Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 101 2010:101-118

Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality*

Choi, Sung-Ho (Chungbuk National University, Korea)

1. Introduction
Nouns in inflecting languages (including Slavic languages) show a variety of desinence allomorphy, which has been described in terms of "inflection class" (declension class). For example, Russian nouns inflect for case and number, whose features are realized as cumulative morphs;
STOL

'table', stol-om 'table-Ins.Sg', where the features of 'Instrumental' and 'Singular'

are realized as -om. However, -om is not the only morph expressing 'Ins' and 'Sg'; they are also expressed by -oj (e.g., knig-oj) and -ju.(e.g., kost'-ju) Traditional grammars of Russian handles this kind of desinence allomorphy by setting up a lexical class, elements of which select an identical set of case/number affixes. Thus, three lexical classes (called "I-declension", "II-declension", and "III-declension") and their corresponding affixal sets1) have been established for the singular inflection of Russian nouns. An essential assumption that this approach takes is that languages have a set of those case/number affixes with certain relationships among them, namely an affixal set which is selected by a class of nouns that can be characterized in terms of lexical characteristics such as gender, animacy, person, or some postulated features, etc. For example, Russian II-declension nouns that are characterized lexically as those nouns whose lexical funs (i.e., NomSg funs) ends in -a (e.g.,
VODA

'water',

KNIGA

'buok',

ENA

'wife',

DJADJA

'uncle',

SIROTA

'orphan', etc.) select the unifuns affixal set of {a/NomSg, u/AccSg, i/GenSg, e/LocSg, e/DatSg, oj/InsSg}. This set reveals a certain pattern among case affixes; (1) AccSgong cits own affixal funs, thus never syncret, ewith NomSg, and (2) LocSg is syncretic with DatSg. It is on the basis of these internal relationships that declension patterns are established.2)
* This work was supported by the research grant of the Chungbuk National University in 2008. 1) Nouns of, for example, "III-declension" (e.g., LJUBOV" 'love') select the following set of case/number affixes: {ø/Nom, ø/Acc, i/Gen, i/Loc, i/Dat, ju/Ins}. See the next paragraph. 2) This point, which I made explicit in my other paper (Choi 2008), will be again illustrated in this paper.

each allomorph tends to occur in a lexically specified class. However. First.1) and the innovational path (section 2. let us call this instance "a lexically non-characterized affixal set". for the 2nd set of affixes above.1. are contrasted with East Slavic data. This can be interpreted as an instance of functionalizing (or indexicalizing) allomorphy. namely. whose distribution cannot be uniformly determined. the lexical characteristics of 'lexical form ending in -a' can be said to condition (or "motivate". there are affixal sets. .2). Some facts 3) "III-declension" is used in this paper to refer to the later development of Common Slavic (=CS) feminine I-stem pattern. where I suggest that two requirements (motivated distribution and formal relationship) must be met in order to establish affixal patterns in a given language. It stands to reason that the three affixal sets in Russian are generally complementarily distributed. Or. One can say that the 2nd set of affixes are well-motivated in terms of its distribution. whose internal complexity is interpreted from the traditional descriptive framework. Section 4 provides conclusion. 2.”3) whose members are changing their declesional morphology. Second. which makes them stable in the synchronic grammar of Russian. "a morphologically non-uniform affixal set". a class of nouns selecting a certain affixal set is not characterized in terms of their lexical features. there are affixal sets. Section 2 discusses Czech “III-declension. thus the lexical feature being "indexed" by the very occurrence of the allomorph. all the case/number affixes constituting a same affixal set share the identical distribution.102 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 From the point of view of desinence distribution. Czech “III-declension” 2. This paper discusses the reason for the change (section 2. in other words. each of which does not display any relationship among case affixes. "licence") occurrence of the 2nd set of affixes. the real situation regarding desinence allomorphy is not so simple as the above description would suggest. when necessary. I will criticize this descriptive model in terms of validity of generalizations that the framework would capture. This paper deals with these "unusual" inflectional classes. and maintains that either an affixal set as a whole or allomorphs of a certain individual case tend to be distributionally motivated. each and every case/number affix occurs with those nouns that belong to II-declension nouns. The data is drawn mainly from Czech and Polish declensions. which. Section 3 describes Polish I-declension.

which took place in the late CS period. kost'-ø. ú( ) f v s z ch e. 'thing'). -ax. LP kost'-ech. depending on the well-known phonological environment (i. -ø. which were reformulated analogically from the feminine A-stem pattern). Nouns taking III-declension are all feminine and have a stem-final (historically) "soft" consonant. Russian. ELIST 'jaw'. This variant is mixed in its affixal constituency. -am. í u. HRST 'palm'. respectively. This affixal set is taken productively for those feminine nouns with suffix -ost and for isolated feminine nouns (e. "Havlík's law"). -i. ó c a. and kost'-am'i. -i. -ej. and IP kost'-mi (compare this with Russian kost'-ax.. E 'speech'. é o. á r j m n 5) Cf. III-declension shows variation.. -ju. and shows many archaic features. -i. hence. its affixal inventory includes affixes of II-declension "soft" sub-pattern.g. kost'-i. . DP kost'-em. kost'-am. -i. -am'i. As many Czech grammars describe. resulted in their vocalization and elimination.Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality 103 Czech “III-declension” continues Common Slavic (=CS) I-stem affixal pattern.e. See the following: (1) CS I-stem pattern & Czech III-declension4) CS I-stem pattern NS kost-ь AS kost-ь GS kost-i LS kost-i DS kost-i IS kost-ьj Czech III-declension ("III-a")5) kost-ø kost-ø kost'-i kost'-i kost'-i kost'-í kost'-i kost'-i kost'-í kost-ech kost-em kost'-mi ---------------------------------------------------------------NP kost-i AP kost-i GP kost-ьjь LP kost-ьxъ DP kost-ьmъ IP kost-ьmi The shift of the two reduced vowels. V C 4) Czech has the following phonemic system (Comrie & Corbett 1993:456-7): p b t d t' d' k g h i.

As I discussed elsewhere (Choi 2008).. Note that words like dlan' used to have kost pattern (cf. /kost'/ (III-declension) vs. what motivates such acfhange? .104 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 Let us call this variant-pattern "III-b" (the affixal pattern given in (1). namely. the main reason for the non-merger between II declension and III-declension in Russian is because they are different from each other in their lexical form. . Russian ladon' 'palm' inflects like kost'. ase kmpared wish the fact that Russian III-declension nouns do not ex Rbis such acvariarn (. which is a III-declension noun). even though they share the same gender. "III-a"). and thwse two variant cfhange?spms are engmples of what was termalm' ithe introductory remark "lexically non-characterized affixal sets". In other words. /sud'ja/ 'judge') or common gender nouns (e. (2) Czech III-a Czech III-b NS kost-ø AS kost-ø GS kost'-i LS kost'-i DS kost'-i IS kost'-í NP kost'-i AP kost'-i GP kost'-í LP kost-ech DP kost-em IP kost'-mi dlan'-ø dlan'-ø dlan'-e dlan'-i dlan'-i dlan'-í dlan'-e dlan'-e dlan'-í dlan'-ích dlan'-ím dlan'-emi Czech II-declension.e. /papa/ 'daddy'. /s'irota/ 'orphan'. NS form). which means that III-b is a result of later developmentcf. Nouns of III-declension have lexical forms ending in a (sharped) consonant. /pesn'a/ (II-declension). their distributions cannot be completely predicted... It was argued there that this difference primarily motivates non-merger between these two patterns in Russian. Rusis an interwsrnng q wsrn (. e q wsrn ( is. /kollega/ 'colleage') ending in /a/ take II-declension pattern.g.g. This lexical feature that II-declension nouns have is so pervasive and unexceptional that even masculine nouns (e. while nouns of II-declension always end in /a/ in their lexical form (i. "Soft" r -e r -i r -e r -i r -i r -í r -e r -e r -í r -ích r -ím r -emi The underlined affixes of III-b are from the "Soft" variant pattern of II-declension.

which is I-declension for masculine and neuter gender nouns and II-declension for (mostly) feminine gender nouns. "soft variant". respectively. not of NS form. and /í/ of the Soft sub-pattern. . as mentioned before. but masculine and commone gender nouns (see section 2. NS]. Soft sub-pattern: (3) Comparison between Russian and Czech I.1) select II-pattern.6) Note also the morphophonemic reduction that observes in the Soft variants: /a/. Why variation in Czech III-declension? Now. /i/. lexemes like kniga include as their lexical feature [-a. where the phonetic feature of 'sharping' serves as phonemic. 7) One may view that the phonological form of a lexeme (lexical form) is defined in terms of stem. the selectional criteria would be NS form itself.Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality 105 2.2. since not only feminine gender nouns. Note first that in Czech the "Palatal(=Soft)" feature plays a pivotal role in structuring affixal patterns. continuation of Common Slavic dichotomy found within O-stem and A-stem patterns ("hard variant" vs. nouns of both hard and soft stems take an identical affixal set. On the stem-based view. in Czech. of course. the phonological feature does not appear to be the primary factor. thus making the morphological feature a lexical one. /i/. which then allows kniga to select II-pattern. /e/. cf. which is not the case with Russian. Borkovskij & Kuznecov 1965:191-).(for inanimate nouns) & II-declensions (singular only) NS Russian I Czech I-a I-b Russian II Czech II-a II-b ø ø ø a a e AS ø ø ø u u i GS a a~u e i i e LS e e~u i e e i DS u u i e e i IS om em em oj ou í nouns STOL ROZBOR KO ENA ENA R E The two Soft variants are taken by those nouns whose stem ends in a palatal consonant such as / c t' d' n' j/. which is tentamount to saying that each lexeme must include arbitrarily postulated morphological feature. marked "Soft" sub-pattern. the lexical feature that motivates choice of II-declension pattern. This is. See the following. In contrast.7) Note that gender is not the decisive factor. for Russian. turn our attention to the Czech situation. rather. 6) In Russian. Czech I-declension and II-declension both have two variants: unmarked "Hard" sub-pattern vs. Secondly. /u/. where "a" means Hard sub-pattern. For example. is phonological characteristics of the lexical form: nouns ending in /a/ select the II-pattern. and /ou/ of the Hard sub-pattern corresponds to /e/. while "b".

rather. namely.. which are shared with II-b nouns such as r e. for example. Now the grammar would be simplified. LP p ednost-ech. NP p ednost-ové. We contend that it is due to this arbitrariness that the dlan'-class words abandon their previous affixes and acquire new affixes from the II-b pattern. LS p ednost-ovi. NS p ednost-a. DS p ednost-ovi. The underlined affixes are innovated ones.106 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 gender plays a decisive role.9) This part of Czech grammar still contains some degree of arbitrariness. and the combined class would be distributionally motivated. To see (3). in determining distribution of affixal patternseclension nunlikely cleRussiane forother words nouns art of Czech grammar that takes chargnsof the distribution of nheinal allomorphyece forced to describe the distribution of III-pattern hin II-b pattern hrbitrarilye siving dlan'-istribwords the morphological feature of [III] hin r e-istribwords. Once they are completely assimilated to the II-b pattern. e. Further. III-a vs. except for NS and AS. The complete assimilation of the dlan'-class to the r e-class has not yet take place. IS p ednost-ou. which are already provided for the two classes. but it seems a matter of time for the dlan'-class to be completely adapted to the r e-class. as discussed hin tlaimed hbovedece femiconsidered as a motnsating atal. AS p ednost-u. These all facts point to the claim that Czech utilizes primarily gender in selecting the appropriate affixal set. which means that the two would be combined into a single class. "I-b’" is more appropriate for obvious reasons. p ednosta 'chief'. Czech might retain the difference in NS and AS between III-b and II-b.10) 8) Russian congener. DP p ednost. Masculine nouns ending in /a/ are mixed. which distinguished the two classes for the purpose of inflection. etc. starosta. mentioned in sementioned. selects II-declension pattern. though. III-b pattern. GS p ednost-i. which the dlan'-class now selects. which the r e-class words select. mo e 'sea'. would successfully predict their distribution. The difference with respect to lexical form (or NS form). 10) But.. ednost-i. the grammar would not have any arbitrary specifications. GP p ednost. This non-completion brings about variation within the III-declension. which are anyway . just like feminine nouns like r e. that of [II-b]ornamelye they are lexically non-chartalerized hin thus femimotnsated. since it would contain arbitrary specifications on inflectional pattern in their lexicon. Thiibwould gns smuch burden y non-cgrammar. The former III-declension nouns such as dlan' 'palm' are feminine and stem-finally palatal. III-b.m.g. This would obviate the arbitrary morphological features like [+III] and [+II-b]. since the two lexical features of [feminine] and [stem-final palatality]. show the same affixal set as II-b pattern. there are neuter nouns that have /e/ in their lexical form. IP p Nouns of this class inflect exactly like normal 'virile' masculine nouns in the plural and in DS and LS.8) AP p ednost-i. 9) The name "III-b" is a little misleading. The discussion up to now lays foundation for understanding the reason for the variation within the III-declension pattern.

. but the other ending in a vowel. His proposal differs from mine in both spirit and form (cf. then there would be 64 possible sets that are mixed between III-a and III-b. If not abrupt and simultaneous. Non-abruptness and non-simultaneousness of the affixal innovation is evidenced by the data which will be discussed later in this section. "II-b-2") 11) Wurzel's (1984) theory of declension change provides some explanatory hypothesis. the data provides some clue about the innovative trajectory. In this case. Czech data shows that the change is a living process that is still taking place at the present moment. /r e/). "II-b-1" vs. Innovative path The discussion in section 2. it is not the case that the change of III-a to III-b for dlan'-class nouns took place "overnight" and simultaneuously in all those loci. which. Furthermore. {em~ím} for DP. and {emi~mi} for IP. then what way would the innovation take place?11) If the innovation occurred in a non-systematic way. Choi 2008).3. does Czech declension data actually exhibit those 64 possible sets? The answer is clearly no and the number of attested patterns are very small.g.2 makes it clear that the III-b pattern underwent a change. Now the question is. A careful description of the trajectory reveals that affixal innovations take place not randomly. each set would select one of two alternatives for each case/number ({i~e} for GS. one ending in a palatal consonant. . however. but. I will not discuss in this paper. why are there restrictions on the patterning? Let us examine the following data on III-declension nouns: differentiated from each other in their lexical forms (/dlan'/ vs. thus 2*2*2*2*2*2=64). This is the topic that this section discuss. by which many III-declension nouns took the II-b pattern. {ech~ích} for LP. there are six loci where III-a and III-b differ from each other in affixal shape. NP and GP. rather. which some case affixes of III-pattern take. As pointed out in section 2.Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality 107 2. it would be more appropriate to say that these two classes are variants of feminine "Soft" class (e. Then.2. in a systematic way. See the following: (4) Affixal differences between III-a and III-b NS AS GS LS DS IS III-a III-b ø ø ø ø i e i i i i í í NP AP GP LP DP IP i e i e í í ech em mi ích ím emi Certainly.

Let us point out several facts on each mixed pattern. Czech declensional morphology tolerates only four mixed patterns. the variants (/ích/ and /ím/). Hn d'-pattern. thus the stem-final consonant remaining intact as sharped. all the remaining cases take III-a affixes. /mi/. the ob t'-pattern shows varying affixes in LP and DP. -ích and ím. and the remaining all other cases follow the kost-pattern. Third. substantially reduced from theoretically possible 64 sets. First.108 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 (5) Czech mixed III-declension patterns III-a kost NS AS GS LS DS IS VS NP AP GP LP DP IP Gloss. which are LP and DP. IP retains the III-a affix. First. which as such is an innovation. respectively. LP and DP have new fixed II-b (=III-b) affixes. the stem-final consonant does show variation. do not cause stem alternation. even though IP itself does not show affixal variation. Third. all the remaining cases still retain III-a affixes. Ob t'-pattern. which are LP and DP affixes of II-b (=III-b) pattern. but does not allow stem alternation.12) . all marginal cases in the plural take II-b (=III-b) affixes. Second. And it lies in elimination of stem alternation in IP. Noc-pattern. This suggests that the innovation starts from marginal cases and marked number. First. kost-ø kost-ø kost'-i kost'-i kost'-i kost'-í kost'-i kost'-i kost'-i kost'-í Mixed I ob t' ob t'-ø ob t'-ø ob t'-i ob t'-i ob t'-i ob t'-í ob t'-i ob t'-i ob t'-i ob t'-í II hn d' hn d'-ø hn d'-ø hn d'-i hn d'-i hn d'-i hn d'-í hn d'-i hn d'-i hn d'-i hn d'-í III noc noc-ø noc-ø noc-i noc-i noc-i noc-í noc-i noc-i noc-i noc-í noc-ích noc-ím noc-emi 'night' IV hut' hut'-ø hut'-ø hut'-i/-e hut'-i hut'-i hut'-í hut'-i hut'-i/-e hut'-i/-e hut'-í hut'-ích hut'-ím hut'-emi 'iron works' dla dla -ø dla -ø dla -e dla -i dla -i dla -í dla -i dla -e dla -e dla -í dla -ích dla -ím dla -emi 'palm' III-b -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- kost-ech ob t-ech/t'-ích hn d'-ích kost-em ob t-em/t'-ím hn d'-ím kost-mi ob t/t'-mi 'bone' 'victim' hn d'-mi 'brown' As seen in (5). Second. Second. showing clearly that there must be something that constrains proliferation of affixal sets.

On the basis of these points. and between directive and marginal cases. just like hut'-pattern and also in IP (/d'emi/~/d'mi/). put constraints on possible mixed patterns. ees . this innvational path takes mirror image as compared with other. Andersen (2001:31-2) exemplifies the principle of "markedness agreement. is reducing their distributional domain. on the other.. This is only natural. This is the pattern that eliminates the variation of the hut'-pattern. Second.Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality 109 Hut'-pattern. First. 'honSr'. Further. Dla -pattern (III-b). NP and AP. the plural number and the oblique cases). accusative. the singular number and the direct cases are more likely to be used. This would mean that many previous III-declension nouns. except ASr nouns with the derivative -xes and some lexically specified nouns (le 'lie'. Second. First. In other words. LP) are less likely to be supported by their infrequent token frequency. If the NS and AS took affixes of II-b pattern (r e-pattern).. zed' 'wall'. Nouns that undergo the shift are III-declension nouns. has shifted their affxal pattern from III to II-b. Third. then III-b would be completely merged with II-b. the elimination takes place in the more marked grammatical properties (namely. In terms of "markedness" (Andersen 2001:30-). I claim that these asymmetrical behaviors between two numbers. from III-a to III-b (and II-b) and not the other way around. There are no mixed patterns that would have II-b affixes in the singular and III affixes in the plural. the marked pattern is associated with the more marked environment. the III-pattern has not yet died out. cases. since affixes of these marked properties (e.g." citing Timberlake's (1977) findings on case marking of direct objects in negative sentences: ". no mixed patterns that would have II-b affixes in the directive cases (such as Nominative. DP. on the one hand. but not in IP (/emi/) and lod' 'boat' as having variations in GS. and/or genitiv e13)) and III affixes in the marginal cases. so that they are more resistant to the innovation. The following points are drawn from these facts. IP. which clearly is marked as opposed to the unmarked II-b pattern. the innovation from III-a to III-b starts from the plural number and from the marginal cases. ve 'louse'). but its lexical domain is continuously shrinking and is limited to {ost}-suffixed nouns and a few isolated nouns. 13) The genitive case in Slavic can be assigned to the subject and the object in certain syntactic environments. AP and GS show variation. lees 'ruse'. In fact. NP. also. Note that these three cases are direct cases. which allows one to view it as a directive case. more general. the 12) Czech academy dictionary describes nemoc 'illness' as having variations in LP (/ech/~/ích/) and DP (/em/~/ím/). This explains the reason why III-b nouns (dla -pattern nouns) still retain the two direct singular case-affixes (NS and AS) of the III-a pattern (kost-pattern nouns). the III-declension pattern. when nouns of the marked pattern loses their previous affixal pattern. which means that the direction of the shift is unidirectional. all marginal cases in the plural take II-b (=III-b) affixes. old /i/ from III-a and new /e/ from II-b (=III-b).. both of which are marked.

as mentioned above.) and "multidirectional" (xodit'. an introduction of a new semantic feature. It is no wonder that unmarked categories. In contrast.). markedness agreement principle predicts that replacement occurs earlier in unmarked categories than in marked ones. In other words. Comparison with Polish “III-declension” There are two sub-patterns in Polish III-declension. which is unmarked as opposed to the marked perfective.4. consider the fact that the imperfective in Russian.". 2. which is an introduction of a new motivated semantic feature ("definiteness") to the grammar. they are less likely to be used and thus are easy to be replaced. etc. is more likely to take place in unmarked categories. earlier than in animates than in animates. In contrast. the new. . ezdit'. since they constitute contexts that allow more oppositions (cf. exat'. which brings about a noble opposition in the grammar. traditional use of the genitive in negative sentences. How should we understand this case of "markedness reversal"? Note that the Czech change is essentially an elimination of the arbitrariness ([III-declension]) from the grammar. earlier in nouns denoting humans than in other nouns. In short.. just like in Czech III-declension. it is supported by its frequent usage. This consideration offers a good reason for the principle of "markedness assimilation" to be modified: namely. as compared to the Russian change cited above. while a change that introduces a noble feature to the grammar takes place earlier in unmarked categories than in marked categories.. which are more likely to be used. It stands to reason that the arbitrariness is mt the arbitrarineeliminated in morinearked categories. etc. since. (6) Comparison between Polish and Czech in III-declension and II-b III-a Polish NS AS GS ø ø i Czech ø ø i III-b Polish ø ø i Czech ø ø e i II-b Polish a Czech e i e 14) As an example. Brøndal's principle of complementation14)). are more resistant to the replacement. a change that eliminates arbitrariness from the grammar progresses from marked categories to unmarked ones.110 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 older use of the genitive is giving way to the use of the accusative (which is regular in affirmative sentences) in an ordered progression such that the accusative occurs earlier and more widely in proper nouns than in common nouns. the innovation under our discussion takes place earlier in marked categories than in unmarked ones. allows the further division between "unidirectional" (idti. innovative use of the accusative progressively replaces the older.

kraj-e 'country. masculine'. In the oblique cases. -i. masculine'. However. stacj-e 'station. feminine'. but conditioning factors are different not only among the three cases. which is -a. This adoption might be viewed as another example that shows elimination of III-a affixes in NP and AP in favor of II-b affixes. NP (=AP) took -e. i i i i i ach om ami mysz 'mouse' i i í i i í ech em mi kost 'bone' i i e e i ach om ami noc 'night' i i í e e í ach am ami dlan' 'palm' i i e e ø ach om ami praca 'work i i í e e í ach am ami r e 'roze' The Polish III-b share the same affixal set with III-a. the accusative is syncretic with the nominative for all nouns. becomes an important factor in NP. DP -om and IP -ami are selected for all nouns. LP -ach. virile'. which. it would seem. 15) It is interesting to note that Slavic languages exhibit different distributional facts in GP allomorphs.15) In fact. pisarz-e 'author. except for mentioning that the dichotomy between "Neutral" and "Palatal" sub-patterns in Czech feminine nouns is still operative. while II-b pattern has -ø for G P. which never serves as a conditioning factor in the singular. . For example. DP and IP) that do not have any desinence allomorphy. thus. the replacement is part of general innovative tendency of unification that has taken place in the whole plural inflection. wo nic-e 'coachman. Note also that III-b GP retains the old one. except for masculine animate nouns (including virile nouns). except for NP and AP. etc. which take II-b affixes.Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality 111 LS DS IS NP AP GP LP DP IP Exx. irrespective of gender and declension class. -e of III-b NP noc-e is not something taken from the II-b NP affix -e. motivates the retention of -í (<CS *-ьjь). Schenker 1964. In other words. Since this is a topic beyond this paper. 'virility (masculine & person)'. feminine'. or GP) reveals its own variant-affixes. AP. Szober 1969). which has Acc=Gen syncretism. affixal unification has already been completed. irrespective of stem-final softness). I will not dwell on this. In the plural. Besides the marginal cases (LP. which is the affix for all the "Soft-stem" nouns (except for Neuter nouns. shows that there is only one single affixal pattern for the plural inflection. Polish declension. It is true that each direct case (NP. this is only apparent. NP prac-e 'work. like Russian declension. but from its singular counterpart (cf.

in Polish plural inflection. only one pattern must be set up. their IS affix is /em/. In other others. 3. namely an example of "morphologically non-uniform affixal set". as mentioned in the previous section. affixal patterns among cases are established only for the singular inflection. as in East slavic languages. /a/.g. kolega 'colleague') or -o (e. tato 'dad') are excluded from our discussion. On the other.g. This means that case allomorphy has different distributional factors between the two numbers. but in the plural. . as is the I-declension of other Slavic languages. The distribution of genitive affixes in the singular is stated in terms of declension class and lexico-semantic features such as animacy. which however does not influence the main point made in this paper in any way. This paper deals with case allomorphy only in the singular inflection. M(asculine)-pattern and N(euter)-pattern. 17) Those Masculine nouns ending in -a (e. u IS em 16) In Polish.. and is divided accordingly into two sub-patterns.112 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 but in the singular. In this article. Polish M-pattern exhibits the following sets of case allomorphy: (7) Case allomorphy displayed in Polish M-pattern NS17) ø AS ø.16) On one hand. a GS a. For Polish consonant phonemes. see Comrie & Corbett (1993:688). I will discuss M-pattern only. and must be described case by case. their distinction is supported by the difference between affixal constituency: each sub-pattern exhibits different implicational relation (no animacy syncretism in AS in N-pattern) and different allomorphy in some cases (fewer number of allomorphs in GS in N-pattern). the non-distinction between NS and AS. countability etc. respectively. this syncretism does not apply for feminine II-declension nouns. the genitive affixes are distributed in terms of morphonological features of lexemes such as 'stem-final palatality' and phonological characteristics of the NS form. In the plural inflection. Masculine I-declension in Polish Polish I-declension pattern. desinence allomorphy cannot be captured in terms of declension class. DS. is distributed in both masculine and neuter nouns.. u LS e. and /e/. and LS affixes are partially identical. u DS owi. The conflation of two sub-patterns into a global I-declension pattern is based upon affixal identity and relation in many cases. their GS.. /u/. which continues the common Slavic O-stem pattern. since this pattern exhibits case allomorphy sufficient to exemplify the points that are made in the introductory remark. which can be called "Plural" pattern.

(A) The lexico-semantic category of "animacy" allows M-pattern to be subdivided into two major classes (namely. Thus. and (d) -a. -owi. sets 1 and 6 are used for a small number of masculine nouns. LS. 1 ø a u u em pan mister 2 ø u u owi em kraj 3 ø u e owi em dwór 4 ø a e owi em 5 ø a u owi em 6 ø a e u em pies profesor kupiec country manor professor merchant dog There are several points to be discussed in this treatment of Polish M-pattern. vow 'ox') having 18) The essentially ssss classification is given in Teslar (1957). cited in Csssron-Fsulkner & Csrstairs-McCsrthy (2000:818). (b) -a. -e. all animate nouns (except for a single word. (c) -a. if one take inflection-class approach. and DS affixal arrangement: (a) -u. -e. -u. thus. -owi. due to which seven. The "five-case" system is further sub-divided with respect to GS. -e and -u. these sets display a different degree of productivity among themselves. rather thlassix. (B) It has expanded its conditioning force beyond the accusative case. and one "five-case" system. Second. -owi. The (2000. First. this way of presenting M-pattern misses several important generalizations on affixal distribution. since the DS affix -u is losing its productivity (cf. which does not have its own affix. 81tabatiis provided only for comparison: Schenker 4 5 6 1 5 3 2 CF & CM 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 NS ø ø ø ø ø ø ø GS a a a a a u u LS e u e u u e u DS owi owi u u owi owi owi IS em em em em em em em VS e u e e e e u . The only difference lies in rthy act that they include VS affixes. Polish M-pattern is subdivided into several classes/sets. Thus. Schenker (1964:50) suggests three inflectional sets on the basis of syncretism. and has reached the GS. classes are suggested. "animate" sub-pattern vs. -e. "inanimate" sub-pattern) according to AS=NS or GS syncretism. Cameron-Faulkner & Carstairs-McCarthy (=CF & CM) 2000:819). gloss. two "four-case" systems in which the LS affix (-u) is syncretized with either the DS affix or the GS affix.Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality 113 Aside from AS. -u. what he actually suggests is that there are six inflectional sets within Polish M-pattern: (8) Polish Masculine inflectional sets (Schenker 1964)18) Set NS GS LS DS IS ex.

). From this perspective. it depends on phonological characteristics of the stem-final consonant. This leads us to maintain that desinence allomorphy in LS 19) Nouns with -ec also take -u (e. namely. mixed patterns in (5)). Animate sub-pattern and Inanimate sub-pattern. nó -u 'knife. mutual implication. brzuch-u 'belly.. which cannot be captured by such classifications as given in (8). that is. for GS. AS. chłopec 'boy' chłopc-u 'LS'). -u. a DS affix -u is dying out. never -u. as mentioned in the foregoing paragraph.. respectively). in Russian II-declension. -a.. etc. LS'. e. on which I will not touch in this paper (cf. However. On the other. as mentioned above. but this as such does not explicitly state that [animate] is responsible for GS affix -a. Third. we can establish. Of course. Recall that no lexical features could characterize each of them. affixal choice in LS has nothing to do with animacy. for example. inflection class) that is associated with each affixal set can be characterized in terms of lexical features that are shared by its members. In short. Janda 1996. LS') or "soft" consonants (e.e.g. LS'. and no formal relation between these directive cases and LS is possibly established in Animate or Inanimate sub-pattern.. while inanimate nouns take either -a or -u. If one attempts to establish an affixal pattern as a sort of desinence allomorphy. targ-u 'fair. rak-u 'crab. affixal distributions are determined differently from case to case. (D) The choice of LS -u vs. -u for inanimate nouns depends on a variety of lexico-semantic criteria. Schenker 1964. nouns with stem-final velars (/k g ch/19). and never -u. etc.. each lexical class (i. but otherwise. In short. The reason for this is non-arbitrariness in affixal distribution. and mutual relation between NS. but GS allows either -a or -u. My claim was that precisely this arbitrariness motivates the innovation in Czech from III-a to III-b. and [non-velar] motivates LS -e. For example. the Polish M-pattern shows no indication of innovation that would induce migration from a certain sub-pattern to another. he must find certain sorts of implicational relation in affixal choice among cases such as syncretism. there is a syncretism between DS and LS (-e).g. affixal pattern (or desinence pattern) is a set of affixes. being replaced by the productive -owi.g. (C) The choice of GS -a vs. kraj-u 'country. due to which they are all lexically arbitrary. and IS (i. for inanimate masculine nouns. For animate masculine nouns. most importantly for our aim. two sub-patterns within M-pattern in Polish. 20) Of course. Polish Masculine I-declension does not exhibit this sort of innovation.e. and -oj.20) which IS observed in Czech III-declensional sub-patterns (cf. and GS must be -a. -e. . nouns of sub-pattern (4) are characterized as having the lexical features of [animate] and [non-velar]. there is a syncretic relation between AS and GS. LS'. LS') take -u. there is a syncretic relation between AS and NS. but this is not an example of class-movement. among which certain formal relations hold. -e has nothing to do with "animacy".114 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 M-pattern take -a. but rather.

While the III-a pattern reduces its distributional domain.2). The Czech one illustrates inflection classes that are not lexically characterized. just as in GS of the Inanimate sub-pattern. What this means for the synchronic grammar is that inflection classes are motivated. since the previously postulated morphology-based lexical features (e. I propose the following organization in Polish M-pattern: (9) Sub-patterns in Polish M-pattern Inanimate sub-pattern NS AS GS LS DS IS Thus.Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality 115 should be described as a specific feature of the case itself. The transfer of previous III-a declension nouns to current III-b (and II-b) declension nouns is abandonment of their old III-a pattern and (incomplete) acquisition of a new II-b pattern. [III-b]. etc. The elimination of such arbitrary classes simplify the grammar. each of which has its own distribution. 4. it becomes motivated. [III-a].g. thereby being motivated.) is now obviated. too. I suggested that the innovational path takes the orders of "marked plural number" and then "unmarked singular number" and of "marked oblique cases" and then "unmarked directive cases" (see section 2. The abnormality lies in the fact that affixal sets postulated in these two languages are either distributionally arbitrary or internally unrelated in affixal choice among cases. Conclusion This paper discusses "unusal" inflection classes that are shown in Czech III declension and Polish Masculine I-declension. while the Polish masculine I-declension exhibits morphologically non-uniform affixal sets. Some cases (here. determined by different factors. In discussing the Czech example. ø =NS u~a u~e owi em both Inanimate and Animate Animate sub-pattern ø =GS a u~e owi em sub-patterns are examples of "morphologically non-uniform affixal set". . I argued that lexically non-characterized inflection classes tend to be eliminated in favor of the most unmarked inflection class among them. they are lexically characterized. in other words. GS and LS) allow more than one allomorphs.

Routledge. just like in AS. “Markedness and The Theory of Linguistic Change.” Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 18. Kuznecov(1965). Cameron-Faulkner and Andrew Carstairs-McCarthy(2000). If no implicational relation is established. Moskva. Istori eskaja grammatika russkogo jazyka. & P. lacking any significant generalization on affixal allomorphy. is dying out. which means that nouns selecting it must be lexically so specified. As for LS. Amsterdam. Nauka. ________(2009). R e f e re n c e Andersen Henning(2001). “Stem Alternants as Morphological Signata: Evidence From Blur Avoidance in Polish Nouns. John Benjamins Publishing Company. This expansion brings about an implicational relation in affixal choice within the M-pattern: if AS shows GS syncretism. no affixal pattern will be established. London and New York. For DS. “Declensions in East Slavic Languages: Typology and Theory. This dooms to be eliminated. 283-313. Of course. Corbett (eds. one of the two allomorphs. S. Korean Association of Russianists. in so far as it satisfies the two requirements: namely. In conclusion. Choi Sung-ho(2008). I claim that the notion of "inflection class" or "affixal pattern" serves a valid analytical tool. its competing variants show quite different distributional statements from GS variants (cf. as in FM & CM (2000). Borkovskij V.” Eoneohag 51. In other words. then GS selects -a. 21-57. since the semantico-lexical feature of Animacy is extending its selectional force beyond AS onto GS. 43-72. 813-835. I. thus augmenting arbitrary specification in the lexicon. but they are only for the sake of classification. “Structure and Innovation of Declension Patterns in Inflecting Languages: Motivated Distribution and Markedness Principle. and that is exactly what is happening now: the productive and dominating DS affix is -owi. "motivated distribution" and "internal implicational relation". I suggested that the M-pattern should be subdivided into "Inanimate" and "Animate" subpatterns. The Slavonic Languages.) Actualization: Linguistic Change in Progress. section 3).” Rusistika 30. it is possible to set up affixal sets. affixal choice in GS depends on animacy opposition. .” in his (ed.116 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 On the discussion of the Polish example.) (1993). This entails that there is no implicational relation between GS affixal choice and other cases' affixal choice: their distributions are independent from one another. namely -u. Comrie Bernard and Greville G.

. 이와 더불어 폴란드어에서는 ‘활 물성’의 어휘적 의미 자질이 대격의 범위를 넘어 생격에까지 그 지표성 (indexicality)을 확대하고 있다는 사실을 인식하고.(1964). Warszawa. Gramatyka j zyka polskiego. Polish Declension: A Descriptive Analysis. 폴란드어 제1곡용패턴 중 남성 패턴 이라는 하위 패턴을 논의 대상으로 삼는데. Pa stwowe wydawnictwo naukowe. Ohio. 이는 본 패턴이 형태론적으로 다양한 변이형태를 허용하기 때문이다.(1996). 그 개신의 방향성 및 구체적 경로를 제안한다. Academia. 남성 활물 명사 로 특성화되는 어휘부류는 대격에서 생격과 syncretism을 보이며. al. 생격 접사는 재차 -a와 -u의 변이를 보여서. 또한 이러한 변이는 공시태 내에 존재하는 통시적 개신의 일례라는 점 을 인지하고. Janda Laura A. 즉. Back from the brink: a study of how relic forms in languages serve as source material for analogical extension. 한편. Tvarosloví. 남성패턴에 “활물성 하위패턴”과 “불활물성 하위패턴”을 설정한다.Nominal Declension in West Slavic: Variation and Abnormality 117 de Bray R. Státní Pedagogické Nakladatelství. 남 성 불활물 명사는 대격에서 주격과 syncretism을 보이며. Stypuła Ryszard and Slin Kowalowa(1989). Pa stwowe Wydawnictwo. The eská Mluvnice. 체코어 명사 곡용패턴 중 제3곡용패턴은 언어의 공시적 상황에서 다양한 변이를 보이고 있는 불안정한 패턴이라고 볼 수 있는 데. G. 따라서 개신은 발생하지 않는다는 점이 부각되었다. Mluvnice Hague. 체코어 제3패턴과는 달리. e tiny. Wiedza Powszechna. 패턴내 상호 함의 관계를 보이기 때문이다 . 그러나 폴란드어 남성 패턴은.(1986). 이러한 사실은 곡용패턴 설정을 위해서는 ‘분포의 동기화’ 조건과 ‘패턴상의 상호 함의 관계’라는 두 가지 조건이 충족되어야 함을 나타낸다. Guide to the West Slavonic Languages. Havránek Bohuslav & Alois Jedli ka(1963). Komárek Miroslav et. Lincom Europa. <요약문> 서슬라브어 명사 곡용: 변이와 변칙 최성호 본 논문은 서슬라브어 주요언어인 체코어와 폴란드어의 명사 곡용 중 공통슬라브어 I-어간 곡용과 O어간 곡용의 후대 발달형인 제3곡용패턴과 제1곡용패턴을 논의 대상으로 삼는다. München. Mouton & Co. 그 분포 조건이 동기화 되어 있기 때문에 안정적이고. Podr czny Słownik Polsko-Rosyjski.(1980).. Slavica. Szober Stanisław(1969). A. Praha. Praha. 생격 접사는 -a로 한정되는 반면. 그 원인은 분포 조건의 자의성에 있다는 점을 논증한다. Schenker Alexander M. 본고에서는 이러한 변이를 어휘적으로 특성화되지 않는 패턴으로 지칭하고.

118 Исследования по Славянским Языкам 15-1 <Key words> West Slavic languages. 명사곡용. 체코어.12. 게재확정일(Accepted): 2010. declension class. 활물성. 역동 적 공시태 논문접수일(Submitted): 2009.30. nominal declension.~1. 성. innovation. gender. 곡용류. choish@chungbuk.2.1.ac. declension pattern. dynamic synchrony <주제어> 서슬라브어. animacy. 격. 분포.30. distribution. 이형태.4.5.kr . allomorphy. 폴란드어. Polish. 논문심사일(Reviewed): 2010. 곡용패턴. Czech. 개신. case.

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