut remained at Memphis in command of the Sixteenth Corps, and General McPherson at Vicksburg with the Seventeenth. These three corps made up the Army of the Tennessee. I was still busy in pushing forward the repairs to the rail road-bridge at Bear Creek, and in patching up the many breaks between it and Tuscumbia, when on the 27th of October, as I sat on the porch of a house, I was approached by a dirty, blackhaired individual with mixed dress and strange demeanor, who inquired for me, and, on being assured that I was in fact the man, he handed me a letter from General Blair at Tuscumbia, and another short one, which was a telegraph-message from General Grant at Chattanooga, addressed to me through General George Crook, commanding at Huntsville, Alabama, to this
General Frank P. Blair,
divisions of Osterhaus
effect

Drop all work on Memphis & Charleston Railroad, cross the Tennessee, and hurry eastward with all possible dispatch toward Bridgeport, till you meet further orders from me. U. S. Gbant.

The bearer of

this

message was Corporal Pike,

who

de-

358

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1863.

Crook had paddled down had the Tennessee sent him in a canoe that he River, over Muscle Shoals, was fired at all the way by guerrillas, but on reaching Tuscumbia he had providentially found it in possession of our troops. He had reported to General Blair, who sent him on to me at Iuka. This Pike proved to be a singular character his manner attracted my notice at once, and I got him a horse, and had him travel with us eastward to about Elkton, whence I sent him back to General Crook at Huntsville but told him, if I could ever do him a personal service, he might apply to me. The next spring when I was in Chattanooga, preparing for the Atlanta campaign, Corporal Pike made his appearance and asked a fulfillment of my promise. I inquired what he wanted, and he said he wanted to do something bold, something that would make him a hero. I explained to him, that we were getting ready to go for Joe Johnston at Dalton, that I expected to be in the neighborhood of Atlanta about the 4th of July, and wanted the bridge across the Savannah River at Augusta, Georgia, to be burnt about that time, to produce alarm and confusion behind the rebel army. I explained to Pike that the chances were three to one that he would be caught and hanged but the greater the danger the greater seemed to be his desire to attempt it. I told him to select a companion, to disguise himself as an East Tennessee refugee, work his way over the mountains into North Carolina, and at the time appointed to float down the Savannah River and burn that bridge. In a few days he had made his preparations and took his departure. The bridge was not burnt, and I supposed that Pike had been caught and hanged. When we reached Columbia, South Carolina, in February, 1865, just as we were leaving the town, in passing near the asylum, I heard my name called, and saw a very dirty fellow followed by a file of men running toward me, and as they got
scribed to me, in his peculiar way, that General
; ;
;

;

near I recognized Pike.

He

called to

me

to identify

him

as

he was then a prisoner under guard, and I instructed the guard to bring him that night to my camp some fifteen miles up the road, which was done. Pike gave me a
one of
;

my men

1S63.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

359
filled a

graphic narrative of his adventures, which would have

he had made two attempts to burn the bridge, and failed and said that at the time of our entering Columbia he was a prisoner in the hands of the rebels, under trial for his life, but in the confusion of their retreat he made his escape and got into our lines, where he was again made a prisoner by our troops because of his looks. Pike got some clothes, cleaned up, and I used him afterward to communicate with "Wilmington, North Carolina. Some time after the war, he was appointed a lieutenant of the Regular Cavalry, and was killed in Oregon, by the accidental discharge of a pistol. Just his death before he wrote me, saying that he was tired of the monotony of garrison-life, and wanted to turn Indian, join the Cheyennes on the Plains, who were then giving us great trouble, and, after he had gained their confidence, he would betray them into our hands. Of course I wrote him that he must try and settle down and become a gentleman as well as an officer, apply himself to his duties, and forget the wild desires of his nature, which were well enough in time of war, but not suited to his new condition as an officer; but, poor fellow! he was killed by an accident, which probably saved him from a slower but

volume

;

told

me how
;

harder

fate.

At Iuka

I issued all the orders to

McPherson and Hurlbut

necessary for the

Department of the Tennessee during

my

absence, and, further, ordered the collection of a force out of

the Sixteenth Corps, of about eight thousand men, to be com-

manded by General G. M. Dodge, with
east as

orders to follow as far

Athens, Tennessee, there to await instructions.
attempts to repair the

We

instantly discontinued all

Charleston

Railroad; and the remaining three divisions of the Fifteenth
aid of the gunboats, a ferry-boat,

Corps marched to Eastport, crossed the Tennessee River by the and a couple of transports which had come up, and hurried eastward. In person I crossed on the 1st of November, and rode for-

ward

to Florence,

where I overtook E wing's

division.

The

other
ac-

divisions followed rapidly.

On

the road to Florence I was
clerks,

companied by

my

staff,

some

and mounted

orderlies.

;

360

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1863

Major Ezra Taylor was chief of artillery, and one of his sons was a clerk at headquarters. The latter seems to have dropped out of the column, and gone to a farm-house near the road. There was no organized force of the rebel army north of the Tennessee River, but the country was full of guerrillas. A party of these pounced down on the farm, caught young Taylor and another of the clerks, and after reaching Florence, Major Taylor heard of the capture of his son, and learned that when last seen he was stripped of his hat and coat, was tied to the tailboard of a wagon, and driven rapidly to the north of the road we had traveled. The major appealed to me to do something for his rescue. I had no cavalry to send in pursuit, but knowing that there was always an understanding between these guerrillas and their friends who staid at home, I sent for three or four of the principal men of Florence (among them a Mr. Foster, who had once been a Senator in Congress), explained to them the capture of young Taylor and his comrade, and demanded their immediate restoration. They, of course, remonstrated, denied all knowledge of the acts of these guerrillas, and claimed to be peaceful citizens of Alabama, residing at home. T insisted that these guerrillas were their own sons and neighbors that they knew their haunts, and could reach them if they wanted, and they could effect the restoration to us of these men and I said, moreover, they must do it within twenty-four hours, or I would take them, strip them of their hats and coats, and tie them to the* tail-boards of our wagons till they were produced. They sent off messengers at once, and young Taylor and his comrade were brought back the next day. Resuming our march eastward by the large road, we soon reached Elk River, which was wide and deep, and could only be crossed by a ferry, a process entirely too slow for the occasion so I changed the route more by the north, to Elkton, Winchester, and Deckerd. At this point we came in communication with the Army of the Cumberland, and by telegraph with General Grant, who was at Chattanooga. He reiterated his orders for me and my command to hurry forward with all possible dispatch, and
;

in person I reached Bridgeport

during the night of November

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXHLLE.

361

13 tli,

my

troops following behind

by

several roads.

At

Bridge-

port I found a garrison guarding the railroad-bridge and pon-

toon-bridge there, and staid with the quartermaster, Colonel William G. Le Due (who was my school-mate at How's School in 183G). There I received a dispatch from General Grant, at

Chattanooga, to come up in person, leaving
as fast as possible.

my

troops to follow

At

that time there

were two or three small

steamboats on the river, engaged in carrying stores up as far as
Kelly's Ferry.

In one of these I took passage, and on reaching

Kelly's Ferry found orderlies, with one of General Grant's pri-

vate horses, waiting for me, on which 1 rode into Chattanooga,

November

Of course, I was heartily welcomed by GenThomas, and all, who realized the extraordinary efforts we had made to come to their relief. The next morning we walked out to Fort Wood, a prominent salient of the defenses of the place, and from its parapet we had a magnificent view of the panorama. Lookout Mountain, with its rebel flags and batteries, stood out boldly, and an occasional shot fired toward Wauhatchee or Moccasin Point gave life to the scene. These shots could barely reach Chattanooga, and I was told that one or more shot had struck a hospital inside the lines. All along Missionary Eidge were the tents of the rebel beleaguering force; the lines of trench from Lookout up toward the Chickamauga were plainly visible and rebel sentinels, in a continuous chain, were walking their posts in plain
14th.
erals Grant,
;

view, not a thousand yards

off.

"

Why,"

said
is

I,

" General

Grant, you are besieged ; " and he said, " It
to that

too true."

Up

had no idea that things were so bad. The rebel lines actually extended from the river, below the town, to the river above, and the Army of the Cumberland was closely held to the town and its immediate defenses. General Grant pointed out to me a house on Missionary Ridge, where General Bragg's headquarters were known to be. He also explained the situation of affairs generally that the mules and horses of Thomas's army were so starved that they could not haul his guns that forage, corn, and provisions, were so scarce that the men in hunger stole the few grains of corn that were given to
I
;

moment

;

362

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXYILLE.
;

[1863

favorite horses

that the

men

of Thomas's

army had been

so

demoralized by the battle of Chickamauga that he feared they
could not be got out of their trenches to assume the offensive
that
;

Bragg had detached Longstreet with a considerable force up into East Tennessee, to defeat and capture Burnside that and that he (Grant) was exBurnside was in danger, etc. tremely anxious to attack Bragg in position, to defeat him, or The Army of the at least to force him to recall Longstreet. Cumberland had so long been in the trenches that he wanted
; ;

my troops to hurry up, to take the offensive first ; after which, he had no doubt the Cumberland army would fight well. Meantime the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, under General Hooker, had been advanced from Bridgeport along the railroad to "VVauhatchee, but could not as yet pass Lookout Mountain. pontoon-bridge had been thrown across the Tennessee River at Brown's Ferry, by which supplies were hauled into Chattanooga

A

from Kelly's and AVauhatchee. Another bridge was in course of construction at Chattanooga, under the immediate direction of Quartermaster-General Meigs, but at the time all wagons, etc., had to be ferried across by a flyMen were busy and hard at work everywhere ining-bridge. side our lines, and boats for another pontoon-bridge were being rapidly constructed under Brigadier-General W. F. Smith, familiarly known as " Baldy Smith," and this bridge was destined to be used by my troops, at a point of the river about four miles above Chattanooga, just below the mouth of the Chickamauga River. General Grant explained to me that he had reconnoitred the rebel line from Lookout Mountain up to Chickamauga, and he believed that the northern portion of Missionary Ridge was not fortified at all and he wanted me, as soon as my troops got up, to lay the new pontoon-bridge by night, cross over, and attack Bragg's right flank on that part of the ridge abutting on Chickamauga Creek, near the tunnel and he proposed that we should go at once to look at the ground. In company with Generals Thomas, TV. F. Smith, Brannan, and others, we crossed by the flyingbridge, rode back of the hills some four miles, left our horses, and got on a hill overlooking the whole ground about the
;

;

1863.J

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
of the Cliickamauga River,

363

moutn

Hills near the tunnel.

and across to the Missionary Smith and I crept down behind a fringe

of trees that lined the river-bank, to the very point selected for
bridge, where we sat for some time, seeing the rebel on the opposite bank, and almost hearing their words. Having seen enough, we returned to Chattanooga; and in order to hurry up my command, on which so much depended, I started back to Kelly's in hopes to catch the steamboat that same evening but on my arrival the boat had gone. I applied to the commanding officer, got a rough boat manned by four soldiers, and started down the river by night. I occasionally took a turn at the oars to relieve some tired man, and about midnight we reached Shell Mound, where General Whittaker, of Kentucky, furnished us a new and good crew, with which we reached Bridgeport by daylight. I started Ewing's division in advance, with orders to turn aside toward Trenton, to make the enemy believe we were going to turn Bragg s left by pretty much the same road Bosecrans had followed; but with the other three divisions I followed the main road, via the Big Trestle at Whitesides, and reached General Hooker's headquarters, just above "Wauhatchee, on the 20th my troops strung all the way back to Bridgeport. It was on this occasion that the Fifteenth Corps gained its peculiar badge as the men were trudging along the deeply-cut, muddy road, of a cold, drizzly day, one of our Western soldiers left his ranks and joined a party of the Twelfth Corps at their camp-fire. They got into conversation, the Twelfth- Corps men asking what troops we were, etc. r etc. In turn, our fellow (who had never seen a corps-badge, and noticed that every thing was marked with a star) asked if they were aft brigadier-generals. Of course they were not, but the star was their corps-badge, and every wagon, tent, hat, etc., had its star. Then the Twelfth-Corps men inquired what corps he belonged " What is your to, and he answered, " The Fifteenth Corps." badge ? " " Why," said he (and he was an Irishman), suiting the action to the word, "forty rounds in the cartridge-box, and twenty in the pocket " At that time Blair commanded

the

new

pickets

;

5

;

:

!

the corps;

but Logan succeeded soon

after, and,

hearing the

364
story,

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1863.

adopted the cartridge-box and forty rounds as the corpscondition of
frail,

badge.

The
of

Brown's so

that

it

the roads was such, and the bridge at was not until the 23d that we got three

my divisions behind the hills near the point indicated above Chattanooga for crossing the river. It was determined to beby
a division of

gin the battle with these three divisions, aided

Thomas's army, commanded by General
already near that point.

Jeff. C.

Davis, that was

All the details of the battle of Chatta

nooga, so far as I was a witness, are so fully given in
cial

my
It

offi-

report herewith, that I need add nothing to
its

it.

was

a

magnificent battle in
glorious results
;

conception, in

its

execution, and in

its

hastened somewhat by the supposed danger of

Burnside, at Knoxville, yet so completely successful, that nothis left for cavil or fault-finding. The first day was lowering and overcast, favoring us greatly, because we wanted to be concealed from Bragg, whose position on the mountain-tops completely overlooked us and our movements. The second day was beautifully clear, and many a time, in the midst of its carnage and noise, I could not help stopping to look across that vast field of battle, to admire its sublimity. The object of General Hooker's and my attacks on the extreme flanks of Bragg's position was, to disturb him to such an extent, that he would naturally detach from his centre as against us, so that Thomas's army could break through his centre. The whole plan succeeded admirably but it was not until after dark that I learned the complete success at the centre, and received

ing

;

(general Grant's orders to pursue on the north side of Chicka-

mauga Creek
Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, Chattanooga, Tennessee, November 25, 1S03.
) \

Major- General Sherman.

General: No doubt you witnessed the handsome manner in which Thomas's troops carried Missionary Ridge this afternoon, and can feel a just pride, too, in the part taken by the forces under your command in taking first so much of the same range of hills, and then in attracting the attention of so many of the enemy as to make Thomas's part certain of success. The next thins now will be to relieve Burnside. I have heard from him to the

,

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

3G5

evening of the 23d. At that time he had from ten to twelve days' supplies, and spoke hopefully of being able to hold out that length of time. My plan is to move your forces out gradually until they reach the railroad between Cleveland and Dalton. Granger will move up the south side of the Tennessee with a column of twenty thousand men, taking no wagons, or but few, with him. His men will carry four days' rations, and the steamer Chattanooga, loaded with rations, will accompany the expedition.
I take it for

the

first

thing

is

granted that Bragg's entire force has left. If not, of course, If he has gone, the only thing necesto dispose of him.

sary to do to-morrow will be to send out a reconnoissance to ascertain the

whereabouts of the enemy.

Yours

truly,

U.
p. s.

S.

Geant, Major- General.
all

— On

reflection, I think

we

will push

Bragg with

our strength

to-morrow, and try if we cannot cut off a good portion of his rear troops and trains. His men have manifested a strong disposition to desert for

some time past, and we will now give them a chance. I will Thomas accordingly. Move the advance force early, on the most TJ. road taken by the enemy.

instruct
easterly
S.

G.

This compelled

me

to reverse

our column, so as to use the

its mouth. The next day Chickamauga Station, and again near Graysville. There we came in contact with Hooker's and Palmer's troops, who had reached Ringgold. There I detached Howard to cross Taylor's Ridge, and strike the railroad which comes from the north by Cleveland to Dalton. Hooker's troops were roughly handled at Ringgold, and the pursuit was checked. Receiving a note from General Hooker, asking help, I rode forward to Ringgold to explain the movement of Howard where I met General Grant, and learned that the rebels had again re-

bridge across the Chickamauga at
struck the rebel rear at

we

;

He gave orders to discontinue the purhe meant to turn his attention to General Burnside, supposed to be in great danger at Knoxville, about one hundred and thirty miles northeast. General Grant returned and spent part of the night with me, at Graysville. We talked over matters generally, and he explained that he had ordered General Gordon Granger, with the Fourth Corps, to move forward rapidly to Burnside's help, and that he must return to Chattanooga to push him. By reason of the scarcity of food, especially of
treated toward Dalton.
suit, as

$66
forage,

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
he consented
;

[18G3.

that, instead of

going back, I might keep

up some forage and food, especially on the Hiawassee River, whereas none remained in Chattanooga. Accordingly, on the 29th of November, my several columns marched to Cleveland, and the next day we reached the Hiawassee at Charleston, where the Chattanooga & Knoxville Railroad crosses it. The railroad-bridge was partially damaged by the enemy in retreating, but we found some abandoned stores. There and thereabouts I expected some rest for my weary troops and horses but, as I rode into town, I met Colonel J. H. Wilson and C. A. Dana (Assistant Secretary of War), who had ridden out from Chattanooga to find me, with the following letter from General Grant, and copies of several dispatches from General Burnside, the last which had been received from him by way of Cumberland Gap
out in the country
for in motion I could pick
; :

Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, Chattanooga, Tennessee, November 29, 1863.

)

J

Major- General

W.
was

T.

Sherman

:

News

are received from Knoxville to the morning of the 27th.
still

At

that

time the place
the

invested, but the attack on

it

was not

vigorous.

Granger is on have lost all faith in his energy or capacity to manage an expedition of the importance of this one. I am inclined to think, therefore, I shall have to send you. Push as rapidly as you can to the Hiawassee, and determine for yourself what force to take with you from
Longstreet evidently determined to starve the garrison out.

way

to Burnside's relief, but I

Granger has his corps with him, from which you will select with the force now with you. In plain words, you will assume command of all the forces now moving up the Tennessee, including the garrison at Kingston, and from that force organize what you deem proper to relieve Burnside. The balance send back to Chattanooga. Granger has a boat loaded with provisions, which you can issue, and return the boat. Use, of course, as sparI will have another loaded, to follow you. ingly as possible from the rations taken with you, and subsist off the country all you can. It is expected that Foster is moving, by this time, from Cumberland Gap on Knoxville. I do not know what force he will have with him, but presume it will range from three thousand five hundred to five thousand I leave this matter to you, knowing that you will do better acting upon
that point.
in conjunction

1868.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

3^7

your discretion than you could trammeled with instructions. I will only add, that the last advices from Burnside himself indicated his ability to hold
out with rations only to about the 3d of December.

Very

respectfully,

U. S. Geant, Major- General commanding.

that, on the 27th of November, General Burnwas in Knoxville, closely besieged by the rebel General Longstreet that his provisions were short, and that, unless relieved by December 3d, he might have to surrender. General Grant further wrote that General Granger, instead of moving with great rapidity as ordered, seemed to move " slowly, and with reluctance;" and, although he (General Grant) hated to call on me and on my tired troops, there was no alternative. He wanted me to take command of every thing within reach, and to hurry forward to Knoxville. All the details of our march to Knoxville are also given in

This showed

side

;

official report. By extraordinary efforts Long's small brigade of cavalry reached Knoxville during the night of the 3d, purposely to let Burnside know that I was rapidly approaching with an adequate force to raise the siege. "With the head of my infantry column I reached JVTarysville,

my

about fifteen miles short of Knoxville, on the 5th of DecemI received official notice from Burnside that Longhad raised the siege, and had started in retreat up the valley toward Virginia. Halting all the army, except Granger's two divisions, on the morning of the 6th, with General Granger and some of my staff I rode into Knoxville. Approaching from the south and west, we crossed the Holston on a pontoonbridge, and in a large pen on the Knoxville side I saw a fine lot of cattle, which did not look much like starvation. I found General Burnside and staff domiciled in a large, fine mansion, looking very comfortable, and in a few words he described to me the leading events of the previous few days, and said he had already given orders looking to the pursuit of Longstreet. I offered to join in the pursuit, though in fact my men were worn out, and suffering in that cold season and climate.
ber,
street

when

3GS

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1863.

way up I personally was almost frozen, and had beg leave to sleep in the house of a family at Athens. Burnside explained to me that, reenforced by Granger's two divisions of ten thousand men, he would be able to push Longstreet out of East Tennessee, and he hoped to capture much of his artillery and trains. Granger was present at our conversation, and most unreasonably, I thought, remonstrated against being left complaining bitterly of what he thought was hard treatment to his men and himself. I know that his language and manner at that time produced on my mind a bad impression, and it was one of the causes which led me to relieve him as a corps commander in the campaign of the next spring. I asked General Burnside to reduce his wishes to writing, which he did in the Genletter of December 7th, embodied in my official report. eral Burnside and I then walked along his lines and examined the salient, known as Fort Sanders, where, some days before, Longstreet had made his assault, and had sustained a bloody
Indeed, on our
to
;

repulse.

Returning to Burn side's quarters, we all sat down to a good There was a regular diningtable-cloth, dishes, with clean knives, forks, spoons, etc., table, this kind nothing of in my field experience, I had seen etc. that I thought "they were starvand could not help exclaiming ing," etc. but Burnside explained that Longstreet had at no time completely invested the place, and that he had kept open communication with the country on the south side of the river Holston, more especially with the French Broad settlements, from whose Union inhabitants he had received a good supply of Had I known of this, I should not beef, bacon, and corn-meal. have hurried my men so fast but until I reached Knoxville I thought our troops there were actually in danger of starvation. Llaving supplied General Burnside all the help he wanted, we began our leisurely return to Chattanooga, which we reached on the lGth when General Grant in person ordered me to restore to General Thomas the divisions of Howard and Davis, which
dinner, embracing roast-turkey.
; ;
;

belonged
teenth) to

to his

army, and to conduct my own corps North Alabama for winter-quarters.

(the Fif-

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

369
)

Headquarters Department and Army of the Tennessee, Bridgeport, Alabama, December 19, 1863.
Briaadier- General

)

John A. Rawlins, Chief of
first

Staff to

General Grant,

Chattanooga.

General

:

For the

time, I

am now

at leisure to

make an

official

record of events with which the troops under

my command

have been con-

nected during the eventful campaign which has just closed.

During the month of September last, the Fifteenth Army Corps, which had the honor to command, lay in camps along the Big Black, about twenty miles east of Vicksburg, Mississippi. It consisted of four divisions. The First, commanded by Brigadier-General P. J. Osterhaus, was composed of two brigades, led by Brigadier-General C. E. Woods and Colonel J. A. Williamson (of the Fourth Iowa). The Second, commanded by Brigadier-General Morgan L. Smith, was composed of two brigades, led by Brigadier-Generals Giles A. Smith and J. A. J. Lightburn. The Third, commanded by Brigadier-General J. M. Tuttle, was composed of three brigades, led by Brigadier-Generals J. A. Mower and R. P. Buckland, and Colonel J. J. Wood (of the Twelfth Iowa). The Fourth, commanded by Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing, was composed of three brigades, led by Brigadier-General J. M. Corse, Colonel Loomis (Twenty-sixth Illinois), and Colonel J. R. Cockerill (of the SevenI
tieth Ohio).

On

the 22d day of September I received a telegraphic dispatch from

General Grant, then at Vicksburg, commanding the Department of the Tennessee, requiring me to detach one of my divisions to march to Vicksburg, there to

embark

for

Memphis, where
p.

it

was
it

to

form a part of an army
I

to be sent to Chattanooga, to reenforce General Rosecrans.

designated

the First Division, and at 4

m. the

same day

marched

for

Vicksburg,

and embarked the next day. On the 23d of September I was summoned to Vicksburg by the general commanding, who showed me several dispatches from the general-in-chief, which led him to suppose he would have to send me and my whole corps to Memphis and eastward, and I was instructed to prepare for such orders. It was explained to me that, in consequence of the low stage of water in the Mississippi, boats had arrived irregularly, and had brought dispatches that seemed to conflict in their meaning, and that General John E. Smith's division (of General McPherson's corps) had been ordered up to Memphis, and that I should take that division and leave one of my own in its stead, to hold the line of the Big Black. I detailed my third division (General Tuttle) to remain and report to Major-General McPherson, commanding the Seventeenth Corps, at Vicksburg and that of General John E. Smith, already started for Memphis, was styled the Third Division, Fifteenth Corps, though
;

370
it still

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
belongs to the Seventeenth
(of the Fifty-sixth Illinois),

[1863.

Army

Corps.

This division

is

also

com-

posed of three brigades,

commanded by General
and Colonel
J. I.

Matthias, Colonel J. B.

Raum

Alexander (of the Fifty-

ninth Indiana).

The Second and Fourth Divisions were started for Vicksburg the moment I was notified that boats were in readiness, and on the 27th of September I embarked in person in the steamer Atlantic, for Memphis, followed by a fleet of boats conveying these two divisions. Our progress was slow, on account of the unprecedentedly low water in the Mississippi, and the scarcity of coal and wood. We were compelled at places to gather fence-rails, and to land wagons and haul wood from the interior to the boats; but I reached Memphis during the night of the 2d of October, and the other boats came in on the 3d and 4th. On arrival at Memphis I saw General Hurlbut, and read all the dispatches and letters of instruction of General Ilalleck, and therein derived

my

instructions,

which

I construed to

be as follows:
all

To conduct

the Fifteenth

Army

Corps, and

other troops which could

be spared from the line of the Memphis & Charleston Eailroad, to Athens, Alabama, and thence report by letter for orders to General Rosecrans, com-

manding the Army of the Cumberland,
tially the railroad

at Chattanooga; to follow substanas I

eastward, repairing

it

moved

;

to look to

my own

line

and in no event to depend on General Rosecrans for supplies, as the roads to his rear were already overtaxed to supply his present army. I learned from General Hurlbut that General ©sterhaus's division was already out in front of Corinth, and that General John E. Smith was still
for supplies;

and material by railroad as fast as its limited J. D. Webster was superintendent of the railroad, and w as enjoined to work night and day, and to expedite the movement as rapidly as possible; but the capacity of the road was so small, that I soon saw that I could move horses, mules, and wagons faster by land, and therefore I dispatched the artillery and wagons by the road under escort, and finally moved the entire Fourth Division by land. The enemy seems to have had early notice of this movement, and he endeavored to thwart us from the start. A considerable force assembled in and General a threatening attitude at Salem, south of Salisbury Station Carr, who commanded at Corinth, felt compelled to turn back and use a part of my troops, that had already reached Corinth, to resist the threatat

Memphis, moving
r

his troops

stock would carry them.

General

;

ened attack.

On

Sunday, October 11th, having put in motion

my

whole

force, I

started myself for Corinth, in a special train, with the battalion of the Thir-

teenth United States Regulars as escort.

We

reached Collierville Station

about noon, just

in

time to take part in the defense made of that station by

Colonel D. C. Anthony, of the Sixty-sixth Indiana, against an attack

made

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

371

by General Chalmers with a force of about three thousand cavalry, with He was beaten off, the damage to the road repaired, and wo resumed our journey the next day, reaching Corinth at
eight pieces of artillery.
night.
I

Division, and, as fast as I got troops up,

immediately ordered General Blair forward to Iuka, with the First pushed them forward of Bear

was completely destroyed, and an engineer regiwas engaged in its repairs. Quite a considerable force of the enemy was assembled in our front, near Tuscumbia, to resist our advance. It was commanded by General Stephen D. Lee, and composed of Roddy's and Ferguson's brigades, with
Creek, the bridge of which

ment, under

command

of Colonel Flad,

irregular cavalry,

amounting

in the aggregate to about five thousand.

In person I

moved from Corinth

to Burnsville on the 18th, and to Iuka

on the 19th of October.
Osterhaus's division was in the advance, constantly skirmishing with

was supported by General Morgan L. Smith's, both diviunder the general command of Major-General Blair. General John £. Smith's division covered the working-party engaged in rebuilding the
the enemy; he
sions

railroad.

Foreseeing difficulty in crossing the Tennessee River, I had written to Admiral Porter, at Cairo, asking him to watch the Tennessee and send up some gunboats the moment the stage of water admitted and had also requested General Allen, quartermaster at St. Louis, to dispatch to Eastport a steam ferry-boat. The admiral, ever prompt and ready to assist us, had two fine gunboats at Eastport, under Captain Phelps, the very day after my arrival at Iuka; and Captain Phelps had a coal-barge decked over, with which to cross our horses and wagons before the arrival of the ferry-boat. Still following literally the instructions of General Halleck, I pushed forward the repairs of the railroad, and ordered General Blair, with the two This he did sucleading divisions, to drive the enemy beyond Tuscumbia. cessfully, after a pretty severe fight at Cane Creek, occupying Tuscumbia on the 27th of October. In the moan time many important changes in command had occurred, which I must note here, to a proper understanding of the case. General Grant had been called from Vicksburg, and sent to Chattanooga to command the military division of the Mississippi, composed of the three Departments of the Ohio, Cumberland, and Tennessee and the Department of the Tennessee had been devolved on me, with instructions, however, to retain command of the army in the field. At Iuka I made what appeared to me the best disposition of matters relating to the depart;

;

ment, giving General McPherson

full

powers in Mississippi and General

Hurlbut in West Tennessee, and assigned General Blair to the

command

of

372
the Fifteenth

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
;

[1863.

Army Corps and summoned General Hurjbut from Memphis, and General Dodge from Corinth, and selected out of the Sixteenth Corps a force of about eight thousand men, which I directed General Dodge to organize with all expedition, and with it to follow me eastward. On the 27th of October, when General Blair, with two divisions, was at Tuscumbia, I ordered General Ewing, with the Fourth Division, to cross the Tennessee (by means of the gunboats and scow) as rapidly as possible at Eastport, and push forward to Florence, which he did and the same day a messenger from General Grant floated down the Tennessee over Muscle Shoals, landed at Tuscumbia, and was sent to me at Iuka. He bore a short message from the general to this effect " Drop all work on the railroad east of Bear Creek push your command toward Bridgeport till you meet orInstantly the order was executed the order of march was ders " etc. reversed, and all the columns were directed to Eastport, the only place where we could cross the Tennessee. At first we only had the gunboats and coal-barge; but the ferry-boat and two transports arrived on the 31st of October, and the work of crossing was pushed with all the vigor possible. In person I crossed, and passed to the head of the column at Florence on the 1st of November, leaving the rear divisions to be conducted by General This was found impasBlair, and marched to Rogersville and Elk River. To ferry would have consumed too much time, and to build a bridge sable. still more so there was no alternative but to turn up Elk River by way of Gilbertsboro, Elkton, etc., to the stone bridge at Fayetteville, where we crossed the Elk, and proceeded to Winchester and Deckerd. At Fayetteville I received orders from General Grant to come to Bridgeport with the Fifteenth Army Corps, and to leave General Dodge's command at Pulaski, and along the railroad from Columbia to Decatur. I instructed General Blair to follow with the Second and First Divisions by way of New Market, Larkinsville, and Bellefonte, while I conducted the other two divisions by way of Deckerd the Fourth Division crossing the mountain to Stevenson, and the Third by University Place and Swedon's Cove. In person I proceeded by Swedon's Cove and Battle Creek, reaching Bridgeport on the night of November 13th. I immediately telegraphed to the commanding general my arrival, and the positions of my several diI took the first steamboat visions, and was summoned to Chattanooga. during the night of the 14th for Kelly's Ferry, and rode into Chattanooga on the 15th. I then learned the part assigned me in the coming drama, was supplied with the necessary maps and information, and rode, during the 16th, in company with Generals Grant, Thomas, W. F. Smith, Brannan, and others, to the positions occupied on the west bank of the Tennessee, from which could be seen the camps of the enemy, compassing Chattanooga and the line of Missionary Hills, with its terminus on Chickamauga Creek, the point that I was expected to take, hold, and fortify. Pontoons, with a full
; : ;
;

;

;

;

;

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
and

373

supply of balks and chesses, had been prepared for the bridge over the Tennessee,
all

things had been prearranged with a foresight that elicited

From the hills we looked down on the amphitheatre of Chattanooga as on a map, and nothing remained but for me to put my troops The plan contemplated that, in addition to crossing in the desired position. the Tennessee River and making a lodgment on the terminus of Missionary Ridge, I should demonstrate against Lookout Mountain, near Trenton, with
admiration.
a part of

my

my command.
felt for

All in Chattanooga were impatient for action, rendered almost acute by

the natural apprehensions

the safety of General Burnside in East

Tennessee.

had marched from Memphis, three hundred and thirty had pushed them as fast as the roads and distance would admit, but I saw enough of the condition of men and animals in Chattanooga I immediately ordered my leading to inspire me with renewed energy. division (General Ewing's) to march ma Shellmound to Trenton, demonstrating against Lookout Ridge, but to be prepared to turn quickly and follow me to Chattanooga and in person I returned to Bridgeport, rowing a boat down the Tennessee from Kelly's Ferry, and immediately on arrival put in motion my divisions in the order in which they had arrived. The bridge of boats at Bridgeport was frail, and, though used day and night, our passage was slow and the road thence to Chattanooga was dreadfully cut up and encumbered with the wagons of the other troops stationed along the
miles,

My command
and
I

;

road.

I

reached General Hooker's headquarters during a rain, in the afterfor the general attack

noon of the 20th, and met General Grant's orders
the next day.
It

on

was simply impossible for me to fulfill my part in time only one division (General John E. Smith's) was in position. General Ewing was still at Trenton, and the other two were toiling along the terrible road from Shellmound to Chattanooga. No troops ever were or could be
in better condition

than mine, or

who

labored harder to

fulfill

their part.

On

a proper representation, General Grant postponed the attack.

On

the

Second Division over Brown's-Ferry Bridge, and General Ewing got up but the bridge broke repeatedly, and delays occurred which no human sagacity could prevent. All labored night and day, and General Ewing got over on the 23d but my rear division was cut off by the broken bridge at Brown's Ferry, and could not join me. I offered to go into action with my three divisions, supported by General Jeff. C. Davis, leaving one of my best divisions (Osterhaus's) to act with General Hooker against Lookout Mountain. That division has not joined me yet, but I know and feel that it has served the country well, and that it has reflected honor on the Fifteenth Army Corps and the Army of the Tennessee. I leave the record of its history to General Hooker, or whomsoever has had its services during the late memorable events, confident that all will do it merited honor.
21st I got the
;
;

374
At
last,

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
on the 23d of November,

1.1863

my

three divisions lay behind the hills

mouth of the Chickamauga. I dispatched the brigade of the Second Division, commanded by General Giles A. Smith, under cover of the hills, to North Chickamauga Creek, to man the boats designed for the
opposite the

pontoon-bridge, with orders (at midnight) to drop

down

silently to a point

above the mouth of the South Chickamauga, there land two regiments, who were to move along the river-bank quietly, and capture the enemy's riverpickets.

General Giles A. Smith then was to drop rapidly below the mouth of
the Chickamauga, disembark the rest of his brigade, and dispatch the boats
across for fresh loads.

These orders were

skillfully executed,

and every rebel

Morgan L. Smith's division was then rapidly ferried across that of General John E. Smith followed, and by daylight of November 24th two divisions of about eight thousand men were on the east bank of the Tennessee, and had thrown up a very respectable rifle-trench as a tete du pont. As soon as the day dawned, some of the boats were taken from the use of ferrying, and a pontoon-bridge was begun, under the immediate direction of Captain Dresser, the whole planned and supervised by General William F. Smith in person. A pontoon-bridge was also built at the same time over Chickamauga Creek, near its mouth, giving communication with the two regiments which had been left on the north side, and fulfilling a most important
picket but one
of General
;

was captured.

The balance

purpose at a later stage of the drama.

1 will

here bear

my

willing testi-

mony

to the completeness" of this

whole business.

All the officers charged

too highly.

with the work were present, and manifested a skill which I cannot praise and I I have never beheld any work done so quietly, so well
;

doubt if the history of war can show a bridge of that extent (viz., thirteen hundred and fifty feet) laid so noiselessly and well, in so short a time. I attribute it to the genius and intelligence of General William F. Smith. The steamer Dunbar arrived up in the course of the morning, and relieved Ewing's division of the labor of rowing across; but by noon the pontoonbridge was done, and my three divisions were across, with men, horses, artillery, and every thing. General Jeff. C. Davis's division was ready to take the bridge, and I ordered the columns to form in order to carry the Missionary Hills. The movement had been carefully explained to all division commanders, and at 1 p. m. we marched from the river in three columns in echelon the left,
:

General Morgan L. Smith, the column of direction, following substantially Chickamauga Creek; the centre, General John E. Smith, in columns, doubled on the centre, at one brigade interval to the right and rear the
;

right,

General

E wing,

in

column

at the

same distance

to the right rear,

prepared to deploy to the right, on the supposition that

we would meet

an

enemy

in that direction.

Each head of column was covered by

a good line

1863.]

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

375
and the
of obser-

of skirmishers, with supports.

A

light drizzling rain prevailed,

clouds hung low, cloaking our
vation on Lookout Mountain.

movement from the enemy's tower

We

soon gained the

foot-hills;

our skirof each

mishers crept up the face of the
3.30
p.

hills,

followed by their supports, and at

m.

we had

gained, with no

loss,

the desired point.
hill,

A brigade

and the enemy for the first time seemed to realize the movement, but too late, for we were in possession. He opened with artillery, but General Ewing soon got some of Captain Richardson's guns up that steep hill and gave back artillery, and the enemy's skirmishers made one or two ineffectual dashes at General Lightburn, who had swept round and got a farther hill, which was the real continuation of the ridge. From studying all the maps, I had inferred that Missionary Ridge was a continuous hill; but we found ourselves on two high points, with a deep depression between us and the one immediately over the tunnel, which was my chief objective point. The ground we had gained, however, was so important, that I could leave nothing to chance, One brigade of each and ordered it to be fortified during the night. division was left on the hill, one of General Morgan L. Smith's closed the gap .to Chickamauga Creek, two of General John E. Smith's were drawn back to the base in reserve, and General E wing's right was extended down
division

was pushed rapidly

to the top of the

into the plain, thus crossing the ridge in a general line, facing southeast.

The enemy felt our left flank about 4 p. m., and a pretty smart engagement with artillery and muskets ensued, when he drew off but it cost us dear, for General Giles A. Smith was severely wounded, and had to go to the rear and the command of the brigade devolved on Colonel Tupper (One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois), who managed it with skill during the rest of the operations. At the moment of my crossing the bridge, General Howard appeared, having come with three regiments from Chattanooga, along the east bank of the Tennessee, connecting my new position with that of the main army in Chattanooga. He left the three regiments attached temporarily to General Ewing's right, and returned to his own corps at
;

;

Chattanooga.
mediate.

As

night closed

in, I

one of his brigades

at the bridge,

ordered General Jeff. C. Davis to keep one close up to my position, and one inter-

heavy details being kept busy at work During the night the sky cleared away bright, a cold frost filled the air, and our camp-fires revealed to the enemy and to our friends in Chattanooga our position on Missionary Ridge. About midnight I received, at the hands of Major Rowley (of General Grant's staff), orders to attack the enemy at "dawn of day," with notice that General Thomas would attack in force early in the day. Accordingly, before day I was in the saddle, attended by all my staff; rode to the extreme left of our position near Chickamauga Creek thence up the hill, held by General Lightburn and round to the extreme right of General Ewing.
night,

Thus we passed the

on the intrenchments on the

hill.

;

;

;

376

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1868.

morning,

Catching as accurate an idea of the ground as possible by the dim light of I saw that our line of attack was in the direction of Missionary
Quite a valley lay between

Ridge, with wings supporting on either flank.

us and the next hill of the series, and this hill presented steep sides, the one to the west partially cleared, but the other covered with the native forest
crest of the ridge was narrow and wooded. The farther point of this was held by the enemy with a breastwork of logs and fresh earth, filled with men and two guns. The enemy was also seen in great force on a still higher hill beyond the tunnel, from which he had