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Women in Post-Communist Politics: Explaining Under-Representation in the Hungarian and Romanian Parliaments Author(s): Cristina Chiva Reviewed work(s): Source: Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 57, No. 7 (Nov., 2005), pp. 969-994 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: . Accessed: 11/01/2013 01:28
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Vol. 57, No. 7, November 2005, 969-994

Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

Women in Post-communist Politics:

Explaining Under-representationin the Hungarian and Romanian Parliaments

have evolved into fullSINCE 1989 CENTRAL AND EAST EUROPEANCOUNTRIES fledged procedural democracies characterised by universal suffrage, freedom of expression, freedom to form and join organisations, free and fair elections and the unrestricted right of citizens to run for office.' Yet different social groups have unequal access to political representation. In particular, women's under-representation in legislative bodies is a systemic and pervasive feature of post-communist politics throughout Central and Eastern Europe. This article examines women's parliamentary representation in post-communist Hungary and Romania from a comparative perspective. Both countries consistently rank lowest among EU candidate and accession countries: Romania was in last place for the first three post-communist elections, while Hungary ranked eighth after the first post-communist election, ninth after the third and tenth after the fourth election (Table 1). However, gender parity is not a feature of parliamentary representation in any other former communist country applying for EU membership in the 1990s. After the first elections following the fall of state socialism, women's share of seats in the lower houses of the legislature ranged from 4.6% in Romania to 10% in the Czech lands and 15% in Latvia. More than a decade later, after the fourth post-communist elections, there was some improvement, but the gender gap remained significant: women constituted 9% of Hungarian MPs, 15% in the Slovak parliament and 21.9% of Latvian MPs. The aim of this article is to provide an explanation why women have been underrepresented in the Hungarian and Romanian legislative bodies between 1990 and 2003. In doing so, the article engages critically with several main strands of scholarship on post-communist Europe. On the one hand, the literature on transitions from communism fails to examine shifts in gender relations.2 Scholars analysing the development of party systems in Central and Eastern Europe also tend to pay little or no attention to gender.3 Furthermore, few references to women are made in the literature on post-communist parliaments.4 On the other hand, recent scholarship on women's representation in post-communist politics has begun to make systematic
ISSN 0966-8136 print; ISSN 1465-3427 online/05/070969-26 © 2005 University of Glasgow DOI: 10.1080/09668130500301410

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election Richard & www.77.5 9.0 14.0 21.0 13. took 'Introduction'..3 10. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .2 13. election Europe election election).4 19. 7.612.0 7. 4. 8.0 12.7 15.8 THE election post-communist IN Second SEATS OF POST-COMMUNIST THE IN (% 8.1 10.0 12. 1990. Press. in (eds).0 7.9 ACCESSION EU OF 12.9 2002).3 election post-communist Fifth 17.3 20.8 21. Post-Communist post-communist Oxford post-communist in first first Kathleen dThe Design Republicd "The (Oxford.0 13.0 15.0 11. (Basingstoke.217.4 election post-communist CANDIDATE Fourth AND 9.970 CRISTINA CHIVA held was 26.13.3 10.0 11.6 13. post-communist Montgomery first A.017.Kathleen in in 8.8 9. Macmillan. bthe in Palgrave Inter-Parliamentary 1992.615.2 Post-Communist Poland in in Democracy: Power election Embodying Political to al. 1989.113.013. Birch. election) (secondElectoral COUNTRIES 10.9 election post-communist 1990-2004) Third CHAMBER.0 REPRESENTATION system WOMEN'S University with individual constituencies (first PR fifth Montgomery. PR PR PR Mixed Mixed PR PR PR Majoritarian PR Electoral A.8 1 TABLE PARLIAMENTS LOWER 13.0 10. organised place was 2003). place Sarah Matland took E.8 election post-communist First 5. p.0 17.215.ipu. System Europe in Sources: Poland' Romaniad Slovakiad Sloveniaa Notes: Lithuaniaa Latviab Estonia" Hungaryd Bulgariad Czech This content downloaded on Fri. et semi-competitive Access Millard first cThe Women's Frances 1993.0 18.

The principalargumentof this articleis that. Second.7 Yet comparativeresearchexploringthe links betweenparty ideology and patternsof representation for women in Central and Eastern Europe remains scarce. the transition from state socialism both institutionalisedthe low representationof women in the public realm from a very early stage of democratisationand constrainedpolicy choice concerninggender relations. differencesamong women. Moreover. particularlythose between Roma and non-Roma women. I investigate the wider context determining women's participationin post-communistpolitics in the two countries. and at the impact of recruitmentstrategies on women's representationin parliament. First. as demonstratedby the cases of Hungaryand Romania. Third.Finally. The article relies primarilyon original data obtained from various primary sources. unless otherwise indicated. informal forms of political involvement outside the formal scope of local and national government. First. party ideology and recruitmentpracticeson women's opportunities to run for political office.the article is divided into three parts. the emergenceof an active civil society provided both women and men with new. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . On the one hand. all data have been computed and interpretedby the author for illustrative and analytical'srecruitmentto parliamentaryoffice. I consider the impact of party ideology on wo. led to the development of dissimilarpatterns of representationin politics. the effectsof electoralsystemsare addressed in the greatest detail. I examine Hungary's and Romania's electoral systems.Threeprincipal determiningfactors shaping women's opportunities to take part in political life are identified: state socialist legacies. Thus. Romanian and Hungarian-have been included according to relevance. the development of active civil societies and ethnicity. Furthermore. the fact that very few women actually took part at the top levels in decision making on the configurationof a democraticpolitical system curtailed some This content downloaded on Fri. Women and political participation after state socialism Women's participation in politics in Hungary and Romania in the aftermath of communism has been influenced by three background factors. Second. Of these factors.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 971 comparisons between Central and East European states. and their effects on women's parliamentaryrepresentation. ideological differences between parties can provide a more consistent in politics than the oftenexplanation of why women have been under-represented studied dimension of electoral system effects.6More recently. significant disparities exist between the two countries in terms of the data and research available: Romania is considerably less studiedthan Hungary. Hungary's 'negotiated revolution' and Romania's violent uprising against the Ceausescuregime shaped the participationof women in post-communistpolitics. sources in three languages-English. Several observations need to be made in terms of methodology.5 This growing body of research tends to adopt an institutionalist perspective. scholars such as Millard have begun to look at how parties select their candidates. so that virtuallyall women elected to legislative office in the two countries belonged to the non-Roma ethnic groups.and necessitateda largervolume of primarydata collection and processing. In order to develop this argument. such as national parliaments'databases and official publications and reports. analysing the impact of electoral systems.

Within this context.8but it dropped to 4.though not in practice. MSZP).as well as from some of their socialist/socialdemocraticcounterparts. MDF) and the Alliance of Young Democrats (Fiatal Demokratak Szdvetsege. The opposite holds true for Hungary. the actual extent of such participationis very difficultto gauge. where these policy paths remained open. ensuredthat neither affirmativeaction nor restrictionson abortion and contraceptionhave been seriously discussed by most post-communist political elites. which won the 1990 and 1998 elections respectively.84% in the Senate after the first post-communist election. First. In Hungary. in 1990 there were more than 13.11The Women's NGOs Guide published by the Society for Feminist Analyses AnA in 2000 recorded73 such Second.state socialist legacies also affected the policy environmentof postcommunist Hungary and Romania. decreasing to 7.were the principal national-conservativeformations to legislate restrictions on access to abortion. these limited data do indicate that women's representationin This content downloaded on Fri.7% in 1985. the Hungarian Democratic Forum (Magyar Demokrata F6rum. there are significantvariations in the estimated number of women's organisations. In Romania the proportionof women in the Grand National Assemblyhad been 33% in 1985.67% in the Chamberof Deputies and 0. it is unsurprising that women's share in legislative bodies decreased spectacularly after 1989. the Hungarian Socialist Party (Magyar Szocialista Part.10In Romania.In Hungary. according to Fabian's estimate. However.14In Romania.13and to 47. the emergence of multi-party systems was underpinned by a re-traditionalisationof political space through calls for a 'proper' role for women coming from nationalist.25% in 1990 (Table 2). 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The leadership's excessivepro-natalism. growing to over 39.12 unclear.972 CRISTINA CHIVA of their chances of participatingon an equal basis with men in the years to come. Yet anotherfactor affectingwomen's opportunitiesfor political engagementwas the emergenceof active civil societies. FIDESZ). which champions them in principle. Insofar as reproductive rights are concerned.. largely due to the lack of a significantnegativeexperience.000 in 1996. Christianand conservativeformations.16 Nevertheless. for two main reasons.9 According to Gazsi et al. their number was closer to 350. with the exception of the communist successor formation. Two aspects of this issue merit some attention: quotas for political representationand the ways in which calls for women's 'returnto the home' after 1989 were shaped by state socialist policies.000 in 1998. the share of women's organisationswithin civil society is also organisations.000 in 1993.Most partiesdo not supportquotas.together with the unpopularityof quotas. Furthermore.000 NGOs in Hungary. According to some estimates.15while the 1998 Public OpinionBarometerestimated that the rate of association in NGOs amounted to 11% of the population aged over 18. while the United Nations Development Programme estimated their number at around 50 in 1996. In Romania the policy options of introducingquotas and limiting access to contraceptionor abortion were effectively closed after the downfall of the Ceausescu regime. there were around 40 organisations active on women's issues in 2001. On the other hand. the NGO Catalogue published by the Soros Foundation for an Open Society in 1994 listed 25 groups dedicated to women's interests. estimates of the non-governmental sector placed the number of NGOs at approximately 12. the share of seats occupied by women in the National Assembly had been 20.

ro. Romaniei. the 328 143 (fourth).14 was December -2002 15 % Oficial 1998 664.84 % ELECTED Romania. Parliament Chamber Senate (third). 1990-92 No. December 1990-92 (first). Seats 386 In post-communist parliament National Hungary: WOMEN in First 1 (fourth). TABLE Deputies PARLIAMENTS. 327 140 Seats 386 post-communist parliament Fourth 35 35 Women 10 1992.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNISTPOLITICS and 316. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . parliament Monitorul and (second). 28 18 November Women 13 Hungarian legislatures the 287. AND 973 29 Third 32 23 Women 2 website Nos. of of Seats 386 post-communist parliament ROMANIA 85-86. No. Romanian Romanian Note: Hungarian November This content downloaded on Fri.25 4.29 in % (1990-2003) June Romanian 20 Deputies. 2000-04 of No.40 Romania: 8.14 9.cdep.mkogy. of 268.senat. Database www. 1990-94 Assembly. % No. (third) called al 2 3.10 women 11. 6 the 634. 328 143 Seats 386 post-communist of No.67 0.70 (second). Assembly 2002-present the 2000.07 women 10. DeputiesPost-communist of 1996-2000 Sources: Senate. HUNGARY Second 43 12 Women 3 2000 Chamber 1994-98 www.65 2. 1996. 385 119 1996. 1992-96 (first). Chamber 1990. POST-COMMUNIST TO women 7.01 1. October 30 Deputies. women 7.

22 However.20These organisations can also be classified according to their agendas. On the one hand. women's under-representation in civil society parallelsthat manifestin national parliaments.24 However. grassroots associations.Hungary'sethnic minority groups are considerably smaller (although no less diverse).the adoption of non-discriminatory legislationand practicesby policy makers and employers. the lack of analyses or reportsconcerningits activities suggests that it is likely to have had a limited formal impact on the development of equal opportunitieslegislation in Hungary. According to the Romanian National Commissionfor Statistics. etc).9% of directors. gay and lesbian groups. of which the largest. while others have declared themselves to be explicitly and unambiguouslyfeminist. Ethnicityhas a crucialimpact on women's participationin post-communistpolitics in Hungary and Romania. Differences between women's organisations also shed light on the ways in which women participatein the political arena. as well as associationsprimarilyconcernedwith issues such as violence against women. three from NGOs working on women's issues and five academics studying gender relations.such as professionalwomen's organisations. the relativelymarginal status of women's organisationsvis-a-vis the governmentalsector severelyconstrains their impact on decision making.19A wide variety of associations have been established. or establishing shelters for women victims of domestic violence).974 CRISTINA CHIVA leadershippositions in civil society organisationsis low. and a well-developedlocal selfgovernmentsystem has been set up for their representation. rather than in the governmental or legislative spheres.17 In Hungary. In Romania the interaction between the governmentaland non-governmentalsectors is not formalisedeither at policy-making or consultativelevels.with as many as 19 different ethnic groups. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . On the other hand. women's initiatives are flourishing in civil society. the two million-strong Hungarian minority. One principal cause of this is that linkages with governmental bodies remain scarce. the existence of a wide range of loosely organised groups with very differentissue orientationsattests to a twofold phenomenon. has been well representedin parliament. The ethnic composition of the two countries'populations differssubstantially:Romania is considerablymore ethnicallydiverse. women's health.women constituted 11% of NGO presidentsand 32.21Some are primarilyconcerned with women's practical gender interests (such as providing free contraceptive advice and pills. pursuing women's strategic gender interests (such as better representation for women in the public political sphere. In Hungarythe Council for Women's Affairswas establishedin 1999 and functioned until the 2002 election. the booklet published by the Human Rights Information and Documentation Centre in 1998 listed 103 men and only 53 women among the key figures of human rights NGOs. vice-presidents and co-ordinators in 1999. traffickingin women or prostitution. The gap between informal and formal participationhas graduallybeen widened by political parties' relative lack of interest in promoting women or gender equality. Rather. one cannot yet speak of a 'women's movement' in post-communist Hungary and Romania.six membersfrom national women's associations.23It comprised representativesof all ministriesand of the primeminister. This content downloaded on Fri. while others are new.18Thus. Some were establishedwith the resourcesof the former communist women's organisations.Roma women's associations.

the leader of the Roma organisation Lungo Drom.1% of women within the Roma ethnic group had no education.32 With increased attention being paid by Hungarian and Romanian governments to the situation of the Roma. Two other types of factors are discussed below: electoral systems and party ideologies. informal participationin civil society organisations and the interaction between gender and ethnicity constitute the overall political opportunity context circumscribing women's involvement in politics in postcommunist Hungary and Romania. the two countries are similar in that substantialinequalities between the Roma and the non-Roma populations are all-pervasive.32% and 8. won a seat on the FIDESZ list in 2002. In Hungary in 1993 only 16.30In addition to structuralinequalities between the Roma and the non-Roma groups widespread anti-Roma attitudes from other ethnic groups increase the difficultiesencounteredby Roma women in terms of political participation. state socialist legacies.31In 2003 a region-wideinitiative was establishedreuniting Roma women's organisations across Central and Eastern Europe.3% of Roma men and 0. It provides for a directly elected president with extensive powers.33 In sum. against 56.23% and 0.8% of Roma men and women were unemployed in 1992. In Hungary there is no separate provision for the parliamentary representation of ethnic minorities.25Moreover.26In Romania in 1998 the situation was largelysimilar:1. The system is characterisedby a strong parliament.28In Romania 46.6% of Roma women had a universitydegree.19% of Roma women had a universitydegree.94% of Roma men and 12.5% of men and 23. Roma women's participation is almost exclusively confined to civil society associations.which nominates and elects both the president and the prime minister.27The disparitiesbetween the Roma and non-Roma groups are also evident in the sphere of employment. In Romania the Roma ethnic group has been allocated a seat in the Chamberof Deputies since 1990.65% of the non-Roma population. Romania's semi-presidential system was formally set out in the 1991 Constitution.7% were in this situation six years later. togetherwith other ethnic minority groups (this was always occupied by a man). have been elected to parliament. However.09% of Roma women had no education whatsoever. Florian Farkas.29 No Roma women. it is possible that Roma women will be better representedin parliamentarypolitics in the (near) future.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 975 Nevertheless.9% and 63% within the total population. The legislativeframeworkwas set out in the Constitutionadopted the same year. The impactof electoralsystems Hungary's parliamentarysystem emerged from the Roundtable negotiations in the second half of 1989. The parliamentexerts control over the governmentand can dismiss the prime minister through a constructivevote of no-confidence. also promoting gender agendas in other organisationsdealing with Roma issues. and 40.In Hungary in 1993 only 0.8% of Roma men were employed. while 14. which amended the communist-erafundamental act.33% of the non-Roma population. In both countries Roma women participatein their own organisations. compared with 10.28% of Roma men and 0. such as nominating the prime This content downloaded on Fri.compared with the corresponding0. and only a handful of Roma men. 5.Instead.3% of Roma women and 28. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .

one seat for each minority (Table 2). where relevant scholarshipis still nascent. Nevertheless. but varies in the other two tiers: it rose from 120 seats in 1990 to 140 in 2002 in the county list segment. The electoral threshold was 4% in 1990 and was changed to 5% from 1994. Only six ministers out of a total of 86 ministerialposts in Hungary'spost-communistgovernmentswere women.37 This is much less so with Central and Eastern Europe.with MPs elected from multi-memberdistricts. and in 2000 it was increased once again to 5% for parties and to 10% for coalitions.The Constitution was amended in 2003 at the initiative of the ruling PSD (Partidul Social Democrat. this failed to attract sufficientsupport. and a national 'compensatory' list (a multi-membernational constituency filled by the redistributionof remaining votes from the first two tiers). county PR lists with multi-memberdistricts.from 17 in 1990 to seven in 2000. with 386 seats drawn from the electoral system's three principaltiers: single-member districts. The presidentcontinues to be elected by popular vote. There are 20 electoral units (19 counties and Budapest)for the PR segment of the system. as anticipated. The Romanian parliamentis bicameral. existing literature on the impact of electoral systems on women's representationin This content downloaded on Fri. Nor have any women served as prime minister in Hungary's six post-communistcabinets or Romania's seven governments between 1990 and 2003.and therewere 41 electoraldistricts(40 counties and Bucharest). submittingbills to parliamentand dissolving parliament.35 In addition to theirvery differentpolitical systems. In Romania.34 In both of women in parliamentis supplementedby their countries the under-representation meagre share of governmentalpositions since 1990. An extensive literatureon the impact of electoral systems on women's representation in the West has been developedduringthe past few decades. In 1992 the thresholdwas raised to 3%. Romania's electoral system was first set up in 1990 by the Provisional Council for National Unity. Although the party's initial plan was to switch to a parliamentary system. In the 1990 election there was no threshold for entryinto parliament.resultedin a smallernumber of parties in parliament. Hungary'svery complex mixed system was agreedduring the intensive negotiations of the 1989 Roundtable. with almost identical powers. and 327 and 385 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. This. Bulgariaand Ukraine) changed their systems after the first post-communistelections. but can no longer dismiss the prime minister.38One reason for this state of affairsis the relativeimmaturityof multi-partysystems in the region. and decreasedfrom 90 to 70 in the national list part during the same period (Table 3). Social Democratic Party). No woman has been elected as President of the Republic in either country. with mixed systems the second most frequently chosen option (Table 1).36The parliamentis unicameral. with an additional 11-18 seats which are not elected but reserved for representativesof ethnic minority groups. There are between 119 and 143 seats in the Senate. The numberof SMD seats is fixed at 176.Hungaryand Romania also have dissimilarelectoral systems.976 CRISTINA CHIVA minister. consisting of an upper chamber (the Senate) and a lower chamber (the Chamber of Deputies). 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . It is based on proportional representation. This difficultyis compoundedby the fact that some countries(such as Albania. The number of electoral districts grew to 42 from the 1992 election (one more county was added to the list). only seven posts were occupied by women from an overall total of 147 ministers. In 2003 PR systems were widespreadin EU accession and candidate countries.

11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .82 10.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNISTPOLITICS 7. % WOMEN 1990 National 90 Seats 176 120 386 6 Women 8 14 28 Hungarian the of district of list list Database districts Type Single-member Total Source: National County This content downloaded on Fri.14 % TABLE DISTRICT.60 11.548.16 1990-2004 women % ASSEMBLY. 85 1994Seats 176 125 386 ELECTORAL OF TYPE BY MPS 15 Women 17 11 43 www.66 women 15.43 13.mkogy.39 11. 1998 82 Seats 176 128 386 NATIONAL 12 Women 13 7 32 3 HUNGARIANwomen 8.25 3.29 6.579.55 Assembly.52 12. 7.41 6.07 women % 977 70 2002Seats 176 140 386 13 Women 16 6 35 8.

Romanian elections have yielded much lower numbers of women MPs in the first and second legislaturesthan in Hungary or most of the remaining Central and East European countries. Additionally. although it remainsfar behind WesternEurope.39 On the other hand. not all partiesare willing to place women in winnable positions in single-memberdistricts. the SMD segmenthas been constantly outperformedby the PR tier. countries with single-member district (SMD) elections tend to have much lower proportions of women in the parliamentthan those with PR systems. a dual paradox becomes apparent:'women in post-communist states do marginallybetter in singlememberdistrictelections than theircounterpartsin the West. while only one of eight women elected for FKGP (Figgetlen Kisgazda Part.the number of women MPs it generatedsince 1990 has more than doubled. Yet this idea is not supported by existingdata for threemain reasons.due to the complexityof the electoral system. while it is true that fewer women have been elected from single-memberdistricts. there are significant contrasts among Central and East European countries. he argues. it becomes apparentthat its two components (the county and the national list) exhibit opposite tendencies across the four post-communist elections. which place candidatesin more than one component of the system. one third of all women elected to parliament since 1990 came from this tier. county (five) and SMD seats (six). Second. their number has doubled since 1990 (Table 3).978 CRISTINA CHIVA post-communist politics has been confronted with a puzzle. as Montgomery & Ilonszki argue.then. IndependentSmallholders'Party) came from an individual constituency. and the gap has narrowedonly since 1996. Moreover.Hungary'sPR tier has performednotably betterthan Romania's PR system. Overall. it is difficultfor party gatekeepersto predictwhich seats are winnable. so that any increasesin the numberof women coming from the SMD tier need to be seen against this background. The MSZP has had 30 of its 64 women MPs since 1990 elected from SMDs. MDF had very similar numbers of women elected from national (six). First. The number of women elected from the county list has doubled since 1990.40 At the same time. as women have become more experienced as MPs. If we analyse the Hungariansystem by distinguishingbetween the majoritarianand the PR tiers and examiningthem separately. According to Saxonberg. One possible explanationfor this outcome is that. When we turn to the PR segment of the electoral system. it tends to avoid the national list (one woman elected since 1990 came from this tier) and prefers the county list (13 of its 22 women MPs came from this segment). On the one hand. when comparingwomen's performanceEast and West. from six in 1990 to 13 in 2002 (Table 3).Alliance of Free Democrats) since 1990 have come from county and national lists. but one election is responsiblefor half of these (15 women in 1994). which generatedthe highest percentage of women MPs.42 Third.41 These expectationsare only partiallymet by the cases of Hungary and Romania. but 'they do significantly worse in PR elections'. as well as to the practice of dual and sometimes triple listings. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . there is hardly any difference between systems based on mixed and proportional representation. as Moser shows. As for FIDESZ. while that coming from the national list has halved This content downloaded on Fri. All women MPs elected for SZDSZ (Szabad Demokratak Szdvetsege. their parties have begun to place them as candidates for seats that are more difficultto win. Insofar as the SMD tier of the Hungarianelectoralsystemis concerned.

the of women owing to its tendencyto county list segmentgeneratesunder-representation yield small party magnitudes.partiespreferto perpetuatethe (male)national leadership. when PDSR This content downloaded on Fri. women's share of seats in the National Assembly has not actually grown significantly: it was 7. the fact that 50% of all women elected to parliament came from the national list suggested that party leaders preferred to use this 'compensatory'method to promote women.82% of senatorswere women in 1990.44 When we compare Hungary's PR tier and Romania's PR system it becomes manifest that the latter yielded significantlylower numbersof women MPs in the first two sets of post-communistelections than the former. However. as in other countriesof Central and Eastern Europe. the founding election was exceptional.and for 2000. which won 68.25% in 1990.The sweepingvictory of the FSN (Frontul Salvarii Nationale. In the 1990 election. as Montgomery& Ilonszki show.Differences betweenparties also need to be taken into account.29% in 1998 and 9. with the corresponding proportions for 1996 and 2000 standing at 84% and 63% respectively. part of the explanation rests with party magnitudes. with 10. when 11 out of 14 women were elected in this way. Again. Romanian Party of Social Democracy. under conditions of uncertainty.45 The fact that 7. The situation in the upper chamber was worse:0.Nevertheless. which constantly had the highest number of women among all political parties. In 2000 the number of women in parliamentcontinued to grow.since increases in county list seats overall were compensated by decreases in national list seats. The notable exception is 1996. the communist successor party). Beside the above-mentioneddifficultiesassociated with foreseeingwhich seats are winnable.07% in 2002. tends to draw its women from districts with a party magnitudeof four or higher. DemocraticNational Salvation Front.overallparty magnitudedroppeddramatically.01% of MPs elected to the Chamberof Deputies in 1996 were women representsa major increase (although women in the Senate continued to be scarce at 1.43This means that fewer women get elected because. when all female MPs from FDSN (Frontul Democrat al SalvariiNationale.7.67% of MPs elected in the lower chamberwere women. 8. more women have graduallybeen elected from the county list segment.14% in 1994. rising to a paltry 2. National Salvation Front. by previous standards. PDSR (Partidul Democratiei Sociale din Romania. In 1990 4. the founding election of 1990 was exceptional.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 979 (Table 3).Thus.but tended to catch up after the third and fourth elections (Table 4). 11.31% of the contested seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 76. Yet only in the fourth post-communist Chamber of Deputies did Romania's PR system yield a higher percentageof women than Hungary'smixed system. a full 70% of all party delegations from the county list numbered three or less across the first three post-communistelections. and only 3.65% in 1992.70% women MPs in the lower chamber and a relatively high. Since then. as PDSR was called at the time) were from such districts.14% in the upper chamber (Table 2). As in the Hungarian case.10% in 1992.This ensuredthat all 13 women elected from the FSN came from districts with a party magnitude of four or higher. On the one hand. and all five women from the opposition came from the single seat won by their party in several districts. From the second election onwards. This occurredin the 1992 election.47% in the Senate) generated very high magnitudes for the winning party and exceptionally low magnitudes for all other that 71% of party delegations in 1992 had between one and three members. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .40% in the same year).

00.45 9.0 25.00.0 4. ran 12 1 13 Romaniei. adopting al into PER December candidates 1992 15 minorities Oficial merged.25 3.29 WOMEN 13 Women 0 2 0 - 2 . 15 PUR No..29 12 - . and Monitorul and contested reserved FSN PNL-AT.00. 634. name 1992 4. PDSR).0 women ROMANIAN THE IN 6. Sources: 2000 PDSR CDR P PSM Others Seats PAC.44 9. No.00.70 December 6 lists.54 (later Social in the June 20 FDSN PNL under 86.13 10.79 women % 1990-2004) 1996Seats 91 10 43 25 83 5 5 3 1 25 18 19 122 328 PARTY.06.0 8 - 0. PUNR PRM PDAR Total PNT-cd PNL-CD PAC PER PAR MER PUR PSDR PD PNL FER UDMR PartyFSN/PDSR This content downloaded on Fri. In No.98 0. Also In 16. by PDSR. FER.1 3 1 6 0 Women POLITICAL (BY 0 0 0 7 1 0 3 23 4 OF 5.0 2. factions.00.0 0.33 and comprised PNL.07.29 7.0 % 1990Seats 2632 .980 CRISTINA CHIVA in 3. 8 . PNT-cd.0 0.79 10.09 2001.0 6.0 3 4 1992Seats 117. PD name joint Nos.10 43 11 41 13 TABLE 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 6 CHAMBER Women DEPUTIES 82 27 30 16 13 Convention election formed November 29 was 2000 the 316. split PSDR No. onthe 18 0 18 PNL-CD 2000. (CDR) 343 1996.74 4. 1992 13 328 341 In 1996 In October 30 Social-Democrata.66 0.41 13.0113.12 . following ran the November PSDR PNL-CD. PNL-AT). 1990.670.05.00. 25 27 84 2 11 8.0 4.1 0 0 0 Dem Soc Total Notes: 1996. 18 and 327 345 formations: No.23 4. 13 7.25.611.0 8. in PSDR.693. PAR candidate 1996.00. 3 joint 35 38 PER.90 0. 268.81 Democratic coalition the the 1992.09 0. seats for PSDR 664.65 women % 0. 287.93 women 50.33 6.657. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .33 9 9 5 .0 0 . 3.01 PNT-cd.00. 11 Partidul 385 396 and lists 85 (thus.015.7 . Uniunea renamed was Democrat. 10..94 0. PD and and two 2 3 0 0 1 0 4.0 % 6 8 31 30 2000Seats 141 1 14 3 2 2 Women 7.

This difference explains. National Liberal Party). although CDR (Conventia Democrata Romana. Party ideology and the promotion of women In Hungary the development of a multi-party system before the official collapse of the regime facilitated the establishment of democratic institutions through bargaining between parties that became influential players in post-communist politics. In Romania liberalisation and the emergence of a multitude of parties on the political scene was possible only after the collapse of state socialism. the electoral system can provide only a partial explanation why women have been under-represented in the Hungarian and Romanian parliaments since 1990. it bears repetition that party magnitude was exceptionally low in that election. as discussed above. why has the number of women elected in the majoritarian tier doubled from the first to the fourth post-communist election in Hungary? The Romanian case. This seems to indicate the party's willingness to promote women. such as those between PDSR and other parties. since the party's success was unanticipated by either the media or the general public. However.47 compared with eight PDSR women MPs. the high proportion of women is likely to be accidental: the party was simply not anticipating winning as many seats as it eventually did. This is partially why they have relatively fewer women MPs: in 1992 these parties had a total of five women deputies. to This content downloaded on Fri.46 On the other hand. but county and national tiers in Hungary have yielded considerably slower rates of numerical growth. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and 19 of 23 women winning contested seats in the lower chamber came from districts with party magnitudes of between one and three.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 981 lost the election. Romanian Social Democratic Party) and PD (Partidul Democrat. may take us some way towards an explanation. However. Greater Romania Party). parties such as PNL (Partidul National Liberal. winning 84 seats. the complex dynamic of Hungary's electoral system makes it difficult for opportunities for balancing the ticket to be realised in practice. an explanation concentrating on electoral systems cannot fully account for the differences in gender representation created by Romania's PR system and Hungary's PR tier respectively: why has the number of women in the Romanian parliament steadily grown since 1990. PNT-cd (Partidul National Taranesc Crestin Democrat. where it had seven seats). an ultranationalist formation which registered an unprecedented success in the 2000 election. between one and three (with the exception of Bucharest. it had only seven women among all its parties in the Chamber of Deputies. Its overall magnitude was somewhat low. provides an indication in need of exploration: ideological differences. so the positions in which women candidates were placed were considered ornamental. In conclusion. and occasional decreases (as in 1998 vis-a-vis 1994)? Conversely. PSDR (Partidul Social Democrat din Romania. and six out of its eight women MPs entered parliament in delegations numbering one to three. while PDSR had six. in 1996. Second. First. National Christian Democratic Peasant Party). An unusual case is that of the PRM (Partidul Romania Mare. of which 11 (13%) were occupied by women. since party gatekeepers are largely unable to predict which seats are actually winnable. Democratic Party) elect women MPs from districts with significantly lower party magnitudes than PDSR. Romanian Democratic Convention) won the election.

since 1999. By comparison. 3. has chosen a woman as its president. Romania startedthe transitionwith the effectivenumberof parties in the Chamberof Deputies standingat 6. chaired by a woman. with currentscholarshipunable to provide a definiteansweras to how exactly patriarchal attitudes affect women's political recruitment. the numberof women within the leadershipseems to vary in inverse proportion to the party's success: PNT-cd elected one woman among its vice-presidents only in 2001. None of the post-communist parties.53 Therefore. Stark & Thomas find that patriarchal attitudes about men's and women's roles can influencethe gender distributionof political power in Central and EasternEurope. when it was formed. when it merged with PSDR.based on an analysisof the World Values Survey of 1991-93. 3. or PUNR) has had any women among its leadership. Party fragmentation notwithstanding. from 1990 until 1998. for FIDESZ one out of 15 and for KDNP two out of 24. Ibolya David. with the corresponding figures for MDF being two women out of 21 vice-presidents. indicatingthe developmentof a stable party system with two major players (MSZP and FIDESZ) and two minor players (MDF and SZDSZ). Moreover. two-fifths of both male and female respondentsto the survey agreed that. the higher degree of fragmentation and instability characterising Romania's party system. The situation at the level of vice-presidencyis also dismal. but that there are differencesbetweenformercommunistcountries. men should have priority over women. the picture is somewhat more complex than the hypothesis formulated above.52However.48 in 1990 to 3. Most parties in Hungary and Romania failed to place women in positions of significant authority. parties (UDMR.The exception is MDF. bar one. then decreasing to 4. two principal factors are shown here to have had an impact on women's recruitmentto parliament:their positions within the top party leaderships. Parties'unwillingnessto recruitmore women to the top positions may be explained at least partiallyby party leaders'belief that the electoratewould not vote for women.31 partiesin the two countriessince 1990. when jobs were scarce. Indeed. until 2001. which has one woman among its five executivesecretaries. when it had joined the ranks of non-parliamentary formations. two of its vice-presidents(numberingbetween six and 13) have been women. and party ideology.73 in 1994.64 in 1990. Wilcox. In Hungary.42 in 1992. 46% of respondentssaid that they This content downloaded on Fri. the puzzle of seemingly stronger support for the women's movement in post-communist Europe than in Western Europe prompts the authors to conjecture that the very meaning of 'women's movement' varies across regions. This is illustratedby the effectivenumber of parliamentary In Hungarythis numberdecreasedfrom 4. PD.17 in 2000.54When asked whether they preferredto elect a man or a woman as MP. three of the MSZP 13 vice-presidentswere women. The same is valid None of the other for PRM.50 In the case of other parties. that both men and women in Hungary and Romania are strongly supportive of the women's movement. but none in higher positions.94 in 1996 and 3.982 CRISTINA CHIVA some extent. so that many respondentsin Central and Eastern Europedo not necessarilyequate 'women'smovement'with an emancipation-oriented or feminist agenda. Results of a survey conducted in Romania in 2000 reinforce this uncertainty. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .49In Romania.11 in 2002. PDSR has the best record so far: from 1992.PNL (with 30 deputiesand 13 senatorsin 2000) elected one woman among the members of its executive bureau.07 in 1998 and 2.51 Of particularinterestis their finding.

KDNP (Hungary).53% of women deputies elected in 1990. when asked whom they would vote for as president. Moreover. E.81% of women MPs in Hungary and This content downloaded on Fri. This classification suggests several crucial characteristics of party systems in Hungary and Romania.57 Another crucial factor affecting women's recruitment and performance in parliamentis party ideology. Liberal parties: (Cl) of the 'old' type: PNL. D.56These answers suggest a complex situation. with various public positions being assigned differentcharacteristics with respectto gender. FIDESZ until 1995 (Hungary). the 'historical' component has graduallydisappearedfrom parliament(KDNP won no seats in 1998 and FKGP the same in 2002). In Romania. PSDR and PNL-CD) were responsible for 24. 'historical'parties (PNT-cd. Parties representing ethnic minority groups: UDMR (Romania). it becomes apparent that these formations had the lowest proportion of women among all parties. 1994 and 1998 came from FKGP and KDNP. Over the same period. all Christian democraticand liberal parties in Romania are 'historical'parties. but 51% answeredthat gender However. PUNR and PRM (Romania) (all were establishedafter 1989). in Hungary these types of parties are both 'new' (FIDESZ.71% of women elected to the National Assembly in 1990. 3% said they would elect a woman. founded after the collapse of communism. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . B. PNL. with only 24% saying that gender was not important. 1992 and 1996. C. First. FIDESZ from 1995 (Hungary). MDF and SZDSZ) and 'old' (FKGP. re-establishedafter the fall of communism.PDSR (Romania). Interestingly. (A2) 'old' ('historical') parties (dismantledby the communistsand re-establishedin the late 1980s/early1990s):PSDR (Romania).PNT-cd (Romania).if we examine the numberof women MPs resultingfrom the first three post-communistelections. post-communist parties in Hungary and Romania can be groupedalong the same dimensions. Ultranationalist formations:MIEP (Hungary).with one exception:Romania'sHungarian by UDMR (whichwon around 7% of contested minorityhas usually been represented seats in all post-1989 elections).By contrast. PNL-CD (Romania).Paradoxically. Conservative/Christian democratic parties: (Bi) 'historical' formations: FKGP. Socialist/social democratic parties: (Al) communist successor parties: MSZP (Hungary). KDNP).55 preferred a man. so that only the 'new' components seem to have a chance of surviving(Table 5).in a surveyconductedin 2003 in Romania. In Hungary. (B2) 'new'parties:MDF. 9. it is useful to distinguishbetweenfive principaltypes of party accordingto their ideology: A. (C2) 'new' parties: SZDSZ. communist successor parties accounted for 39. when historical parties gained seats in parliament.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 983 would elect a man. 58% of respondentsagreed that there were too few and/or far too few women in Romanian politics and 74% deemed that women should receive more support in order to participatein Romanian political life. As shown in this brief outline. In order to assess the record of post-communistparties in this area. (A3) 'new'social democratic parties establishedafter the fall of communism:PD (Romania).73% did not matter.

53 % 24 19 2002Seats 178 164 0.94 % TABLE PARLIAMENT 38 20 69 26 22 1994Seats 209 1 - 1 386 SZDSZ.76 women 10.mkogy.0 9.016. In www. + the www. and and FIDESZ FIDESZ+ HUNGARIAN 22 Women THE IN 6 1 11 2 1 0 0 43 1998.0 0.69 14 1 10 3 3 Women POLITICAL 1 0 1 8.07 1994:PostMDF).15 FIDESZ+SZDSZ.14 0.45 12.00 7.54 CRISTINA CHIVA 5.0 6. Database aJoint candidatesa FIDESZ + Sources: Communist PartyMSZP MIEP ASZ Independent Joint Total Note: VP MDF FIDESZ SZDSZ FKGP KDNP 5 8 2 8 3 1 0 1 0 Women This content downloaded on Fri.88 women + Assembly.79 15. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .88 8. 1 386 23 Women 1 9 2 0 35 5.52 4. of SZDSZ + candidates Europe. 8.0 11.16 women 12.66 4.25 9.29 14 386 32 5 (BY 5. 15. WOMEN % MSZP 1990Seats 33 164 21 92 44 21 1 6 4 National 386 KDNP+ 2002: for 1990: 28 Hungarian forASZ.69 6.49 4.50 % 17 24 1990-2004) 1998Seats 134 148 48 PARTY.53 15. forElectoral the (35 Rural and of seats 50 yielded Federation Transformation which ASZ+ and Political candidates on of list FIDESZ Project joint a the of SZDSZ+ ran MDF database SZDSZ.14 women 10.82 0.92 10. in forfor 15 Process FIDESZ.0 7.76 0.33 7.

this ideology correlates with more openness towards women. which won three of the four post-communistelections. Fourth. The Socialists/SocialDemocrats From this group. partiesin Romania. The explanation rests with three principal factors.This is best seen as a consequenceof MSZP's former communist credentials. Fifth. the ultranationalistshave had considerablyless success in Hungary than in Romania: MIEP only managed to gain parliamentaryrepresentationin 1998-2002. its development as a social-democraticparty has been less than clear: its doctrine has been formulatedexplicitlyin these terms only recently. Third.61% of all women elected in the Romanian Chamber of Deputies. while PUNR had MPs in the first three post-communist legislatures and PRM in the last three. Parties' record on promoting women varies with ideological orientation in both Hungary and Romania. PD Second. Moreover. with PDSR. Indeed. making up a substantial proportion of seats.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 985 50. The case of the PDSR is somewhat more complicated. Second. as well as 50% of women senators.38% of all women elected in the Hungarianparliamentsince 1990 were from MSZP. at least in principle. First. largely avoiding an emphasis on the close connections that many of its leading personalities had with the defunct communist regime. Thus it is worth examining each group of parties in turn.58 Since both parties have adopted a social-democraticapproach. Romania's party system was characterisedby one-party dominance. the record of communist successor parties remains unparalleled by any other formations. the higher percentage of women among PDSR and MSZP MPs is at least partly due to their electoral successes in three and two post-communist elections respectively:the more seats these parties gained. the more likely it was that women would be elected in greater numbers.when a younger leadership installed themselves at the helm and the party was granted membership This content downloaded on Fri. it has portrayed itself as originatingin the 1989 uprising against Ceausescu.94% in Romania. these parties' roots in the former communist system may have played a role in their more women-friendly performance. nationalconservative (1998) and socialist-liberal (2002) coalitions.which included a well-articulated (Marxist-Leninist) gender policy. This is corroborated by the two smaller social-democratic parties from Romania (PD and PSDR): together. it is possible to conjecture that. there are a few more social-democratic and PSDR competing for the same electorate. as in Western Europe. Since its beginnings as FSN. Thus it is possible to suggest that party origins may also have had an impact on women's representation. By contrast. Hungary's party system is much more clearly polarised ideologically.this is undoubtedlyso: it is the only party supportingaffirmativeaction for women.70% of all women elected in the three most recent legislatures. they account for another 11.Insofar as MSZP is concerned. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . because it was never openly a communist successor party. and the four sets of elections held since 1990 produced a succession of conservative-Christian democratic (1990). the complex dynamics characterising the relationshipbetween the various parties comprisingthe CDR mean that caution should be exercisedwhen assessing each party's performance. the communist successor parties have selected the highest number of women MPs: 46. were from FSN/PDSR. namely that of the PDSR. and 43. socialist-liberal (1994).

and 15. Thus.59 PSD was following in the footsteps of the previous CDR government (19962000). this seems to be closely linked to electoral performance: both MDF and FIDESZ had the highest shares of women when they had high percentages of the vote.59% of all women MPs since 1990 were from MDF.94% were from FIDESZ. In Romania. because it originally ran in the 1990 and 1994 elections with a liberal manifesto. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .64 FIDESZ This content downloaded on Fri. an agglomeration of conservative formations can be found in Hungary. PNT-cd had seven women among its MPs in the first three post-communist parliaments where it won seats (Table 4). as well as sexual harassment. the previous governmental coalition had been less concerned with such legislation: three anti-discrimination bills had been submitted to parliament in 2000-01. Indeed. Owing to the significant decrease in the number of MDF seats. which had passed an Ordinance banning all forms of discrimination and had adopted a 'National Plan of Action' on equality of opportunity in 2000. but none had been adopted. In 2002 the PSD-led government initiated the adoption of an Act on Equal Opportunities.62 Beside domestic factors related to party ideology. re-inventing itself as a national-conservative formation. By contrast to Romania.60 In Hungary the MSZP-led government elected in 2002 pressed for the adoption of a comprehensive anti-discrimination law. MDF's 'rightist ideology and close current association with FIDESZ mitigate against a more profound commitment to women's legislative recruitment'.61 The MSZP/SZDSZ-sponsored Act on Equal Treatment and the Promotion of Equal Opportunities was adopted by Parliament in December 2003 and came into force in January 2004. both MSZP and PDSR/PSD have been considerably more inclined than other parties to promote legislation in the field of equal opportunities. The 'historical' subgroup in Hungary has significantly lower percentages of women among its MPs than the 'new' parties. In 1995 it initiated a major programmatic transformation. the MDF president since 1999) belonged to its parliamentary group after 1998. as Montgomery & Ilonszki found. 'historical' parties (FKGP and KDNP in Hungary. counterbalancing Romania's social-democratic boom. only one woman (Ibolya David.986 CRISTINA CHIVA status in the Socialist International (in 2003.78% women across the three legislatures when it gained seats in parliament (Table 5).63 The case of FIDESZ is somewhat more complex. under the FIDESZ-led administration. By contrast. Third. Eight of MDF's total of 16 women across the four legislatures were elected in 1990. and the 'new' parties established in Hungary (MDF and FIDESZ). PNT-cd in Romania). which prohibits discrimination against women in employment. KDNP had only two women in the first two postcommunist parliaments (4. However.65% of the total number of women for those two legislatures). when the party had 164 seats. international considerations also played a role in the adoption of such legislation in both countries: the imminent accession of Hungary to the EU accelerated the process of harmonisation with EU law. after the merger between PSDR and PDSR). while criticisms made in the European Commission's regular reports on Romania's gender policy were the main incentive for the adoption of such legislation. while FKGP had 6. The Conservatives and Christian Democrats These can be divided into two distinct subgroups: the 'old'. 11.

According to Montgomery & Ilonszki. it is possible to suggest that the eventual adoption of an ordinance on equal opportunities owes more to external pressure from European institutions than to PNT-cd's commitment to gender equality. However. when it founded the Democratic Convention (CDR). which does not necessarily endorse such restrictions. and CDR won the local elections in most major cities. the socialists' unwillingness to change the status quo casts a shadow over their general commitment to promoting women. but the motion was rejected by parliament. to the anticipated unpopularity of such legislation.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 987 went on to win the 1998 election. Thus. The Liberals While the Romanian liberal party (PNL) was resuscitated by former members returning from exile in 1989. from the very outset. and Romania's second post-communist president. PNT-cd's stance on gender relations prompted it to recruit few women-a total of seven of its MPs. or 7. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . its fortunes changed. because communist legacies precluded the option of outright opposition to reproductive rights. Within this context. the approach of the Kidar regime towards reproductive rights.49% in 2002. This was due. the party is likely to have been more conservative. enjoyed little popularity during the first years of the transition.76% in 1998 to 5.65 The case of PNT-cd sheds light upon some of the most important aspects of Romanian post-communist political life. PNT-cd became the dominant partner in the coalition. and very narrowly missed repeating this achievement in 2002. Emil Constantinescu. was drawn from its ranks. Additionally. Hungary's SZDSZ was formed in the late 1980s under This content downloaded on Fri. which would have reminded many of the extremely repressive approach of the Ceausescu regime. ideological transformation brought about an actual decrease in the proportion of women within the parliamentary party. where conservative parties rejected. A woman who requests an abortion is compelled to meet a representative of the Family Protection Services who would inform her of state aid and policies available should she change her mind about having an abortion.67 The FIDESZ administration amended the bill in 2000. Competitive politics in Hungary is sharply divided between the conservatives' stance on this issue and the socialist perspective. In 1996. This formation. The political consensus surrounding the availability of contraception and abortion in Romania makes it difficult to assess party positions on gender relations. It had ten women MPs in 1998 (when it had 148 seats) and nine in 2002 (when it won 164 seats). FIDESZ tends to reserve most winnable places for the male national leadership and 'has never seriously entertained the notion of a gender-based quota for recruitment'.45% of all women obtaining mandates over the first three legislatures. In 1992. re-established in 1989 by several PNT-cd members and leaders of the inter-war period. Insofar as its gender policy is concerned. One of its MPs initiated such a bill in 1996. were it not for the legacy of the communist regime. PNT-cd's Christian-Democratic credentials meant that it supported restrictions on abortion and contraception.66 Legislation passed by MDF and its coalition partners in 1992 made abortion available to women who found themselves in a 'grave crisis situation'. This is not the case in Hungary. to a large extent. from 6. when CDR won the general election. together with other parties and civic organisations.

from 6. reorganiseditself and won 14 seats in the 1998 election. The Ultranationalists This group has had much less success in Hungarianpost-communistpolitics than in Romania. Thus. and both were successful in obtaining seats in parliament. Its impact on politics has been primarily determined by its extraparliamentaryposition. ultranationalistparties have a much less extensive record of promoting women than other types of parties in both countries. Great Romania Party). at most. Around the same time. the share of women among its MPs has been decreasing from 15. overall. If we look at the proportion of women within its leadership. FIDESZ was establishedas a liberalparty. liberal parties are characterised.68Nevertheless. Both parties mounted a strident defence of the 'national interests' of the ethnically Romanian population.90% in 1990 to 3.becoming the second largest party in the Parliament.33% in 2000.39%of its MPs over the four legislatureswere women. by mild enthusiasmfor promoting women in parliament. However. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . neither in the lower nor in the upper chamber.32% of all women elected to the Chamber of Deputies came from PNL. the large increasein the numberof women in 2000 can be attributeddirectlyto the party's unexpected electoral success. At the same time. which has split and then reunifiedseveraltimes since 1990 (PNL-CD in Table 4 is one of its splinters). By contrast. None of these positions was occupied by a woman. when SZDSZ won 92 and 69 seats. it is possible to conclude that. as expected. In 1998 its leader defected to the other ultranationalistformation.53% in noted above. PRM (Partidul Romania Mare. FIDESZ as a liberal party exhibited similar characteristics: it elected only three women MPs in 1990 and 1994. some of the wind has been taken out of its sails by FIDESZ's emphasis on national identity in recent years. MIEP (Magyar Igazsag es Elet Partja-Party of Hungarian Justice and Life) split from MDF in the early 1990s.94% in 1994 to 10.988 CRISTINA CHIVA circumstances of relative liberalisation. The first such party. it is SZDSZ which has the best record so far: 17. so that it has yet to achieve an important role. This content downloaded on Fri. found it difficult to maintain organisational coherence in the first decade of the transition. respectively). despite the unusual performance of PRM.the answeris clearly 'no' (see above). All three parties were small (with the exception of the 1990 and 1994 elections in Hungary. PUNR (Partidul Unitatii Nationale Romane. from one in 1992 to three in 1996 and 11 in 2000. In the 2000 election PUNR failed to win any seats. Furthermore. This may also have affected its recruitmentof women: only 5. PRM improved its performance. However. owing to its somewhat different ethnic configuration. Its promotion of women seems negligible: only one of its 14 MPs in 1998 was a woman.Their recordon recruiting women varies from one party to another and from one election to another. Its share of women MPs has also grown proportionallywith the number of seats. PNL. but subsequentlychanged its programmaticorientation.has had two ultranationalistparties. Furthermore. 30 in 1992and 18 in 1996in the Chamberof Deputies. Romania. The percentageof women among its MPs seems to be decreasing. Party of Romanian National Unity) won nine seats in 1990. Thus it would be useful to inquire into the extent to which PRM has an inclusive approach towards women.

rather than gender.In the second and third sections of of women in the post-communistparliamentsof the article the under-representation Hungaryand Romania was explored through an assessmentof the explanatorypower of two principal approaches:the impact of electoral systems and the effects of party ideology on the recruitmentof women for legislative office. and assigns overarching priority to its ethnic goals. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 15 in 1996 and 18 in 2000 (Table 4). The party's narrow profile may explain its very low intake of women:it is likely that the party operateswith a concept of identity based on ethnicity.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST Parties representing ethnic minority groups POLITICS 989 The Romanian Constitution allocates one seat in the Chamber of Deputies to associations representing each ethnic minority group. and the interlinkagesbetweengenderand ethnicity. and only numbered one woman among 25 MPs in 1996. the role of women in increasinglyactive civil societies. such as gender. Although formally competing in elections. and two women among 27 MPs in 2000. largelybecause they privilegeethnicity over any other forms of identity. It had no women MPs in 1990 and 1992. with one significant exception: UDMR (Uniunea Democrata a Maghiarilor din Romania.5%). which won between25 and 29 seats in all post-communistelections (see Table 4). communist successor parties are by far the most committed to promoting women. Thus traditional notions of women's and men's roles are likely to have had a crucial impact on the recruitmentof women within the ranks of the parliamentaryUDMR. existing scholarshipon the representationof women in post-communist parliaments could be greatly enriched by a sustained examinationof the links betweenparty ideology and women's recruitment.and the UDMR leadershiphas repeatedly emphasised the significant role played by women within their families. they tend not to win seats.Christian Democratic and liberal parties are much less inclined to recruitwomen-as would be expected from their ideological alignment. Conservative.In the first part of the article three background factors were identified as shaping the wider context of women's participation in post-communist politics in Hungary and Romania:communist legacies. As this overview shows. Formations with an ethnic agenda (ultranationalistsand ethnic minority representatives)are the least likely to recruit women for parliamentary seats. This party was originallyestablishedwith the aim of defending the interests of the Hungarian ethnic minority. its ideology inclines towards the centre-right. Conclusions This article contributesto recent scholarly debates by arguing that. 13 in 1992. although it is usually considered to be primarily an ethnic party. These organisations were assigned a total of 11 seats in 1990. DemocraticUnion of Hungariansin Romania). that had been severely discriminatedagainst during the communist period. party ideology is systematically consistent with differentiated patterns of representationfor women in the Hungarianand Romanian parliaments. Additionally. as demonstrated by the cases of Hungary and Romania. This content downloaded on Fri. Its share of the vote nationally tends to correspond closely with the proportion of the Hungarian population within the overall population (around 7. In keeping with their programmaticorientation.

The East European and East German Experience (Cambridge. most or all countries of Central and Eastern Europe (or Western Europe). Politics and Society. 20. Juan J. an ideologycentred perspective can also augment scholarly understanding of both similarities and differences between post-communist countries. 2001. it is also hoped that the article redresses some of the imbalance in the availability of research between Hungary and Romania. Cambridge University Press. Preuss. Moser. the First Steps (Budapest. Adam Przeworski. Herbert Kitschelt et al. this approach can provide a consistent comparison between party families in different countries. 4 Thomas F.).E. 7.). First. M. Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America (Cambridge. Edward Elgar. Hungarian Centre for Democracy Studies. Jan Pakulski & Wlodzimierz Wesolowski. 1999). which constantly integrates the perspective of gender relations. A welcome exception to this is Dietrich Rueschemeyer. 3 Herbert Kitschelt. it is also worth noting that the article's choice of case studies also makes a significant contribution to the ever-growing field of comparative research on Central and Eastern Europe. Valerie Bunce. The New Parliaments of Central and Eastern Europe (London. Parliaments in Transition: The New Legislative Politics of the Former USSR and Eastern Europe (Boulder. M. Sharpe. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Problems of Democratic Transitionand Consolidation:SouthernEurope. 1999). 3. since it often cuts across differences in electoral systems. 1994). The Emergence of East Central European Parliaments. 1971). Sharpe. This content downloaded on Fri. Paul G. Representation and Inter-Party Cooperation (Cambridge. Frank Cass. Robert G. Matland & Kathleen A. Claus Offe & Ulrich K. 1. An approach focused on party ideology as the principal explanatory variable has numerous advantages over the electoral system perspective. party ideology is considerably more consistent with differentiatedpatterns of representation for women in Hungary's and Romania's post-communistparliamentsthan could be demonstratedfor the impact of electoral systems. David Olson & Philip Norton (eds). Westview Press. 1994). Stabilising Fragile Democracies: ComparingNew Party Systems in Southern and Eastern Europe (London. Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven. Edward Elgar. Macmillan. 1994). Cambridge University Press. On the other hand. 1998). 1996). Polity Press. Party Formation in East Central Europe (Aldershot. Participation and Democracy East and West. Routledge. 1996). University of Salford 1 This definition of procedural democracy follows Robert Dahl. ideological underpinnings can account for differences between parties' strategies for recruiting women (or lack thereof. Lewis (eds). Oxford University Press. March 1992. the focus on two countries which have been rarely studied comparatively contributes new knowledge to research on the new and future EU member states. Third.E. South America and Post-CommunistEurope (Baltimore. in principle as well as in practice. 1998). for example. Rebuildingthe Ship at Sea (Cambridge. 5 See Marilyn Rueschemeyer (ed. to include some. Geoffrey Pridham & Paul G. Jon Elster. Attila Agh (ed. Second. Gordon Wightman. Finally. On the one hand. Cambridge University Press. 1998).). as the case may be). Linz & Alfred Stepan. 2003). Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe (Oxford. Post-CommunistParty Systems.. Electoral Studies. John Higley. Democracy and the Market. SubversiveInstitutions.50. Yale University Press. Remington (ed. Institutional Design in Post-CommunistSocieties. Montgomery (eds). pp. 1996). Comparisonsand Interpretations(London. 20.990 CRISTINA CHIVA As this article shows. Varieties of Transition. Marilyn Rueschemeyer & Bjorn Wittrock (eds). Lewis (ed. Competition. Party Structure and Organisation in East-Central Europe (Cheltenham. 1996). Claus Offe. 'The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe'. Thus this perspective can be extended comparatively. Other significant contributions include Richard E. 1991). Cambridge University Press. 2 See. 'The Effects of Electoral Systems on Women's Representation in Post-communist States'. 353-369. Johns Hopkins University Press. 1996).). Women in the Politics of Post-Communist Eastern Europe (London. pp. The Design and Destruction of Socialism and the State (Cambridge. 1995). Post-Communist Elites and Democracy in Eastern Europe (Basingstoke.

ro. 13 Eva Kuti. 20 Among the 'phoenix' organisations there are the Association of Hungarian Women. Publics and Everyday Life After Socialism (Princeton. 6 Moser. 1999). Reproducing Gender.niok. www. 204. 311. IHF. and also organises training sessions for journalists. 8 Walter M. 19. Borbala Juhasz. 21 For the distinction between practical and strategic gender interests.htm .eonet. p. Open Society Institute. Parties and Representation. 'The Economic Status of Women in Romania'. 15 Griinberg. 2000). 2005). 'Against the Current: the Political Significance of Women's Groups in Hungary'. NJ: Princeton University Press. 1994). p. 2004). Both groups function at the intersection between research and activism. Agnes Hars. 192. TARKI-SZCSM. 221. 18 IHF. as well as on leaflets and information collected during field trips in Hungary and Romania in 1999 and 2001. and also provides gender awareness training for social of the Nonprofit and Tranining Centre Foundation. 50. p. 10 Judit Gazsi. p. 145-158. An earlier version of the report. Since their establishment. pp. As outlined above. Women2000. Women2000.soros. Employmentand Women'sStudies. The data relate to the Roma population over the age of 16. Journal of Democracy. Romii in Romania. unpublished manuscript. Equal Opportunities for Women and Men: Monitoring Law and Practice in the New Member States and Accession Countries of the European Union (Budapest. 24 Ibid. This content downloaded on Fri. 192. the Romanian National Women's Association and the Romanian National Confederation of Women. 227-254. 'Against the Current'. p. 26 Ibid. Expert. Griinberg. An Investigation into the Status of Women's Rights in Central and South-Eastern Europe and the Newly IndependentStates (Vienna. 27 Mihai Surdu. Network Women's programme. Steven Pressman & Gale Summerfield (eds). 317. 23 Open Society Institute. Drepturilefemeilor. p. The Nonprofit Sector in Hungary (Manchester. 1985. 18. p.. in Susan Gal & Gail Kligman (eds). 'Educatia scolara a populatiei de romi'. 7 Frances Millard. p. p. see Maxine Molyneux. April 2000. Romii in Romania (Bucharest. 16 International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (henceforth IHF). 'Women's NGOs in Romania'. Politics. p. Manchester University Press. in Tiborne Pongracz & Istvan Gy6rgy T6th (eds). in Nashid Aslanbengui. org/women). Women 2000. 359. 67. pp.htm. p. in Catalin Zamfir & Marian Preda (eds). Feminist Studies. 18 (executive summary available at www. published in 2002. Saxonberg. Both organisations produce regular reports on women's situation in the two countries. lawyers etc. the grandly titled Women's Electorate of the National Alliance of Hungarian Trade Unions. Palgrave Macmillan. 28 Bela Janky. p. p. Women in the Age of Economic Transformation(London. p.. 9 Katalin Fabian. Elections. 2002). p. 17 Comisia Nationala pentru Statistica Romania si Programul Natiunilor Unite pentru Dezvoltare Romania. 2000). Jelentis a nbk is ferfiak helyzetriil 1999 (Budapest. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 1996). these two NGOs have maintained a focus on women's strategic gender interests. 30 Millard. 12 Societatea de Analize Feministe AnA. 'Women's NGOs in Romania'. p. 25 IHF. 29 Annex 1 to Zamfir & Preda (eds). the police. 11. 184-223. NANE maintains a hotline for women victims of violence and trafficking. 19 The classification and outline of women's organisations in this section rely on material presented in Fabian. Employmentand Women's Studies: the Impact of Women's Studies Training on Women's Employment in Europe Background Report: Hungary. Andrea Pet6 & Szilvia Szabo. 2. and AnA. 22 Two of the most prominent and active feminist groups are NANE in Hungary and ANA in Romania. Ghidul organizatiilor neguvernamentale din Romania (Bucuresti. Editura AnA. Femeile si barbatii in Romania 2000.. politicians and other NGOs dealing with indexe. 3.Gazsi et al. Parties and Representation in Post-Communist Europe (Basingstoke. 'Women's NGOs'. Bacon & Louis G. 14 Agnes Vajda & Eva Kuti. is available at www. 3. Routledge. 116. 2000). Szerepvaltozdsok. 11. 'A cigany nik helyzete'. the State and Revolution in Nicaragua'. Citizens' Votes for Nonprofit Activities in Hungary.hull. 'The Effects of Electoral Systems'.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 991 Steven Saxonberg. Elections. 'Women in East European Parliaments'. 'Women in East European Parliaments'. 311. 2002. ANA established an Information Centre for women in 1997. Pol. www. Drepturile Femeilor. 'Mobilisation without Emancipation? Women's Interests. p. 2. 11 Laura Grtinberg. p. 28.

'Women in the Legislatures and Executives of the World: Knocking at the Highest Glass Ceiling'. in Romania. 148. 36 Kenneth Benoit & John W. Dictionarul Partidelor Politice din Romania 1998-2003 (Bucharest. 1994). Gender Barometer: Romania. 309-330. Contextual Factors. p. p. 13. 44 Ibid. see Robert G. 2. pp. pp. see Richard E. 37 Wilma Rule. Greenwood Press. Thus the figures pertain to individual parties rather than to the coalition. 115. in Matland & Montgomery (eds). 52 Ibid. 1999.romawomensinitiatives. p. reserved three positions for women (18. 'Women in East European Parliaments'. Electoral Systems in Comparative Perspective: Their Impact on Women and Minorities (Westport. Similarly. 153-182. 105-129 at p. 'The Effects of Electoral Systems'. two Roma women were elected to the European Parliament as part of the 24-member Hungarian delegation. 47 This number includes six women from the PNT-cd and one from PNL. 'Women in East European Parliaments'. 365. Women'sAccess to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe. 35 Yet there is some scope for cautious optimism: the 16-member Medgyessy government. None of the other formations within the CDR elected women. 41 Ibid. 'Electoral Systems and the Number of Parties in Post-communist States'. 3. 1993).ac.572. Moser. 54 Open Society Foundation Romania and the Gallup Organisation. OSF. 1. 'Conclusions: Comparing Legislative Recruitment'. 76% of men and 79% of women approved and strongly approved of the women's movement. 109. pp. 'Weak Mobilisation. 48. 'Electoral Systems. 'Popular Support for Electing Women in Eastern Europe'. 43 Ibid. 'Women's Legislative Recruitment in National Legislatures: a Comparison of Developed and Developing Countries'. p. 56. 2003). 64-75. and Women's Opportunity for Election to Parliament in Twenty-three Democracies'.org/initiatives/women. In Hungary. in Matland & Montgomery (eds).51%). 112. which preclude generalisation. Saxonberg. Legislative Studies Quarterly. Matland. For an overview across Central and Eastern Europe's mixed systems using this method. 34 See Constitutia Romaniei din 2003. World Politics. World Politics. 2001.125. 'The Effects of Electoral Systems'. 53 Ibid. pp. 547. 46 These figures take the parties which were part of the Democratic Convention (CDR) separately. Hidden Majoritarianism and Resurgence of the Right: a Recipe for Female Under-representation in Hungary'. 29. 42 Kathleen A. pp. 40. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . pp. 78-87. This content downloaded on Fri. 147-148. 32 The report of the meeting of Roma women's organisations. 1998. in order to facilitate comparison with Romania. Pippa Norris. pp. 50 The source for the data on Romania is Stan Stoica. 38 Existing research includes Moser. A Place at the Policy Table: Report on the Roma Women'sForum. For comparative overviews. and Andrew Reynolds. pp. 43-62.. this article focuses primarily on the Chamber of Deputies. 39 Moser. p.soros. held in June 2003 and published by the Network Women's Programme of the Open Society Institute.essex. Montgomery & Gabriella Ilonszki. in Pippa Norris & Joni Lovenduski (eds). elected in 2002. 136-150. Wilma Rule & Joseph Zimmerman (eds). 26. Sage. The formula used for these calculations was to divide 1 by the sum of the squares of the proportions of seats in the two parliaments. the corresponding percentages were 67% and 84%. 'Institutional Choice in New Democracies: Bargaining over Hungary's 1989 Electoral Law'. August 2000 (Bucharest. Editura Meronia. 51. Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe. 477-498. 40 Saxonberg. Relevant information was obtained from the dataset at www. is available at www. 51 Clyde Wilcox. Beth Stark & Sue Thomas. Genderand Party Politics (London.cdep. 51. in Romania. downloaded from the website of the Chamber of Deputies. 3. 4. 33 After Hungary's accession to the EU in 2004. 49 Montgomery & Ilonszki. Women'sAccess to Political Power in Post-CommunistEurope.. Journal of Theoretical Politics. 89-95. www. 45 Owing to the exceptionally low percentages of women in the Senate. 28. Schiemann. 2000). 55 Ibid. p.. five ministries out of 27 were held by women in 2000 in the Nastase cabinet (18. Western Political Quarterly.992 CRISTINA CHIVA 31 A directory of Roma women activists is available at 111. 1999.75%). pp. 'Weak Mobilisation'. and contributions in Matland & Montgomery (eds). pp. pp.ul/elections. 1987. 48 These are calculated in the PR segment of the system in Hungary. 56 Ibid.

Monitorul Oficial al Romaniei. p. Equal Opportunities 62 Act CXXV. 68 For an analysis of the 2000 election see Grigore Pop-Eleches. interpreted flexibly in practice. 'Weak Mobilisation'. pp. 117-147. Journal of Democracy. 1994. Abbreviations Romanian political parties PCR CDR CPUN FER FSN MER PAC PAR PDAR PD PDSR PER PNL PNL-CD PNT-cd PRM PSD Partidul Comunist Roman (Romanian CommunistParty) Conventia Democrata Romana (Romanian Democratic Convention) Consitliul Provizoriu de Unitate Nationala (Provisional Council of National Unity) Federatia Ecologista din Romania (Romanian Ecologist Federation) Frontul Salvarii Nationale (National Salvation Front) Miscarea Ecologista din Romania (Romanian Ecologist Movement) Partidul Aliantei Civice (Civic Alliance Party) Partidul Alternativa Romaniei ('An Alternative for Romania' Party) Partidul Democrat Agrar din Romania (The Romanian Agrarian Party) Partidul Democrat (Democratic Party) Partidul Democratiei Sociale din Romania (Romanian Party of Social Democracy) Partidul Ecologist Roman (Romanian Ecologist Party) Partidul National Liberal (National Liberal Party) Partidul National Liberal-Conventia Democratica (National Liberal Party-Democratic Convention) Partidul National Taranesc Crestin si Democratic (National Peasants' Party. 159-169. 256-286.htm. 2002. 65 Montgomery & Ilonszki. Governmental Decision No. p. for Women and Men. Monitorul Oficial al Romaniei. 60 Governmental Ordinance No. analysed in Open Society Institute. 3. pp. pp. on equal treatment and the promotion of equal opportunities. 2005. 58 For a comparison between PDSR and MSZP on dimensions other than gender. 119. 2005. on equal opportunities between men and women. 431.WOMEN IN POST-COMMUNIST POLITICS 993 57 The Gallup Organisation Romania. 659. 'Romania's Politics of Dejection'. 1273. 63 Montgomery & Ilonszki. Press release. 67 In the 1992 bill a 'grave crisis situation' was defined loosely. 2001. p. 61 Open Society Institute. 1. 'Weak Mobilisation'. 12. 16. 66 Susan pr030721_ro. p. 13. 7 December 2000. and required exclusively the woman's statement. see Grigore PopEleches. prohibiting and punishing all forms of discrimination. 'Separated at Birth or Separated by Birth? The Communist Successor Parties in Romania and Hungary'. 'From Liberalism to Conservatism: the Federation of Young Democrats in Postcommunist Hungary'. 'Romanii sprijina o participare mai mare a femeilor in politica'. Monitorul Oficial al Romaniei. 137. Winter 1999. No. 120. No. 3. Equal Opportunities for Women and Men. East European Politics and Societies. 59 Act No 202. with no validation requested from officials as to her statement that she was in a grave crisis. 1-5. 15 December 2000. 2. 8. pp. on approval of the national plan of action for equality of opportunity between men and women. 21 July 2003. 2002. 11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .gallup. www. 2003. 2000. 64 See Csilla Kiss. East European Politics and Societies. 741. No 301. East European Politics and Societies. 2 September 2000. Christian and Democrat) Partidul Romania Mare (Great Romania Party) Partidul Social Democrat (Social Democratic Party) This content downloaded on Fri. 'Gender in the Post-socialist Transition: the Abortion Debate in Hungary'. 8 May 2002.

11 Jan 2013 01:28:47 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .994 CRISTINA CHIVA Partidul Social Democrat din Romania (Romanian Social Democratic Party) PSocDem PartidulSocialistDemocraticdin Romania(RomanianSocialistDemocratic Party)(NB author'sabbreviation) PSM Partidul Socialist al Muncii (Socialist Party of Labour) PUNR PartidulUnitatii Nationale Romane (Party of Romanian National Unity) PUR Partidul Umanist Roman (Romanian Humanist Party) UDMR Uniunea Democratica a Maghiarilor din Romania (Hungarian Democratic Union of Romania) USD Uniunea Social Democrata (Social Democratic Union) PSDR politicalparties Hungarian ASZ FIDESZ FKGP KDNP MDF MIEP MSZMP MSZP SZDSZ Agrarsz6vetseg(AgrarianAlliance) Fiatal Demokratak Szdvetsege(Alliance of Young Democrats) Fiiggetlen Kisgazda Part (IndependentSmallholders'Party) Keresztenydemokrata Neppart (ChristianDemocratic People's Party) F6rum (HungarianDemocratic Forum) Magyar Demokrata Magyar Igazsag 6s Elet Partja (Party of HungarianJustice and Life) Magyar Szocialista Munkaspart(HungarianSocialist Workers'Party) Magyar Szocialista Part (HungarianSocialist Party) Szabad Demokratak Szovets6ge(Alliance of Free Democrats) This content downloaded on Fri.