Women's Representation in National Legislatures: Developed and Developing Countries Author(s): Richard E.

Matland Reviewed work(s): Source: Legislative Studies Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Feb., 1998), pp. 109-125 Published by: Comparative Legislative Research Center Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/440217 . Accessed: 11/01/2013 01:28
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It then moves on to whether theories based on results from OECD (Organizationof Economic Cooperationand Development) countries also hold in less developed countries (LDCs) with stable democracies. by demographic variables (Darcy. and Clark 1994. Rule 1981.This note provides a useful test of the robustness of these findings by testing the theories in less developed countries. able variation.Variations andsocioeconomicfactors. none of these variables have a statisticallysignificant and positive effect in less developed countries. Womenarepoorlyrepresented in national legislatures throughUnion(1997)reports thatas of outtheworld. 1.1% of therepresentatives were national women. Earlier analyses concentrated exclusively on advanced industrializeddemocracies. Studies considering the causes of variations in representationlevels for women in westerndemocraciesfind fairlyconsistent areexplainedby politicalfactors.These findings strongly suggest the existence of a threshold. LEGISLATIVESTUDIES QUARTERLY. While a proportional electoralsystem. andthese models arethen appliedto a sampleof democraciesin developing countries. Only after that threshold is passed do proportional representation. Norris 1985. the cultural representation and the level of of women.XXIII. MATLAND Universityof Houston Women's in National Representation Legislatures: and Developed Developing Countries This note expandsresearchon representation of women in nationallegislatures. Yet the parliaments despite generalpictureof there are exceptions and considersignificant under-representation. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and cultural standing exert positive influences on the representationof women.labor force participation.TheInter-Parliamentary in the 179existing November1997only 12. women's participation in the laborforce. country's development all have positive effects standing on female representation in OECD democracies.andby cultural institutions. This note retests this earlier work on later data to see whether factors that were importantin the early 1980s retain their significance. February1998 109 This content downloaded on Fri. 1994). Welch. Existing models are tested on newer data in advanced industrializeddemocracies. There are striking differences across the two samples.RICHARDE.especiallyelectoral results. 1987.

2%) occurredin October 1996 as New Zealand held its first election under a mixed electoral system. Matland While scholars of comparative politics regularly urge the inclusion of a broader range of countries in comparative research. de-emphasizingits heavy weighting on chief executive powers and recruitment. Representation Levels in National Legislatures Tables 1 and2 show women's representation levels in 1980. Inspection of the data shows that the gap between the industrialized democraciesand the democraticLDCs has widened over time. Among the LDCs all the gains are modest. attainingthis goal often runs into problems.a constitutionalamendment requiringthe nominationof women to at least one-thirdof the viable seatshas hada dramatic effect on women's representation (Jones 1996).Jaggers. and 1997 for the nationallegislaturesof the 24 industrializeddemocracies and the 16 LDCs with democraticregimes.datafor desiredvariablesarenot available.9%across the industrialized democracies.the Scandinavian The biggest gain over the 17-year time period was 24. Among the industrializedcouncountriesareall clusteredat the top of the chart. I identifiedthe 24 advancedindustrializeddemocracies and 16 democracies in LDCs shown in Tables 1 and 2. the relevant independent variables.110 RichardE.9% for New Zealand. tries. 1990.1The difference of means between these two groupsis statisticallysignificantfor all three time periods and indicates that the two samples differ in meaningful ways. A second obstacle is defining the sample of democratic countries that should be included in the study.and placing greaterweight on the breadthof political participation(see Matland 1994 for a detailed descriptionof the sample selection process). with Argentina being a stunningexception. I adjustedthe originalindex.1%. I deal with this difficulty by using indirect measures of some relevantconcepts. the regressionresults for industrializedand less developed countries.while the averagegain acrossthe LDCs has been a much more modest 5.2% to 29. women have made gains averaging 10. Countries that I use an adjustedindex meet one standard may fail a differentstandard.andMoore 1990). One is lack of data. In Argentina. The rest of the paperdiscusses the level of women's representation across the countries in the sample.8% of that gain (from 21. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and implicationsof the findings. of democracy developed from measures in the POLITY II data set compiled by Ted Gurr(Gurr. Using this adjusteddemocracy index. For manycountriesandlegislatures. This content downloaded on Fri. From 1980 to 1997.

1990.4 36. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .3 1997 40.5 + 7. A WorldStatisticalSurvey.0 20.3 16.3 5.5 5.0 12.1 10. 1995 1945-1995.2 12.3 4.4 +16.Switzerland: and the IPU's world wide web site: http//:www.8 7. Independent Variables Independent variables found to be significant in previous research in advanced industrialized democracies fall into three categories: political/electoral institutions. and socioeconomic variables.3 6.0 11. and 1997 Country Sweden Norway Denmark Finland Netherlands New Zealand Austria West Germanya Iceland Spain Switzerland Canada Average Luxembourg United Kingdom Australia Portugal Belgium Ireland United States Italy France Israel Greece Japan 1980 27.7 15.5 +15.0 + 2.4 6.3 29.2 26.9 6.4 33.8 7.5 13.8 + 3.the 1980 and 1990 totals arefor the FederalRepublic of Germany.0 + 2.5 7.9 +17.0 + 7.org.7 8.0 31.8 1990 38.9 + 8.5 +18.0 +10.3 15. cultural variables.7 3.3 25.0 +19.6 + 0.3 2.7 5. "Women in Parliaments: IPU.5 +10.6 14.Women's Representation TABLE 1 Female Representation in the National Legislatures of Advanced Industrial Democracies in 1980.2 This content downloaded on Fri.8 a The Germantotal from 1997 is for unified Germany.0 +24.9 7.6 111 Change 1980-1997 +12.9 6.4 20.4 20.5 33.0 9.3 6.0 2.6 +12.3 1.5 26.0 13.0 12.2 + 4.5 21."Geneva.ipu.5 19.8 6.8 7.5 13.0 +20.4 21.9 23.0 13.1 35.6 20.9 + 6.3 9.5 6.7 11.6 3.0 18.4 10.8 26.5 4. Source: Data taken from Inter-Parliamentary Union Report #23.5 31.2 15.4 +15.6 +10.1 + 6.0 5.3 6.4 21.8 23.2 +13.3 4.8 33.6 8.2 13.6 14.1 3.7 + 6.4 4.

A woman candidatecan This content downloaded on Fri. 1994).a.9 n. Political Variables The existence of a proportionalrepresentation(PR) electoral system has been found to have a positive and statistically significant effect on the percentageof MPs who are women (Norris 1985.2 4.8 0.0 6.3 11.0 7. female candidates must compete against existing interestswithin the partythat are representedby men.112 RichardE.8 1990 6. + 8. A WorldStatisticalSurvey.7 5.4 10.In single-memberdistrict systems.3 +3.1 0.0 10.0 5.6 10.8 + 5.7 11. parties only nominate a single candidate.2 5.3 + 3. 1990.0 + 2.0 3.9 5.org. Rule reasonthat women fare better 1981.0 1997 27. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .9 + 2. Matland TABLE 2 Female Representation in the National Legislatures of Less Developed Countriesin 1980. The most important under PR systems relates to party strategyin puttingtogether a slate of candidates.1.1 5. In PR systems.Because of the zero sum natureof nominatingdecisions in single-member districts.8 + 8.8 5.7 + 5.0 2.5 4.7 + 6.7 6.8 7. 1995 and from data in PARLINE.9 1.2 + 2.6 5.1 + 1.0 9.1 6.8 Change 1980-1997 n.8 15.4 1.a.0 3.1 +3.the IPU's parliamentary databaseavailable at the IPU's world wide web site: http//www.4 .a.1 7.6 15.3 12. "Women in Parliaments: 1945-1995.6 7.while in PR systems a partynominatesseveral candidates.0 8."Geneva. 1.4 4.0 2.0 Source: Data taken from Inter-Parliamentary Union Report #23. and 1997 Country Argentina Costa Rica El Salvador Jamaica Colombia Peru Average Botswana Malaysia Mauritius India Uruguay Brazil Venezuela Malta Cyprus PapuaNew Guinea 1980 n.0 6.Switzerland: IPU.3 3.a.7 8. the party is much more conscious of balancing its ticket to attractsupportfrom differentconstituencies.5 7.ipu.0 7. 1987.1 + 3.3 5.3 n.5 11. 7.1 5.2 7. +5.5 6.

Togeby 1994.She foundpolitical egalitarianism of women in a parliament. also affected female representation. without having the significant costs to intra-party peace of requiringpowerful intraby men to step aside.3 Cultural Variables While many researchersemphasize the importanceof political culture.I expect a positive relationship between the proportion of women with some university education and women's representationin national parliaments. Therefore.the proportionof seats held by right-wingparties. but only Rule found the effect to be statistically significant. increasing levels of university education among women should expandthe pool of possible women candidates (Darcy. Increased levels of activism and political consciousness could easily result in demands for greaterrepresentationof women. developing good measures of cultural differences is quite to develop a difficult. present measurescannot be used. Norris used data from the 1977 Eurobarometer measureof political egalitarianism.positive effect on women's level of politicalactivity (Anderson 1975. Welch.a culturalmeasure Eurobarometer of women's standing in society was developed by factor analysis of This content downloaded on Fri.Since the positively affected the proportion data set includes several non-European countries. Socioeconomic Factors Participationin the labor force has consistently been found to have a significant. althoughonly Rule foundthis effect to be statisticallysignificant.Both Rule (1987) and Norris (1985) found such a relationship. This loweropportunity partyinterestsrepresented cost also makes it more likely thatpartieswill reactquickly to another party's conscious promotionof women (Matlandand Studlar1996). and Clark 1994). Political activism.Women's Representation 113 be seen as a benefit to the ticket by attractingvoters. becausemembersof the nationallegislaturearedisproportionately well educated (Putnam 1976). also increases with level of education. Rule (1987) found one otherpolitical variable. Instead. Welch 1977). 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . besides being positively relatedto work force participation. Rule (1987) and Norris (1985) both found women laborforce participation rateshad a positive effect on women's representation. In addition. Right-wing parties are expected to support more conservative and traditionalvalues that discourage women's participationin politics. Rule's analysis of early 1980s data supportsthis assertion.

As countries become more into all spheresof public developed. and attitudinalchanges in roles for women.women are increasinglyintegrated life.5 distinct from the culturalfactor. nevertheless.114 RichardE. this should include representation in the national legislature (Christy1987). increased urbanization. educatedmen.The measure is constructed so that the more positive the number. politicalactivity. work force participation.4I assume thatwhen women approachmen in levels of literacy. To this set of previously identifiedvariablesI add one additional variable.58. across these countries in development level.and university education. level of development. an energy use measure (barrelsof oil equivalent). Results for Industrialized Democracies I use the initial regression to test variables found statistically significant in previous studies. Previous studies looking at OECD countries have not tested the level of development. Severalprocessesthataccompanydevelopmentshould increasewomen's political resourcesanddecrease existing barriersto values.andthe greater the probabilitythey are representedin equal numbers.Developmentleadsto weakeningof traditional decreased fertility rates. Confirmatoryfactor perceptionsof the appropriate analysis is used to create a measure of development based on three variables: the literacy level in the country. The correlationbetween the two measures is . but that they do vary independently.the more likely that women are seen as men's equals in the political sphere. The development factor looks at the absolute level of development. and this may help explain variations in representation. the greater the equality between men and women. This regression equationincludes an electoral system variable (this equals This content downloaded on Fri. Matland three measuresthat comparewomen's standingwith that of men. Tables 1 and 2 show there are clear differencesbetweenindustrialized democraciesandLDCswith a democratic regime. the ratio of women's labor force participationto men's labor force andthe ratioof universityeducatedwomen to university participation. The more equal women's social standing. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . indicatingthe two are related. while the cultural factor looks at women's position relative to men's. plus level of development.greatereducational and labor force participationfor women.these are all indications that women's social standing is approachingthat of men. and a 1990 estimate of GDP adjustedfor Note thatthis developmentalfactor is purchasingpower equivalence. The measures used were the ratio of women's literacy to men's literacy.Significantvariationexists.

The electoral system has a powerful. despite the This content downloaded on Fri.05 level (2-tailed test). The equation presented below reports unstandardizedregression coefficients and their standarderrors. 0 if the system is majoritarian). The model predictsthatfor industrialized democracies.Women's laborforce participation rates andthe culturalfactor also show noticeable positive effects on women's representation.12) (.the resultis fairlyperplexing.7the culturalfactor score describedabove.60.The lasttwo variablesconsideredproducesome uncertainty.14) + 4.20 (X4) -. Regressionfor 24 AdvancedIndustrializedDemocracies DependentVariable:Female Percentof Parliament Female Percentof Parliament= -14.01 level (2-tailed test).0000 XI = ElectoralSystem X2 = Women's LaborForce Participation Rate X3 = Women's ComparativeStanding.41*(X3) + 1.24(X5) (2.6%jumpin the female proportionof the nationallegislature. I use the same measures as used previously. statistically significant.andthe percentof women with some college education.6 percent of parliamentary seats held by right-wing parties.17 F= 12.08) Formostvariablesthe regressionanalysisprovidesa clearpicture.15) (1.63*** (XI) + .Culturally[FactorVariable] X4 = Level of Development [FactorVariable] X5 = Percentof Adult Womenwith University Education X6 = Proportionof Seats Held by Right-WingParties + . F=. * = significant at .Women's Representation 115 1 if a countryhas a PR system.42 + 15.02 (X6) (.75 Standard Error= 5. p =. ** = significant at . effect. the developmentfactorscore describedabove.13) (.It is just as clear that the proportionof seats held by right-wingpartiesis unrelatedto levels of female representation.36** (X2) (8.8Except for the cultural and development factors.92) (3.38) *** = significant at . AdjustedR2 = . The variablemeasuringproportion of womenwith universityeducation smallnumberof cases. 13).29. is close to being statistically significant (t = -1. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . women's laborforce participation rate. Onthe otherhand.changingfrom a majoritarian to a PR system will resultin a 15.10 level (2-tailed test). Sig.

when developdoes influence women's representation. Althoughall these countries are consideredindustrialized democracies.116 RichardE.One additionalfactor.l1 The next step is to apply this model to the developing democracies. level of development. Modeling Women's Representation in Democracies in Less Developed Countries Women's participation in politics in LDCs has been studied rarely. it has been largely through single-country studies. This content downloaded on Fri.they suggest that political socialization to women's proper role in politics is important.it has a strong statisticallysignificanteffect. The regression also shows that the direct effect of development is not significant.butthey do discuss factorsaffecting women's participation in formal political arenas. and disappearswhen these cases are removed.9 Given the variable is not statistically significant.10 ment is includedin the model withoutthe culturalfactor.They consider much more than representationin nationallegislatures. Women's culturalstandingis obviously influencedby the level of development. This replicationreconfirmedthe effect of three previously identified factors: proportionalrepresentation. however. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .andthe two of them in combinationdeserveto be includedin the model. An importantexception is Nelson and Chowdhury's (1994) Womenand Politics Worldwide. When we consider the indirect effects via development's influences on women's labor force participationand on the cultural standing of women. In drawing conclusions fromthe 43 countriesincludedin their study. level of development In addition. is significant in differentiatingthis sample of OECD countries. it seems reasonable to assert that the proportionof university women in the population is not directly relatedto female representationin either a positive or negative manner. Matland It is in the oppositedirectionof previousfindings and seems to suggest that as the numberof college educatedwomen increases. and when it has.andwhatresultstherearedependon extremecases.those countrieswith higher levels of development have greater proportionsof women in their national legislatures. and culturalstanding.women's labor force participation rates. representation decreases! Furtherinspection of the data reveals this result is largely caused by extreme values for two cases. but they also argue that political parties and women's organizationsengaged in interestarticulationdeterminethe degree to which women participatein political life.

is not robust.whichwas seen as crucialbecause it changed how parties looked at nominating and electing women in OECD countries.38) + 2. While politicalpartiesreactto a demandfor greater measuringhow individual access for women is not possible.50** (X3) -2. This suspicion This content downloaded on Fri. the culturalvariable.08 (X2) Female Percentof Parliament (1.93) AdjustedR2= . The development variable. The electoral sysandwomen's laborforce participation tem variable. nevertheless. to workas expected:women's culturalstandOnlyone variableappears ing.06) (. Results from runningthe model developedin the firstpartof the paperon 16 LDCs arepresented below. Sig.acts in the same mannerin LDCs. and rate all tap important elements that women's laborforce participation can affect perceptions of women's proper role in society.64).59** + 1. it is possible to test whether the electoralsystemvariable..54** (X4) (1.56 (X1) .37 Error= 2. F=.Culturally[FactorVariable] X4 = Level of Development [FactorVariable] The coefficients for developmentlevel The resultsare surprising.Women's Representation 117 The variables considered for the OECD democracies includes in LDCs with demoseveralthatshouldaffect women's representation cratic regimes. however.83) (. which had such a substantialeffect in the developed countries. This finding.While culturalstandingand level of development use different components. There is some dangerthatthey have split the variancesbetween them with all the positive factors loadingon the culturalvariableand all the negative factors loading on the developmentvariable.60 Standard F= 3. X1 = Election System Dummy Rates X2 = Women's LaborForce Participation X3 = Women's Comparative Standing.21. correlatedat a fairly high level for such a small sample (. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . has a coefficient ten times smaller and is not significant.06 ** significantat the .05 level. arenegative.07) (3.12 Regressionfor 16 Lesser Developed Countries with Democratic Systems DependentVariable:Female Percentof Parliament = 8. they are.

the resultsmay accuratelyreflect thatfemale representation is still so low in LDCs that representationmay largely be determinedby idiosyncraticconditionswithinthatcountryandnotby broadforces influencing all LDCs. s. If the cultural variable is droppedfrom the equation. This work is quite unlikely to have the same empowering and consciousness raising effect. The inabilityto find othervariablesthatdifferentiate amongthese countries intensifies the suspicion that idiosyncraticfactors uniqueto acrossthese countries. this is largely due to women's presence in subsistence-level primarysector work. In both cases. Matland is borne out by furtheranalysis. often into low paying or public sector unionized jobs. Laborforce participation does not mean the same thing in these two worlds. The initial evaluationmust be that factors influencing women's representationin advancedindustrializeddemocraciesdo not work in the same fashion in LDCs with democratic regimes.the cultural size andis no longersignificant(b = . This content downloaded on Fri.developmentalso dropsto half its formersize and is no longer significant(b = -1.none of the variablesis statisticallysignificantandthe F-test shows thatthe model as a whole does not come close to explaining enough variance to be statistically significant.While women's labor force participationrates are quite high in many LDCs. there are two reasons why these results are not surprising.90). These legislatures may not have enough women in them to exhibit any consistent identifiable patternsacross countries.First. s. A second reason for the lack of identifiable effects is that the independentvariables may mean something entirely different in this new context.7%.Only two countries in 1990 (Costa Rica and El Salvador)are above 10%. On reflection. Moving into the paid labor force. ofb = .30. when only one of the variables is in the equation. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .09).85. When development is droppedfrom variableplummetsto less thanhalf its previous the equation.118 RichardE. and over half the sample is clustered between 5. ofb = 1. plausible influence on representationto meet even weak tests of significance. the dependentvariablefalls in a very narrowband. Despite substantialvariationon the independentvariables.0% and 6.e. and thereforeit is not surprisingthat the effects are different.Several each countryareatthe heartof variations variables none exhibited a strong enough were and tested. has a consciousness raising effect on women's political participationand their propensityto articulatepolitical demands. For example.e. in industrializedcountries women who previously worked in the home and have now moved into paid work outside the home are the primarycause of the increase in women's labor force participation(Togeby 1994).

Women's Representation 119 Among the variables tested were percent of seats won by left-wing (and right-wing) parties. can occur only if the inputs (demands) exist to take advantageof the institutionalarrangements.While some variablesshow effects in the expected direction. andpercentof populationthat is Catholic. however. Otherwise.all effects were quite weak.however. Detailed studies of individualcountriesare needed to investigatethese dynamics.the effects of economic. level of urbanization. number of years since women gained the vote or were first elected. An unspoken behavioral component is almost always part of any institutional argument.none of the variables representation. While the regressionfailed to show any meaningful statistically significant results. That ticket balancing occurs in PR systems both makes logical sense and is shown to work to women's favor in the industrialdemocracies.the perceived costs of nominatingwomen are so great that parties preferto runvirtually all-male slates ratherthan risk the wrathof the voters by nominatingwomen.Inthedeveloped Thesefactorsaremuchless clearinthedeveloping andpoliticalfactors identified world.These institutionaleffects. found significant among advanced industrializeddemocracies. Conclusions These results providetwo very distinctpictures.Perhapsmost strikingis the enormous effect a proportionalrepresentationelectoral system has on In the developingworld. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The failure of the same mechanismto work in women's favor in LDCs suggests either demands for representationare not being forwarded by women-perhaps becausethey arepolitically inactiveor. nor several other plausible variables. This content downloaded on Fri.The failure of the electoral system variableto have an effect is especially interesting. within the parties. The non-effect for the electoral system variable is an important example of a more general point. Comparativeinstitutionalanalysis concentrateson examining how different institutionalarrangements can provide an advantageor disadvantageto specific interests. they will be more successful in achieving representation when a PR electoral system is used rather than a majoritarian system. the institutionalarrangement may not affect outcomes. it still provides importantinformation.cultural.labor force participation adjusted by subtractingprimary sector jobs. world. in previousresearchwere confirmed.Here it is thatifforces interestedin women'srepresentation are effectively organized.Factorsdriving variations in representation inthe developed worldareclearlyunderstood.were found to have an effect. party magnitude.

Universityof Houston. however. Below that level. the variables that assist in more developed countries simply women in gaining representation have no effect. As new data become available. salariedlaborforce experience.the opportunityfor effective interestarticulationexists. or additional barriersblock their effective use. RichardE. The numberof new democracieshas shown representation a promising upwardtrend. case studies. Matland is Associate Professor of Political Science. For developingcountries. existing countrieswill develop. they will provide opportunitiesto retest and expandupon these findings.resources such as education. When developgreateraccess to women than majoritarian ment levels are low. however.clearlythe political system plays a significant role. The second part of the story is that different political systems provide different levels of success after the critical mass is reached.120 RichardE. and trainingin the professions that dominate politics (such as law). When the number of women with the necessary resources becomes substantial. more women start to acquirethe resourcesneededto become politically relevant. Matland Based on these results there appearsto be a threshold. the electoral representation systems provides opportunitystructurein proportional systems. these structuresare eithernot used. As development increases.Houston. individual country studies may help us discover how political variables interactwith environmentalfactors to increase representation. would be valuabletools in uncoveringrelevant variablesthataffect representation acrossLDCs. women are more likely to see significantincreasesin theirrepresentation in polities thatuse a proportional electoral system. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . As time passes. the forces aligned against female political activity are so greatas to permitonly token representation. and changes in will occur. to see if they hold the For advancedindustrializedcounkey to variationsin representation.a minimum development level is needed to create the foundation for other variables to have an effect. tries. Whilehavingthe resourcesis an essentialcondition. This content downloaded on Fri. Development is a crucial part of this process. It appearsthat in most LDCs. As development occurs. For a variety of reasons. This leads to the formation of a critical mass. Studyingthe strength and actions of women's organizationsinvolved in interestarticulation in these countries would be especially useful. Texas 77204-3474. representation Considerable workremainsto be done. especially of countrieswhere representation has reached moderatelyhigh levels.

7% is well below the industrializedcountry's mean of 58. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . . In this case both variablesturnout to be statisticallysignificant. and Rule herself in a laterstudy (1994) finds no effect for unemployment.27. Israel's women's labor force participationrate of 47. wheneverpossible datafor boththe independent anddependentvariablewere collected for 1990.The author would also like to thankChristinePintatof the Inter-Parliamentary Union.I find the assertionof a connectionbetween unemploymentand women's representationimplausible. This content downloaded on Fri.and Philip A. i.71.Especially for measuresbased on national economic and demographic statistics.9%.76 level. 5.82 for the comparativelabor force participationfactor.66.is inflated standarderrorsthat may lead to a false negative. DeborahOrth. on men's so thatthe ratioof female to male laborforce participationis laborforce participation countries'meanof .73 for the comparativeliteracy factor.She argued that in countries with higher levels of unemploymentpeople would be less willing to turnto womenas politicalleaders. To insure data exist for all variables at the same time. The variablesall load on one factor. The loadings are .I. 4. World Factbook(1992. the effect of unemploymentwas in the wrong direction (positive) and not statistically significant.. is higherthandesirable. For those who are especially suspicious of the dangers of multicollinearity. The cultural to the advancedindustrialized . Using confirmatoryfactoranalysis. one factorwas extractedwith an eigenvalue of 1. Rule (1987) found the unemploymentlevel had a negative effect on female representation. When tested using these data.I built a two-factormodel of cultureusing just literacyand college at the educationratios. and . 3.They measuredifferentconceptsthatvary independently.83 for energy consumption.e. Israel is also low.67 for the comparativeuniversity educationratios.Women's Representation NOTES 121 The authorwould like to thankNATO for an Advanced ResearchFellowship underThe Study of DemocraticInstitutionsProgram. If the nationallegislatureis bicameral.the representation lower house. which measuredoes correlatewith women's laborforce participation Thegreatestproblem with multicollinearity. currentdata for the independentvariables is more difficult to procure. 2. There is one additionaleconomic variablethat could be tested.No other study has found this connection. however.93 for GDP.and .but they are extremely close to those shown in the regressionused in the paper. 1993). there tends to be a lag of several years.Even thoughthe culturalvariableis builtpartiallyusing the women's labor force participationrate.52 level. almostequivalent at the .85 for literacy. Michelbachfor their assistanceand commentson earlierversions of this paper.A. The results of those regressionsare available from the author.70. the regressions presented are based on 1990 data. numberis for the 1. or as close to 1990 as possible. The loadings were .while estimatesof energy use and GDP are based on the C. For example. Data on literacy come from UNESCO's StatisticalYearbook.and the University of Houston for an LGIA grant that helped supportthis research. . however. the two measuresareclearlydistinct.with an eigenvalueof 2. Unemployment is therefore not included in the model.this variablecorrelateswith women's laborforce participation . which is included as an independentvariable. While currentdata on the dependentvariable(female percent of national parliament)is readily available.

This coding is consistent with the descriptionsof these systems providedby the Inter-Parliamentary Union (1993) in ElectoralSystems:A Worldwide Study.the variablehas a positive effect.3. 1992). and clearly looks more like a PR system than a majoritarian system. 9.however.122 Richard E.and Budge 1994). Huber and Inglehart (1995). although not entirely. Matland 6.Ireland majoritarian while Japanhas a single nontransferable vote (SNTV) system.and half are elected representatives of a proportional from single-memberdistricts.SNTV tends to act more like a majoritarian system.2%.specifically labor force participation Labour ratescomes fromthe International ratesfor men andwomen andunemployment Organisation's(1993.6%.8% and 10%.which has half of its seats elected undereach system. They are Israelat 20. The normal solution to this problem is to run a nonrecursive structuralequations model. however. of university-educated seriouslysuggeststhis is becauseof theirhigh proportion When both countriesare droppedandthe regressionrerun.STV has a numberof characteristics representationsystem. two outliersabove 20%. 1994. termsareuncorrelated error assertion in this case. it This content downloaded on Fri. while Wagschal uses the Laver and Hunt results on the four most important policy fields to establisha parties'position on a left/rightscale. 1995) Yearbookof LabourStatistics.Thereare. There are four countries that do not fit neatly into the proportional/ andMaltahave single transferable vote (STV) systems. 10.This is the sourcefor determining Comparative each country's electoralsystem.7.parliamentaryelection resultswere compiled fromthe yearlyreportsin the EuropeanJournal of whichpartiesshould Political Research(Mackie1988. the data analysis startsrunningup against the limitationsof the dataset. While I am not able to come up with an exact estimate. ThereforeJapanis coded as . Wagschalalso shows betweenplacementsbasedon expertopinions andthose thatthere is a high correlation based on reading of party platforms and manifestos (Klingemann. At this point. is coded . yet no one women. and Wagschal(1996) was consulted. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .voters have only a single vote and it may not be transferred. and then using the unstandardized cients to estimate the direct and indirecteffects. Runningpathanalyses.5.The upshotis limited confidence in the only estimatesthat can be made. The data for the economic variables.forthe 24 industrialized 4. The average proportionof the adult female populationwith some college is 10. 7. It is possible to model indirecteffects via eitherpathanalysis or structural coeffiequationmodeling. In Japan.LaverandHuntandHuberand Inglehart present expert estimationsof left/rightplacementof partieswithin individual countries.To determine be labeled as right wing. although it is not statisticallysignificant. Germany. 1995) Statistical Yearbook.Half of the valueslie between democracies. dichotomy. Both are below averageon representation.The dataon education levels and on literacyrates for men and women used in the culturalfactor comes from UNESCO's (1992. reveals that the indirect effects are morethantwice as largeas the directeffects. would requirefar more cases thanareavailable.half the are elected via a PR system based on the Lander. Accurate estimation of such a model. The problemis thatpathanalysisassumes This is an extremelydubious acrossvariablesandequations. education. work done by Laver and Hunt (1992).9% and the United States at 43. 1989. this means that candidatesfrom the same partyare effectively in competitionwith each other. thereforeIrelandandMaltaarecoded as . In Germany. 8. 1994. To determinethe percentageof seats held by right-wingparties. Hofferbert. 1991.

New York: Praeger." Political Quarterly Western C.I. Susan Welch. contingenciesdo these variableshave a significantaffecton women's representation. DarcyandBeckwith 1991. This content downloaded on Fri.84 for secondaryeducation. John. Washington. 1975. and Representation. 1987. Washington. the variablesused for developing countriesexclusively emphasizeeducation.the samemeasureswereused as hadbeen used for the advanced industrialized democracies. GovernmentPress.Neither variable showed anything approachinga statisticallysignificant effect.. Comparative Geneva. GovernmentPress. 1995. Switzerland:IPU. and State Power Since 1800. "Some Structural 37:143-56.Onlyundercertain significant. Jones 1997.87 on GDP. development level should be included in the model. 1994. REFERENCES Anderson. Christy.I. . "The Transformation the Western State: The Growth of Democracy.i.This factorhas an eigenvalueof 2. andClark1994. 28." of the AmericanPolitical Science Association. Women. C.A.Darcy. 1993. Moore. CIA WorldFactbook 1993. Kristi.27 andfactor loadings of . "PoliticalDisaster. 2d ed.and when combined with the directeffects. "ExpertInterpretations PartyLocations in 42 Societies.DC.88 on energy use. Switzerland:IPU.1952-1972. of Party Space and Huber.DC: U. Autocracy. "WorkingWomen and Political Participation. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Robert. Barriersto the Election Anderson. Robert.S. In the case of the culturalstanding of women. 1995.e. For the less developedcountriesthe proportion of eligible girls to eligible boys in secondary education was included. 1984.Political Triumph: Presentedat the annualmeeting Election of Women to National Parliaments. It would appearthat these variables can be buttheydo nothavea generalized effectacrossall polities.93 for literacy.84 for universityeducation." AmericanJournal of Political Science 19:439-53.Carol.and StuartThorson.and Will H. and Ron Inglehart. energyuse. Geneva. "Men and Women in Politics: Democracy Still in Inter-Parliamentary the Making:A WorldComparative Study.06 and loadings of . of Womento Congress:A Simulation. Two othervariableswere tested.andGrossDomestic Product in 1990.Women's Representation 123 is clear there are significant indirecteffects of development on representation. ElectoralSystems:A Worldwide Inter-Parliamentary Study.Ted Robert. and JanetClark. Washington. 1991.73 for literacy. 11. along with comparativeliteracy rates and comparativelevels of universityeducation."Party Politics 1:73-111. For development. total literacy. Union.S.andKarenBeckwith.and . 1993." Studies in ComparativeInternationalDevelopment25:73-108. The Darcy. 1994. of Gurr.Keith Jaggers. CIA WorldFactbook 1992. 1990. Darcy.Welch. 1997.Kristi.Elections. This is somewhatsurprisingsince both variableshave been identifiedin individualcountrystudiesas being important (AndersonandThorson 1984. 12.No."SeriesReportsandDocuments.Turnover perelection andpartymagnitude (a variant of district magnitude). Union.Matland 1993. Sex Differencesin Political Participation. Matlandand Taylor 1997). Lincoln:NebraskaUniversityPress. This factorproduceda single factorwith an eigenvalue of 2. and . Factorsuniqueto democratic regimesin LDCs wereusedto measurecultural standingand developmentlevels acrossthe LDCs.A.DC: U.

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