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COMMUNITAS: A CRITICAL REVIEW Victor Turner's seminal work on pilgrimage, elaborated in a series of articles and books (Turner 1973, 1974a, 1974b, 1976;Turner and Turner 1978), stands out admidst other theories of this institution as a singular attempt to create a grand scheme, "applicable to all cases in all societies" (Morinis 1984:255). In this endeavor the ethos of "communitas," supposedly emerging among pilgrims in the liminal (or liminoid, see Turner and Turner 1978) situation of moving from the familiar to the anti-structural center "out there," serves as a conceptual cornerstone. Borrowed from earlier work on ritual and symbolism (Turner 1969), communitas is defined as "a spontaneously generated relationship between leveled and equal total and individuated human beings, stripped of structural attributes" (Turner 1973:216). The bonds ofcommunitas are marked by a spirit of fraternityand comradeship, approaching the I-Thou or Essential We relationship in the Buberian sense (Turner 1974a:47). "In adYORAM BILU holds a position in the Faculty of Social Sciences, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
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which he designates "existential" or "spontaneous. it seems that ordinary reality invades the pilgrimage to an extent irreconcilable with Turner's structure-communitas dichotomy. factionalism and conflict may be no less salient concomitants. it is still bounded by the structure of the religious system within which it is generated and persists. communitas-type relationships. . Given this gap between model and data. Although the ideology of equality and congeniality manifests itself in the pilgrimage in a variety of ways. excluding data that did not fit his theory (Morinis 1984:257). Apart from the contention that Turner relied heavily on secondary sources from which he quoted selectively. This content downloaded from 146. Morocco (Eickelman 1976). has not spared the concept a recent upsurge of critical reviews on the part of students of pilgrimage. removes their sting" (Turner 1973:221). individual responsibility is now extended from the domain of kin and neighborhood relations in localized normative systems to that of the generic human 'brother' and 'neighbor' who might be anyone in the world but whom one should 'love. Turner is cautious to distinguish between the purest form of communitas.existential communitas is organized into a pervading social system" (Turner 1969:132).specific siblingship is extended to all who share a system of beliefs" (Turner 1973:207). 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . including Thailand (Pruess 1974). . on the whole. The ethos of brotherhood is not as ubiquitous and pervasive as to eliminate major structural divisions.' The 'other' becomes a 'brother'. no study of a place of a pilgrimage tradition by a social scientist has confirmed what Turner has postulated as a universal process of pilgrimage" (1984:258). even regarding it "as a symbol or remote possibility rather than as the concrete realization of universal relatedness" (Turner 1973:220). and West Bengal (Morinis 1984). As such. Cloaking communitas with structure. "under the influence of time.INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 303 dition. however.154. Morinis concludes that "to date. the need to mobilize and organize resources.64 on Wed." and "normative" communitas where. "but it attenuates them. and the necessity for social control among the members of the group. as the boundaries between groups and contingents are not dissolved. most of the criticism is empirical in nature: anthropological studies of pilgrimage in various cultural settings.50. have not yielded. unequal roles. By and large. Pilgrimage is a form of normative communitas. southern Peru (Sallnow 1981). and participants are still segmentalized into structurally defined.
. their fuzziness is derived also from the fact that they are grounded more in symbolic processes than in empirical realities. all-embracing in scope and metaphorically rich.64 on Wed. When Turner distinguishes. selectively chosen data. It is not clear at all. Morinis..304 ETHOS Unequivocal as the above conclusion may appear. [T]he simple dichotomy between structure and com- munitas cannot comprehend the complex interplay between the social relation of pilgrimage and those associated with secular activities" (1981:179).and the boundaries that separate it from "mechanical solidarity" or other structure-based concepts are less sharply delineated. "The study of pilgrimage. whereby making it less vulnerable to incongruent data.The link between ritual and secular processes should be regarded as analytically determinable in each case. Most of the attacks launched at Turner's model of the pilgrimage stem from a common ground.. rather than simply assumed . whether he applies this distinction to both types of communitas. The concept of communitas is all the more vague as the "existential"-"normative" distinction renders it distantly and broadly applicable. Crossing individual and social levels of analysis. he seems to supply ammunition to his critics. normative communitas may not be conflict-free. they reflect the discontent of skilled field-workerswell aware of the particularitiesand complexities of a pilgrimage setting with a grand theory focusing on universal processes (seen as oversimplified and reductive) and based on sparse. communitas from the Durkheimian notion of "mechanical solidarity. however. who designates Turner's model somewhat narrowly as a "psychological theory" (1984:254). argues that considering communitas an essential feature of the pilgrimage is tantamount to reducing the nature of this institution to the satis- This content downloaded from 146. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . by the very nature of the phenomenon. for example. the task of putting the communitas model to an empirical test is far from simple. As Sallnow has put it. . out group" oppositions (Turner 1973:216-217)." arguing that only in solidarity unity depends on "in group. demands that a prioriassumptions concerning the relationship between religion and society be abandoned.154. Unlike existential communitas. Its introduction dilutes the concept of which it is part..50. Heralded by social anthropologists who conducted intensive studies of pilgrimage at particular centers. Turner's concepts are eloquently articulated but ambiguously defined. since such oppositions are prevalent in the ethnographic literature on pilgrimage.
1955b. in addition to fraternity-fostering features. one against the other for the love.64 on Wed. the concept has been extensively utilized in the psychoanalytic and general psychological and psychiatric literature dealing with personality development and interpersonal relations (Bank and Kahn 1982. the notion of siblihg rivalry lends itself as a useful conceptual tool. which may also find expression in the polymorphic setting of the pilgrimage. are thus left unattended. and approval of one or the other or both of the parents" (Campbell 1981:556). 1961) and Adler (Ansbacher and Ansbacher 1964). which is related to the oral psychosexual stage. for example. In accounting for these sentiments.154. If I nevertheless pursue this threadbare goal. 1955a. deeply rooted in early family life.INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 305 faction of emotional needs. Lidz 1976). Developmentally. It suggests that the pilgrimage setting. attention. the contribution of yet another attempt to question the indispensability of communitas to an understanding of pilgrimage may be considered modest at best. Other facets of the human character. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . unconsciously fed by the idea that the other siblings get more. it is because the path appears revealing. in which the other is viewed as bigger and better. social and spiritual. may also constitute a fertile matrix for germinating negative sentiments of vying and animosity. adding an important aspect of pilgrimage experience hitherto overlooked. Beginning with Freud (see. such as the intellectual. that may permeate one's behavioral patterns in adulthood and influence his or her relationships with others. psychoanalysts distinguished between two forms of sibling rivalry: a "regressive" type. THE THESIS: "SIBLING RIVALRY" AS AN IMPEDIMENT TO COMMUNITAS Against the background of the above criticism. its importance lies in the fact that it subsumes experiences and sentiments. Dunn and Kendrick 1982.50. Sibling rivalry is defined "as the usual family situation wherein brothers and sisters engage in an intense and highly emotional competition. Schoeck 1970). and a "progressive" type. centering on the phallic stage (Piers and Singer 1953. My thesis is situated in psychological. This content downloaded from 146. rather than social anthropology. the notion of sibling rivalry does not convey a special theoretical import. affection. Compared with other psychodynamic concepts.
An attempt will be made later to specify the prerequisites for the rise of these "negative" sentiments and their linkage to communitas. concentrates on the emotional facets of the human psyche. mainly related to organizational patterns and underlying religious traditions. like Turner's concept. and espouses the metaphor of "siblings.The hillula (annual celebration commemorating the saint's death anniversary) of Rabbi This content downloaded from 146.306 ETHOS I suggest that sentiments associated with sibling rivalry. that the complex and multivocal reality of this institution leaves room for the expression of divergent.154. reverberate under the surface of the pilgrimage situation. Whereas in personality research "sibling rivalry has probably received far more attention than the advantages of sibling relationships" (Lidz 1976:225). seeking the attention and help of an omnipotent father figure. In certain respects my thesis appears closer to Turner than to his critics. Unlike the latter. The first type includes selective ethnographic data from pilgrimages in Israel.64 on Wed. The data to be presented below are meant to bring to the fore these relatively neglected reverberationsof rivalry in the pilgrimage. it dwells on near-universal primordial sentiments. the Bookof Splendor (Zohar). sometimes contrasting sentiments. however. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . while the second is based on dreams collected from Jews of Moroccan extraction during those pilgrimages. This is not to say that malevolent affect is prevailing in the pilgrimage. particularly of the "oral" type (see below). along with most of Turner's critics. COMMUNITAS AND INTERGROUP BOUNDARIES: THE CASE OF MEIRON Among the pilgrimages conducted in contemporary Israel the one that stands out in popularity and scope is that of Rabbi Shim'on Bar Yohai (acronym: Rashby)." However. The thesis is examined against two types of material. the pilgrimage scholarship has usually taken the opposite course. a charismatic mystical figure of the 2nd century. it does not seek to highlight "structure" in the pilgrimage. who is the alleged author of the most sacred text in Jewish mysticism.50. I believe. these sentiments are contraposed to communitas in their potential effect to furthercompetition and divisiveness rather than cogeniality and unity. in which the devotee is confronted with other adherents ("siblings") who also flock to the sanctuary.
INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 307 Shim'on falls on the 33rd day after Passover (Lag Ba'Omer)and is the occasion of a mass pilgrimage to his tomb at Meiron. singing. The Moroccans and the Hasidim flock in and around the sanctuary. is that of mystically oriented Ashkenazi Hasidim of East European extraction.64 on Wed. strongly influenced by Maghrebi maraboutism (Eickelman 1976. and they rarely intermingle. dancing and recounting (usually in the Moroccan dialect ofJudeo-Arabic) the miracles This content downloaded from 146. and their contacts outside the hillula are sporadic and meager. males and females together. Since Rabbi Shim'on was deemed primusinter paresin the densely populated pantheon of Jewish saints in Morocco. They gather there in groups of kin and friends of all age levels." the word also means "pilgrimage" in Arabic). consuming large quantities of spirits. and the Zoharwas a popular object of study among the masses. communitas-like relationships definitely do not transcend ethnic boundaries. although the pilgrimage is invested with the usual flair of joviality and cheerfulness. with numbers estimated in excess of 150. Many of them spend several days at Meiron. Geertz 1968. Westermarck 1926). it was only natural that they adopted his sanctuary as their main pilgrimage center in Israel. camping in a picnic-like atmosphere on the forested slopes surrounding the site. converging under the canopy of a charismatic figure they all venerate.000 in recent years. much smaller than the former one but almost as conspicuous. feasting on slaughtered sheep. the Lag Ba'Omerpilgrimage may constitute another test case to the notion of communitas: does the mass gathering at Meiron serve as "a means of binding diversities together and overcoming cleavages" (Turner 1973:220)?After several consecutive visits to Meiron on Lag Ba'Omer. The second large group of pilgrims to Meiron. Since these groups are markedly different in cultural traditions and lifestyle (although they share a similar mystical orientation based on a common religious canon). near the town of Safed. but their styles of celebrating the hillulaare markedly different. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Their predominance in the hillulashould be understood against the cultural background of thriving hagiolatric traditions in their country of origin (Ben-Ami 1984.my impression is that.50.154. The Jewish Moroccan pilgrims follow the pattern of the typical Maghrebi zyara (literally a "visit. About 80 percent of the pilgrims are of Moroccan extraction. Stillman 1982).
The differentialdispersal of the two groups. is not prepared according to the high standards of dietary law they adopt. are strictly separated from the men. Most Hasidic groups. one anthropologist. particularly with regard to the separation of the sexes. Their stay at Meiron is temporally limited to the hillulatime and spatially circumscribed to the precincts of the sanctuary. if present at all.308 ETHOS of the saint. despite their relatively small numbers. dominate the central ritual zones within the sanctuary. The notion of sibling rivalry assumes an I-they op- This content downloaded from 146. while the Hasidim. where the convivial atmosphere is at times indulgent. Indeed. Designed to separate men from women.154. Women. are male cohorts ofyeshiva(religious academy) students organized around their rabbis. in fact. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the spiritual climax of the hillula. Even inside the sanctuary they are dismayed by the permissive behavior of the Oriental (Mid-Eastern) masses. While I find this "correspondence" view grossly oversimplified. There they engage themselves in devotional prayers at the tombs of Rabbi Shim'on and other sages and in ecstatic dances on the roof of the shrine. it is clear that it could not have emerged in a communitas fostering atmosphere. and the relative paucity of contacts between them. The closed ranks of the Hasidim. On Lag Ba'Omer the Hasidic fathers bring their 3-year-old sons to the inner courtyard of the sanctuary where the halaka (first haircut) ritual takes place. has proposed that it can be "read" as a symbolic representation of the unequal ethnic relations in the large (Jewish) Israeli society (Brown and Mohr 1982). and where the food. VYING FOR THE SAINT'S BLESSING: SOME ETHNOGRAPHIC CLUES The thesis underlying this work goes beyond the we-they opposition implied in the indissolubility of intergroup boundaries during the pilgrimage. in control of the "sacred zones" of the shrine. The Orientals. after a short visit to Meiron. takes but a negligible part of their time at Meiron. separates the male Hasidim from the rest of the congregants. They usually avoid the encampments and the gigantic colorful fair. their black uniforms. are dispersed in the periphery of the shrine. many but loosely organized. and their engrossment in spiritual devotional activities contribute to their image as ritual specialists. Their segregation is visibly indicated by a special railing placed in the internal courtyard. by contrast. The ascent to the tomb.50. the railing. whether sold or delivered free. neither reflect nor promote communitas-like relationships.64 on Wed. if not frivolous.
indeed. does not belie its derivation from what was originally envy" (Freud 1955a:121). beseeching Rabbi Shim'on to intercede on their behalf in a wide variety of life problems. the potential for rivalry may be grossly enhanced. communitas would be deemed. mostly subtle and covert. the success of this societal mechanism is not guaranteed. Whatever its origins. indeed as siblings. The temporary removal of social barriers among densely concentrated individuals may intensify processes of social comparison. to suppress feelings of rivalry and animosity detrimental to its functioning. hence the idiom to articulate inchoate experiences associated with sibling rivalry is available in the context of hagiolatry. It might be speculated that the institutional emphasis during the pilgrimage on symbols of communitas serves. Second. their covert presence in the pilgrim's mental life may limit and corrode communitas-like sentiments and relationships. is very akin to a familial scene of siblings vying This content downloaded from 146. with the potential to transform in fantasy the celebrant crowd.'group spirit. Where people meet as "free. however. most of the pilgrims are coming to Meiron as supplicants. resulting in envy and competition.50. among other things. even without attributing anydisplay of intragroup (interindividual) divisiveness and conflict to fantasies and sentiments associated with sibling rivalry. that the "saint-as father. believed to be nurturing and capable of relieving the devotees' sufferings. and their overt expression runs counter to the prevailing socialethos of fraternityand unity.64 on Wed. leveled. The existence of "anti-communitas"-in this case "sibling rivalry" concerns among the pilgrims at Meiron and other shrines.INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 309 position.' etc. may be deduced from a variety of clues. do not constitute guidelines for immediate action. however. first. These sentiments.. even the ethnically homogeneous contingent. devotees-as-children" metaphor is widely used by the participants at the hillula.154. Extrapolating from Freud's treatment of social phenomena involving heightened group solidarity. and total human beings" stripped of structural attributes of status and rank. as they stem from intrapsychic processes that are partly unconscious. into a collection of individuals vying for the saint's grace. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The congestion of people in needaround the site of a venerated figure. equal. a reaction formation against rivalry and envy in the first place: "What appears in society in the shape ofgemeingeist. It should be noted. esprit de corps. Nevertheless.
More than by mere differentialdisplay (and conspicuous consumption) of wealth. Those pilgrims who can affordit bring with them sheep or goats.50. as culturally shaped This content downloaded from 146. the sibling rivalry metaphor is likely to be less pertinent psychologically. then. who considers the image of limited good as a prevailing cognitive orientation in peasant societies.The honor of the tsaddiq. That such a notion may underlie religious behavior is suggested by Foster (1965). The animals are slaughtered in the local abattoir. common in many Jewish Moroccan hillulot(plural). then. I believe that their sense of divine grace.' The preceding point adds an important corrective to the sibling rivalry thesis. When other reasons are involved (for example. The critical factor. rivalry and envy are likely to be instigated in these situations by the differential access to the saint's blessing that this wealth accords. captures the same bidirectional flow of nourishment. completing a vow). Although addressing petitions to the saint is a universal feature of pilgrims' behavior. then granted to the highest bidders who consume their contents. defying any notion of finite quantities and short supply.154.310 ETHOS for their parents' care and affection. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The "oral" dimension in the interactions between the saint and the supplicants is particularly accentuated in the Jewish Moroccan hillula. and the meat is served in the se'uda.the festive meal in which is an indispensable part of the hillula. religious obligation. concludes a bilateral act of nurturing in which the supplicant "feeds" the saint (with a slaughtered animal dedicated to him) only to be fed back (by consuming the saint's meat and enjoying the blessing it contains). While it is not suggested here that this ethos is as dominant for the Israeli pilgrims of Moroccan origin. for installing a sense of contest and competition in the pilgrimage setting is some culturally ingrained notion of scarcity or limited good regarding the saint's blessing. are filled with araq.dominated as it is by excessive eating and drinking. the motivating factor underlying a pilgrimage need not necessarily be a bothering problem. The ritual of selling the saint's glasses at auction. The pilgrim-as-supplicant situation would probably not elicit intense sentiments of rivalry and divisiveness if it were dominated by a religious image of divine grace that is boundless and everlasting. feast. which are dedicated to the saint. The glasses.64 on Wed. dedicated to the saint.
2 One such insidious (though not magical) practice is portrayed in the biblical story of Jacob depriving Esau of their father's blessing. is reconcilable with the idea of limited good. for example. The very notion of making a journey to a well-defined physical site. emphasis added). or taken away. and how it is physically communicated to. is congruent with that image of scarcity. God's grace (baraka). 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . a would-be saint. appropriated. Since the Lag Ba'Omer pilgrims. In his thorough examination of baraka. or usurped by.50. inherent in concrete substances such as the saint's food.with which saints are endowed. . the spatial organization of the pilgrimage reinforces the image of divine blessing as bounded and scarce. is "often referredto as a physical substance. The vicissitudes of personal baraka(discernible from institutionalized-inherited-baraka).. often far off and not easily accessible. This story lucidly integrates sibling rivalry with the notion of blessing as finite and irrevocable. 249).154. Most of its manifestations are concrete.which can be gleaned by a physical contact with a marabout or his shrine" (Eickelman 1976:160). for expeers.64 on Wed. there is a strong competition on the few encampments that are adjacent to it. which is deemed the proper place to receive the saint's blessing. divided. Westermarck (1926:135it an sensitive as substance. is obtained in the context of a fierce competition among as a limited resource is conveyed. The saint has been in the habit of giving a little of the water-a little of his baraka-to forty people each year. In many of these legends the baraka. 1926:41-43. one of the two leading saints of the Hamadsha: "Sidi Ali drank all of the water in Sharqi's water bag. vomit or spittle. In Morocco.INNER LIMITS OF COMMUNITAS 311 by Maghrebi maraboutistic traditions. The notion of baraka in a ample. butSidi Ali tookit allfor himself' (Crapanzano 1973:37. therefore they can be transferred. He presents various magical practices blatantly designed to increase one's own blessing at the expense of others (see. try to pitch their tents as close as possible to the sanctuary. is a major theme in Moroccan hagiography. particularly those who come for a long stay. liable to be extremely 261) depicts robbed and spoiled by external influences. Many families and groups would send representatives to stake a claim on these desirable locations as early as a This content downloaded from 146. legend depicting the emergence of a marabout of Sidi Ali ben Hamdush. In certain respects. tangible and bounded.
is located in a small ancient burial cave. most is deemed date This auspicious to appeal for particular day. the saint's mercy. as the cave cannot contain more than two to three dozen pilgrims at a time. they shower them with unlit candles. as a gigantic human stream. the heat. in essence. fraught with fervid excitement. However. but these individual pilgrimages are negligible in comparison with the multitude of adherents overflowing the site on Lag Ba'Omer. money. have to wait a long time in line. Two examples ensue. and other personal possessions. These moments inside the shrine. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . since on that day his presence in his burial site is believed to be more radiant and strongly felt (Ben-Ami 1984:42). oil bottles. constitute the spiritual climax of the pilgrimage. his son. The boundedness of the visit to the sacred site is not limited to the spatial dimension. near the town of Hatsor in the northernJordan Valley. a charismatic figure of the early Talmudic era. trying to touch the lattices that surround them and. Inside the huge hall.50. but they are also characterized by hastiness and crowdedness that may accentuate the nature of the saint's tomb as a limited resource. The pilgrimage constitutes. but also to establish physical contact with the unreachable tombs. engrossed in ecstatic prayer. their accounts usually involve practical considerations with the spiritual notion that their encampments are particularly endowed with the saint's blessing.154. In contrast. and the This content downloaded from 146. People can and do come to Meiron any time.Hillulot commemorate the birth believed to fall on the same and death anniversaries of the tsaddiqim. people squeeze their way to the tombs of Rabbi Shim'on and Rabbi Eleazer. to stay in their vicinity as long as possible.312 ETHOS month before the hillula.64 on Wed. incessantly pours into the tomb hall. the thick smoke of the candles. As a token of gratitude to the saints.When these early comers are asked to explicate their readiness to invest so much of their time to that end. The alleged tomb of Honi Ha-Me'agel. all year round. This aspect of limited accessibility is more strongly felt in other pilgrimage sites in Israel where the sacred spaces of the saints are smaller than in Meiron. colorful scarves. this notion of abundant spiritual accessibility on the day of the hillula (Lag Ba'Omerin the pilgrimage to Meiron) entails a very limited physical accessibility. approximately 20.000. an interface of a sacred place and a sacred time. composed of masses of devout adherents eager to reach their goal. During his hillula the visitors.
instantaneous miraculous cures. the Jews of Morocco. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .154. to Israel. In 1973 a local inhabitant (whom we discuss later) had a series of dreams in which the saint informed him he had followed his adherents. Water suddenly exuding from the tomb or its vicinity.000 devotees each year. the culturally prescribed vehicle for establishing direct contact with the saint and receiving his help. a popular Jewish Moroccan saint whose Israeli abode in Safed attracts 20. constituting a good omen as well as a precious remedy. the notion of limited good also applies to those events that are deemed direct manifestations of the saint's grace. make the stay inside the cave short and hasty. Dreams often This content downloaded from 146. sentiments encouraging divisiveness and competition run counter to the social ethos of the pilgrimage.night people cannot stay inside the shrine for more than a few minutes. is taken as such a manifestation in Jewish Moroccan hagiolatry. embodied in ideal form in Turner's communitas. A similar picture is seen on the hillula day of Rabbi David uMoshe. therefore.64 on Wed. situated in a densely populated neighborhood. the saint. would reside.50. During the hightime of the hillula. He urged him to transform one of the rooms in his apartment into a shrine where he. to be drunk sparingly or smeared on ailing organs (Ben Ami 1984:75). the most straightforwardindication of the saint's assistance. As noted before. Rather. occur very infrequently in Meiron and other pilgrimage sites. By the same token. however. The fact that the sacred site here is a tiny room in a modest apartment. are experienced on the hillulanight by a relatively small group of congregants. leaving most pilgrims empty-handed (or rather dry-handed) and "orally" frustrated. for example. Like most miraculous phenomena. Beyond the spatially and temporally bound nature of the pilgrimage. this one is also rare and unreliable. makes the problem of access. it is unlikely that they will be granted open expression in that context.000-30. all the more difficult.INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 313 rebukes of the attendant at the gate who regulates the flow of the vistors. VYING FOR THE SAINT'S BLESSING IN VISITATIONAL DREAMS I consider visitational dreams as particularly apposite data against which to examine the "limited good-sibling rivalry" hypothesis. Even visitational dreams. they will be repressed (when the conflict between egotistic wishes and socially endorsed sentiments is intrapsychically located) or suppressed (when the social ethos remains extetnalized). and even of finding a place to park and camp.
even though it is celebrated together with many others. I come to the tsaddiq policemen and many people. many times I have had dreams of this kind. reported by a young woman. in the sanctuary of Rabbi Shim'on. and I had enough time to make many blessings. This self-enhancing dream typically takes place where it is dreamt.314 ETHOS constitute an outlet to conflict-bound mental contents that are compelling and emotionally upsetting. accessibility The following dream. they didn't let anyone in. I uttered it [his name] several times. This individualistic trend asserts the nature of the pilgrimage as a sheer personal act. As with all the dreams presented in this work. The dream specimens presented below are taken from a corpus of visitational dreams collected at Meiron (see Bilu and Abramovitch 1985 for a general review of these dreams) and other pilgrimage sites dominated by Moroccan Jews during the years 1980-1984. to the exclusion of other characters.154.50. So I called. however. and the policemen showed a lot of respect for me. and cannot even maintain a foothold against the pressing congregants. unique to Rabbi Shim'on. Notes and clarifications are presented in parentheses. Only I entered this place. yet otherwise inexpressible. Not once. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . And I was upstairs. And I found myself [in a place where] admission was not allowed. being the only one given space near the saint and en- This content downloaded from 146. but that's what I saw in my dream. like they do for Begin [then Israel's prime minister] or another celebrity. it is often associated with concerns of limitedor differential to the sacred burial site. The dreamer. I had the feeling that they gave me a free scope-near the saint. I was nothing special. And I stayed. is located on the upper level of the shrine. it was translated from the Hebrew. indicates this concern. engulfed in the crowd. and I almost fell down. The theme of limited access becomes all the more apparent when the celebrants are denied admission to the tomb hall. "Rabbi Shim'on Bar Yohai". away from the tomb. however. When the presence of others is marked. no one could enter. It was as if they made room for me only. reflecting the special atmosphere there during the hightime of the hillula. I don't know [why].64 on Wed. is favorably discriminated. It is interesting to note that although the plots of many of these dreams take place in the sanctuary during the hillula-in this sense there is a marked continuity between wakefulness and dreaming-most of them focus on the dreamer-saint dyad. In the opening scene the dreamer. and there were many I dreamt that I was in a real trouble.
now we should get hold of the place [near the tomb]. everything that I request he approves by nodding his head. This confounding emerges from the ingrained folk belief that the saint stays alive in his tomb. The dream starts and ends with the wish to approach the saint's tomb "before it is filled. "Oh." I turned to my mother. "Rabbi Shim'on. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .50. "The woman asks why the saint is closed. The next dream. Then I said.. I have 3 daughters. on behalf of all the people attending the hillula.154." That's what he said." So he turns to the rabbi. father and mother." As in the former dream. only to gain full satisfaction later on." I approached the saint in order to enter. "Come on. an advantage over the other pilgrims in reaching the tomb when it is still vacant. I wanted to leave. and is fortified by dream apparitions in which he is seen in person.. I said to the attendant. suddenly I see [that] the saint is closed. the wish is frustrated at first." appearing in both dreams. two kids. reported by a middle-aged woman. I said. let's put a blanket there. "My word! If they will be religiously observant. is this the time to close the saint? This is the time to open the saint! All the people are coming to him." Then the rav [rabbi] gave me the keys and I opened [the shrine of] Rabbi Shim'on Bar Yohai. Then I came to [the matter of] 3 unmarried daughters. . "This is our chance to enter the saint's tomb before it is filled. after the dreamer is honored with the privilege to open the holy site. now that there are not so many people. suddently I said. still unmarried. The flexible transformation from the burial site to its resident is manifested in the present dream when the supplicant begins to kiss This content downloaded from 146. as the sanctuary is found closed. we will take you. but the fact that she is chosen to open the sanctuary grants her. beyond sheer honor. Suddenly I began to kiss his tomb and his feet. reflects the same concerns with some variation: Last week I dreamt that just before Lag Ba'OmerI came here with my husband. as exemplified in phrases such as "we reached the saint" or "I opened Rabbi Shim'on. before it is filled.INNER LIMITS OF COMMUNITAS 315 joying a VIP's treatment. Then I saw the rabbi and the attendant [of the shrine]. we will bring you to the tsaddiq. I went back. so you may enter too. here too the notion of limited access appears in the service of self-aggrandizement. It is very important to note that saint and site are interchangeable in the speech of Jewish Moroccan devotees. will you help me?" He said. Here the protagonist appears as acting altruistically. We reached the saint and we stood [waiting]. "Tell me please.64 on Wed." Again. in which the dreamer succeeded in establishing contact with the saint at the expense of other supplicants. Allusions to interpersonal tension and competition are more subtle here than in the first dream. Note that she stresses her temporal prerogative as well: she is given ample time to make her requests unhastily.
he is able to cater to her needs undisturbed. it was reported by the mother of its initiator who suffered from pains in her legs: At night I am asleep. Suddenly someone stood up and said [to the dreamer].64 on Wed. "Come down!" [authoritatively].316 ETHOS the tomb and proceeds by kissing the saint's feet." In this dream the permanent possession of the key to the source of healing indicates the dreamer's uniquely privileged position: being closely related to the initiator of the shrine. the key motif recurred in other visitational dreams as well. Toward the end of the dream. conveys the recurrent idea that the saint is more open to those who stand more urgently in need of his intercession: I was very sick and I came here. so I can come here whenever I have pains. I said to her. the dreamer's unhurried tone when she appeals to the saint and his emphasized responsiveness. and there were many people around. In some dreams differential accessibility is accounted for in terms of the dreamer's personal circumstances or conduct. my legs. she can enjoy its blessing without limit. "Come in. for example. "Youhave it for good. come in. substitutes the burial site as the wellspring of cure. again. I bathe and bathe. I see his wife coming-the wife of Rabbi David u-Moshe. I can't go down by foot. I said to her. the bothering subject of rivalry over limited space in the sacred site breaks through the protective cover of the highly gratifying situation in which the single devotee isolates herself with the saint. to the tsaddiq. This merging makes the association between overcrowded or inaccessible burial site and preoccupied. the dreamer hastens to stake a claim there and returns to bring her mother. inattentive saint all the more compelling. Rather than allowing others open space in the sanctuary after completing her petitions. The following dream. as well. She [ritual says to me. Since she is the first to come to him." She said. I'll hold your hand and you'll come down to this mikveh" bath]. however. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." Someone else This content downloaded from 146. a locus of purification for observant women. "Oh. Indeed.50. Having at one's disposal the key to the healing shrine in a dream is a very pertinent and relieving metaphor in the context of supplicants flocking around the tomb and vying for the saint's (limited) resources. Note. One of these dreams relates to the aforementioned new site of Rabbi David u-Moshe in Safed. "Come." She said. "Please give me the key. and the ritual bath.154. The dream content is strongly female-oriented as the saint is replaced by his wife.
"Come and see.and I went to the grocery [before] and I bought various things. The humble gatekeeper." As in the first two dreams. "Where [have you been]? Why does it take you so much time?" I said. but at the same time. So I tried to move forward. "Darling.. "No. she is the first!" In the morning I told everyone. "Look what a place. As might be expected. however. see what you did? So never say anything. they provide reassurance against these concerns. in expressing uneasiness." I said. a small child came." [The last sentence alludes to her waking experience of being cured. darling.154. and she finds herself behind the other celebrants (as implied in the sister's reproach). don't pass through here. demonstrating the privileged position granted to the dreamer vis-a-vis other supplicants. Then my sister asked me. they give vent to competitive concerns over the saint's resources. no room. "Why. all this. while here the dreamer's entrance is delayed. she has to entreat. But in the former dreams the protagonists maintained and asserted their priority in gaining access to the saint. and I gave him candies.50. the tsaddiq's wife).] So I sleep at night. and I'll never say anything again." He said. look how many things I have with me. as well as the small door that forces the dreamer to bend down while entering. The following dream." She said. "You said that you don't want to come. look. following some transgression or misconduct. "You see! Never say anything. There was a small door. people around. and I couldn't pass." I gave him half-pound. The setting of her delay communicates a strong sense of culpability: whereas the former dreamers negotiated their entrance with authority figures (policemen. He opened the door and I bent down [to enter]. etc. Sometimes.64 on Wed. there was a cemetery. and suddenly I went to Meiron. illustrates how limited access is applied as a retribution for such a reluctance: [In the prologue the dreamer explained that she could not come to the hillulathis year. to bribe in fact. "All can enter. closed the door and said to me. if not guilt feelings. "No! She was sick. the most prevalent concern is associated with a reluctance to participate in the pilgrimage (see Bilu and Abramovitch 1985:87). the rabbi and the attendant of the shrine. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . I can't. In the context of hagiolatry. reflect her inferiority and hu- This content downloaded from 146. reported by a middle-aged woman." I said [imploringly]. here too the road to the saint is blocked in the opening scene. I wanted to pass through. .INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 317 said. there was a cemetery.] The dreams reported up to now all emphasize the positive side of differential accessibility. therefore I won't open the door for you. the same theme may be employed more negatively in a dream. in accord with their function of wish fulfillment. candles." He said. a small child. Rabbi David u-Moshe sent me his remedy.
only to find out that "all [the congregants] are men. "This is a holy place. in the dream collection as well (see Bilu and Abramovitch 1985:85). I am a woman. exacerbates the ordinary problems of finding a foothold in a small place. I am not allowed in."). saying. implied also in her belatedness. The dreamer asks what is the usage of the site and is informed that "Here men enter and make blessings. therefore.318 ETHOS miliation. if not her lesser share in the saint's grace. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." In another dream the prohibition to enter is self-imposed. informed the initiator that the entrance to Paradise is located in his backyard. One woman. the sacred site in Beit She'an was initiated by a local Moroccan-born inhabitant following a series of visitational dreams. insisting that she cannot come in.3 The dreams of visitors to the shrine are particularly fraught with images of limited access. which reflect these female variations on a theme. you don't enter. are overrepresentedin all of the hillulotand. stops in her dream at the gate of the shrine in Beit She'an." Since a well-established cultural precept forbids menstruating women to approach saints' sanctuaries (Ben-Ami 1984:88-89).50. In these dreams Eliyahu (Elijah) the Prophet. consequently. the saint-to-be of the place. taken all from yet another novel shrine in the town of Beit-She'an (in the northernJordan Valley). In one of the Beit She'ani dreams the protagonist finds that the road to the site is packed with cars. for example. She waits for her friend outside.154. that in quite a few dreams the competition over limited access is colored by concerns pertaining to women. She wants to enter the yard." She nevertheless sneaks in. For the sake of brevity I present here only a few dream excerpts. the most compelling of which are linked with cultural notions of female inferiority and impurity.64 on Wed. Like the "House of Rabbi David u-Moshe" in Safed. I'll leave." She concludes. no women here. more profoundly involved with the saints in general. assuming a deferential position ("If someone will say no. but someone arrests her. It may well be that the very notion of the site as a gate or a bridge to heavenly spheres. Women. female dreamers profusely incorporated this ritually polluting status into their dreams of limited access. It is only natural. comforting herself with refreshments specially brought to her by the owner of the This content downloaded from 146. situated in a tiny yard. "If it is for men.
what is my right to be there. I am not [ritually] clean. I said to her. a woman suffering from a chronic stomachache is invited by a mysterious figure coming out from the sacred spot to light candles there and to take some oil to spread over the ailing organ.64 on Wed. [a detailed description of the tsaddiq follows]. He returned to his tomb and everything came back to this place.INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 319 shrine across the fence. In this dream. and its apotheosis in front of the privileged world of men. why do I enter there.. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .154. as to the quality of their affinity with the saint in a culture that assigns religious and ritual roles exclusively to men (cf. Perhaps we deal here with a female-specific concern. "Nevertheless you may enter. the message here is of special affinity with the saint whose blessing she is entitled to get even in a ritually inauspicious time. sibling rivalry associations reverberatecloser to the surface than in former examples.' " In other dreams dealing with menstruation the plot unfolds more positively. Thus. He was very mad at these people. 'It's a pity I came here and didn't enter. I can't. "Why are you yelling at her? You have no right to yell at this girl. Mernissi 1985). stating that she has her period now. when the dreams of the initiators of new pilgrim- This content downloaded from 146. full with carpets.." the communal group responsible for ritually preparing the dead for burial] of Safed were there. This alternative explanation does not hold. And all the members of the Hevra Kadisha[literally "holy fellowship. Suddenly the tomb is opened and I see an old man . While this treat may be conceived as a compensation for her unfavorable status-the saint's blessing (the refreshments) is bestowed on her despite her disengagement from him-there is a sense of disappointment at the end of the dream: "I waited until Shula [her friend] came out." And he raised his hand. Female inferiority. it may well reflect (and relieve) the concerns of women. The preponderance of women among the dreamers in my sample may raise doubts as to the generalizability of the limited access-sibling rivalry hypothesis. I dreamt that I reach some place full of green plants. I enter inside and it is full with candles. The humble girl who is denied access to the saint is the only one who deserves his grace. gave me his blessing. is depicted in the following dream from Safed. called me. inside a sort of a cave. fed by the deprivations and frustrations that are women's share in a male-oriented society. but he insists. They began to yell at me.50. In the context of a competition over the saint's limited resources. equipped only with their niya (Arabic: faith). the tone of which is more dramatic and blatant than the former dreams of the Beit She'ani women. however. She refuses." In contrast with the preceding dream.
He filled a glass of water and I drank it. sibling rivalry looms high.50. and it was terribly hot there. Rabbi Ya'acov Abu-Hatsera. "Woe to the one who enters this place. a significant precursor of the future revelation of Rabbi David u-Moshe. All the grass around him was made of big snakes.64 on Wed. "oral" centered fantasies of sibling rivalry. the prime movers of hagliolatric revival among Moroccan Jews in Israel." All the snakes lowered their heads. I'll send the snakes against him?" I stood up and he said. Note the emotional intensity of the competitive situation: without water people in the desert are doomed. I began to tremble all over my body. It was precipitated by a dispute over the organization of his hillula in the local synagogue. come one. I saw myself going in a plateau [made] of sand. He looked around and said. "You should proceed [in your way]. The first dream preceded the apparition of Rabbi David u-Moshe.320 ETHOS age centers in Israel-such as "the House of Rabbi David u-Moshe" in Safed and "the Gate of Paradise" in Beit She'an-are meticulously examined. I was so thirsty that I almost fainted. To illustrate the salience of this preoccupation. The second example involves one of the two "Announcements to the Public" depicting the first oneiric apparitions of Rabbi David uMoshe.154. poetically depicted as a glass of water on a hot day in the desert. "Do you know who I am?" I said. the synagogue attendants. More than in the former dreams. that A. "No. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This promulgation This content downloaded from 146. the builder of "Rabbi David u-Moshe's House" in Safed are presented. it seems that the images and emotions here are genuinely fed by early. This potentially lethal situation is transformed into a desirable state of oral gratification for the initiator. you can come. two pivotal dreams reported by A. The protagonist and his peers. you won't be lacking anything. but the attractiveness of this precious resource is counterweighted by the venomous blockade around the saint. are vying for the saint's blessing. you shouldn't be afraid. is preoccupied with themes of rivalry over divine grace. It appears that this distinct group of saint-impresarios.. the only devotee to gain access to the saint. "I am Rabbi Ya'acov AbuHatsera. Suddenly I saw a mountain on which a rabbi was seated holding a big book in his hand." Then he said. hold this stick. distributed all over the country." He said. Since men are slightly overrepresented here. "No. Then I was running together with all those people [the disputants]." In this dream. He said. and I entered. involving another popular tsaddiq. it seems safe to conclude that these themes transcend gender boundaries.
Inside I saw old men sitting and learning Torah. When he saw me he said.'s private vision into a thriving public institution. he takes the ravto his house. it is no less apparent that this combined theme plays a major role here. and I reached a hill. The guard warned me but I came in. whom I now know from other dreams. I kept to my courage and the guards kept off. I reached the door. and I saw a multitude of people flocking to the entrance of a cave. the blocked en- This content downloaded from 146. While it is clear that the dream should not be reduced to concerns of limited access and sibling rivalry." I passed through the people and I reached the entrance of the cave.. On Saturday morning I see in my dream that I am walking on a narrow road. particularly in its unabridged form.." I held his hand and said to him. enthusiastically received by MoroccanbornJews. beginning to go down a stairway. I reached the entrance of the cave. "You see. was the critical factor that transformedA." I went in the direction that the woman pointed. ex-devotees of the saint. the most successful of all the new pilgrimage centers in Israel. and this is not enough for me. with the saint on my back. come and beg for mercy in the place where Rabbi David u-Moshe has passed. [they added that] there are many guards who will deny me entrance beyond the walls . you have nothing to do here anymore. "Why did you come?" I explained that I am the saint's messenger and I want to see him. in his mission to establish contact with his patron.50. and there you will meet two guards near an iron door. "Anyone who goes inside [the cave] risks his life. among them I recognized the holy rav. tenaciously persistent. At once he turned to me and said. I kept going in the dark and after a while I began to feel spots of light. Above the hill I see a small town surrounded by a wall without any access.. I keep walking on the road and I meet two soldiers who asked me where I am going and warned me that the place is very dangerous.. opened it and came in. "Go forward. Inside the cave there was a dim light but later it vanished. He replied. I heard him warning the people. Nevertheless. Note the recurrent emphasis on inaccessibility: three concentric barriers-the wall without gates. conveys all the grandeur and fervor typical of a life transforming initiatory revelation. "If you have already arrived here. "You come to me once in two weeks or once a month.INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 321 of his initiatory dreams. "Why did you come to me?" I said to him. [the dreamer pertinaciously continues his journey unperturbed by the escalating dangers]." And so. anyone who wants the ravhas to go to the new place. At the end of the road I met an old woman who told me. I reached the source of light and I saw a guard.64 on Wed.Rabbi David u-Moshe." The dream.154. A guard stood near the cave and barred the people from entering it. pointing at me. It depicts the sense of A. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." I reached the two guards and they warned me that if I touch the iron door I will be burnt.. therefore I decided to come to you and take you home with me.'s calling as the saint's dutiful adherent. "I would like to carry his honor on my back all the way to my house. The guard turned to the people outside. despite escalating predicaments.
among other things. is almost manifest. say. A. and the competitive confrontation with "siblings. other followers of the saint vying for his grace.50." that is. attachment to the old patriarch and in bitterly recounting his abortive attempts to get hold of some of his possessions after his death (foiled by his mother's brothers). A. gave vent to the tension between differentfactions of his family concerning the true inheritor of the forefathers'grace. and the burning iron door-bar attendants from reaching the saint. the last of the hinting that he was his favorite. to relieve the apprehension of being deprived of the saint's limited grace. the saint he brought home from afar. The ways in which this differential sensitivity is associated with early experiences and fantasies of sibling rivalry is a question that should be examined on the basis of data more comprehensive than visitational dreams.As I showed elsewhere (Bilu 1986). his share in it was less evident than. it may be not too far-reaching to suggest that these individuals are particularly sensitive to the concerns discussed in this paper. the founding of a new pilgrimage site may constitute a very expedient way to cope with sibling rivalry concerns. A. as some of her forefathers were charismatic rabbis who were cherished as tsaddiqim by their fellow Jews.'s mother came from a very impressive family background. the conclusion of the preceding dream is clear: A. for example.64 on Wed. unwilling to content himself with an episodic. A. In this light. grace-bestowing contact with the saint.'s biography. usurps him. desired by so many others. Reviewed from this perspective. claiming a monopoly of the possessor of divine This content downloaded from 146.154. claims to have had a special affinity with his maternal grandfather. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . In sharp contrast with his father's humble descent. as a spectacular attempt to assert himself as a meritorious descendant of his charismatic forebearers.322 ETHOS trance to the cave. Since blessedness and virtue in his family were exclusively enveloped in the less cardinal line of ancestry. uses Rabbi David u-Moshe. Against this background it seems significant that A.. for articulating his experiences with and feelings toward the family tsaddiqim. Penetration is presented again as life risking. or even biweekly. Since the same theme abounding with similar images appears in the dreams of other sacred site builders. his matrilateral cross-cousins. contains a suggestive clue as to one possible source of this sensitivity. In describing his family tsaadiqim. Thus. his project in Safed may be conceived.
Those experiences that are related to sentiments of fraternity and equality. their hagiolatric traditions contain an explicitly defined notion of limited good regarding the saints' blessing. the constituents ofcommunitas. envy. the pilgrimage may encompass a wide range of inner experiences. is culturally endorsed. it should be mentioned again that the Jewish Moroccan pilgrimages present a number of factors conducive to sibling rivalry concerns. Experiences that intensify sentiments of rivalry. it should be recognized that pilgrimages in a country as small as Israel. they are not less integral a part of its texture. CONCLUSIONS Coming back to Turner's conceptions of the pilgrimage. however. As I have tried to show. culturally endorsed atmosphere of the pilgrimage. as far as social ethos is concerned.64 on Wed. In addition. like those of other initiators. These notions I consider critical for processing social perceptions of pilgrimage events into inner experiences of rivalry. and enhances his selfimage as a loyal adherent protected by the saint.INNERLIMITSOF COMMUNITAS 323 grace. propelled by grievance more than by formal religious obligation or gratitude. Beyond the spatial and temporal boundedness-an immanent feature of pilgrimages at large-the pilgrims in the Israeli context are usually coming to their saints as supplicants. even at its high moments. By way of conclusion. are part of the manifest side.. and selfaggrandizement are part of the latent aspect of the pilgrimage. to enhance the spirit of communitas. it may seem ironical that people like A. while the second might extend it to the intergroup level as well. do not entail lengthy and demanding journeys and are devoid of initiatory ritual processions.154. although taking place on the periphery. Since his project. who are particularly sensitive to anti-communitas sentiments. The first factor is likely to reinforceintragroup affinity. combat these vulnerabilities by renewing pilgrimage traditions that are designed. and acrimony. reflecting the dominant. As a diversified. multilayered phenomenon. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . it may be concluded that the wish to be the "favored child" is fulfilled in actuality no less than in fantasy. these negative sentiments exist as well among ordinary attendants during the usual "flow" of the pilgrimage.50. adds to his socioeconomic status. however. This content downloaded from 146. more covert and subtle. In addition. doubts.
It is significant to note that only in one Israeli hillula did I encounter an outright prohibition to sell glasses.. 285-313. PsychiatricDictionary. Psychiatry48:83-92. 1973. exalted and idealized by Turner. first mentioned in the Babylonian Talmud (Erubin 19a). and JEAN MOHR. Dreams and the Wishes of the Saint. that this ritual instigates envy and frustration among the poor. have come from one Jewish pilgrimage center only (Bilu 1986). HEINZ L. pp. This content downloaded from 146. derstanding.JUDY. Withinandfrom Without(H. Judaism Viewedfrom BILU. and ROWENA R.154. The Hamadsha: A Study in Moroccan EthnoCRAPANZANO. 1985." Without denying the possibility or even common occurrence of this transformation. and UnDUNN. and MICHAEL D. have probably accentuated wealth differencesamong the pilgrims. The rationale was. vidual PsychologyofAlfred Adler. psychiatry. In Search of the SadBILU." NOTES 'The se'uda. 1 May 2013 10:08:09 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . KAHN. New BANK. The Sibling Bond. Journey through the LabiBROWN. 1981. as might be expected. Similarly.324 ETHOS Under these circumstances. 1982. then. 1982. Jerusalem: The Magness Press. VINCENT. Siblings: Love. Envy. the great humanist. YORAM. the bearers of baraka. The IndiANSBACHER. rather he emphasized the social matrix in which the "other" becomes a "brother. 3This identification is based on an ancient legendary tradition. diq: Visitational Dreams among Moroccan Jews in Israel. reports from Morocco concerning attempts to allot equal shares of the se'udameat. New York: Albany State University Press.may also be appropriated and monopolized (see Marcus 1985). New York: Oxford UniCAMPBELL. ANSBACHER. irrespective of the quantity brought to the saint. Berkeley: University of California Press. YORAM. The Veneration of Saintsamong (Hebrew). New York: Harper and Row. even though part of the money collected in the auction was reallocated as charity. When Turner wrote that "siblingship is extended to all who share a system of belief.50. 2Saints.). and CAROL KENDRICK. KENNETH. Studies in VisualCommunication 8(2):2-81. sentiments of divisiveness and competition may secretly corrode the spirit of communitas. ed.64 on Wed. versity Press. STEPHEN P.. and HENRY ABRAMOVITCH. REFERENCES 1964. Goldberg.London: Grant and McIntyre. the thesis underlying this work suggests that the pilgrimage may also be the setting where the "brother" sometimes becomes "other. BEN-AMI.and particularly the auction of the saint's glasses. ISSACHAR." he certainly did not purport to highlight sibling rivalry in the psychodynamic sense. 1986. theJews in Morocco 1984. ROBERTJ. York: Basic Books. rinth. 1982.
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