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Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (Punjabi, Urdu:

( ) b. 12. August 192417 August 1988)

was the sixth President of Pakistan from July 1977 to his death in August 1988. Distinguished by his role in the Black September in Jordan military operation in 1970, he was appointed Chief of Army Staff in 1976. After widespread civil disorder, he overthrew ruling Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in a bloodless coup d'tat on 5 July 1977 and became the state's third ruler to impose martial law. He initially ruled as Chief Martial Law Administrator, but later installed himself as the President of Pakistan in September 1978. Zia's major domestic initiatives included the consolidation of the fledgling nuclear program, which was initiated by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, denationalization and deregulation and the state's Islamization. His tenure saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency. His endorsement of the Pakistan Muslim League (the founding party of Pakistan) initiated its mainstream revival
[citation needed]

. However, he is most remembered

for his foreign policy; the subsidizing of the Mujahideen movement during the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan which led to the Soviet Russian withdrawal from Afghanistan. He was described by some as a "fundamentalist Sunni dictator".

Zia died along with several of his top generals and then-United States Ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel in a suspicious aircraft crash near Bahawalpur(Punjab) on 17. August 1988.

Early life
Zia was born in Jalandhar, British India, in 1924 as the second child of Muhammad Akbar, who worked in the Army GHQ in Delhi and Simla pre-partition. He completed his initial education in Simla and then attended St. Stephen's College, Delhi for his graduate degree. After graduation from St Stephen's College in Delhi, Zia joined the British Indian Armyin 1943. He married Shafiq Jahan in 1950-51. Shafiq Zia died 5 January 1996.
[6] [5] [4] [3]

Zia is survived by their children, his sons, Muhammad Ijaz-ul[7][8][9] [10][11] [12] [13]

Haq, (born 1953), who went into politics and became a cabinet minister in the government of Nawaz Sharif, and Anwar-ul-Haq (born 1950)

and his daughters, Zian

(also Zain)

(born 1972),

special needs child, and Rubina Salim, who is married to a Pakistani banker and has been living in the United States since 1980, and daughter Quratulain Zia who currently lives in London, and is married

to Pakistani doctor, Adnan Majid. [edit]Army

Over the years, his family has grown in prominence and renown.


Zia was commissioned in the British Indian Army in a cavalry regiment on 12 May 1943 and served against Nazi Germany and its allies in World War II. After Pakistan gained its independence, Zia joined the newly formed Pakistan Army as a major. His regiment was now the Guides Cavalry Frontier Force Regiment. He was trained in the United States in 19621964 at the US Army Command and General Staff College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. After that, he returned to take over as Directing Staff (DS) at Command and Staff College, Quetta. commander.
[18] [17]

During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia was a tank

Zia was stationed in Jordan from 1967 to 1970 as a Brigadier, helping in the training of Jordanian soldiers, as well as leading the training mission into battle during the Black September operations as commander of Jordanian 2nd Division, a strategy that proved crucial to King Hussein's remaining in power. By 1973, then Major General Zia was commanding the 1st Armoured Division at Multan.

He was then promoted as Lieutenant General and was appointed commander of the II Strike Corps at Multan in 1975. It was during this time when General Zia invited Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as the Colonel-in-Chief of the Armoured Corps at Multan, using his tailor to stitch the Blue Patrols of his size. The next day, Bhutto was requested to climb a tank and engage a target, where the target was quite obviously hit. After the function, General Zia met Bhutto, placed his hand on the Qur'an and said, "You are the saviour of Pakistan and we owe it to you to be totally loyal to you."

On 1 March 1976, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved Zia as Chief of Army, ahead of a number of more senior officers
[citation needed]

. At the time of his nominating the successor to the outgoing chief

General Tikka Khan, the Lieutenant Generals in order of seniority were, Muhammad Shariff,Muhammed Akbar Khan, Aftab Ahmed Khan, Azmat Baksh Awan, Agha Ibrahim Akram, Abdul Majeed Malik, Ghulam Jilani Khan, and Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. But, Bhutto chose the most junior, superseding seven more senior generals.

However, the senior most at that time, Lt Gen Mohammad Shariff, though promoted to

General, was made the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, a constitutional post akin to President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry. [edit]Coup

and martial law

Prime Minister Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term progressed.

Initially targeting leader of the opposition Khan Abdul Wali Khan and his opposition

National Awami Party (NAP). Despite the ideological similarity of the two parties, the clash of egos both inside and outside the National Assembly became increasingly fierce, starting with the Federal governments decision to oust the NAP provincial government in Balochistan for alleged secessionist activities

and culminating in the banning of the party and arrest of much of its leadership after the death

of a close lieutenant of Bhutto's, Hayat Sherpao, in a bomb blast in the frontier town of Peshawar.

Dissidence also increased within the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder of a leading dissident Ahmed Raza Kasuri's father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility as Bhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. Powerful PPP leaders such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his regime. The political crisis in the NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Balochistan intensified as civil liberties remained suspended, and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused of abusing human rights and killing large numbers of civilians.

On 8 January 1977 a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form the Pakistan National Alliance

(PNA). Bhutto called fresh elections, and PNA participated in those elections in full force. They

managed to contest the elections jointly even though there were grave splits on opinions and views within the party. The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results, alleging that the election was rigged. They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections. Despite this, there was high voter turn out in national elections; however, as provincial elections were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA declared the newly-elected Bhutto government as illegitimate. All the opposition leaders called for the overthrow of Bhutto's regime. unrest.
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Political and civil disorder intensified, which led to more

Bhutto imposed martial law in major cities including Karachi, Lahore and Hyderabad. However,

a compromise agreement between Bhutto and opposition was ultimately reported. This compromise theory was however probably a later day addition as a major PPP armed rally was in the offing. On 5 July 1977, before the announcement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops under the order of General Zia. [edit]Postponement

of elections and call for accountability

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After assuming power as Chief Martial Law Administrator, General Zia promised to hold National and Provincial Assembly elections in the next 90 days representatives of the nation
[citation needed]

and to hand over power to the

[citation needed]

. He also stated that the Constitution of Pakistan had not been . However, in October 1977, he

abrogated whatsoever, but had been temporarily suspended

announced the postponement of the electoral plan and decided to start an accountability process for the politicians. Zia said that he changed his decision due to the strong public demand for the scrutiny of political leaders who had engaged in malpractice in the past but there is no evidence to this claim. Thus the "retribution first, elections later" PNA policy was adopted. This severely tainted his credibility as many saw the broken promise as malacious.
[citation needed]

. It is widely believed that once out of power the size of

PPP rallies swell and a better performance in elections was possible. This led to request for postponement of elections by the right wing which displaced Bhutto in the first place. A Disqualification Tribunal was formed, and several individuals who had been Members of Parliament were charged with malpractice and disqualified from participating in politics at any level for the next seven

years. A white paper document was issued, incriminating the deposed Bhutto government on several counts. It is reported by senior officers that when Gen.Zia met federal secretaries for the first time as leader of the country after martial law he said that "He does not possess the Charisma of Bhutto, personality of Gen.Ayub or the legitimacy of Liaquat Ali Khan" thereby implying how can he be marketed.

The Doctrine of Necessity

Main article: Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization Nusrat Bhutto, the wife of the deposed Prime Minister, filed a suit against General Zia's military regime, challenging the validity of the July 1977 military coup. The Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled, in what would later be known as the Doctrine of Necessity (not to be confused with the 1954 Doctrine of necessity) that, given the dangerously unstable political situation of the time, General Zia's overthrowing of the Bhutto government was legal on the grounds of necessity. The judgment tightened the general's hold on the government. When Bhutto appeared personally to argue his appeal in the Supreme Court, he almost affirmed his concurrence with the judges present for not letting off a judgment without imposing some conditions on ruling military government. [edit]Assumption

of the post of President of Pakistan

Despite the dismissal of most of the Bhutto government, President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was persuaded to continue in office as a figurehead. After completing his term, and despite General Zia's insistence to accept an extension as President, Mr Chaudhry resigned, and General Zia took the office of President of Pakistan on 16 September 1978. Thus his position was cemented as the undisputed ruler of the country. Over the next six years, Zia issued several decrees which amended the constitution and greatly expanded his power. Most significantly, the Revival of Constitution of 1973 Order granted Zia the power to dissolve the National Assembly virtually at will. [edit]The

trial of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto

On 4 April 1979, the former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence as passed by the Lahore High Court. The Supreme Court ruled four to three in favour of execution. The High Court had given him the death sentence on charges of the murder of the father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a dissident PPP politician. Despite many clemency appeals from foreign leaders requesting Zia to commute Bhutto's death sentence, Zia dismissed the appeals and upheld the death sentence. The hanging of an elected prime minister by a military man was condemned by the international community and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan
[citation needed]

Bhutto's last personal appearance and utterances in the supreme court were not merely a long defence of his conduct he also made some matters clear. He mentioned the words of "heir" for his son "Mir Murtaza

Bhutto". He made some remark which indicated that he has views similar to a Sunni , though he was Shia. He also effectively cast doubt on reliability of star witness against him i.e Masood Mahmood who was a UK trained lawyer and not merely a police officer and FSF chief. He mentioned repeatedly Lahori Ahmedi connection of Masood Mahmood in his testimony. He repeatedly brought the subject of his maltreatment in the death cell. Bhutto made it abundantly clear, even though indirectly that he wants either freedom or death , not some thing in between, and appreciated Khar and his lawyer Yahya Bakhtiar. [edit]Appointment

of Martial Law Governors

The Zia regime largely made use of installing high-profile military generals to carte blanche provincial administration under martial law. Zia's Guides Cavalry comrade Lieutenant General Fazle Haq was appointed Governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. Gen.Fazle Haq was considered a vocal general and a strong man. Zia's tenure saw the influx of heroin
[citation needed]

, sophisticated weaponry, and countless refugees in from

neighbouring Afghanistan. Law and order deterioration was worse after he appointed Mr.junejo as Prime minister in 1985. Lieutenant General S.M. Abbasi was appointed Governor of Sindh ; his tenure too saw civil disorder amid student riots
[citation needed]

. By contrast, martial law governor General Jilani of Punjab made much headway , extending infrastructure, and muting political opposition
[citation needed]

in beautifying Lahore

[citation needed]

. The

ascent of Nawaz Sharif to Chief Minister of Punjab was largely due to General Jilani's sponsorship. Perhaps most crucially, General Rahimuddin Khan's appointment to the post of martial

law Governor of Balochistan saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency, the containment of Afghan Mujahideen, as well as the construction of nuclear test sites in the Chagai District. [edit]Reign

as President of Pakistan=

Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora
Main article: Parliament of Pakistan In the absence of a parliament, General Zia decided to set up an alternative system, Majlis-e-Shoora, in 1980. Most of the members of the Shoora were intellectuals, scholars, ulema, journalists,economists, and professionals belonging to different fields of life. The Shoora was to act as a board of advisor's to the President. All 284 members of the Shoora were to be nominated by the President, also known as a technocracy or government of technocrats. Amongst technocrats included in Zia's cabinet was Dr.Asad who increased the oil production of the country many fold. Many members of this Shoora later joined other parties after his death.

Referendum of 1984=
General Zia eventually decided to hold elections in the country. But before handing over the power to the public representatives, he decided to secure his position as the head of state. A referendum was held on December 19, 1984 and the option was to elect or reject the General as the future President. The question asked in the referendum was whether the people of Pakistan wanted Islamic Sharia law enforced in the country
[citation needed]

. According to the official result, more than 95% of the votes were cast

in favour of Zia, thus he was elected as President for the next five years. However, they were marred by allegations of widespread irregularities and technical violations of the laws and ethics of democratic elections
[citation needed]

. Also, despite pressure from the government to vote, only 10% of those eligible to . Zia had the overwhelming majority of the votes cast, but in reality the referendum

vote did so

[citation needed]

was an embarrassing failure. [edit]The

Eighth Amendment and elections of 1985

After being elected President, Zia decided to hold elections in the country in February 1985 on a nonparty basis. Most of the opposing political parties decided to boycott the elections but election results showed that many victors belonged to one party or the other. To make things easier for himself, the General nominated the Prime Minister from amongst the Members of the Assembly. To many, his nomination of Muhammad Khan Junejo as the Prime Minister was because he wanted a simple person at the post who would act as a puppet in his hands
[citation needed]

. Before handing over the power to the new

Government and lifting martial law, Zia got the new legislature to retroactively accept all of Zia's actions of the past eight years, including his coup of 1977
[citation needed]

. He also managed to get several amendments

passed, most notably the Eighth Amendment, which granted "reserve powers" to the president to dissolve the National Assembly. However, this amendment considerably reduced the power he'd previously granted himself to dissolve the legislature, at least on paper. The text of the amendment permitted Zia to dissolve the Assembly only if the Cabinet had been toppled by a vote of no confidence and it was obvious that no one could form a government or the government could not function in a constitutional manner. [edit]The

Soviet invasion of Afghanistan

Main article: Soviet war in Afghanistan Further information: Establishment (Pakistan) On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Union (USSR) invaded Afghanistan. General Zia, as President of neighbouring Pakistan, was asked by several cabinet members to refrain from interfering in the war, owing to the vastly superior military power of the USSR. General Zia, however, was ideologically opposed to the idea of communism taking over a neighbouring country, supported by the fear of Soviet advancement into Pakistan, particularly Balochistan, in search of warm waters, and made no secret about

his intentions of monetarily and militarily aiding the Afghan resistance (the Mujahideen) with major assistance from the United States. [edit]Economic

[citation needed]

Under Zia, the previous ruler Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's nationalisation policies were slowly reversed and gradual privatisation took place
[citation needed]

. General Zia greatly favoured egalitarianism and

industrialisation. Between 1977 and 1986, the country experienced an average annual growth in the GNP of 6.8%, one of the highest in the world at that time. [edit]Consolidation

of nuclear program

Zia contributed to attaining nuclear capability for Pakistan, a program started by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. By the time, Zia assumed the control, and research facilities were fully became functional. Both thePakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) and the Khan Research Laboratories (KRL) had ingeniously built the extensive research infrastructure initiated by Bhutto. Zia ordered the arrest of Bhutto's Science Advisor dr. Mubashir Hassan and disbanded the civilian committee headed by dr. Hassan that was supervising the research, and replaced with the several high military officers from thePakistan Armed Forces. MajorGeneral Zahid Ali Akbar Khan was promoted to Lieutenant-General; and, supervised and aggressively led the development of nuclear weapons programme under Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdul Qadeer Khan, in a record time. Maulana Kausar Niazi , a close associate of Bhutto has a different view in his book . He stated that ideas like acquiring Nuclear reprocessing unit from France was secretly given up by Bhutto after Qadeer Khans advice that it ammounted no more than diverting resources to some thing for which no nuclar fuel would be forthcoming to process. Maulana Niazi wrote that he earlier on made more than half a dozen trips to middle East for reprocessing program funding. Pakistan took a sigh of relief when instead of it defaulting and having to pay money to company of France , Kissinger got it cancelled. During 1979 and early 1980s, the country was made a subject of attack by international organizations for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Zia deftly neutralized international pressure by tagging Pakistan's nuclear weapons programme to the nuclear designs of neighbouring India. He then drew a five-point proposal as a practical rejoinder to world pressure on Pakistan to sign the NPT; the points including the renouncing of the use of nuclear weapons. He also funded a HEU plant based at the KRL in Kahuta under Abdul Qadeer Khan, later Zia sent those centrifuges to China to aid in their programme. During General Zia's rule the nuclear weapons programme was considered an important national issue and international pressure was difficult to counter unless several other pro-Pakistan nations were also groomed to become nuclear capable.

In 1980, the PAEC had notified Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan's nuclear proliferation network to Zia's Military government, however Zia had decided to not to confront A.Q. Khan's network. Instead, Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan was encouraged and given free hand to work with some like minded nations like North Korea, Iran and Libya who also wanted to pursue their nuclear ambitions for a variety of reasons. It was envisaged that this would deflect international pressure on these countries and Pakistan would be spared the international community's wrath.

Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan's dismissal from the nuclear weapons


programme in 2004 was considered a face saving exercise by the Pakistani military and political establishment under the then Chief of Army Staff and President General Pervez Musharraf.

Zia also supported the another nuclear weapons program being run in PAEC by Munir Ahmad Khan and sanctioned the launch of the 50 MW heavy water plutonium production reactor, known as Khushab-I, at Khushab in 1985. General Zia had promoted Munir Ahmad Khan as his Science Advisorin 1980, a post that was left by Dr. Abdus Salam in 1974. The PAEC, under the leadership of Chairman Munir Ahmad Khan and Member (Technical), Dr. Ishfaq Ahmad, had carried out the first cold test of a nuclear device on 11 March 1983 which was followed by several cold tests throughout the 1980s. The tests was supervised by senior PAEC scientists and it was witnessed by high-civil and military officials belonging to the different branches of Pakistan Defense Forces. [edit]International

standing enhancement and resumption of aid

Zia's international standing greatly rose after his declaration to fight the Soviet invaders. Pakistan United States relations took a much more positive turn. U.S. President Jimmy Carter and his Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance, cut off U.S. aid to Pakistan on the grounds that Pakistan had not made sufficient progress on the nuclear issue. Then, on 25 December 1979, the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, and Carter offered Pakistan $325 million in aid over three years. Zia rejected this as "peanuts."

Carter also signed

the finding in 1980 that allowed less than $50 million a year to go to the Mujahideen. After Ronald Reagan came to office, defeating Carter for the US Presidency in 1980, all this changed, due to President Reagan's new priorities and the unlikely and remarkably effective effort by Congressman Charles Wilson (D-TX), aided by Joanne Herring, and CIA Afghan Desk ChiefGust Avrakotos to increase the funding for Operation Cyclone. Aid to the Afghan resistance, and to Pakistan, increased substantially, finally reaching $1 billion. The United States, faced with a rival superpower looking as if it were to create another Communist bloc, now engaged Zia to fight a US-aided war by proxy in Afghanistan against the Soviets. [edit]Fighting

the war by proxy

Zia now found himself in a position to demand billions of dollars in aid for the Mujahideen from the Western states, famously dismissing a United States proposed $325 million aid package as "peanuts". Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence and Special Service Group now became actively involved in the

conflict, and in cooperation with the Central Intelligence Agency and the United States Army Special Forces supported the armed struggle against the Soviets. In 1981, Ronald Reagan succeeded Jimmy Carter as President of the United States. Reagan was completely against the Soviet Union and its Communist satellites, dubbing it "the evil empire". Reagan now increased financial aid heading for Pakistan. In 1981, the Reagan Administration sent the first of 40 F-16 jet fighters to the Pakistanis. But the Soviets kept control of the Afghan skies until the Mujahideen received Stinger missiles in 1986. From that moment on, the Mujahideen's strategic position steadily improved. The Soviets declared a policy of national reconciliation. In January they announced that a Soviet withdrawal was no longer linked to the makeup of the Afghan government remaining behind. Pakistan, with the massive extra-governmental and covert backing from the largest operation ever mounted by the CIA and financial support of Saudi Arabia, therefore, played a large part in the eventual withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1988. [edit]The

war legacy

The war left deep scars to the Pakistani society with the menace of Kalashnikov (AK-47 assault rifle) culture spreading all over the country. It is estimated that there are currently 20 million firearms in

Pakistan, which has a population of about 175 million(as of July 2010) i.e., almost every ninth person has a firearm, most likely an automatic one.

The rise of the illicit drug trade and its spread through Pakistan

to the rest of the world increased tremendously during the Soviet-Afghan war. Afghanistan's drug industry began to take off after the Soviet invasion in 1979. Desperate for cash with which to buy weapons, various elements in the anti-Communist resistance turned to the drug trade. This was tolerated if not condoned by their American sponsors such as the CIA.

It was thought by some leading ISI officials then assisting Mujaheedin led war that converting raw opium to heroin is a technology which was not known to illiterate Afghans and was taught by CIA or some others with advanced technology as later was easy to smuggle and earn cash for resistance. Two Afghan Mujahideen groups later morphed into Jihadist outfits in the shape of Taliban and Al-Qaedain the early 1990s. The Pakistan and US trained Arab and Afghan fighters later in 2001 initiated a 'Jihad' against US. The links of the spectacular and deadly events of September 11 were deeply rooted in the Soviet-Afghan war. Osama bin Laden invested his inherited money into the Soviet-Afghan war to fight the 'infidel communist power' and was abetted by CIA, ISI, US and Pakistani military establishments for over 10 years.

To this day Pakistan is bearing the consequences of this strategy and has been dragged

deeply into a war with no apparent end.

Some former ISI officials mention of suit cases of dollars which came routinely and some money was perhaps not reaching Mujaheddin and made it to intermediates. [edit]General

Zia-ul-Haq's 'Islamisation

On 2 December 1978, on the occasion of the first day of the Hijra to enforce the Islamic system in Pakistan in a nationwide address, Zia accused politicians of exploiting the name of Islam: "Many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of Islam."
[citation needed]

After assuming power, the government began a program of public commitment to enforce Nizam-eMustafa (Islamic System), a significant turn from Pakistan's predominantly Anglo-Saxon law, inherited from the British. As a preliminary measure to establish an Islamic society in Pakistan, General Zia announced the establishment of Sharia Benches. The hybridization of Pakistan penal code with Islamic laws was not easy work . Two very different logics lay underneath both. PPC was kingly law, Haddood is a religious and community based law. Under the Offences Against Property (Hudood Ordinance) Ordinance, 1979; the punishment of imprisonment or fine, or both, as provided in the existing Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) for theft, was substituted by the amputation of the right hand of the offender from the joint of the wrist by a surgeon. For robbery, the right hand of the offender from the wrist and his left foot from the ankle should be amputated by a surgeon. Hudood (, also transliterated Hadud, Hudud; plural for Hadh, , limit, or restriction) is the word often used in Islamic social and legal literature for the bounds of acceptable behaviour. Although the punishments were imposed, the due process, witnesses and prosecution system remained un-Islamic Anglo-Saxon. As in Islamic law Hudud can only be given if four witnesses saw the crime happen, in reality hardly anyone can be punished by Islamic Hud laws as very rarely can the conditions for punishment be met. In legal terms, (Islamic law being usually referred to as Sharia, ) the term is used to describe laws that define a certain level of crime classification
[citation needed]

. Crimes classified under Hudud are the most

severe of crimes, such as murder, theft, and adultery. There are minor differences in views between the four major Sunni madh'habs about sentencing and specifications for these laws. It is often argued that, since Sharia is God's law and states certain punishments for each crime, they are immutable. It has been argued by some, that the Hudud portion of Sharia is incompatible with humanism or human rights. Although the Hud punishment were imposed but the Islamic law of evidence was not implemented and remained British in origin. Drinking of wine (i.e. all alcoholic drinks) was not a crime under the PPC. In 1977, however, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims was banned in Pakistan and the sentence of imprisonment of six months

or a fine of Rs. 5000/-, or both, was provided in that law. This ban on drinking was promulgated by Bhutto as he tried to soothen the tide of street Islamization drive called "Nizam Mustafa"in his last days. Under the Zina Ordinance, the provisions relating to adultery were replaced so that the women and the man guilty will be flogged, each of them, with one hundred lashes, if unmarried. And if they are married they shall be stoned to death provided the proof required for hadd is met. That is four Muslim adult male witnesses of good repute to the act of penetration or a voluntary confession in a competent court of law. The Zina Ordinance is fraught with legal ambiguities and the major flaw in this law is the fact that no distinction is made between adultery and rape. Rape is considered no more heinous a crime than zina. The demarcation line between the two offences is so thin in practice, that when a woman comes into the court with a case of rape, she risks being convicted of zina herself, if she cannot prove the rape. The onus of providing proof in a rape case rests with the woman herself. If she is unable to prove her allegation, bringing the case to court is considered equivalent to a confession of sexual intercourse without lawful marriage. Thus this ordinance has been criticized by human rights and women rights activists, lawyers and politicians over the years and sought repealed on many occasions, but so far no attempt of repeal has been successful.

Before Hadd were imposed, woman of low morals or prostitutes would get pregnant with some rich client and force a marriage on them , a tendency which has abated with Hadd. Pakistan's college of unreliable witnesses and unscientific manner of investigations and very young secular law judges meant that not that Haddood too did not work like the secular PPC law before that. The Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) and the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) were amended, through ordinances in 1980, 1982 and 1986 to declare anything implying disrespect to the Islamic prophetMuhammad, Ahl al-Bayt (family members of Muhammad), Sahabah (companions of Muhammad) andSha'ar-i-Islam (Islamic symbols), a cognizable offence, punishable with imprisonment or fine, or with both.
When General Zia-ul-Haq took over as the Chief Martial Law Administrator on July 5, 1977, Islamization was given a new boost. General Zia-ul-Haq was a practicing Muslim who raised the slogan of Islam. The Islamic sentiment has always been fully alive in Pakistan. Various governments have used this to their benefit. There are people who doubt Zia's reasons for raising the Islamic slogan; whether it was for political purposes to counter balance Bhutto's appeal or was it to enforce Islam in its true sense. In his first address to the nation, he declared that Islamic laws would be enforced and that earnest attention would be devoted towards establishing the Islamic society for which Pakistan had been created. General Zia wanted to bring the legal, social, economic and political institutions of the country in conformity with the Islamic principles, values and traditions in the light of Quran and Sunnah, to enable the people of Pakistan to lead their lives in accordance to Islam. The Government of Zia-ul-Haq took a number of steps to eradicate non-Islamic practices from the country. He introduced the Zakat, Ushr, Islamic Hadood and Penal Code in the country. The Government invited eminent scholars to compile laws about Islamic financing. The Zakat and Ushr Ordinance to Islamize the economic system was promulgated on June 20, 1980. It covered only Islamic organizations, associations and institutions. Zakat was to be deducted from bank accounts of Muslims at the rate of 2.5 percent

annually above the balance of Rupees 3,000. Ushr was levied on the yield of agricultural land in cash or kind at the rate of 10 percent of the agricultural yield, annually. The Government appointed Central, Provincial, District and Tehsil Zakat Committees to distribute Zakat funds to the needy, poor, orphans and widows. Shias were exempted from Zakat deduction from their accounts due to their own religious beliefs. The Zakat was to be deducted by banks on the first day of Ramazan.


against Ahmadiyya community of 1984

Another addition to the laws was Ordinance XX of 1984. Under this, the Ahmadiyya were barred from calling themselves Muslims, or using Islamic terminology or practicing Islamic rituals. This resulted in classifying the Ahmadiyya Community of Pakistan into a minority group in law. Zia was also considered anti-Shia,

as Zias regime saw vicious persecution unleashed against the Shias, who form 20 percent

of Pakistan's population in addition to the persecution levied against smaller sects such as the Ahmadiyyas. Further during his reign many Shia Muslim personalities and politicians were killed, most

prominently the judicial killing of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Zia's close associates included several Shias but overall Zia's regime was not so pro- Shia as Bhutto's was or Zardari's is now as Iran -Iraq war had strained Shia sunni relationship and Iran sided not with Pakistan but India after Khomeni's revolution , which was a turn away from Pakistan-Iran alliance of the 1960s under Shah of Iran.Zia's associates were mostly sunnis who make about 90% of population. Zia did not throw Ahmedis from Army but Ahmedis who were declared minority in Bhutto's era were unhappy and regained prominent positions after Zia's death as PPP got poweragain . Zia's only open clash with Shia ulema was over Zakat (charity)distribution related issues. A book called "Profiles of intelligence" documents that event as written and resolved by a Shia military officer of ISI by the regime. Zia promulgated Ordinance XX on 26 April 1984, banning members of the Ahmadiyya community from performing some of their religious ceremonies and prayers.

He declared "This Ordinance may be called

the Anti-Islamic Activities of the Ahmadis (Prohibition and Punishment) Ordinance, 1984". Although before Zia's rule, in 1974 Pakistan's National Assembly under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto it was declared that Ahmadis are classified as non-Muslims for the definition of the law.

But it was not sufficient in stopping

the missionary activities of the Ahmadiyya community. Article 298-C of the new law states "Any person of the Quadiani group or the Lahori group (who call themselves Ahmadis or by any other name), who, directly or indirectly, poses himself as Muslim, or calls, or refers to his faith as Islam, or preaches or propagates his faith, or invites others to accept his faith, by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representations, or in any manner whatsoever outrages the religious feelings of Muslims, shall be

punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years and shall also be liable to fine."

Since the military regime of Zia unleashed a wave of persecution in the 1980s, violence against the Ahmadiyya community has never really ceased. Ahmadis continue to be killed and injured, and have their homes and businesses burned down in anti-Ahmadi attacks. The authorities continue to arrest, jail and charge Ahmadis for blasphemy and other offenses because of their religious beliefs. In several instances, the police have been complicit in harassment and the framing of false charges against Ahmadis, or stood by in the face of anti-Ahmadi violence.

Pakistan did have Lahori Ahmedis in very prominent positions after Gen Zia such as an army chief before Before Musharaf and during Musharaf era a close top civilian advisor was an a loose Ahmedi. Zardari's personal staff is headed by a Ahmedi.Zia's own surgeon was a Qadiani Ahmedi. [edit]Lal

Masjid of Islamabad

The land of Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) was awarded to the occupants by Zia ul Haq. The controversial figureheads Abdul Aziz Ghazi and Abdul Rashid Ghazi of Jamia Hafsa had special relations with Zia ul Haq and those links were further enhanced by his son Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq during his term as aminister of religious affairs. The former head of Lal Masjid, Maulana Abdullah who was famous for speeches on Jihad (Holy war), is said to be very close to Zia ul Haq. [edit]Dismissal

of the Junejo government and call for new elections

As time passed, the legislature wanted to have more freedom and power and by the beginning of 1988, rumors about the differences between Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo and Zia were rife. It is said by some that Zia- Junejo rift was encouraged by late Mahboob ul haq and Junejo's insistence on signing Geneva pact without deciding the composition of next government of afghanistan before soviet withdrawl. Junejo also gave Benazir a seat next to him in parleys before that. Junejo did not strenghten the Islamization drive and rather weakened it. His era led to serious disturbances in Karachi and ultimately Karachi went into Shia control of MQM from clutches of Sunnis Jamaat Islami. Ojri camp blast had irreversibly weakened Zia versus Junejo. Junejo with western support could not strike Zia . Zia struck first. On 29 May 1988, General Zia dissolved the Senate and the National Assembly and removed the Prime Minister under article 58(2)b of the amended Constitution. Apart from many other reasons, Prime Minister Junejo's decision to sign the Geneva Accord against the wishes of General Zia, and his open declarations of removing any military personnel found responsible for an explosion at a munitions dump at Ojhri Camp, on the outskirts of army headquarters in Rawalpindi, earlier in the year, proved to be some of the major factors responsible for his removal.

Zia played the Islam card to defend himself and the generals against any accusations of misrule and corruption
[citation needed]

. However since the media in Pakistan was brutally gagged in his days

[citation needed]

none of his corruption could be documented and brought to the limelight by the print media. When accused of trying to cover-up the Ojari camp incident, on 29 May 1988, he invoked an amendment that he had recently added to the Pakistani Constitution that allowed him to dismiss the Prime Minister, dissolve the National Assembly and all provincial assemblies - basically, the entire legislative portions of the government outside of the Presidency. Zia's loyalists in the military were called to form an interim government. Zia justified his actions and diverted attention from his corruption
[citation needed]

by focusing on

how the further Islamization of Pakistan had been negligently delayed by Junejo and his government. Zia promised to hold elections in 1988 after the dismissal of Junejo government. He said that he would hold elections within the next 90 days. The late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughter Benazir Bhutto had returned from exile earlier in 1986, and had announced that she would be contesting the elections. With Bhutto's popularity somewhat growing, and a decrease in international aid following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, Zia was in an increasingly difficult political situation. [edit]Movement

for Restoration of Democracy (MRD)

Main article: Oppression under the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq In 1983, as a reaction to Zia's policies, the populist Movement for the Restoration of Democracy was born and soon gained popularity in Pakistan's smaller, poorer provinces, especially in Bhutto's home province, Sindh. Indira Gandhi, Indian PM raised concerns over this brutality and violation of human rights at the hands of Pakistan's military dictatorship (Dawn 14 August 1983).

Gen.Zia was man of nerves; he wrote in a beautiful handwriting and could draw caricatures. Given to elaborate courtesy with visitors he cemented alliance with USA and Arabs . He inherited a weak and defeated Pakistan as its army chief in 1975, he left a nuclear Pakistan which had defeated the largest empire and superpower of the world with its allies help. His insitutions like Zakat, Ombudsman,Hadd laws has survived him to this date. He did not let his children come forth or get blemished in his lifetime and married his daughter in a middle class family. Zia was a smoker, darkish in complexion and not very impressive or huge to look at. He according to his colleagues was very religiously dutiful and pious. Zia was a strategist and succeeded. He kept a close watch on state TV and is credited with encouraging carefully scripted performances of that time. He was one of last officers who made to the army chief position who started their career in the Second World War. So he could speak good English and conduct good press conferences.

It is said that in 1984 when India was in a belligerent mode he made it to India to say "We have what you have" i.e. Atom Bomb on ostensibly a cricket event. His deception , both open and hidden of his rivals was exemplary. Bhutto had very good intelligence in army .Zia called a westerner for teaching senior officers who were not let away from classes till late in the evening before coup. Bhutto's informers were ordered into that course. In the meantime he made arrangements for coup. Zia was at one time severely snubbed by the soviets. Zia slept little. He was a golfer. Most of institutions for mentally handicapped now in existence in Pakistan were made by him. He was seen publically worried on three occasions 1.MRD movement 2.Benazir's reception during Junejo's era 3.PPP resurgence in 1977. His policies were reversed and many senior civilian officers quit going to mosques after he died. [edit]Death Zia died in a plane crash on 17 August 1988. After witnessing a US M1 Abrams tank demonstration in Bahawalpur, Zia had left the small town in the Punjab province by C-130 Hercules aircraft. Shortly after a smooth takeoff, the control tower lost contact with the aircraft. Witnesses who saw the plane in the air afterward claim it was flying erratically, then nosedived and exploded on impact. In addition to Zia, 31 others died in the plane crash, including Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Akhtar Abdur Rahman, close associate of General Zia, Brigadier Siddique Salik, the American Ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel and General Herbert M. Wassom, the head of the U.S. Military aid mission to Pakistan.

Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Senate Chairman announced Zia's death on radio and TV. The

manner of his death has given rise to many conspiracy theories.

There is speculation that America,


India, the Soviet Union (as retaliation for US-Pakistani supported attacks in Afghanistan) or an alliance of them and internal groups within Zia's military were behind the attack.

A board of inquiry was set up to investigate the crash. It concluded the most probable cause of the crash was a criminal act of sabotage perpetrated in the aircraft. It also suggested that poisonous gases were released which incapacitated the passengers and crew, which would explain why no Mayday signal was given.


and burial

Zia's Tomb

Grave stone of Zia's grave

His funeral was held on 19 August 1988 in Islamabad. Also in attendance was his successor President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who had earlier officially announced Zia's death in a nationwide address.

Books about Haq's time period

The Leopard and the Fox by Tariq Ali (2007) Breaking the Curfew by Emma Duncan (1989) ISBN 0-7181-2989-X Working with Zia by General Khalid Mahmud Arif Khaki Shadows by General Khalid Mahmud Arif Desperately Seeking Paradise by Ziauddin Sardar Waiting for Allah by Christina Lamb Ayub, Bhutto, and Zia by Hassan Iftikhar Journey to Disillusionment by Sherbaz Khan Mazari Ghost Wars by Steven Coll General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq Shaheed: A Compilationby various authors Charlie Wilson's War by George Crile

The Bear Trap: Afghanistan's Untold Story by Mohammed Yousaf, Mark Adkin (1992) ISBN 0-85052267-6

A Case of Exploding Mangoes by Mohammed Hanif Pakistan's Politics The Zia Years by Mushahid Hussain Syed Pakistan Under Martial Law 1977-1985 by Muhammad Waseem

Portrayals in popular culture

Zia has been portrayed in English language popular culture a number of times including: In the comic Shattered Visage, it is implied that Zia's death was orchestrated by the same intelligence agency that ran The Village from the show The Prisoner. Zia was portrayed by Indian actor Om Puri in the 2007 film Charlie Wilson's War. Zia is caricatured as one of the main protagonists in Mohammed Hanif's 2008 satirical novel A Case of Exploding Mangoes which is loosely based around the events of his death.

Zia is the basis for the character General Hyder in Salman Rushdie's novel Shame (1983), which describes Zia's long-lasting relationship with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (here known as Iskander Harrapa), the president whom he would later overthrow and "put to death".
The Chief of Army Staff, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, suspended the 1973 Constitution, but had a provisional one adopted as well as a substantial amendment, which buttressed the role of the military establishment. Meanwhile, he got rid of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto by having him sentenced to death, upon a politically motivated trial, and eventually Bhutto was executed in April 1979. Under Zia, Pakistan saw an even sharper turn to Islamisation, one which had a profound impact on the state and the entire society. In terms of foreign policy, Zias 11-year rule was marked by Pakistans close links with the Mujahideen fighting Soviet troops in Afghanistan, at the height of the Cold War. Pakistans military involvement even if an indirect one in the confrontation with the USSR in Afghanistan allowed Zia to receive substantial political and financial backing from the US, but at a rather high cost, as it turned out later on. The war against the infidels translated into a considerable shift of Afghans across the border into Pakistan, resulting in both exacerbated social problems and the further radicalisation of Islamic groups in the country. The regime collapsed suddenly in August 1988, when Zia was killed in an air crash and that gave the green-light to the restoration of democracy later that year, with the advent of Bhuttos daughter, Benazir, to premiership. Democracy was given one more chance in Pakistan, with two main players dominating the domestic scene,

Benazir Bhuttos Pakistan Peoples Party and Nawaz Sharifs Muslim National League. However, the big question for Pakistan was whether the country was ready to move to a real and meaningful democracy, which would lead to prosperity at home and security in the turbulent regions of South and Central Asia.

As Pakistan comes full circle, a light is shone on Zia ul-Haq's death= the Sunday times
The plane crash that killed President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq of Pakistan has spawned myriad conspiracy theories since his C-130 plunged into the Bahawalpur Desert with his top generals and the US Ambassador on board exactly 20 years ago tomorrow. The despots death changed Pakistans political landscape in an instant, ushering the Muslim state into a period of shaky civilian rule, similar to the situation the country finds itself in today. American, Soviet, Pakistani, Indian and even Israeli intelligence agents are among those blamed for sabotaging the plane. But now, two decades on, the The Times has reviewed the incident and is able to shed new light on what caused the crash, offering a far more simple explanation for the disaster. The mystery of how Zia died still captures the imagination. A former Pakistani Air Force officer has just published a novel about the dictators death, entitled A Case of Exploding Mangoes. In the book, Mohammed Hanif postulates the popular theory that the crew of the aircraft was incapacitated by VX nerve gas smuggled aboard by a Pakistani intelligence agent. Over the years many possible culprits have been identified for the Zia killing, ranging from the ex-Soviet KGB or the Soviet-backed Afghan Government of the time to Pakistans arch-rival, India, and even members of General Zias own military. A former US Ambassador to India was relieved of his post after telling Washington that he believed the Israelis, concerned about Pakistans nuclear ambitions, were behind the crash. At least one relative of the US military attach who was killed in the aircraft blames General Zias rival, Benazir Bhutto, who was assassinated at the end of last year. This month, General Hameed Gul, the Islamic hardliner who was head of Pakistans Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) spy agency at the time, suggested that the United States might be responsible for murdering its Cold War ally even though the US Ambassador and military attach were also killed. General Gul told The Times that the Pakistani President was killed in a conspiracy involving a foreign power. The Times has uncovered a far less complicated explanation. According to US investigators, a mechanical problem, known to be relatively common with the C-130 military transport aircraft,

was to blame. There were a lot of conspiracy theories and there still are, understandably in that part of the world, Robert Oakley, who took over as US Ambassador after the crash and helped to handle the politically fraught investigation, told The Times. I said [to the Pakistanis]: You are all going to think this is sabotage but I do not have evidence of that . . . We think its mechanical failure. We have looked at the records of the US Air Force. We have found a number of failures maybe 20 or 30 where C130s behaved this way. General Zia, Pakistans longest-ruling military dictator, was killed when his aircraft crashed minutes after taking off from the southern Punjab city of Bahawalpur on August 17, 1988. Arnold Raphel, the US Ambassador, and Brigadier-General Herbert Wassom, his military attach, were among 29 other people killed on the flight, including many of Pakistans top generals. Witnesses to the crash cited in Pakistans official investigation said that the C -130 began to pitch in an up-and-down motion while flying low shortly after take-off before going into a near-vertical dive into the desert. General Aslam Beg, who became Chief of Army Staff after General Zias death, saw the crash from his aircraft, which had just taken off. Instead of returning to the site he headed straight to Islamabad. His action later caused controversy, leading some to allege his involvement. He refused to comment when approached by The Times this month. There is no point talking about the incident after 20 years. There are many more important issues in the country at this point, he said.


Posted March 24th, 2010 by heritage

Date: Monday, 1985, November 11 Location: Faculty of Health Sciences and of The Aga Khan University Hospital Karachi. November 11, 1985 Your Highness Prince Karim Aga Khan; Your Highness Begum Aga Khan; Lieutenant-General Jahan Dad Khan, Governor, Sind; Mr. Justice Ghous Ali Shah, Chief Minister of Sind; Mr. Shams Lakha; Honourable Ministers; Members of the Senate, National Assembly & Provincial Assemblies; Excellencies; Distinguished Guests; Ladies and Gentlemen: Assalam-o-Alaikum It is a matter of great pleasure and honour for me to welcome your Highness to Pakistan, once again, and particularly to the city of Karachi - which apart from many other reasons of attracting your attention, is also the birthplace of your illustrious grandfather. Your last visit, Your Highness, in 1983, coincided with the presentation of the Charter of the Aga Khan University. Today, by the grace of Allah, the buildings of the Hospital, the Faculty of Health Sciences, and the Hostel of the University are complete; providing testimony in brick and mortar, to your pre-eminent quality of philanthropy. Pakistan is, indeed, fortunate in having been blessed with a University of such a high calibre. On behalf of the Government and the people of Pakistan, and on my own behalf, I would like to express our profound gratitude to your Highness. ...I have been here a number of times and I was really thinking of what my true feelings are at this time and mind you, I am not being modest, I am being very frank, my contribution is very little, it is only the magnanimity of His Highness that has exploded my contribution to such an extent. But being a witness to the growth of this complex, I was just wondering as to what my true feelings are today. Many of us sitting here today are fathers and mothers and many of us have seen our children grow but very few really think that the man who stands before you today as perhaps a

doctor, an engineer, a banker once was a little child incapable of walking, incapable of thinking for himself and then when you look back many years you find that it is the effort and the love and affection that reared up that child to grow where he is today. I am talking about a life span of man. Here is a life span of a complex. I came here a few years ago and I saw a deserted piece of ground. I came the next time I saw a bit of life, I came the next time and we gave the Charter to the University. It is only in a matter of two years we see here, not a child but a child that is certainly mine, no doubt, but is the child of His Highness, which has been reared upon the last few years with such love and affection by himself, the Begum who accompanied him all the time, by His Highness Amyn Aga Khan and by a team of such dedicated workers as Mr. Merchant who is sitting very quietly down below, Mr. Shamsh Lakha, Mr. Ashiqueali and many others who will perhaps continue to remain the back stage workers without whose efforts this complex would not have come up, and just taking a lead from Mr. Shamsh Lakha's words, the torch has been lit and we are all to witness the light that will emerge from this great institution of learning, I hope, Inshallah. These magnificent buildings of the Aga Khan University Complex also bear testimony to your Highness's outstanding contribution towards the enhancement of Islamic Architecture, by blending contemporary technology with the grace and beauty of conventional style. Such excellence, if I may add, can only be achieved by a team that is privileged to work under the guidance and inspiration of your Highness. Judged by any standards, however exacting, the Aga Khan University is an exemplary institution. The criterion adopted for admission to this University offers the guarantee that the principle of equity will be safeguarded without sacrificing excellence. The provision in the University Charter for attracting scholars, particularly Pakistani scholars from abroad, is something that needs to be extended by the Pakistani authorities to other universities in the country as well. Here, I would like to make a reference to another exemplary feature of the Aga Khan University; and this is the positive and constructive attitude that is inculcated among its students. As a result, the atmosphere of the University is entirely academic and free from incidence of in discipline and political manipulation which has been the main cause of deterioration of academic standards in many of our educational institutions in Pakistan today. The sanctity of the academic environment in the Aga Khan University has, no doubt, been maintained through the single minded commitment to the cause of education and education alone. The establishment of the Aga Khan University complex, with facilities for research and medical education and treatment, is indeed in accord with the spirit of Islam. As we all know, Islam gives top priority to the acquisition of knowledge, and regards the care of the sick as one of the foremost duties of man. Your Highness has thus demonstrated how to keep one's covenant with Islamic teachings, and I am sure Allah will, doubtless, bless you for it Inshallah. Pakistan owes an immense debt of gratitude to your Highness for your generous assistance in supplementing the efforts of the Government, through the Aga Khan Foundation in improving the quality of life of our people, particularly in the health sector. Your Highness, we perceive in the various on-going projects, launched by your Highness in Pakistan, a continuation of the noble mission initiated by your forefathers. Aga Khan University is one of such projects and I am confident that it will play a vital role in its own right. Here I would also like to express my personal gratitude once again for such a fine institution. We are living in a material world and if we just look at the amount of investment $400 million worth of a project devoted purely for the sake of education and care for the sick. Where in the metropolis of Karachi is a gift that can be befitting to any nation, to any city, to any people? Permit me your Highness to express my personal gratitude to your Highness for the creation of endowments in the name of Begum Shafiqa Zia. These endowments will be used to provide Scholarships for students in the Faculty of Health Sciences in the Aga Khan University, and for the creation of a fund to support the cost of medical care of the needy and the deserving patients at the Aga Khan University Hospital.

I pray to Allah that both these institutions, the Aga Khan University and the Aga Khan University Hospital may achieve greatness in the fullness of time; and may Allah in his benevolence bestow his grace on the generation of students to complete their training with distinction and use their knowledge in the service of mankind; and also provide courage, strength and wisdom to the hospital staff to enable them to face the challenges that lie ahead; and thereby justify the confidence that your Highness and the Government of Pakistan have reposed in these two great institutions. My statement will not be complete if I did not reciprocate. This entire gift of $400 million is from His Highness, the Government of Pakistan's contribution is whatever it is, my own personal interest is what I have stated a little while ago. In the same spirit I would like to offer to the Aga Khan Medical College, two Scholarships a year for those graduates who qualify at the top positions at the Aga Khan Medical University and who complete their preliminary specialisation in Pakistan. This will be done through a scholarship and your Highness, I have not asked your permission but I am sure you will be kind enough that this scholarship will be called Salima Aga Khan scholarship. We have been talking about the Universities of Cambridge, Oxford, McGill, Osborne, Munich and the like. I pray to Allah that the Aga Khan University not only be remembered in line with some of those modern and the most talented and the most reputed educational institutions but it will also be headed by the Aga Khan University. I, once again, thank your Highness for your love and care for Pakistan, and for your devotion to the cause of improving the quality of life of its people. May Allah endow you with long life, health and happiness. Ameen! With these words, I have great pleasure in inaugurating the new building of the Aga Khan University Hospital. Thank you. Pakistan Zindabad