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The islamisation of the Meglen Vlachs (Megleno-Romanians): The village of Nânti (Nótia) and the “Nântinets” in present-day Turkey
Thede Kahl
a a

Austrian Institute of East and Southeast European Studies, Austria E-mail: Available online: 23 Aug 2006

To cite this article: Thede Kahl (2006): The islamisation of the Meglen Vlachs (MeglenoRomanians): The village of Nânti (Nótia) and the “Nântinets” in present-day Turkey, Nationalities Papers, 34:01, 71-90 To link to this article:

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Nationalities Papers, Vol. 34, No. 1, March 2006

The Islamisation of the Meglen Vlachs (Megleno-Romanians): ˆ nti (No ´ tia) and the “Na ˆ ntinets” in The Village of Na Present-Day Turkey
Thede Kahl

Introduction The main objective of the research project “Self-Identification of Meglen Vlachs” was to compare the contemporary state of Meglen Vlach culture and identity in their different settlement areas.1 Fieldwork sponsored by the German Research Foundation (DFG) in Meglen Vlach communities in Romania, Greece, Turkey and the Republic of Macedonia was able to identify the settlement areas of the Meglen Vlachs in Turkey. The paper represents a summary of the most important findings in Turkey. The Meglen Vlachs or Megleno-Romanians are an independent sub-group of the Balkan Vlachs. While their neighbours use the same term (“Vlachs”) in reference to both groups, linguistic usage makes a distinction between Aromanians and Megleno-Romanians. The Megleno-Romanian language has far more in common with Romanian than Aromanian.2 The assumption is therefore that the MeglenoRomanians broke away from the Romanian population at a later date than the Aromanians.3 Weigand considers the Meglen Vlachs a part of the Bulgarian-Vlach population group which, after the battle of Kosovo Polje, fled to the Karacova heights, where the rich soil and the favourable climate caused them to give up their ˇ ek, nomadic lifestyle.4 Papahagi regards this theory as improbable.5 Since Jirec many authors agree that the Vlach population intermixed with the Pechenegs, who settled in the Meglen region as military colonists after their defeat by the ´ s in 1091.6 Some also speculate about an admixture Byzantine Emperor Komne ¯ no with the Cumans.7 Owing to their sedentary agriculture instead of mobile animal breeding, the Meglen Vlachs did not migrate as extensively as the Aromanians. Although they collectively settled in Central Macedonia at the beginning of the twentieth century, their people disseminated after a phase of rural exodus into Romania and Turkey. Economic aspects were primarily responsible for emigration to Romania, whilst emigration to Turkey occurred as a result of the Greek– Turkish population exchange. The majority of the Meglen Vlachs are Orthodox Christians. During the Ottoman era the Megleno-Romanian population had largely resisted islamisation. However,
ISSN 0090-5992 print; ISSN 1465-3923 online/06/010071-20 # 2006 Association for the Study of Nationalities DOI: 10.1080/00905990500504871

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Aromanian neighbors refer to them primarily as Tucan The numbers of Meglen Vlachs in Turkey are too insignificant for their Turkish neighbors to have an individual name for them. The terms “Meglen Vlachs” and Karacova.9 who had emigrated from Na During a short visit to Eastern Thrace in 1997 it was possible to identify the settlements and present-day distribution of the Megleno-Romanian Vlachs in Turkey as well as historic dates relating to their immigration. but call them Nutyalı (people from Na ˆ nti. since the only Vlachs in the Turkish. as the Vlachs are commonly known in ˆ nti). and Megleno-Romanian stories and songs recorded.12 is not verifiable.10 A subsequent expedition of several weeks in August and September 2000 gave information about their identity.e. inhabitants of Na ˆ nti) from their islamisation until their present-day “Na whereabouts in Turkish East Thrace. Megleno-Romanians (Romanian: Meglenoroma Russian: Nfdmfoprun9oj) in other languages. which ¸). Their ´ i. German: Meglenoruma ¨ nen. language and culture. much like the Meglen Vlachs 72 . Most Turks of Eastern Thrace do not distinguish them from the Slavic-speaking Pomaks and describe them as Karacovalı (people from Karacova/Meglen) or even subsume them under the umbrella term Rumeli (immigrants from Rumelia). preference should be given to “Meglen Vlachs. which is also used for the Turkish. KAHL Downloaded by [92. The name à Rumo selves Vlachs (singular Vla u. Greek: there was one exception: the village of Na ´ tia or Nv ´ tia. not Romanians.T.85. Slavo-Macedonian: Nfdmfosljtf Cmasj). Macedonian: O’otj or O’tj. they speak na ˆ ntines selves “Na ¸ti. they are mostly called ˆ ni. nowadays Almopı “Megleno-Romanians” may be used synonymously.” Accordingly. in theory. Self-Appellation and Outside Appellation ´ xoi While referred to by their immediate neighbours as Meglen Vlachs (Greek: Bla Mogl1ni ´t16.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 ˆ nti (Vlach language: Na ˆ nti or Na ˆ nta. Bulgarian: O8otj. plural Vlas might have been. region originate from Na ˆ nti also call themIn addition to their self-identification as Vlas ¸. However. Most of both were taped and later transcribed. Interviews with speakers of the Megleno-Romanian language were conducted. However. Bosnian and Pomak immigrants from the Balkans. the Turkish and Pomak immigrants from Meglen who make a distinction from the Vlachs do not refer to the Meglen Vlachs as Ullahlar. in Turkish called Central Macedonian area around S’bocko (today’s Aride ´a in Greek.235. the Meglen self-description. the Vlachs from Na ˆ ntinets. ˆ nti would remain uncertain. or Yediko Until a few years ago the history of the settlement of the Meglen Vlachs in Turkey was unknown8 and it was assumed that the whereabouts of the Megleno-Romanians. Turkish: Nutya No ¨ y). whose population converted to Islam in the eighteenth century.” since the members of that population group now call themˆ n. The term “Meglen” designates the ´ a).11 The following assignment will trace the ˆ ntinets” (i.

´a were unknown to the local population. either by reviving antique Greek toponyms or by creating entirely new ones. it No ´ tia. The craftsmen among them produced goods for their own needs but also for sale and export to neighbouring communities. During the seventeenth and at the beginning of the eighteenth century the islamisation of local population groups in central Macedonia seems to have increased. Papahagi16 noted 550 houses with 5. higher regions of the Pajak/Payık/Pa ¸an’/Os ˆ rnareca/Crnareka/Ka ´ rpi. The local elderly population holds on to the former names while the new generation and the refugees from Asia Minor use the modern ones.235. having retreated to mountainous regions. However. cupines ¸ti (from Cupa/Ku ˆ nti and Its Population before 1922 Na ´a (Meglen. The villages of ˇ e and Tze Little Karacova Plain.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS ´ /Archa ´ ngelos). Cupa/Kupa/Ku ¸a ˇ uf mountains: Uma/Huma. T L’umnitsa/ Ljumnica/Skra. which would amount while Gopc to around 3. Karacova) was called Until 1927. described by is uncertain whether the location of the Byzantine castle Eno ´ s in the eleventh century. Until 1927. including 160 Roma. Christian groups. wheat and stationary stock farming. is identical with that of the today’s village.500 inhabitants and ˘ nc ˇ ov17 gave a number of 3. all ancient names such as Almopı place names of the region were changed. and in ´ pa. ˇ evic ´ 15 mentions 500 houses with Muslim occupants. the present-day community of Almopı ´ tia in Greek.18 Downloaded by [92. After 1767. Today. mostly escaped islamisation.85. seemingly going back to the medieval name of Eno ´ tia. in the middle of the so-called Upper or Na ´ na mountains. Weigand14 counted 450 houses with Muslim Vlachs.500 for the year 1900. etc.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 73 .13 Kedre ¯ no ´ rios founded the Monastery of Moglena ´ in the Eno ´ tia region.000 inhabitants. at the foot of the Nidz ´ and Birislaf/Borislaf/Perı ´klia are also situated in the Lugunt ¸i/Lugunci/Langadia Upper Karacova while the remaining Meglen Vlach villages are located in the ´ iko mountains: Os ˇanj/Archa ´ ngelos.607—a number that clearly reflects the first substantial emigration wave of ˆ ntinets. the Koz ˆ nti was the largest Vlach village in the Meglen region and the only For centuries Na one with a central market place. the Na ˆ nti made a living from sericulture. ˆ nti is situated at a height of 595 metres. of the Meglen region name their languages os ¸ines ¸ti (from Os ¸an ´ pa). fruit-growing and The inhabitants of old Na pepper. The first Ka ˆ nti inhabitants and in 1920 a Greek censuses in 1913 for Macedonia show 3. ancient and modern place names are often used simultaneously. In that year. umines ¸ti (from Uma/Huma).442 Na mere 1. Until In 1134. St Ila ´ belonged to the Archbishopric of Ohrid. the Bishopric of Moglena the occupation of central Macedonia by the Ottomans in the fourteenth century numerous groups of Turkic descent settled in the area. particularly nomads from Asia Minor (Juruks).

Thus. originally Christian customs.235.85. because they converted to Islam at a later time. the feast of St Paraskevı observed and many of the inhabitants visited the parish fairs of neighbouring Christian ˆ nti inhabitants Slavic and Vlach villages. According to accounts of older people they were persons who had married into the community and had their own mahalle (quarter) called ˆ nti but they had blended in Prour.T. that phenomenon would have to be even more pronounced among the Vlach ˆ nti.20 As relatively recent followers of Islam. Some groups were supporters while others had a hard time accepting the new situation. They are the “Aegean-Macedonian” equivalent of the Pomaks from Greek Thrace and south Bulgaria as well as of the Torbesh in the present-day Republic of Macedonia. Yet. they are thought to be more devout Muslims than the Turkishspeaking population. then their present-day descendants in Turkey would have to be keener Muslims than many Turks. The pressure exerted by the Muslim on the Christian population to convert to Islam in the eighteenth century seemed to have increased in the Meglen region. Apparently Meglen Vlachs also lived west of Na with the Slavic-speaking Muslim population. Islam had already gained a foothold in many Slavic-speaking Meglen villages while the Vlach population continued to embrace the Christian faith. that the population was at least for a time divided about the recent conversions.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 ˆ ntinets of Weigand’s time are said to have continued to practise some of The Na ´ was still their old. KAHL Downloaded by [92. ˆ nti. ˆ nti Apart from the Vlachs. The Slavic-speaking Muslim population of Central Macedonia are mostly referred ´ kid16)—even though their descento as “C ¸ itaci” (Turkish: C ¸ itaklar. there were eight quarters with four mosques in Na ´ rgios. As far as the Greeks were concerned. Greek: Tsita dants in Turkey no longer use the term. St Paraskevı ´. forced 74 . Their islamisation appears to have taken place from the fifteenth/sixteenth to the eighteenth century. In the case of the Vlachs it was because of their lifestyle as a closed community in remote mountain regions and the special rights and privileges granted by the Ottomans that the Vlachs enjoyed there. another Slavic-speaking group also inhabited old Na before the islamisation. St Ekaterı ´ni) and of on the foundations of three churches (St Geo the monastery of the Holy Mother of God. which were built Until 1923.19 It would appear that at least some of the Na were a crypto-Christian community until the population exchange. Typically. The Islamisation in the Meglen Region It is an interesting point that all over Southeast Europe South Slavs and Albanians converted to Islam more readily than Greeks and Vlachs. population of Na however. It appears. this was primarily due to the status of Greek as the language of education and of the Byzantine Church. Accordingly. If one were to assume that the recent followers of a faith were generally also the more enthusiastic followers.

where Conjars had settled. but Turkish was not spoken by the masses. Even today. the furnishings of the older houses are likewise all Christian. In the history As episcopal see.” irrespective of the language they spoke. around Gumence/Gume ˘ /Ma ´ s. Only their language they preserved well. only a few smaller groups and some individuals among the Vlachs.235. all Muslims were known as “Turks. .22 ˆ nti was for many years a stronghold of Christianity.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 conversions were rarely involved. ˆ nti] are worse towards the Christians than Today.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS Downloaded by [92. particularly in southern Albania. It is remarkable how quickly they changed into Turks in that respect and also outwardly. Most of the elderly women in Eastern Thrace confirmed during the interviews that they had no command of the Turkish language when they arrived. Furthermore. . many older Orthodox Christians in the region still call Muslims simply “Turks” although they speak the Vlach. in Gevgelija as well as in plain of Thessalonica. Many C ¸ itaci and Vlachs did not learn Turkish in their central Macedonian homeland but only after they had emigrated to Turkey. The islamisation of a large section of Meglen inhabitants was not automatically accompanied by adopting the Turkish language. and in the trading centres of Mayadag ¯ da ¯ /Fano Prilep and Kavadarci. they [the Muslim inhabitants of Na their then oppressors were towards them. food and dress. ethnic groups were primarily identified by millet on the basis of their religious affinity. Slavic or Albanian tongue. as the recesses in the walls show and were meant to house pictures of saints. the nearest villages with ´ . The ruins of a monastery or church are said to be still there .21 Since in Ottoman times. ˆ nti: Weigand writes about the evidently Christian past of the inhabitants of Na Once the village used to be Christian. there were no linguistic centres of Turkish hegemony in the vicinity of the Meglen region. on the Turkish-speaking inhabitants were in the area around Yenice/Giannitsa ´ nissa. ˆ nti The Islamisation of Na ˆ nti appears to be the only example of conversion that The case of the islamisation of Na involved an entire Vlach village. with regard to their noble deportment. Even the parish fair is still held and Christian names are very common.85. Numerous Turkish phrases and idioms may have infiltrated their local South Slavic dialect and merchants in particular had a good command of the language. Apart from this occurrence. Na ´ nnis Pro ´ dromos of of the islamisation of the Upper Meglen region the monastery of Ioa 75 . converted to Islam. The decisive role in the islamisation of the Vlachs fell not so much to the Turks or Ottomans but to the large group of C ¸ itaci who lived in great ´ iko and Kaimakc ˇ alan mountains and on numbers at the foot of the Pajak/Payık/Pa the S’bocko plain. many converted voluntarily for opportunistic reasons under economic and legal pressure.

23 The scene of St Igna Krus the Latin alphabet: “portator de Dumnezeu” (Theoforos ¼ “bearer of the Lord” in the Vlach language). It was raided and destroyed in Archa 1790. KAHL Downloaded by [92. Although the following story may not convincingly describe the sequence of events during the islamisation process. he himself comes from the Se ´ rres region and had Oshan’/Os heard the story from local monks: ´ tia [Na ˆ nti] became It is not known in which year it happened. it does represent an interesting. Efforts to revive the monastery led in 1987 to new arrivals. It is assumed that the chieftains of Na ˆ nti. expected that the Megleno-Romanians who were interviewed would correctly remember the history of their islamisation. mostly from other parts of Greece. After that the ´ tia became Muslim. Nevertheless. it was given up in 1918. explanation. in Megleno-Romanian Domnu). then the Ottoman authorities in 1858 gave permission to erect another monastery in its stead. It is also interesting that the versions heard in the Meglen region. but it was Easter when No ´ tia resisted for a long Turkish. so that a small number of monks and novices. in Turkey. During the second half of the nineteenth century beys ˆ nti succeeded in making several surrounding Vlach villages their chiftlik (a from Na ˆ nti became increasingly prosperous. It was not. Only after 1940 did the monks return.85. and prayed that God time. After the monastery served the rebelling Antarts as a military base in the Balkan wars. .243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 ´ ngelos appears to have played a special part.25 After the islamisation of Na nica/L’umnitsa/Skra became the centre of the Meglen Vlach villages of the region. the surrounding sort of feudal holding). When everyone was gathered in church ´ nnis announced after the Easter proclamation at night on Easter Saturday. the village of Ljumthe inhabitants of these villages.24 While Na ˆ nti even oppressed chiftlik villages became poorer. He conof “Christo ferred with the congregation and many of them consented to his will. It was dedicated to the Archangel Michael and still exists today. Many villages in the plain were already Turkish but No ´ tia observed Lent before Easter .26 The following ´l near story is the “explanation” the abbot of the monastery of the Archangel Michaı ˇanj/Archa ´ ngelos told. some myths survived that probably contain a good deal of truth. in the Republic of Macedonia and in Greece differ only little from one another.235. and is not to be. now live in the monastery.27 majority of the population of No Another man we talked to in Turkey told us a somewhat simpler version of this story: ´ s ane ´ sti” ¨ yu ¨ k papa [high priest] entered the church with the words “Christo The bu [Christ has risen] and came out as hoca with the words “Salaam aleykhum” [Arabic: 76 . if largely mythical. not Aromanian or Megleno-Romanian (the word for “God” in Aromanian is Dumnnidza ¯ .T. ˆ ntinets the support of the leading social class and thus Islamisation brought the Na more influence in the region. From the use of the word Dumnezeu it is obvious that the men wrote Romanian. . The inhabitants of No would help them in their difficult situation. Bishop Ioa ´ s ane ´ sti” [Greek: “Christ has risen”] his decision to convert to Islam. The icons of the monastery date from 1888 and were painted by three Vlachs from ´ tios Theofo ´ ru contains a Romanian inscription in ˇevo.

too.30 Kuku time of islamisation. Before the church was rebuilt icon of St Paraskevı as a mosque they allegedly embedded the icon in its foundation.36 However.37 Until the population exchange. ´ nnis According to three of the men interviewed in Turkey.28 Von Hahn.”29 Capidan thinks that the islamisation of ˆ nti occurred around 1671—but emphasises that it happened the population of Na ´ dis suggests the year 1759 as the gradually within a 40 –50-year time span.38 that the icon was taken to the neighbouring village of Birislaf/Perı Presumably. however. village.235. many might already have been crypto-Christians before islamisation.31 ˇev. Another Christian document is also believed to be in their possession: the ´. Inquiries about this document in Eastern Thrace were unsuccessful—nothing was known of the Bible. The “mass conversion” probably took place in the second half of the eighteenth century.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS “Peace be with you”]! The congregation responded. the decision of mass conversion was recorded on 24 April 1671 on the last page of a Bible in the church. they had apparently become such devout Muslims in the meantime that they chased him from the ˘ m Toader and erected a poplar instead of a cross. Na ¸an’/Os ´ and Birislaf/Borislaf/Perı ´klia have certainly seen an Lugunt ¸i/Lugunci/Langadia Downloaded by [92. a certain Jovan Kosta from Na 33 changed his name to Mehmet.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 77 . At the time this decision was taken. It is quite possible that some of them were forced to convert to Islam. the patron saint of the church.”35 The inhabitants of Na ´ tia to proclaim his remorse to the bishop/hoca was thought to have returned to No local population and to reintroduce Christianity. Neighboring Meglen Vlach villages such as Os ˇanj/Archa ´ ngelos. part of the population had possibly already converted to Islam. our Tikia mare. the decision of the priest/hoca did happen and islamisation came about gradually. designates the period 1765– 1770 for the islamisation of Na ˆ nti. killed and buried him near Sa The question arises of how deeply rooted the Christian faith actually was in that population. others have left ˆ nti. According to Capidan. Most likely.32 Ros ˆ nti became a Muslim in Thessalonica and In 1764. “Aleykhum salaam” and in that way the monastery became a Teke. based on the Ottoman history archive of Thessalonica.34 the former Bishop Joa ´ risa after his conversion. It is difficult to imagine that the bishop’s decision of mass conversion took the churchgoers by complete surprise.85. There he allegedly expressed remorse for having converted and was murdered. Other sources say ´klia. some of the inhabitants refused to change their religious orientation. to serve in the local mosque was thought to have moved to La Turhan Camii. says “the conversion to Islam of the people of Notia probably came about at the instigation of the archbishop himself who resided there at the time and converted at the same time as his flock. The intention was probably discussed with the population or at least with the leading class. Until the beginning of the twentieth century his grave was located in ´ risa and his tombstone was said to have been inscribed “ne bizim ne sizin.” La ˆ nti told Capidan that the meaning “neither ours nor theirs. it was said to have been in the hands of the Muslim-turned inhabitants.

1790) may be seen as an attack on this important pillar of Christianity in the region but it can also be viewed as a raid on the riches the monastery contained. Since the inhabitants of Tus ¸im still speak a Slavic tongue. many of the islamicised inhabiˆ nti appear to have been rather aggressive advocates of Turkish culture to tants of Na their Christian neighbours.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 ˆ nti. the returning emigrants only remained for a short time in Na ˆ nti: Orthodox the first group of Pontic refugees (around 100 families) arrived in Na Christians from the Kars region in the southwestern Caucasus (Turkey) who spoke Turkish and Russian. the question arises whether ˆ nti became Slavicised in Tus the newcomers from Na ¸im or whether they were Slavicˆ nti. Na Despite the mostly Christian past of the population.39 ˆ nti. There. even towards Vlach neighbors who spoke the same ´ nnis Pro ´ dromos in neighboring language. As a result of the Greek –Turkish population exchange several other small groups from the area around Ankara followed at the beginning of the 1920s (particularly in 1924). The conflicts in the First World War and the following years forced the majority of the inhabitants of Meglen to move north to towns such as Prilep and Kavadarci. ¨ y/Samakov and they initially settled in the then mostly Greek villages of Demirko ˘ ucak/Kryo ´ nero. In 1919. from where they fled in order to preinhabitants of Tus ¸im originally came from Na serve their Christian faith. ˆ nti. In any case. Pontic immigrants also arrived in neighbouring Vlach 78 . After the war. In the increase in their population because of the influx of the Christians from Na course of time. word of mouth has it that the ancestors of the Aetocho ˆ nti. A large number of these first immigrants succumbed to the Sog ˆ nti.85. some Christian Vlach families will have moved ˆ nti to Tus from Na ¸im but the village must have also had Slavo-Macedonian inhabitants. Certainly. Na only few had sought shelter. an examination With regard to the whereabouts of the Christian population of Na ´ (Tu ´ siani in Greek form.T. abduct Christian girls and force them to marry in Na Emigration to Turkey and the Population Exchange The Meglen Vlachs’ emigration to Turkey took place in several waves. today of the neighbouring village of Tus ¸im or Tus ¸an ´ ri) might be useful.235.40 ˆ nti used to In all of the neighbouring Vlach villages. only a few remained in Spanish flu. the Vlach-speaking group that came from speaking people from Na ˆ nti did not represent a sufficiently strong element to preserve the Vlach language. The destruction of the monastery of St Ioa ´ ngelos at the end of the eighteenth century by Muslim Vlachs from Na ˆ nti Archa (c. they say that the beys from Na ˆ nti. By that time relatively large waves of emigration of the Muslim population to Turkey via Bulgaria had already been taking place. There. However. the Vlach element disappeared and the Slavo-Macedonian element ´ usa and Ve ´ ria where became stronger in other adjoining villages such as Resna. Some families emigrated as early as 1912. several returned to Na ˘ ´ ¨ Demirkoy/Samakov or moved to Tekirgag/Redesto and other small settlements. KAHL Downloaded by [92.

but primarsettlements (Lugunt ¸i/Lugunci/Langadia ily in the villages on the plain. Violent disputes developed between the followers of the Greek Patriarch Church and those of the Bulgarian Exarchate Church. remained in the Monastir/Bitola and Gevgelija area for good. He died shortly before my first visit to Na ˆ ntinets had moved to and learned about a letter that was sent to where in Turkey the Na ´dis from Turkey and postmarked in C Mr Lemonı ¸ orlu. at least seven was eventually taken to Turkey. whereupon her husband killed her with the have insisted on remaining in Na ˆ nti authorities. At the time over 100 Muslim families were still ˆ nti—mostly poor families who had returned to destroyed houses after living in Na their sojourn in Bulgaria. As a rule. He was baptised after the departure of the remain in Na Muslims and the ending “-idis.85. ¨ tfiye Rizvan from Os Tus ¸an’/Os It would be interesting to learn how many persons did not wish to participate in the population exchange and to what extent the Christian past of the population might have played a role.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS ´ and Birislaf/Borislaf/Perı ´klia). Despite being sentenced to several years in prison. so several Na inhabitants approached the Romanian consulate.235. then by train to Salonica and eventually on neyed by caravan to Vrtikop/Sky ˘ and were distributed from Turkish ships to Turkey. While the remaining Vlachs and newly arrived Pontians lived side by side. but Kuku details. he help of the Na ˆ nti. These contrasting orientadz tations had a negative effect on the cohabitation of Vlachs and Pontians.42 A woman was also said to ˆ nti. Since word of mouth can make it difficult to distinguish between truth and exagger´ dis41 deals with the ation. mostly married women from neighbouring villages. Most travelled to Tekirdag Bursa to formerly Greek villages that had fallen vacant after the population exchange and the exodus of the Greek Orthodox population. Some of them had relatives in neighbouring villages and obviously no desire to emigrate. Fewer disembarked in Mudanya/ ´ and ˙ ´ rni. expressing their desire to emigrate to Romania43—which they were apparently not permitted to do. the Greek authorities made no exceptions. this paper will refrain from a closer description. citing the Christian element of their culture or that of ˆ nti their ancestors. population exchange began and the remaining locals also left Na Accounts on the time of the Vlach– Pontic cohabitation were marked by bitterness. they jour´ dra. the so-called “Komiˇ i. the Vlachs got on well with the advocates of the Bulgarian Exarchate Church.” while the Pontic refugees followed the Patriarchy. Some still reside there today. However. a Greek school and an Orthodox church were built. several Vlachs who were with the Komitadz Wars.” typical of the Pontic Greeks. It is possible that part of the population tried to influence the committee for population exchange.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 79 . the officially controlled emigration within the Greek– Turkish ˆ nti. According to the Vlachs of Na ˆ women from Christian families followed the Nantinets to Turkey. ˇ i at the time of the Balkan Presumably. Only one man who was said to have cooperated with the Greek newcomers was permitted to ˆ nti: Chrı ´stos G. Lemonı ´dis. Seemingly. as in the case of Ays ¸e C ¸ avus ¸ from Tus ¸im/ ˇim/Aetocho ´ ri and Lu ˇanj/Archa ´ ngelos. Atanasov had asked him name. In the spring of 1924. Lemon. Mudiana Izmir/Smy Downloaded by [92. was added to his original ˆ nti.

T. ˘ icus Two of the old quarters (Manastir and Ba ¸) can still be made out in the presentday village. Atanasov says that there were also ten Vlach families among the Pontian inhabitants. Gornits. In the 1950s several ´ na heights also Saracatchans who originally had their summer camp on the Tze ´ settled in Notia. ˆ nti emigrated. The place where the church of St Paraskevi once stood is now occupied by a school building. Some of them are still occupied with stock farming there today.235. Their emigration and settlement thus differ from the situation in Romania. Lohceva and Prour. If the reported number of people living 80 .512 in 1940. The names of the quarters Al Cule. ´ tia is situated in a mountainous region less remote than most other Meglen Since No ´ tia Vlach villages and at the edge of a fertile plain. Boz and Beilic/ Amber that Capidan mentions44 fell into oblivion. where the Vlachs from nearly all Meglen Vlach villages settled in ˆ nti the entire population of a single village settled in one village while in the case of Na numerous hamlets. The land vacated by the emigrant population was redistributed amongst the newcomers. then the number of Assuming that nearly the total population of Na emigrants must have been around 4. they are descendants not of the ´ tia inhabitants but of the Vlach population from the neighbouring Christian old No ´klia and Archa ´ ngelos).45 However. 95 in 1951. ´ tia has been almost exclusively inhabited by Since the population exchange No Pontians (according to Greek population censuses in 1928 these amounted to 712 persons. KAHL ´ tia after the Population Exchange The Village of No ´ tia will find it difficult to imagine how large and important Visitors to present-day No ´ na mountain. Downloaded by [92. 1. Several of the people remember three further quarters: Punti. the village once must have been. A stream running from north to south through the village centre divides the two quarters. each one was allotted 8– 15 hectares. The settlement of the refugees from the Vlach villages (Perı Caucasus and Asia Minor was carried out on the basis of Greek agricultural reforms. 412 in 1981.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 The Meglen Vlachs in Turkey Numbers and Distribution The Meglen Vlachs were not concentrated in one community in their new Turkish homeland but dispersed over many settlements in Eastern Thrace and several towns in the rest of western Turkey. 367 persons in 1991 and 388 in 2001).85. 440 in 1971. far more Pontians were settled in No than in all other Vlach villages in Meglen put together. 437 in 1961.000. Climbing the southern slopes of the Tze one realises from the terraces rising up the slope as well as from the structure of the nearby fields to the south of the village that buildings and numerous farmsteads once stood there.

Manisa/Magnisı ´a. Kırklareli/Saranda Ekklisie ´ i. The information given on the distribution of the Meglen Vlachs varies greatly.85. The number of the “406 speakers of Romanian” in Turkey that Andrews mentions. Babaeski/Artı ´skos. 5. but rather call their language nantines ¸ti. the whole Meglen Vlachs population is c.235.46 of whom only very few live in Thrace. he must have heard the word dropped in conversation with tourists or immigrant workers. Vize/Vizy ´ poli. 1). Konya/Iko Language The decision to introduce Islam is the reason why people in Turkey still speak Megleno-Romanian. the towns of Odrin/Edirne/Adrianu ´ i. in Go ¨ zsu ¨ y/ ¨ zko Malkara/Ma ´ i fifty to seventy families. Deriva¨ y/Ste meet Pomaks (e. ˆ nti’s The elderly interviewees knew that the same language was spoken in Na ´ iko called Livezi neighbouring villages that one village in Pajak/Payık/Pa 81 . “In the old days we spoke roma Pomak in S ¸ arko ¸te. in As ˘ı Kalamıs ¸/Kalamı ¸ag ´stasi up to eighty ¨ y/Perı Kalamıs ¸ only a few persons from Yukarı Kalamıs ¸. The place name Meglen/Meglena/Moglena is unknown among the Vlachs in Turkey and consequently also the term “Megleno-Romanian. Lu ´ ´ poli. since the term roma ¸te does not exist in Megleno-Romanian (“Romanian” in Romanian). in Ballı mainly individual persons (nowadays ´ s-Kio Kiosu ´ via eighty families. the number of those who still speak the Megleno-Romanian tongue is certainly far smaller.000. which remained untouched by official Romanian and thus is more archaic than the language spoken in Greece.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS Downloaded by [92.g. Megleno-Romanian Aromanians (arma ˆ ntinets is mostly referred to by utilising the names of the original villages. However. Thus. apart from the new Romanian emigrants. in ¨ nence/Kaly assimilated or moved away to Malgara). are also unknown. the Na ˘ ˘ in Turkey rarely say they speak vlahes ¸ti. Although that number is only a rough estimate and may be exaggerated by the individual interviewees. Romania or the Republic of Macedonia. ˙ ´ rni. in Tepeko tive words based on Romanus such as “Romanian” or “Aromanian. The exodus to ¨ refte/Myrio families and in Mu ´ s. some Tartars who left their homeland in Dobruja in 1934– 1939 and migrated to Turkey when disputes between Bulgaria and Romania rendered living conditions. the ´ ra twenty to fifty families.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 there today is added. A ˆ nes ¨ y explained. in Go ´tsi nearly the entire village ¼ at least 280 persons. more and more difficult. Uzunko ¨ pru ¨ leburgaz/Arkadiu ¨ /Makra Saray/Sara ´ fyra.” It was difficult to ´ rna) who refer to themselves as Meglenci. Tekirdag ˘ /Redesto ´ s. in ¨ y/Cho following represents an average: in Hos ¸ko ´ lgara fifty (largely assimilated) families at most.” This statement ˆ nes is deceptive. in the media or used by Romanian-speaking Tatars. in S ¸ arko ´ fyto at most ten families (see Fig. is probably not including the Megleno-Romanians. it might correspond to reality.” as used by ˆ n) and Romanians (roma ˆ n). C ´ i. The speakers of Romanian also include. particularly for Muslim groups. Ge ¸ orlu/Tyrolo Izmir/Smy ˙stanbul/Konstantinu ´ nio and I ´ poli appears to be very substantial.

People. Only a few educated people were able to point out that their language is closely related to Latin and that it has similarities with Roma¨ y and Malgara. As this were only a few people.235. was even able to identify it as arma simply claimed that the Vlach spoken in Livezi was “heavier” and “bigger. Turkish influence is evident especially in religious terms. With these Tatars. knew that Meglen nian.” The Tatars who emigrated from Bazargik in Dobruja play an interesting role in this context. the majority of Meglen Vlachs continue to be unaware of the proximity of their language to Romanian.85. 82 . Greek: Mega difficult to understand. Turks also arrived who lived in the regions settled by the Tatars and who also spoke Romanian.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 ˆ nti in Eastern Thrace at the end of the twentieth century FIGURE 1 Meglen Vlachs from Na ´ la Liva ´ dia) spoke a “different Vlach” which was (Aromanian: Liva ¯ dz. The language is referred to as “Aromanian” and the eldest ˆ neashti. Others interviewee. Generally. particularly in the towns of Hos ¸ko Vlach is very similar to Romanian: they had met Romanian truck drivers and were astonished at being able to converse with them. the condition of Megleno-Romanian was better than I had expected. They caused the Meglen Vlachs to come in contact with the Romanian language. KAHL Downloaded by [92. as well as all neologisms. however sporadically. Ramazan Kara.T.

Boshco. months and days of the week in particular are often used in Turkish among speakers of Megleno-Romanian.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS Downloaded by [92. will stimulate the inhabitants to take a more active interest in the preservation of their cultural uniqueness. Many farmers practise market gardening.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 specialist terms. but they were rare exceptions.235. Dodo). 83 . Old names of partially Christian provenance live on in songs and sagas (e. inhabitants used both the Turkish and Vlach terms for week days and time of the day: some people had mastered them completely in Vlach. whereas other used a mixture. However. which is spoken today by all Meglen Vlachs in Turkey. Some Turkish influence can be traced back to before the period of emigration to Turkey. Predilections for Pomak and Turkish have led to different degrees of neglect of Vlach.85. The Greek population that had lived there previously were already silkworm ˆ nti soon replaced this craft with cattle breeding farmers.g. Mita. etc. Absolutely no attempt is being undertaken in Turkey to ensure the continued existence of Megleno-Romanian. He claimed to have learned Vlach from his neighbor in ¨ y. Vlach was much more widely spoken shortly after their arrival in Turkey than today. The cultivation and processing of tobacco are of similar importance. the majority of the population is now engaged in viticulture (vine growing and wine production). It remains to be seen if perhaps academic interest and research in the Meglen Vlachs living there. Today the names of the inhabitants are almost entirely Turkish. Statements involving numbers. such as sericulture and ceramics production. In Kalamıs ¸. The oldest interviewees could still muster a few words of Greek. As the C ¸ itak/Pomak Ali Karanfil (born in 1910 in Trstenik) told us. It was very interesting to observe how Vlach was well established in some families and only a little or not at all in others. were kept up in Eastern Thrace. Due to the favourable climate along the Sea of Marmara. who regard Vlach as simply “impossible to write”). Alongside Turkish. because they are more at ease with these terms in Turkish. Pomak is very prevalent among the Vlachs. When I requested them to write down the text of a well-known song in Vlach. nicknames exist that are typically Meglen Vlach. The existence of Latin forms of time data suggests that these were used at the time of migration. measurements. Economy Only some of the traditional occupations of the Meglen Vlachs from the Meglen region. alongside the official names. Some of the interviewees said they could write in Vlach but used the Turkish alphabet. especially the cultivation of different types of vegetables and pepper. any attempt to maintain these people’s culture would be extremely difficult because of the highly dispersed settlement patterns of this small group. they completed the task without any surprise and with great ease (in contrast to the Vlachs in Greece. The Meglen Vlachs from Na and sheep farming. There were also Vlachs who had learned Slavo-Macedonian communicating S ¸ arko with the C ¸ itaci in Turkey. Moreover.

Papahagi (1903) or Capidan (1925). the laundry is often dried on the side of the street and ancient agricultural implements are still in use. where there are only well-tended.85. in Tepeko The refugees formed their own districts within their new settlements.g. the Vlachs seem to be the wealthier group. the screened courtyards and entrances characteristic of Muslim day No settlements can be observed in present-day villages in Turkey. proverbs and fairytales are still known passively but hardly anyone is able to reproduce them. In some cases the ancient foundations are still visible today.47 ¨ y/Ste former Greek villages entire buildings were preserved (e. There are only a few elderly inhabitants of the villages with large Vlach contingents who still know the old songs. A comparison of the state of folk music between the different Megleno-Romanian communities in Greece. The church’s foundations are visible to this day. However. In other ´ rna).235. while the walls themselves are of a later date. When comparing the districts largely populated by Meglen Vlachs with the Turkish ones. but also built new houses. They took over many of those houses that had not been destroyed by the earthquake of 1917. When Meglen Vlachs arrived after the population exchange they found numerous buildings belonging to the Christian population who had been living there. An example of the latter is C ¸ engelli. the Republic of Macedonia. games. while the Mayadans Na ¸ arko ˘ /Mada/Fano ´ s in Pajak/Payık/Pa ´ iko) largely (Konjares from the village Mayadag lived in their own neighbourhoods and the Pomaks in still other districts. etc.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 Folklore Nowadays. None of this is apparent in present´ tia. Most of the songs that were equally well known in Romania. KAHL Settlement ˆ nti of their childhood as a densely The eldest interlocutors in Turkey described the Na populated small town: one house stood very close to the next and all were surrounded by railings and situated in narrow closed-in alleys. Hence. the ˆ ntinets in S ¨ y lived in close proximity to one another. Many songs. fairytales. but they are no longer told. ˆ nti must have had a very independent reperTurkey and Romania shows that the Na toire of songs. of the Meglen Vlachs will face a difficult task. The population is aware of these old settlement structures even if nowadays districts are completely difference. anyone who wants to collect the songs. The process of islamisation caused a great loss of the Vlach culture and it is no longer possible to aspire to the comprehensiveness of the monumental collections of Weigand (1892). Greece ´ ida (a type of and the Republic of Macedonia were unknown in Turkey. The ga 84 . often two-storey houses that impart a totally different impression to the surrounding villages of the natives. for instance. where there are ovens in the open street and no multi-storey buildings. In Kalamıs ¸. people have a passive knowledge of typically Vlach vampire legends. Similarly. Downloaded by [92. This difference is particularly obvious in Yukarı Kalamıs ¸. customs.T. a number of old houses were found beside the former church (kilise).

most individuals have a marked double identity that allows them ¨ rk. Albanian and Greek songs. This identification with the Turks is to identify themselves both as Vlau and Tu 85 . In contrast to Capidan’s reports. Otherwise instrumental music is largely in the hands of the Roma.51 As the Vlachs in Eastern Thrace are a very small and dispersed group. a specific Vlach identity is less pronounced among the MeglenoRomanians than amongst the Aromanians. there could also be another explanation. However.” The Muslim Vlachs did not seem as fanatically Muslim as they have been described ˆ nti and this could have a number of reasons. which was widespread in the Meglen region. is no longer played.49 the Megleno-Romanian women did not seem to be strict adherents of the veil. specifically Meglen costumes have disappeared—Weigand was ˆ nti had “turned into Turks” already astonished by how fast the inhabitants of Na (also in terms of apparel). no scarves—we don’t wear any! We come from Europe. It increases the opportunities to identify with other Muslim ethnic groups (particularly Turks and Pomaks) and at the same encourages distance from their linguistic relatives (Vlachs).235. The Vlach song “Oi tsi sun buni fetili” seems to have developed into a veritable hit amongst the Vlachs in ¨ y.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS Downloaded by [92. of power in Turkey that their religion gave them in Meglen and Atatu Migration from the land and modernisation have left their mark on religious conventions. As expected. can be found in the Meglen region too. cu ¸ or tambura together with the clarinet or zurna. Some old Meglen Vlachs can still play the shupelca (shepherd’s flute) and the tambura (a longnecked lute). The people interviewed were mostly speakers of Megleno-Romanian and there were only few who consciously chose not to speak it.50 Thus. the preservation of a Vlach consciousness up to the present time is rather astounding. They lost the position by travellers to Na ¨ rk’s reforms. after all. Only few of the Vlach songs that have survived here. In Kalamıs ¸ some of them claimed with a certain pride.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 bagpipe). today the identity of the more active Muslims could possibly not be defined as Vlach. who ¨ mbu ¨s play the kemane. it is still relatively easy to distinguish especially women from their Turkish neighbors on the basis of their dress. Alongside their Vlach origins.85. The Gypsy bands of the region of Eastern Thrace can boast of a comprehensive repertoire of rumeli (immigrants’ music from the Balkans) which includes numerous Pomak and Macedonian but also Bosnian.48 Although present-day inhabitants no longer wear folk costumes. Identity Generally. “No. kornata. Religion plays a decisive role in the identity of Muslim Vlachs. Thus. Capidan reports that the Vlach language was cultivated above all by poorer families and that those who gave up Vlach in favour of Pomak were the more active Muslims. Mu ¨ refte and Vize have included it in Turkey. virtually all of them tend to emphasise their Balkan origins. so that even the Roma bands S ¸ arko their repertoire.

so I too feel myself to be a Turk. Even older Megleno-Romanians in Turkey might soon feel the same outrage as most Pomaks when they are presented with “theories” about their Christian past. therefore. ¨ y gave the clearest mark of acceptance of her An 80-year-old Vlach in S ¸ arko people’s Christian past in 1997: We became Turks. the Hoca (priest) of the village has always been a Turk from the Asian part of Turkey. Single individuals viewed my questioning with suspicion. but we have remained at heart Christians. hardly any of the Vlachs wanted to send their children to the ˆ nti. a Rumeli Turk or simply of the “Turkish faith” and that the Turks in Turkey are “a different kind of Turk. Although. however. 86 . KAHL Downloaded by [92.235. that as a non-Muslim researcher the author might have consciously been given answers that were intended to please. A 62-year-old in Hos ¸ko Just as the Turks in Greece feel themselves to be Greek. requested that their names should not appear in any publication. ¨ y opined. individual people deal with it differently.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 curtailed by stressing the fact that one is a Balkan Turk. In spite of the absolute majority of Meglen Vlachs in the village. Secretly we have continued the liturgy. It was striking in Kalamıs ¸ that the mosque did not even possess a minaret and the inhabitants made no bones about the fact that it was mostly empty.T. Some see islamisation as unwanted (most of those who stayed in Meglen). It can be assumed that in a few years there will be no one in Turkey who can recount the oral tradition of the islamisation of the community. Some. For anyone who has read of ˆ nti—and all the authors who the religious fanaticism of the Muslim Vlachs in Na visited it are unanimous in this—the open-minded comments will perhaps come as a surprise. identification with the Megleno-Romanians left Turkish school in Na in Meglen is also restricted because it was pointed out that the Vlachs who remained ˆ vurlar/gauri (Christian). Young people have hardly any knowledge of the Christian past of their heritage and it seems to be more a subject of repression than recall amongst the elderly. This is understandable if one considers that most younger people have no idea of their own history. while others seem to have repressed the Christian past of their ancestors (this is the attitude of many Vlachs in Turkey). It should be noted here. some of the present-day Meglen Vlach population in Greece and Turkey see the history of islamisation in a similar way. solely language now links the two in Macedonia stayed ga groups. However.” Interestingly.85.

Scrisul roma dialectologie roma ´ nis]: Oi Bla ´ mato6 tvn Mogl1nv ´ xoi toy Pa ´ ikoy toy Byzantinoy´ Q1 ´n A.235. “Meglenoroma ¸i Educat ¸iei Socialiste: Tratat de ˆ nesc 1984).” in: Gu ¨ nter 3. Michael Metzeltin and Christian Schmitt. None of the interviewees in present-day Meglen could say anything about where the former population of the ˆ nti in Turkey had emigrated to and where they could be found Islamic village of Na today. “Of course we know them: after all we’re also karacovalı [Meglens]. NOTES ¨ t von Aromunen 1. For a report on the project see Thede Kahl. 2001). “Fru ¨ he guistik. There were no Meglen Vlachs in Romania who knew of the existence of Islamic Vlachs. 436–447. 3 (Tu Downloaded by [92. Gottfried Schramm. according to statements of the residents—and. “Feldforschungen zur Ethnizita und meglenitischen Vlachen. It was amazing to see how the Na Kalamıs ¸ knew almost all Pomak residents in the neighbouring villages and kept in contact with them. Wolfgang Dahmen. 2002). 476–550. Most marriages are with Pomaks. while the equally close Turkish villages of the yevli natives had not even been visited by the yerli (natives) for decades.” It can be assumed that the Meglen Vlachs in Turkey will abandon Megleno-Romanian sooner or later. 65–72.” Berliner Geographische Arbeiten. it must be feared that their linguistic and cultural uniqueness cannot last for long. They said of the Pomaks. Romania and the Republic of Macedonia. Petar Atanasov. Niko ´ laos ˆ neasca ˘ (Craiova. 1989). Lexikon der Romanistischen Lin¨ bingen. Petar Atanasov. 91. Katsa ˆ na asta ˘ zi (Bucharest: Editura (Thessaloniki. For this reason Megleno-Romanians were dominated by the Muslim beys of Na it does not seem strange that there is no contact between the Meglen Vlachs in Turkey and other countries in Southeastern Europe.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 87 . Even before the population exchange the ties between the Christian and Muslim ˆ nti. Vol. Meglenoruma ¨ nisch. pp. Vol. Academiei Roma ¨ nisch: Areallinguistik III. “Ruma Holtus. Meglenoroma ˆ ne.85. is there any knowledge left of where the Muslim Vlachs now live. 2001. Germany. neither in Romanian Dobruja nor in Meglen. indeed. their area of origin. the relationship ˆ ntinets of to the Pomaks must be described as close. Just as little was known in the Vlach settlements in Turkey about the fate of the Megleno-Romanians who had left for Romania. Even if for some reason there was an intensive exchange between the Meglen Vlachs in Turkey and their kinfolk in Greece. and—if they do not end up in the long term merely speaking Turkish—the Slavic linguistic element will probably grow. pp. pp.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS Prospects Mixed marriages are now the rule amongst the Meglen Vlachs and other ethnic groups in Turkey. eds.” in: Consiliul Culturii s 2. While older people in Turkey still retained a precise memory of which regions they had emigrated from and could remember many places and even individual people in neighbouring villages in Meglen. No comprehensive genealogies have been drawn up but it should be noted with certain reservations that the Vlachs tend to mix more with other immigrants from the Macedonian region (“Rumeli”) than with the Turks in Thrace. ˆ na.

266. 13. 1914 in ˆ nti). patience and hospitality. pp. 1999. 53–55. 9. 5. Studiu etnografico-filologic. Vol. p.”. ˆ nti but today live in S’bocko/Aride ´ a and who must have had their own quarter in Na ´ lis Sidera ´ s). 12. B 60. 1929). who wish to in Go ¸. Mustafa Dimida. 34 –36. viewed inhabitants of the Meglen region who. Ursprung. Hu ¨ seyin Karakoc given for the eldest): in Kalamıs ¸: Ramazan Kara (b. (Tu ¨ nther Holtus and Edgar Radtke.” Mu Thede Kahl. p. Roma ¨ ber die Wlachen von Moglena. (Thes´ tvn Bla Tile saloniki. Ays ¸e Arslantas ¸. Aydar Ko 1937). 25. Katsugia ´ nnis. 11. 10. Vis Hasan Karanfil (b. “Das Meglenoruma ¨ nistik in der Diskussion. 436–447. 43. ¨ nence: Hu ¨ seyin Karahasan. p.” Tu ¨ binger Beitra ¨ ge Vasile Arvinte. p. 37. Volks. ¨ nen: Acht Thesen zur Lokalisierung der lateinischen Kontinuita ¨ t in Schicksale der Ruma ¨ mische Donaugrenze ¨ dosteuropa. Vol. 1895). Mustafa Akgu ¨ szu ¨ y: Murat ˙ ¨ szu ¨ y). 1903. 5. 1983.” Su ¨ dosteurund die Invasionen des 5. “Megleno-Roma ˆ ne. Mustafa Karahasan. pp. 1930) and others. ¨ nisch: Areallinguistik III. P1ri ´ xvn tvn 1llhnikv ´ n xvrv ´ n. 7.235. Ali Arap (b. Series II. Dahmen. 11. ¨ n. 275–343. pp. 7 –9. ´ machos M. Theodor Capidan. Bla The most significant information was obtained from the following (the year of birth is only ˆ nti). remain anonymous. 1. in Go ¨ zko ¨ zko Na Is ¸can. p. Su ¨ leyman Ibrahim C Hu ¸ avus ¸ (b. 114. ˆ nii. Papahagi. Meryem Arslantas ¨ rpe. 1892). p. 6. Peter Alford Andrews.85. Meglenoruma ¨ nisch. Vol. opa Gustav Weigand. Vol. pp. Ays Yas ¸ar Yavuz. Ethnographisch-philologisch-historische Untersuchungen u sogenannten Makedo-Romanen oder Zinzaren. 1997.” Vol. Murat Yo ¸e Yo ¨ rpe (b. 1989. ¨ ru ¨ ru ¨ ru ¨ rpe. 103. 1. Vol. “Megleno-Roma ¨ ber das Volk der Aromunen. 2001). “Die Papahagi. Aste ´ xoi kai ta Blaxomogl1na ´ (Thessaloniki. “Die Ruma zur Linguistik. I also interHu ˆ nti families. important contact: Riste Voc ¨ nen. New Series. 1923). KAHL 4. Constantin J. me ˆ nii.” Supplement to ¨ binger Atlas des Vorderen Orients. Ruma ¨ bingen. –7. 97. Downloaded by [92. Vol.” Vol.” in: Gottfried Schramm: “Ein Damm bricht: die ro Su ¨ rtern. 1980.” Archiv fu ˇ ek. “Istoria s ¸i graiul lor. “Ethnic Groups in the Republic of Turkey. Ays ¨ k. 1910 in Trstenik/Thyrio Ocak (b. No. “Meglenoruma Archiv. S ¸ eker Ko ¸ arko ´ petra). although originating from Na had not emigrated to Turkey. 1930 in Go ¨ seyin Berdikaya (b. in Gu ¨ nischer Sprachatlas. “Ruma ¨ t und ra ¨ umliche Verbreitung der Aromunen in Su ¨ n¨ dosteuropa. 1986). Ali Karanfil (b. others are the Slavic-speaking ´ stani (most important contact: Vange Fus ¸tan/Fu ´ ri. Mustafa Poto (b. Une approche linguistique. in S ¨ y: Hasan Ko ¸. 186. p. Vol. 15. pp. 7. Some are descendants of Slavic-speaking Christian Roma. 1917 in Demirko ´ petra). 1964). 8. 2. 1990. Gu ¸e Karakoc ¸ . Vlacho-Meglen. Ismail Yo ¨ k. 1925. ¨ y/Samakov). Wolfgang Dahmen and Johannes Kramer. in Hos ¸ko ¸ar (b. as well as to the musicians of Osman Evin (Mu ¨ refte) and my hosts Kazım Gu ¨ seyin und Haldun Keresteci for their helpfulness.und Landesnamen. 15. “Ethnizita ´ rios Kuku ´ dis. Hu ¨ seyin Bayır (b. Gustav Weigand.” Analele Academiei Pericle N. Jahrhunderts im Lichte von Namen und Wo ¨ ische Arbeiten. Eine ethnographisch-philologische Untersuchung (Leipzig. who are also thought to originate from Na ˆ nti (most inhabitants of Tus ¸im/Aetocho ˇ u ¼ Chrı ´stos Vo ´ tsis). Jirec No. I am indebted to them and to the hoca of the village of Kalamıs ¨ lmez.” Balkan-Archiv. 2.T. eds. 1893. 404. Oi Oy´mpioi stersche Geographische Arbeiten. (Johann Ambrosius Barth. 1912 in Trstenik/Thyrio ¸o Yas ¸ar. ˆ nii. pp. ¨ y: Recep Yas ¨ ltekin Ergun. 1914 in Na ¸ (b. Supplement.”. Cemile ¨ k. New Series. 1926). 100.” Meglenoroma ¨ nische. “U ¨ r Slavische Philologie. Peter Atanasov. pp. “Le Tu ´ gle ´ no-roumain de nos jours. Supplement.” BalkanGermany.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 88 . pp. Studiu etnografico-filologic. 1917). Beate Wild. 26.

p. 39 –57. 109. 17. 91. Pericle N. De la roma ˆ nilor (Bucharest. “Jsmanjiaxj‘ata oa pbmasta Nfdmfo. ´ laos Sio ´ kis. Father Serafı ¨ y (Turkey 1997). Hasan Ocak. p. 21. 2002. 70. Risto Nikolovski & Trajko Ognenovski. Hu ¸ . mogl1na ¨ seyin Karakoc 34. arte. 1986). La ´ loy Mixah ´ 6 Monh ´ 6 toy Arxagg1 ´ l Aridai ´a6 ar. XIV. Studiu etnic s ¸i statistic asupra arma ´ Xv ´u. Papageorgı ´ n-P1 ´th Mogl1nv 35. 42. Hasan Ocak and Ramadan Kara. Capidan. expansiune. ´ n-P1 ´th Mogl1nv 19. 38. “Le me ˆ ciu. 1909. Vlacho-Meglen.” in Gjurovski. 11. “O ´ llios. “To xvrio ´ mato6 Mogl1nv ´ stian16 toy u1 ´ n. ´ dis]: Oi Oly´mpioi Bla ´ xoi kai ta Blaxomogl1na ´ . 44. 1952. Une approche linguistique.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 89 . 252. “Istoria s ¸i graiul lor. p. Comert 18. ´ dis. 1997). No. Ros j Nfdmfoslp. Stojan. Kuku ˇev. Bitola 1994). ´ 6 toy mhtropoli ´u. Anastase N. Nijazi Limanoski. Comert 43. ˆ nii din Turcia Europeana ˘. Capidan. expansiune. 284. p. Papageorgı ´ dis. 283. Ibid. Niko 48. Kuku ˆ ciu.235. 40. 6. “Istoria s ¸i graiul lor. arte. 21. Aroma ˆ nii. 261.85. Interview.” p. 283–285. 403.” pp.” p.” introduction. O 1jislamismo ´ llh6. arte. ˇev]: Nalfeposljtf cp‘cpej oji spbjtj‘ata j oarpeojtf qfsoj cp 20. pp. 15. Ha ¸. Vlacho-Meglen. p. ed. Me ´ llios. ´ llis. 91 –95. ´ dis. 1jislamismo 36. Papageorgı ´u. 24– 37. p. 267–273. Kole Ros Cpefoslp j Nfdmfoslp (Skopje. p. 239–240. 1895). 31. Vasil Ka ˆ ciu. Seriies II. No. (Aridaia.18. 1863). Oi Oly´mpioi Bla ´ xoi kai ta Blaxo33. industrie. pp. Eine ethnographisch-philologische Untersuchung. Oi Oly´mpioi Bla ´ xoi kai ta Blaxomogl1na ´ . Vol. 1889). 290. S ¸ arko 29. Weigand. p. 24. Ha ¸. Me ´ 6 toy mak1donikoy´ xvrioy´ Noti ´vn. 22. Kuku ´ llios. Atanasov. Roma ˘ nc ˇ ov. 1970). industrie. quoted in Kuku ´ dis. Interview. p. pp. XIV–XV. Vasdrave ´ . “Le me Downloaded by [92. Une approche linguistique. 15– 16. p. p. Kuku 26. Ibid. Folklorot i etnologijata na Mariovo i Meglen (Prilep. civilizat ¸ie (Focs ¸ani. civilizat ¸ie. pp. ´ Hm1rolo niko ´m. Atanasov. reprint. 21. O 1jislamismo ´ llh6. “H bla ´ xikh glv ´ ssa kai h diath ´ rhsh ´ th6. Jibraoj qrpjicfefoj>. 70.” pp. ´ dis. Oi Oly´mpioi Bla ´ xoi kai ta Blaxomogl1na ´ . Kozani (Greece) pp. ´ n-P1 ´th Mogl1nv 283–286. Comert 39. 234–243. 238. Ioan Nenit ¸escu. Nalfeposljtf cp‘cpej oji spbjtj‘ata j oarpeojtf qfsoj cp Cpefoslp 32. 1–2 (Sofia. Eine ethnographisch-philologische Untersuchung.” Mak1doPe ´ gio [Makedoniko Imerologio].” pp. p. 1936). 25. 37. Studiu etnografico-filologic. civilizat ¸ie. 23. Oi Oly´mpioi Blaxoi kai ta Bla ´ xomogl1na ´ . Johann G. Oi Oly´mpioi Bla ´ xoi kai ta Blaxomogl1na ´ . 25. Aroma ˆ nii. O 1jislamismo ´ 6 toy mhtropoli ´ llh6.” p. industrie. “Istoria s ¸i graiul lor. pp. 377.” Elimiaka ´ . pp. Spiridon Gopc ˆ nii. von Hahn. ´ gle ´ no-roumain de nos jours. 30. pp.” Analele Academiei 16. Me ´ tros N. Ha ¸. Weigand. ´ 6 toy mhtropoli ´ zaros A. 28. Vol. 45. Romania. p. 1903. “O 1jislamismo ´ 6 toy mak1donikoy´ xvrioy´ Noti ´vn. 37. pp. 17. Eine ethnographisch-philologische Untersuchung. Reise durch die Gebiete des Drin und Wardar (Vienna. 262. “Istoria s ¸i graiul lor.” p. 41. p. 17– 18. ˇ evic ´ . expansiune. Capidan. p. Capidan. “Megleno-Roma ˆ ne.THE ISLAMISATION OF THE MEGLEN VLACHS 14. Papahagi. 27. Weigand. XXVI.. 22 (Muslims were granted taxation privileges). Archa ´ ngelos (Greece1999). ’Ekdosh th6 I1ra (Publisher of the Monestery of Archangel Michael) 2. pp. Kuku ´ gle ´ no-roumain de nos jours. Vlacho-Meglen. p. 55. Makedonien und Alt-Serbien (Vienna. Aroma ˆ nii..

205–237. “Ethnizita ¨ nstersche Geographische Arbeiten.85. Dominique Belkis. d’une identite ¨ t und ra ¨ umliche Verbreitung der AromuNo. ¨ dosteuropa.” Mu nen in Su Downloaded by [92. 1999. pp. KAHL 46. 12.243] at 09:52 16 December 2011 90 . 50. 12. “Ethnic Groups in the Republic of Turkey. Vol. Ibid. 103. 101. 43.” pp. “Ta Ganoxv ´ ria th6 Anato47. 136. p. ˆ tre Me ´ gle ´ no-roumain? La construction historique 51. 1996. For the Greek settlements in the area see A ´ 6 Qra ´ kh6. Thede Kahl. p. “Comment peut-on e ´ ethnique. 186. Die Aromunen.. “Istoria s ¸i graiul lor. Weigand. 27–28. 19. 1972. 49. Revue d’Anthropologie du Muse ´ e du Paysan Roumain. pp. likh ¨ ber 48. 46. Ethnographisch-philologisch-historische Untersuchungen u das Volk der sogenannten Makedo-Romanen oder Zinzaren.” p.” Martor. Andrews.T. 1.” Qrakika ´ .235. No. ´ ngelos Germı ´dis. Capidan. pp.