The Legitimising Strategies of the Nazi Administration in Northern Italy: Propaganda in the Adriatisches Küstenland Author(s): Gianmarco Bresadola

Source: Contemporary European History, Vol. 13, No. 4, Theme Issue: Political Legitimacy in Mid-Twentieth Century Europe (Nov., 2004), pp. 425-451 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: Accessed: 31/03/2010 22:33
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The Legitimising


of in in

the Nazi Administration Northern Italy: Propaganda K?stenland

the Adriatisches




1943 to 25 April 1945 all of Italy not occupied by the Allied September forces was either controlled by the Fascist government of the Italian Social Republic law under the (Reppublica Sociale Italiana, RSI) or was under German martial of State the Reich for of Friedrich Walter Landfried, Secretary leadership Economy.1
the two northernmost areas of Italy, contiguous operations zones known


as Alpenvorland governed In what by Nazi

and Adriatisches

K?stenland, civil administrators. I shall first summarise


set apart from this regime operandi



the modus

in Italy, the status of the RSI and the general occupation civil administration in the two operations zones. I shall then examine the legitimising and the way inwhich strategies employed by the Nazis in the Adriatisches K?stenland
these were translated into propaganda, with particular attention to the German

of the Nazi military characteristics of the

language newspaper Deutsche Adria Zeitung, which the Reich's plans for the future of the region.
Italy after the armistice: Republic the German and the military operations

gives a particularly

clear idea of

administration, zone



the early months of 1943, as the Fascist regime began were already considering a possible military occupation generals From
Translated The Williams. by Rosemary structure of the German military

to totter, the Nazi of their Italian ally

administration countries. There

in other wehrmacht-occupied a Rudolf Rahn), military

the attempt on Hitler's life on to SS-Obergriippenfiihrer Wolff, his authority. Landfried was also replaced, by SS Gruppenf?hrer Otto W?chter. considerably extending The most studies of the Nazi military of Italy are E. Collotti, tedesca important occupation L'occupazione dellTtalia occupata (1943?1943). Studio e documenti (Milan: Lerici, 1963), and L. Klinkhammer, L'occupazione tedesca in Italia (1943-1945) (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1993). Contemporary European History, 13, 4 (2004), pp. 425-451 ? 2004 Cambridge University DOI: 10.1017/S0960777304001882 Printed in the United Kingdom Press

European leader (General Plenipotentiary After SS chief and police leader Karl Wolff). (SS Obergruppenf?hrer 20 July 1944 General Toussaint was demoted and his powers transferred

set up in Italy was similar to that previously a leader (Reich Plenipotentiary political Rudolf and a chief of police and Toussaint) was

On W. 1943. to head and a source of industrial The the very fact that an and agricultural in the the Nazi's products person of economist.426 if its government unawares by the 8 Contemporary European History decided September to pull out of the war. Minister of Defence success of and Commander call-ups and in Chief. Monterosa. The Germans armistice: they were ready with were not caught as operation 'Alaric'. to see RSI manpower put to work for the Reich from most of the German and military leaders who were 2 of the military and political orientation The final say on the objectives occupation was the prerogative and the gauleiter Fritz and war production. he was rescued by German parachutists region of the Gran Sasso. and more the very limited importantly. Reich minister of labour.2 exploiting the human. of manpower Italy as a reservoir for the factories for the German was of the Reich. Landfried.4 as a bastion to preserve the pure and political and military elite. with recruitment campaigns. were as a primarily and military. war chosen economy. The Brutal Friendship: Mussolini. See F. material and logistic the Nazi generals favoured a policy of occupation pure and simple and Whereas ? backed by the the restoration of any Italian Fascist authority. 2000 [1962]). in Wehrmacht-controlled the new state. intransigence by narrow limits were to the RSI within the confine determined authorities. operations played only partisan guerrillas. propagandist: warning Moreover. . to the practicalities of setting up and governing were of the German the baulked Italian Fascists the however. The aims of the Italy occupation was to serve secondarily 1943. Joachim ? ? in a the alliance state which would perpetuate however limited way independent the Reich and relieve The with the Wehrmacht second alternative of the tasks of internal policing won out. where he met Hitler a few days later to agree the outlines of a future Fascist Italian state. 5 on 9 October looked substantially to the annual call-up (announced For his recruitment pool Graziani in he succeeded considerable in German camps. had to grapple not only with but also. a government the Italian Social Republic Italy. sceptical rather than sent to the battlefield. uncorrupted and the Church. Reich plenipotentiary as the 'Repubblica di Salo'.5 opposition and openly deeply political as have to and would for the stomach Italians' preferred fight. after the town on Lake Garda is also known The Italian Social Republic became the seat of government. forming four divisions to combat a very small part in military they were used mostly against the Allies. for the employment Sauckel. of armaments of the agents of Albert Speer. to other allies of Germany the Germans saw central who and felt inclined northern to withdraw from the conflict. others opposed von creation of a nominally the advocated Ribbentrop Foreign Minister. which 4 was arrested and imprisoned in the mountainous After the coup d'?tat on 25 July 1943 Mussolini 12 September and taken to Italy.3 It formed and most of his on 23 September The Duce. which Italian the views of of Nazi war aims. Marshal Graziani. administration reveals preoccupation with resources of Italy. Symptomatic of the very different German and When it came new Republic was the question of the Italian regular army. the monarchy years of power by the forces of conservatism. headed by Benito Mussolini. envisaged the RSI at curbs imposed during their twenty from the free last of soul Fascism. Deakin. Hitler and the Fall of Italian Fascism (London: Phoenix. With difficulty 1943) and to Italian soldiers interned but trained in Germany which were Italia and Littorio San Marco. they called the occupation and very soon seized control strategic summer plan that had been drawn up in spring and of most and of the country. leading to the constitution and of territorial organisation.

Sessi. Its high commissioner was the influential gauleiter of This The RSI Deakin's structure other for managing their own factories. 1979). Dizionario tedesca in Italia'. in E. on 1October. Adami. popolazioni nell'Alpenvorland Libreria 1984). Collotti. De Felice. and strove to perfect. The civil administration was headed by the Tyrolese gauleiter Franz Hofer. initiative. Storia e geografia della Liberazione (Turin: Einaudi. the Germans was more allowed or the RSI less controlled only production by the Nazis. i politici.. various authors. eds. II: La guerra civile (1943 1999).g. R. Micheletti 8 E. // problema dell'Alto Adige The Alpenvorland nei rapporti italo-tedeschi dall'Anschluss IlMulino. and the works by Collotti of the German and the relationship between the Nazis and the government in Salo occupation are L. Ganapini. (Milan: Garzanti. was officially set up on 18 September and the included 1943 provinces of Bolzano.'8 set up in other parts or actually annexed to administration was (e. P. 2000). Apart from the works mentioned by in which and Klinkhammer. gli amministratori. Trento and Belluno. R. involved making workers responsible ? was for a long time neglected above historians. Tedeschi. the Adriatisches the provinces Coast). a totalitarian project in sympathy ? aims inwhich the Fascists actively participated. 2 (Brescia. who feared that it might reduce productivity. La Repubblica delle camicie nere. partigiani. Italian 427 the smallest and managed the economic of autonomy. nor the German military occupation was extended to the two to set up a Italian regions bordering on the Reich.). Bocea. 47.9 After a few weeks. studies socializzatori 1945) (Turin: Einaudi. in K?stenland Trieste. 1940-1945.. Le Zone d'Operazione 1943-1945 (Gorizia: Prealpi e Litorale Adri?tico. had the sprung eastern was into regions. G.Nazi On margin Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland side. La Repubblica Laterza.7 What decisions. particularly the Reich considered as an interim 'German civil administrations in territories which or Luxembourg). 'L'occupazione della Resistenza. i I'alleato. See. who to seize the had become occupation. and army which pursued. e. a future measure had been were formally or where annexation. Alsace-Lorraine such pending The first operations zone. He enjoyed the widest judicial. of units crushed partisan units that the Italian army units stationed (Adriatic Gorizia.g. increasingly ended in failure: itwas strongly opposed by ambitious programme of'socialisation'6 employers and by the Germans. 6 7 Fiume and Ljubljana. It included of Udine. 9 zone has been little studied. with It was the main on aim the social side that Mussolini of regaining the support of tried hardest the workers. De Felice. Stuhlpfarrer. set up renewed during which life after zone a second German military the disbanding of operations. Sandri and F. I combattenti. La repubblica diMussolini (Bari and Rome: 1977). (Bologna: K. Annali della Fondazione 1997). Collotti. 1986). again. the Alpenvorland (Foothills of the Alps). where Hitler was determined Itwas no novelty for the Nazis to set up a civil administration civil administration. who took the title of high commissioner. the sovereignty Although unable to make its own hostile to both the Republic and the Nazi But the Duce's of the RSI was acutely constrained it was more than amere Nazi and itwas effectively 'puppet state'. legislative and executive powers and was directly responsible to the F?hrer. alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale 1973). both focus on the pioneering study. P. Poggio (ed. to supply Nazi-occupied administration Italy with an Italian government. for with the aims of Nazi Germany it did was example as regards the persecution of the Jews. R. (Venice: Marsilio. Pola. Neither the RSI in occupied territories: of Europe. Mussolini sociale italiana. . and and his henchmen the workers did not give it the warm welcome which Mussolini had anticipated.

governed by a civil service led by a gauleiter. of the province The final incorporation been taken for granted because and Belluno of Trento provinces lose Friuli the Mediterranean there. On the other hand. di pol?tica (Turin: UTET. Republic the Germans had set up the Adriatisches K?stenland was geared to military needs Each operations theory. Dizionario . administrations found themselves in the typical position of the occupying a state in power (or colony or protectorate) which has to constitute its own legitimacy the intention to annex these largely or entirely on a basis of hegemony12 Although was never of their administrations depended the declared. Bobbio. who had tried to Italianise the Alto Adige He reversed and Trentino to the prestigious of Nazi. would the absorption have hampered would ethnic considerations 12 N. N. 1990). in the province of Bolzano) of a large German and pro-Austrian sentiments encouraged was anti-Italian the gauleiter. to introduce a tough policy of racial discrimination. and everything went to show that if the Axis powers won the of them would be permanently removed from Italian sovereignty. legitimacy regions openly Both closely on that of the National 'imperial development. reality from a Mussolini zones war. juridical province zone was Carinthia. Pasquino. the Italian Social no the administration of the Alpenvorland and had authority. political. was appointed post of gauleiter acumen leaders and contacts with Nazi In 1942 his considerable political on the a province for Carinthia. Salzburg after the Anschluss. the policy of the Fascists. until and Hofer the end of not only had the war but to persuade them that their best option for the future (the best way to conserve their their their ethnic and national identity and promote cultural traditions. hegemonic authority'. both of strategic value to the Reich. was directly answerable and and financial life of his social. Williams. in the Balkans. Officially. Matteuccia and G. had incorporated the two into the Reich. zones temporary in other In parts of Italy where fighting ignoring was repeated. 11 seems to have or Alto Adige. politics and indeed the persons of the Slovene-speaking 1 e Odilo Globocnik. of the Adriatic coastal zone into the Reich. 556. racial and and was eager to increase its presence of seems the very large German-speaking to have been less assured. the area. where incorporating far greater legitimising the main aim was the two zones into the Reich to minimise required efforts than was usual in zones hostility on the part ? of the inhabitants. Hofer.428 Contemporary European History absolute power over the like Hofer. he had well-nigh Friedrich Rainer. into the Reich of Bolzano. the presence speaking element with (especially strong greater for the considerably than for that of the Alpenvorland. protests in the Germans. 'Friedrich Rainer population. maintain inclusion in the territories of the economic and social wellbeing) was permanent Reich. all or parts now powerless to influence his Nazi allies. to Hitler. and Reichskommissar of gauleiter secured him the position bordering the culture. and militant See M.11 The prospect of permanently the Nazi administration tomake of temporary occupation. 10 an enthusiastic Rainer. guarantor of clothed their in the majesty security and of an economic of creating this legitimacy The difficulty of the Adriatisches K?stenland administration In the latter. timorous. The to win over the population civil administrations in the short term run by Rainer ? that is. in progress albeit ? and it was. the fate of the population It seemed equally certain that Italy which had no other outlet to and Venezia Giulia. which. Qualestoria (June 1997). which meant destroying In this position his chief concern was to Germanise Reich. L'amicizia ins?lita e i ruoli sinistri di due nazisti tipici'. Socialist stood as state.

which Thus he created a loyal following that in the short term the based on ethnic administration and nationalist could criteria. and instead favoured the latter. structures eastern provinces and Fascist government the advent of the Fascist regime Ethnic composition. Dizionario della Resistenza. secure Because German-speaking the population ? of the Adriatisches K?stenland none was of not them substantially very large.15 in territories of the region a variety of ethnic groups was living side by side: a census in 1939 showed that almost 40 per cent of the inhabitants of Venezia Giulia the other were non-Italian speakers (about 25 per cent were Slovene. in Collotti other nationalities: 'La provincia di Lubiana'. 458 Italians and 1. by expelling or marginalising their folklore and service with the civil ethnic Germans and encouraging flooding On Austrian the other links the with hand. the German-speaking communities. . of the composition colleague Hofer. 13.8 per cent of the total). To understand must the thinking behind Rainers strategies. speakers (93. he sealed off traditions.580 Germans. though in the majority. Trieste. Ljubljana became part of Italy inMay was invaded by the Axis armies. who. Rainer. and just over 13 per cent Croatian). after the agreement between the Reich and Italy or Austria. after a period of extraordinary administration.053 Croatians. Fiume in 1924 under the Rome Treaty between Italy and Yugoslavia.the high could not follow the same sort of legitimising strategy as his commissioner.376 et al. stimulating Tyrol. Although 15 to the 31 July 1941 census the population of Ljubljana consisted of 339. 13 to it those 5. were relegated to a subordinate position. Most of the Slovenes social structures. Although the province of 1941 when Yugoslavia the exception of Udine. Pahor. see M. In (because politically homogeneous) . This striking ethnic complexity was matched by a very wide range of differing the ethnic groups. Rather he exploited the peculiar ethno-social confined region successful and attempt the numerous errors a in local widespread Fascist policies consensus in his to a considerable of his extent to create in favour administration.14 Gorizia and Pola went to Italy just after the cessation of hostilities. incorporated into the kingdom Udine was predominantly Italian and that of Ljubljana almost entirely Slovene.Nazi Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland 429 the German speakers. 607. on a meant German count consensus of approval for its policies.13 the territory of the zone from the authority of the Social Republic (the Republican to operate in the Alpenvorland) and marginalised Fascist Party was not permitted the ethnic Italians. both among and within in this zone of operations the ethnic German element the Germans admitted of the province of Bolzano who.751 Slovene According In order to increase inhabitants 511 Serbs.or at least the province the longer term this would surely have ended in the region of Bolzano being incorporated into Austria and so into the Reich. socioeconomic in the With all the provinces in the operations zones had been of Italy after the First World War. 1939) had chosen to leave Italy for Germany (the alternatives offered in October 14 Trieste was not included until 1921. therefore. were to some parts of Friuli and the province of Ljubljana . we legitimising structure of the zone and recall its history from look at the whole ethno-social to its fall in July 1943.

chiefly shipbuilding. there were ambitious The policy met with by incessant and insistent only modest propaganda. received substantial of the After the seizure of power by parties. of the Trieste . of consent thanks among to and but did not obliterate pervasive propaganda. the city as liberal-conservative nationalists. beguiled while the traditional elites were rewarded for their adherence Italian politics and the Italian economy. and the first ten years di Combattimento industrialists and financiers. The birth of the Fascio Triestino textiles. success. which had the largest proportion of Croatian speakers. was had come into Venezia Giulia The membership members. and a large working Fascism had emerged quite early in Friuli and Venezia Giulia. including Austrian civil servants. peasants Ljubljana poorest province and its economy depended on agriculture and timber (40 per cent of the province was wooded and there were about 250 sawmills). and almost all social groups. had been spectacular and entered into the mythology in April constituted the Fascio Triestino di In early 1919 a Fascist movement there which developed Trieste's Fascio ('band') grew rapidly: in 1921 itwas the largest in Italy. with nearly 15. All the towns of Friuli and Venezia Giulia had some social sort of industry16 and a fairly well-developed make-up was more complex. promises also appealed to the middle by prestige in the regime s ferocious nationalism and lavish and lower classes. reigning changed: political elites stampeded into skilful the party so as to secure the leading gained government a very wide posts. Pordenone and Gorizia of the movement. Even in the predominantly Italian areas there was a sizeable rural population. a vote. measure and Fascism. soon mustered under the Fascist banner. hence and a their substantial petty and middle bourgeoisie.430 were or livestock Contemporary European History farmers. class employed in various industries. whose economy was chiefly dependent on agriculture. with a modest commercial working class base. Mettiussi in // Partito NazionaleFascista Fasicst Party are described e organizzasione Storia la del di del potere 1919^-1932 (Trieste: Istituto Regionale Movimento per ? Venezia Giulia. and finance contingent bourgeoisie. The strength of 'border increased 16 Monfalcone. by Italian immigrants who augmented a large number of demobbed soldiers who had been drafted in to replace after the Great War. Trieste unquestionably and social profile: it had a large upper-middle-class and industry. Udine. principally in central Istria. The Fascist successes in the 1921 elections were striking. From 1922 the Fascist Party absorbed the politicians who had hitherto governed came the higher bourgeoisie in their wake of merchants. nel Friuli Liberazione 2002). in detail by D. in 1919/20. urban though restoration. Faced with the difficult task of postwar reconstruction the integration of the regional economy with that of Italy. the Fascist government was generous with also public money projects especially for agricultural where industry improvement was and concerned. but only in Trieste did it have a substantial presence. portion economic situation the and the Mussolini. Muggia and Fiume had large shipbuilding facilities. what little industry there was had been struggling to recover from the effects of the First World War.17 in the other towns it remained inconspicuous for some time. like the Slovene and Croatian the opposition parties. which. Of had the most complete economic sector engaged in commerce. a vast white-collar all the towns in the region. and in Friuli. but the local Italian population. was the in Slovenia. employed a commercial in administration and professional insurance. produced mainly 17 Fascism's first steps in Trieste Uomini a Trieste.000 Combattimento.

and the reorganisation elements while in society. widely accepted. the the one the the its welfare minorities Giulia and Istria ? satisfied the Italians' thirst for supremacy a foreign policy of expansion into the Balkans which would central location and so enable a social policy programme.who were viewed as incompetent freebooters'. gen?rale affari generali e riservati'. . and the annexation intensified not and merely of the province the problem but into of Ljubljana of resistance nationalistic. the people of Friuli and Venezia Giulia appeared to regain confidence Duce the Balkans. bore consequences government particularly hard on the business sector.. in Collotti et ah. Scores the worst their savage of Slovene attacks on the and Croatian the burning organisations had their headquarters destroyed. violent and its exaltation repression of of 431 Fascism'. including the essentials of life . organised 'border' Fascists. Divisione Dizionario della Resistenza. whose been the prosperity depended on the condition of the port of Trieste. inspiration behind Direzione 1942 del questore di Trieste alMinistero dell'interno. particularly outside the big towns. . 600. particularly Slovenes Croatians of Venezia and seemed to herald it to fulfil its historic based on lavish welfare put Trieste in amore role as 'the Rome of the east'. omnipresent mass on the other. were suffering real improvement despite the huge hardship. For a brief period following the Axis conquest of Yugoslavia in the 1941. support for Mussolini's regime visibly in April declined. payments. movements the poorest However. 18 di confine) was the term applied to themselves from the outset by the the ultranationalist the movement. Slav communities had distinguished of Venezia Giulia themselves by and Istria. but. 'civil self defence squads'.Nazi Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland social were On were hand.for which the Party had assumed the entire responsibility and there was a 'growing distrust the men in power. which had always the main driver of the regional economy but had been in deep recession since 1920s. the regime was of public life had largely won and very the support of even its promises. incident being 'Border Fascism' (fascismo region's Fascists so as to highlight 19 'Rapporto del 31 dicembre della pubblica sicurezza. some years before these problems began to sap the mass popularity of early It was Fascism. military-style the Yugoslav in the eastern resistance import the political. once Italy had entered the war. 'Trieste'. cited in G. the explosive the gateway this mirage situation in to of the Balkans great and the entry into the war of the Soviet Union ? produced disillusion and discouragement. Dissatisfaction with Fascist policies which had repeatedly failed to with the atrocious management of supplies. and there was no rapid overall economic The subsidies. free with many of the lower ranks. But vanished: a succession of military defeats.18 Italian substantial spirit as far and ethnic as these groups concerned. Fogar. and the United and the region's States - the powers population developed a positive aversion to the regime which had failed to provide them with a decent standard of living. power soon at last become and his regime: it seemed that Trieste would as Fascist propaganda had so noisily proclaimed.19 After the regenerate the region's economy was supplemented by intense impatience of invasion of Yugoslavia armed region From anti-Fascist assumed the a wider outset.

far from disowning the worst outrages. the brutality of the Fascist squads which were .20 With the Fascists in power throughout Italy. 'Crisi Pupo. press showed approval by signalled the 'undoubted consensus between liberal nationalist groups and nationalists'.was actually illegal. This despotic which propagandists dressed up as a triumph of Latin civilisation over Italianisation Slav of young the regime. which. which under communist occupation of Yugoslavia a degree galvanised of military guidance assumed organisation which greatly increased its combative capacity. backed the violence of their national identity: clubs by taking radical steps to deprive the ethnic minorities of the Slovene were shut down. Goriziana. the modern cultural centre that symbolised the strong presence in Trieste. 226.21 of their principal preoccupation. As Anna Vinci has commented. combining Italian state. ? peasants Slovenes The was with Slav opposed a from the of sought late Italian both 1920s by various groups. attracted Italian anti-Fascists with communist leanings. The Axis resistance. the guerrilla war even reached into the towns and was a particular threat to Gorizia and Trieste.even Trieste. on the which. the collapse of the regime ushered the entire in a period country.432 of the Narodni Contemporary European History Dom. Slovene and Croatian schools suppressed. were now further afflicted by the immediate day-to-day insecurity generated by resistance activity and the imminent prospect of losing their primacy as a national group. Mussolini . 20 A. M. 'aliens' were excluded from the economic and political elites. social primitive mostly against leavening partisans recovery a national uprising the Slav against the Italian oppressor. Italians of Friuli and Venezia Giulia. 355. and Slav names Italianised. and also. guerra totale e Resistenza'. it was greeted with a certain relief. already suffering from an ill-managed war and discouraged by the disastrous military situation of the Italian army. eastern while frontier. thanks to its solid political and ideological backing. Vinci. produced no hostile reaction to the fall of Mussolini ordered draconian reprisals April 1942 a Special Public Safety Inspectorate for Venezia Giulia was set up in Trieste and ordered to crush the partisans without mercy indeed strengthened but they could not overcome the Yugoslav organisation. common since to the a further dimension disappearance of Fascism removed the foundation the defence of their national identity'. who took and consisting up arms anti-Fascists. though generally tolerated by the authorities replaced by repres sion by the state. . the prospect From autumn of socio-political 1942 the communist revolution guerrilla with that of revenge publicly on the leaders announced their intention that had been The economy of removing from Italian control the Slovene and Croatian territories incorporated into the kingdom of Italy. which had been a hotbed of Fascism and his regime in July 1943. which its recruitment of young Slovenes and Croatians. 'Il fascismo e la societ? locale'. of profound 'assumed collective disorientation. e Venezia Giulia. in Friuli e Venezia in Friuli Giulia - Storia del '900 (Gorizia: Editrice 21 R. The Slav partisans became a mass movement under the banner of national recovery. del regime. However. 1997). Like the rest of Italy. the whole region . this episode community true the its birth of and the local Fascism.

and The magazines for Slovenes. the petty and middle advocated by the bourgeoisie would And be safeguarded the Slovenes communist resistance. the weekly German-language Deutsche Adria Zeitung. Press and Culture . organised an intensive programme of radio broadcasts and Lapper. Before long Lapper. were the important positions which Fascist de given the prospect of reoccupying nationalisation had denied them. Propaganda One of the most and repression: effective the two faces of the Nazi civil administration German days means of administrators the of occupation tools available to the legitimising and consensus-building in the Adriatisches K?stenland was propaganda. The financial. particularly 23 The first issue of Deutsche Adria Zeitung and Friulians on appeared the last on 28 April . ? albeit ? illusory solutions to the many critical questions that attractive of regime had been unable to answer. up every permeated propaganda head of Section corner of the territory. Croatians . Groiski List. respectively 14 Jan. and of how the Nazis that region into the Reich. (while reducing Trieste's venerable daily // Piccolo to amere bulletin) created a number of newspapers and periodicals targeting individual ethnic and national groups. the former as the promoter of its national destiny. by Fascist repression as a lever when developing his legitimising strategy. From the first were determined to zone.and indirectly. the workers and peasants were to enjoy the benefits of the German welfare against the social revolution state. is the best example of how Rainer s administration used propaganda to legitimise itself vis-?-vis the assorted national and social groups in the region. Glas Primorja 1945. who had already worked with Rainer an structure had built efficient which Carinthia.23 The Deutsche Adria Zeitung. commercial and industrial elite of Venezia Giulia .22 The Nazi propaganda machine in the Adriatisches K?stenland also embraced an illustrated as known the Adria Illustrierte Zeitung and a daily. the strategies of the Nazi administration. the guarantor of its socio-political security and the harbinger of its economic prosperity.were Voce di Furlania successful. which was available in all the Adriatic provinces. 1944.Nazi Thus it was Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland 433 the Adriatisches engendered by offering at the helm of the Nazi administration that Friedrich Rainer. all Italians in the region ? were promised a new dawn of prosperity from the revival of the Trieste port complex as part of Hitler's new continental order.issued an order that no news from an Italian source was to be broadcast unless it had been specifically authorised in by his department. He had a thorough understanding the regional context and strove to find ways of encouraging each of its diverse ethnic and social groups to look to the Reich. acquire On complete control over every in the operations 10 November 1943 Karl they communication II .Propaganda. and hence to the local Nazi administration. published by Europa Verlag and containing articles from both the Reich press agencies and the paper's Trieste-based editors. in was use to the able and tensions nationalist ethnic K?stenland. While Rainer made extensive use of propaganda to sustain and nourish 22 set about incorporating the legitimisation for the purposes of persuasion. together with new markets for their timber and agricultural products.

first as local SS and police chief in the he had been a prime mover and then as the director of Aktion Reinhardt. 1997). in fact Trieste where more than housed two Italy's thousand Jews and political opponents perished. persecuted Opponents and fought of the occupying with a harshness were almost unequalled only extermination in the rest of Nazi-controlled camp. with Rainer for many commandant who had been of the San Sabba camp a fellow-Nazi militant years in Austria. A good measure the leading political Fascist regime and brought to sever the region's and business figures who 24 some 1. II. Rainer now appointed him chief of police and SS units stationed in the operations zone.500. Odilo Globocnik-K?mpfer f?r is a biography of Globocnik by Siegfried den Anschluss. at Risiera di San Sabba. 'In (Klagenfurt: . 3 vols. legitimate unless it is accepted by the majority of the population on a the freedom of their acceptance. links with Rainer removed the former of the Adriatisches were with had in a large number of civil servants from Austria. table IX/8. Italy. stopped recruitment for Graziani's put a tight curb on the Republican the and army prevented application of the RSI's social legislation. which were directly controlled by Globocnik. September The Destruction 1942 and October 1943. be of said that alternatives Nazi cannot range and to be incorporated this was and a free only in and fully those into the Reich autonomous choice can in the medium from exercise among the term.24 He brought with him to the operations zone most of his Aktion Reinhardt that associates. The future of Trieste in the New administration the Germans European Order K?stenland links had The first steps taken by the German how determined show unequivocally the RSI. The was Obersturmf?hrer Odilo Lothar Globocnick. and the destruction of entire villages savage reprisals against the civilian populations were if they merely suspected of harbouring partisans. Fascist Party. There t?tig'. 1985). In view of this extensive use of coercion which accorded with the strongly content Nazi of value the the administration. While the value of that legitimacy depends to accept significant proportion of the population of the Adriatic Coast was willing government. he ratified a new legal order to replace the Italian system. Vollstrecker des Holocaust Pucher. Holmes and Meier. where. to Hilberg. (New York: of the European Jews. however system peddled by ideological ? it might be dressed up the use of concepts of consensus and legitimacy to give the idea that part at least of the population Nazi regional government is of critical in the operations No power zone accepted can the be importance. and Sobib?r. structure considered it governs. Treblinka According as head of Aktion Reinhardt.000 persons died in the camps of Belzec. of the Jews. See Raul Hilberg. a wider it circumstances of power be deemed truly legitimate.434 of the Contemporary European History Adriatic Coast zone into Hitler's New incorporation operations planned European forces ? Order Italians was no less largely pursued than Slavs ? by violence. der Bewegung f?hrend Drava Verlag. and with them the ferocious repressive methods extermination had been used in the war of extermination in eastern Europe: murder of prisoners. Before coming to Trieste Globocnik had served in the Polish district of Lublin. between Lublin.

unlike the Fascist regime. . the of cultural events was organised Austro-Hungarian to celebrate of harmony between Vienna and Trieste. fostering its economic development and ensuring peaceful coexistence between national groups. the direct heir of the Austro-Hungarian over the Italian middle class. The local Fascists had proved equally incapable of dealing with the crisis in Trieste's trade: despite their early prominence. the restoration musicians This pretence that Nazi Germany was empire was aimed principally at winning crying out for a new and powerful would be capable of regenerating the region's Trieste at the heart of European commerce. in which context Trieste the two countries. notably the 'Wien gr?sst Triest. Despite repeated promises to turn it into one of Italy's most internationally important seaports. although the project was a new eventually given up as impracticable. the new symbolic focus. 25 R. This loss of European markets could not be compensated for by the incorporation of Trieste appeared peripheral and relatively unimportant. who were interlocutor which. Without some reconfiguration of central European geopolitics. they had quickly lost influence and representation at national level. the decline Sotto la Todt of Trieste. By 1938 over half the overseas trade of Austria. followed by the Anschluss. Another serious blow to the economy of Trieste and Venezia Giulia was a consequence of Austria's absorption into the Reich: the customs union between and Fiume into the Italian trading system. reduced imports and exports through Trieste to a trickle. economy the and putting break-up of the port the Austro of Before Hungarian empire Trieste had been a hub of central European trade. replacing Rome. the Adria-Krone. (Gorizia: Editrice Goriziana. the Fascists had done nothing to prevent the volume of trade from diminishing.Nazi of the Nazis' the Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland 435 determination lire with in the first few months replacing to cut off the operations zone from Italy is the fact that so far as to propose went of occupation the Reichsbank currency. The high commissioner proposed and intended to obliterate all traces of Italy and Mussolini's from republican Fascist government the horizon of the local population and turn their eyes wholly towards the National Socialist Reich. but it had been isolated as a result of the geopolitical reshuffle determined by the 1919 Treaty of St Germain and the subsequent political and economic recovery of Germany. Czechoslovakia ? and Hungary had been diverted away from Trieste its age-old and natural outlet towards north European ports. abundant series if they did not actually pine for. Triest gr?sst Wien' programme which enabled leading Trieste to visit Vienna and vice versa. was to be but Vienna. the capital of the former Austro-Hungarian empire which had ruled the region wisely and well until the end of the Great War. At the Austria was Trieste. every possible heart of this showing opportunity to themselves to be 'shrewd manipulators to recall the happy and prosperous affective and cultural links with of nostalgia'. a drive re-forge city many recent of whose inhabitants well past. 24. An remembered. not Berlin The Germans the operations zone 'Adriatisches K?stenland' because this name had been used under the Austro-Hungarian to denote the lands north empire christened of the Adriatic. However. ever more bound to a national economy which Spazzali. 1995).25 using imperial past.

. aGerman-dominated political and economic system which would redefine the prerogatives and ambitions of both states and regions all over the continent: allwould stand or fall according to their degree of integration with this German-controlled system. Esame della nuova situazione dell'Europa centro-orientale. pressed by Austria. although The region's political the Reich. were Naples not and Venice. was an idea possible doorstep. and tomorrow we mind. ? which confined to certain Austrian Nazi in events north to define their interest Fascism to circles and was not part of official Berlin policy ? of the Alps was increased by the obvious inability of trade and economy of the region. 138. solely economic: seemed include Trieste in a Reich-dominated Mitteleuropa. the government In September should 1940 the Comitato railways. quoted 1988). But if Germany preferred other ports. 1939: 'InVienna they are already singing a song to the effect that "What we have we hold. regenerate the maritime the political and commercial relationship between Venezia Giulia and Nazi Germany became particularly urgent in the second half of 1940. Storia delle citta italiane. triestino dei traffici. And the end of the war would bring about Hitler's New Order. n. and that massive penetration by powerful German finance and business interests would distort worried the local economy and jeopardise their own hegemony.'26 saw the question as one at of the elites now annexation of relations with capital time importance. Trieste's leading businessmen that Germany. in Contemporary European History Genoa. Hatred the Axis may have temporarily and business reaching of to their very of Italy is always alive in the German anaesthetised the feeling. Comitato Trieste. Trieste would soon be entirely marginalised. would make territorial claims. Rizzoli. opportunity there was that in the near future a free port'. Triestino access to 'offer German itsTrieste be to make seemed and the and Fiume to offer entire routes' and suggested and city of Trieste] port [the an unmissable Venezia Giulia. Ciano. Even setting at this point aside fears of Austro-Hungarian shall go for Trieste".d. The Italian government was uneasily aware of this as Galeazzo Ciano noted in his diary on 9 September Austrian expansionism. n. The also ? consequences rekindled now Austria's re-expressed of the Anschluss expansionism the wake as part of the Nazi project for a New European Order . 1947).27 Although for some the economic about anxiety what 'the best plan would Nazi Germany of Trieste entry into the an regeneration Reich and financiers were particularly might mean. The need The government region's to leading examine business ways of interests were ensuring that not slow would in pressing be at the the heart Italian of the Trieste continental dei Traffici trade focused suggested that on the Reich. Trieste (Rome and Bari: Laterza. This was of fundamental importance to Trieste.436 tended Austria's own to favour annexation aspiration. 26 27 G. (must be in Elio Apih. a trading centre of European importance: it would regain its status asMitteleuropan chief Mediterranean outlet. If its itwould once again become port facilities were to be put at the service of the Reich. I: 1939-1940 (Milan/Rome: Diario. 161. 1940)...p.. when the rapid and seemingly unstoppable advances of the Nazi armies on every front seemed to presage a Nazi victory in Europe.

347-70. . customs and perhaps special a to that such claim would be highly detrimental thought the Alpine safety'. or more precisely from the borders conditions for rail traffic. of international Trieste would importance. the breakdown zones abruptly of the Italo-German refocused attention on alliance and the the relationship between Venezia country to which Giulia and Germany and radically re-presented Trieste and Fiume should belong. guerra totale e Resistenza'. end as soon that that choice might as anticipated.Nazi Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland 437 The hopes and fears besetting Trieste entrepreneurs emerge limpidly in a letter sent to the prefect. Dino Borri. over 'the history: order. itwas most of the between intended as the most previous national century. inNovember by a leading businessman. public from to the sea. The armistice signed on 8 September creation of the operations 1943.29 to what chief of Trieste's between contrast economic the desire to belong the city's But economic the war to Italy and the awareness and commercial did not ambitions. certainly [follow] all the the currents route. Since. of central same and track. to the Prefect 8 Nov. Dino Cosulich 1940. and Germany found an alternative outlet to the 'then almost or later. and would be tantamount to ceding could only accept it for 'higher reasons that can territory. [these cities] have 'owing to their geographical that have undermined the economy and trade of their If this did not happen. Although it unlikely that Germany was aiming to incorporate Venezia Powers' made believed that the Reich might aspire Giulia into the Reich. As a local businessman. aspirations one balanced of and the solution possible dilemmas destiny'. the problem of the 28 Letter dell'Istituto L/fascicolo 29 Pupo.was idea ? that Trieste by the should become emergency arising a free port from the very serving recent the Reich upheavals sparked in the European had been. choose government ought its best Fiume been and Trieste. Subsequent 'Crisi del regime. and acutely restrict from the second in Europe half of 1942 the Axis armies suffered a series of setbacks which put an abrupt curb on the prospects envisaged by Cosulich and the Trieste port authorities. citations are from the same document. Cosulich Italy's interests and to its European prestige. Archivio Borri. best of all. di Liberazione nel Friuli-Venezia Giulia. Italy would safeguard her territorial integrity. so the Italian government level'. VG busta per la Storia del Movimento Regionale XIX. 1940. Cosulich preferred the be evaluated only at government idea of declaring Trieste and Fiume a free port: in that way. Germany at last recover would its status have itsMediterranean as a commercial hub and outlet a port and. eastern and European this would same the sooner deal a grievous blow to the ports of Trieste and Fiume'. location.28 Mediterranean. with valleys. trade would. since sacrificed to events hinterland'. Antonio Cosulich. Germany's inevitably focus on geographical Fiume and Trieste. Cosulich's economy . Cosulich nonetheless from the Nazi to 'a sort of corridor of Germany. Cosulich considered it absolutely necessary to anticipate requests Axis the 'political and military comradeship of the government. the Cosulich Italian argued that since Germany to do was clearly to ensure seeking that a Mediterranean the Reich would outlet. from Antonio of Trieste. for obvious and interest would well-rehearsed reasons.

re-establishing the natural geopolitical order of Europe and ending the 'unnatural national groupings'33 set up in the Balkans by 30 1944). Queen Mitteleuropa. it said. im Wandel der Zeiten'. Die Hafenstadt 'Europas Fenster 1 (14 Jan. Deutsche 1944). on the of regeneration the old of the region's ports as part of a new continental of the a renewal Austro-Hungarian 'Trieste. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 19 (1 Feb. 31 like Trieste'. leaders expressed an immediate willingness German and the high commissioner accordingly appointed sympathisers to leading administrative and financial positions. advantage closeness the new toMitteleuropa and relative closeness of the Levant. chiefly continued through Hamburg. which has benefited so little since the end of the FirstWorld War. after the war Europe re-forged according all ports will emporium be open for the to the world and and Trieste will the once again of its the Europe's south south-east. 33 und Standortfaktoren 'Triestiner Perspektiven-Raumkr?fte 1944).31 it in 'The interests of a commercial Zeitung. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 274 (15 Oct. 'Krise oder Chance'. Trieste would never regain access to the vast continental markets. And only a Nazi victory could bring that about.'32 The people of Trieste could not stand aside from the destiny of Europe because their city's future depended on it:without peace and order north of the Alps. Trieste's commercial decline.. by which Trieste's economy: 'in the new - to the Nazi become design ? Europe.While business to collaborate with the occupiers. to ally themselves and that many of itsmembers had recently expressed awillingness a in the region. Hence the revival of Trieste as a commercial with Germany hegemony numerous centre was one of the bastions of the Nazis' legitimisation strategy. which had created a huge economic the European hinterland whose situation took trade had flowed for the worse. recent experience had shown that itwould European political and economic not become reality if Trieste remained part of the Italian state. der Hafenstadt'. For centre See 'Die "K?nigin der Adria". Triest in Krieg und Frieden'. the powerful propaganda machine harped continually order. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 31 (13 Feb. 'extend far beyond a itmust take the [Trieste] large part of Europe is a vital sphere of influence inwhich keenest interest. will surely prove positive for Trieste Europe'.. . Adriatic' become could (K?nigin der Adria)30 was an alluring and flattering image which its links with the Reich-dominated reality only if the city strengthened system. explained the Deutsche Adria its immediate hinterland and indeed its nation. Adria Zeitung 32 Triest ins Mittelmeer. When the article. had been caused by global changes after the First World War and the subsequent recrudescence of German power. would be able to revitalise pattern of Italian trade.438 The business German community administrators wished Contemporary European History of above the Adriatic all to regain Coast access were to well central aware European that Trieste's markets. 1944). The Reich. The very first issue of the Deutsche Adria Zeitung contained an article setting forth this Nazi vision and clearly explaining the Reich's plans for the future of the region. the Italian a turn it quite explicitly meant the Fascists had proved utterly government the of Trieste it port by incorporating incapable of sustaining profitably into the on the other hand.

Not until Danzig was reabsorbed into economic the Reich-dominated and trading system had it begun to flourish once again. government.Nazi Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland after the First World War. the port of Gdingen. an article appeared in the Deutsche Adria Zeitung arguing autonomy that such an option would and economic prosperity. It was in the best interests of Germany. of Danzig had cut it off from the trade routes of the very the internationalisation countries that were supposed to constitute its economic hinterland: Germany had and Poland had set up and Bremen). from German All workers - and the humblest would benefit most. The to Trieste: if the latter wanted troubles of Danzig must serve as an awful warning economic prosperity in future it must immediately abandon the will-o'-the-wisp 'free port' idea and seek the protection of a stable and powerful state that could provide the was recent itwith awide of and wealthy the Fascist hinterland. because explained the German propagandists the Germans had set up the most complete. In view of Italy's previous the only candidate failures and Europe collapse in central the Reich. preferred its own ports (particularly Hamburg its own trading centre. harmonious on the other hand. and the propagandists took care to point out that no other would be satisfactory for Trieste. 'which once extended obstacles context concepts. Prague and Warsaw'. Brief an einen Triestiner'. explained 439 the the victorious powers Adria Zeitung. If they won the war. imposed by outdated economic could Trieste regain its natural commercial am Main. Deutsche Adria Zeitung einer freien Stadt. as it had wished. on the 'divide and rule' principle. have a catastrophic To illustrate the impact on the city's political awful consequences of any such false step. had used these artificial statelets to extend their economic power right into the heart of Europe. This enabled government 34 35 1944). best-articulated welfare state that had ever existed. France and Britain. Trieste would into the Reich. Plans and models for a new welfare state Itwas not only the rich who were along the Adriatic coast would offered prosperity profit enormously by the Nazi Reich. No other view would satisfy Nazi Germany. 'Handelszentrum 'Das Schicksal 122 (15May Triest'. Deutsche Adria Zeitung in (4May . or its population recover the financial and social security it had once had. Immediately. system to pacify peoples sweep and nations away the and set up a barriers.34 as far as Frankfurt The Germans be incorporated had a clear idea of the city's future. port that had been declared a 'free city' in 1919. politico-economic that would customs the crippling taxes and other in such an international Only hinterland. their policy was to foment ethnic and national chaos so as to impose their own supremacy. the old Hanseatic from becoming the fulcrum of eastern and central European trade. the German propagandists cited the plight of Danzig (now Gdansk. In spring 1944 certain voices began to call quite insistently for Trieste to be declared a 'free city' after the war. 1944).35 Far Poland). Rainer painted an idyllic picture of working conditions in Germany and indicated that very soon these would be extended to Adriatic workers.

often Itwould because start by (explained clothes to overshoes the Adria Zeitung) inadequate be instrumental in it had been noticed that men were forced the war. while factory had been savagely exploited.36 organising clandestine triggered numerous anti-Fascist protests and activities. Even before standards of most things had got worse owing to Italy's entry into the war. Vinci. betrayed parts of Venezia an awareness Giulia that a 'the prefects' large section of anxious the surveillance did the workforce population not assent to the dictatorship'. the living lower-class people in Friuli and Venezia Giulia had been profoundly In the countryside the rapid failure of sbracciantizzazione (a campaign unsatisfactory to eliminate the class of braccianti or agricultural day labourers by giving them small plots of land) had reduced many agricultural workers to abject poverty. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 'Soziale Betretung der Schaffenden'. In the most of heavily industrialised .440 him to contrast the glowing the former Fascist Contemporary European History prospect of life under the Nazis with the dire realities of administration.38 health and special workers safety conditions providing workers to promoting with new cultural and recreational ? from overalls activities. the from 'factory ensuring to this end the high workers' proper bureau'. factory had pinned down wages. Finally.37 Rainer.. in every way. jacked up production and virtually ignored poor conditions and considerations of This working safety. to wear clothing. L'organizzazione del Dopolavoro (Rome and Bari: Laterza. . environment. long article to these work in Italien: Wermachtseinrichtungen in under the German 'Werkk?chen fur die Arbeiter'. itmust be acknowledged everyone that make life a bit easier and more endurable. had to await the end of the war and the region's incorporation but Rainers administration was aware of the Fascists' disastrous social policy and was paying commissioner Its remit was the closest attention had to set support up a to the working department. 1981). a blaze of publicity by in initiatives under welfare amidst thinly disguised brought industrialists working with the Party and the Fascist trade union (every workplace workers owners had a unit of the Opera Nazionale goaded some worker groups into Dopolavoro). 38 188 (21 July 1944).. canteens. The bureau would overcoming the food also provide work problems caused canteens39 which by ensuring old. de Grazia. Working hand in glove with the regime. occupation: Deutsche Adria Zeitung 84 (6 April 1944). Therefore the factory workers' 36 was set up as a public body in 1925 to develop This Activities' 'National Institute for After-Work Itwas the and manage welfare and recreation projects not only in factories but also in town and country.. constructed sensitive to the needs of the poorest in society and ready to fly to their assistance. the bureau would distribute extra think that cigarettes are not really a cigarette rations. The Deutsche Adria Zeitung admitted that a complete reform of the social system into the Reich. exploitation of the workforce. which was set up by the Deutsche model Arbeitsfront. since 'although some might that they are one of the little things fundamental need of life. Consenso The best study of the Opera Nazionale (OND) Dopolavoro nellTtalia Fascista. e cultura di massa is V. would that got a full and satisfying meal. which. 39 a came The Deutsche Adria Zeitung devoted it claimed. for the Nazis' Kraft durch Freude organisation.. 241-2. 37 'II fascismo e la societ? locale'.. in an attempt to heal the breach between in industry and ensure that the latter actively the regional government and workers a propaganda administration image of a Nazi supported his regime.

living in improvised barracks near the building 40 41 'Soziale Betretung der Schaffenden'. which were the propagandists promised being continually damaged by partisan attacks. papered daily had many of conviction in particular workers were than Nazism prominent organisation. either on the impressive defences being constructed to guard against a potential Allied invasion of the Adriatic coast or on securing vital road and rail links. Sotto la Todt. attended administration. breaks representatives This new welfare on the workers. from and to the time provide propagandists ration recreational cultural welfare is just not live workplace an would accessory: assistance. a welfare picture. abundant food and generous wages.42 While new clothes and shoes. newspaper On 20 and protection system on the German model would not be forced explained the Deutsche Adria Zeitung: they would play an active part in in collaboration with the Nazis.41 the German receive consideration from the workers. always time. he said.' activities system. Deutsche 'Arbeiter beim Obersten Kommissar'. appeal privation much toworking carried shipyard - conditions small in the factories. 'should be that there is no privileged and no one is entitled to live at other people's expense'. the Todt workers - them joining Conditions of Friuli. of concept ideology: 'The supreme law of all true socialism'. on a not meeting to engage long after between in productive the German the gauleiter dialogue with was and a workers' the region's set up. reported class the Deutsche Adria Zeitung. Commissioner Rainer himself liked his willingness February.Nazi in collaboration taken The care to German in rather the Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland with the High its proteges were 441 had to bureau. and more Propaganda overwork. he held a long conversation with economic latter would and social matters the fullest and listening to their requests'. . to guarantee especially manual a decent improvements were made over the cracks.'40 The newspaper waxed regular concerts given during and lunch by workers. promising authorities. always 'Meeting To quote be the fundamental needs of than as material cultural the workers man does important a well-known saying. by bread alone. its construction to demonstrate workers. as Commissioner's with anxious an extra to stress seen as business cigarette that department. to ? in the people to whom Italian they merely who endured communism resistance. insufficient living. No he made but in the operations zone was quite different from this doubt Rainer was sincere in his desire to review wages demagogic scanty promise personally actually taken to were standard ensure quite of the creation measures workers. workers. but most of them under coercion ? were forced to work in appalling conditions. in the Adriatic Coast operations zone see Spazzali. 'discussing that the The real experience and of workers a the rosy propaganda and of salaries. the administration reported Rainer inwhich he expounded a favourite had begun by making a speech of welcome Nazi of social the elimination all social classes and distinctions. After which. 42 For a detailed account of the Todt organisation Adria Zeitung 36 (20 February 1944). and if system. managers particularly in of the the Nazi lyrical about the Werkskonzerte: region's main factories. the 'Garibaldi' brigades in the mountains were particularly bad for those working for the Todt ostensibly volunteers. delegation. dressed in rags.

and partly by curbs imposed on German quite successful in frustrating rapacity by the RSI. 'Camerati al lavoro'.44 was had the working organisations particularly - first call on the workforce. The wages. Rainer the Todt. however.442 ill-fed and to Contemporary European History sites. Bologna Italia. Mantelli. of the high commissioner. 44 in the eyes of the Nazi is clear from of labour recruitment administration The primary importance zone: labour in service in the operations Rainers Order 1943. subject implacable Nazi surveillance. Mantelli. or in Germany. Sotto la Todt. 85-7. See Spazzali. unprofitable. was put on a par with joining the German the ranks of the Todt. at least at local representatives were level.517 Italians all over did not yield the expected to Germany. and the Wehrmacht. But the German occupiers the attention even forced recruitment a mere 87. zone. B. I deportati italiani in Germania nella seconda guerra mondiale (Milan: Mondadori. not merely of both the Reich for the of engaged plenipotentiary employment When calls for volunteers proved labour. Friedrich Sauckel. Verlag. pursued by of workers vigorously in the Adriatisches K?stenland: it Italy. army or the local Nuova defence militia. the workforce. the Adria Zeitung trumpeted the social harmony ever since Hitler came to power. Bermani. The he encourage workers propagandists whose to go to Germany. were not to be despised. German propagandists workers had another primordial and This work in Germany. and the impotence of local RSI manpower. from early 1944 Sauckel's organisation began to round up workers. der S. 43 . L'occupazione. 1937?1943 (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri. issued on 29 Nov. AI lavoro nella Germania di of the experiences Hitler. recruitment objective: either was to persuade a asmany or local men for the as possible Todt to go in munitions major factories preoccupation. once again. and enforced 131-77. Sozialgeschichte italienischen Fremdarbeitt inNS-Deutschland Gli schiavi di (Berlin: Akademie 1997).43 deportation In the Adriatisches hands officials recruit anxious K?stenland. 1992). whereas results: from 8 September the Germans had expected onwards to send went at least amillion caused by rivalry and a half. But policies were not with the manual the Nazis workers and made to collaborate those who but huge the benefited numerous out of profits munitions Besides orders with wooing the help of a thoroughly in the regional browbeaten economy. I lavoratori italiani emigrati nel Terzo Reich nel periodo dell'Asse 1938?1943 (Florence: La On Studies and B. 1996). L. Ricciotti. organisation. Bermani. 1998). to ensure Before that satisfying the extraordinary the lesser number of power in the of potentially rival German it easier to made much very representatives concentration needs of in the the Reich. Racconti e memorie dell'emigrazione italiana. Without underplaying between the situation in Germany and in ? Italy where the newspaper declared agitation had precipitated the crisis in the Fascist regime national socialism had won the hardest and most decisive battle: it had dismantled that the recruitment of Italian labour see Klinkhammer. either voluntarily or under only then would coercion. it is true. work is. whose plans. most from Rainers who entrepreneurs being labour chose rather above the regional average. this failure was partly occupation apparatus. As Klinkhammer between various elements has pointed in the Nazi out. governing military 8. best represented by the Deutsche Adria Zeitung the Nazi welfare state and the very real benefits ? then set out to laud the perfection always available to German workers of and Italians working had enjoyed differences in the Reich. voluntary in Germany of Italian workers include C. Proletarier der Achse'. C. that Germany the profound working-class First and foremost. Hitler.

The Reich had devoted particular attention to women in worked shorter less taxing jobs. und Erfassungsmethoden'. 'feel Workers hosts: from the choice in Italy. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 264 (5 Oct..Nazi Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland 443 the old.46 all their needs were met by the welfare system.. the Deutsche that German workers could truly call themselves fortunate. Sublimely Adria Zeitung declared ignoring the reality (which was very different). could be offered as long as the war compatriots with treatment of peacetime Although lasted. 1944). Adria Zeitung to the envy of their reported. 48 'Deutsche Arbeitsschutzbestimmungen-Die soziale Stellung der Frau Adria Zeitung 234 (5 Sept.45 But education and persuasion would have been in vain if the Reich had not actually constructed amodel society that could offer tangible benefits to every educated the German citizen. even the most destitute being covered by an extraordinary and unequalled into a conscious welfare state. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 50 'Triester Arbeiter'. weakening and replaced itwith a single national community cohesion and strength of the nation to which all could feel they belonged. their health service was the best in the of food all imported from Italy leisure numbers specially designed amazed and everything returning in the Todt camps had been to Italy would of course to make Italians of at home'. us how German Once workers again comrades live. 47 'Tuberkolose. 1944).. class-based social system which inevitably generated civil strife. they had met with InMarch 1944. Why of can't ours we have have returned the same?'50 from to meet 45 46 Deutsche Adria Zeitung 95 (18 April 1944). this had taken continued persuasion and indoctrination: 'above all. Italians working readers received that equal their in factories in the Reich.48 of course. Neuartige Untersuchungs(27 April 1944). in German the Deutsche factories. irrespective of social status. those with children enjoyed so many advantages that they were guaranteed The best a level witnesses of protection to 'unknown of in any other country welfare in the world'. Deutsche . national socialism has and responsible community of destiny people and work'. 49 1 (14 Jan. the Deutsche Adria Zeitung assured its Italian had workers no in reason every to complain. Sozialpolitik'. Of course. and since undoubtedly they respect. not all the benefits in Germany German than their opposite enjoyed better conditions declared that recruits to the Todt organisation their German activities. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 52 (5March 1944). 'Italiener in Deutschland'. the wonders the German state were. they breaks from work. 'Deutsche 1944).49 give admiring accounts the Utopian stay-at-home conditions colleagues. and were offered frequent workers: hours.47 their workplaces were salubrious and quiet and the German Labour Front (Deutsche Arbeitsfront) provided them with an indispensable programme of recreational and cultural activities that had formerly been the prerogative of the rich. since they had full accident insurance. a group of workers' Rainer to be German with Gauleiter representatives from Trieste had been invited to learn about German provision for workers in the Adriatic region. Their in the Reich: 'All we want is sole request was to be treated equally with workers like German and told workers. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 104 im Arbeitsleben'. 'Die deutsche Unfallversicherung'. The Adria Zeitung had also been warmly welcomed by .

The Even the unemployed being reports spread by from are no those longer tempted by the wages from Germany is just more effective or the chance too persuasive.52 under Propaganda Nationalist legitimising of radical and ethnic policies policies to Rainers and their supporting propaganda were fundamental Whereas Fascists the from the had. majority coercion. Al lavoro nella Germania diHitler. who had been the Wehrmacht and the SS mercilessly persecuted by the Fascists. 67 . command posts. for example. The harshly hounded national group most favoured by the Nazis was the Slovenes. they are watched incessantly to Italy.. and for their fidelity to the Reich. fed on a handful of potatoes and sauerkraut. even those who out their six-month are forced contract have worked to renew it for another adventure. The Cossacks were entrusted with defending the territory against the partisans. of those who not because left the Adriatic they were convinced coastlands for German by the purple prose factories went of propaganda. and Mor chaotic ? Rainers Italians lacchi. first. only were called up and 556 were recruited by force (Spazzali. stopped at the frontier. the autonomy of all the national three major groups and limiting ? Slovenes. 159. and The complicated Friulians ethnic mix - ethnic jigsaw included and was a number further of ethnic 'nationalities' Cicci more complicated minorities. 85-7). pursued a policy strategies.400 labourers at the Nazi outcome summoned of the March to Trieste The great showed in hand. including or rendered even by Rainer s deliberate insertion of a substantial and pugnacious Cossack community from eastern Europe. with like animals. 52 51 33 were volunteers. by the more zone: suitcase of or less disastrous the 1. The fact six months. referred to as 'Kosakenland' in German propaganda. the heir of state the Austro-Hungarian and had governed empire. and their every movement is observed. the Nazis preferred to accentuate the region's ethnic Italianisation.444 Contemporary European History The Deutsche Adria Zeitungs enthusiastic accounts disagreed violently with those had gone to Germany in the late 1930s or later.. Rainer. anxious to create a solid front of Slovene in Bermani. A confidential memorandum of the Italian political police sheds light on the dire reality of life in of Italian workers who the work The camps: no facilities whatever. and in return for thismilitary service. Sotto la Todt. While the partisan guerrillas. but Most a few run away but are of them would like to come home they cannot. they were promised a permanent homeland documents in this part and of the operations zone. To this end. and present the as the only force capable of ensuring that all the national groups lived Germans peaceably side by side. the Germans also exploited the fiction of Germany as a natural example of entity. the northern which had Adriatic been a rare a multi-ethnic territories so as to sever links with successfully competition by recognising among them. fragmentation Italy and with Fascism. Quoted in April Of the 659 men who left for Germany 1944. which settled in the valley of the river Tagliamento. Italians live in barracks and camps.51 official of propaganda verbal returning were that returnees than propaganda 1944 only call-up seventy-five is demonstrated in the operations up.

having proved fertile a its colours to the mast of national recovery and for which had nailed Fascism ground disenfranchisement of the Slavs. the partisan movement and. 55 Vinci. Only twenty-five minutes' journey from the city lay the village of Opicina: 'here begins that part of the Adriatic Coast where the mother is and Slovene. place bore witness of of glorious church. tongue people have different names. because that had arisen in late 1941 had substantial popular Slovenia. In order to demolish the Fascist image of Friuli and Venezia Giulia as solidly and monolithically Italian. their robust peasant character and their glorious past under the Roman empire.Nazi Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland Slav resistance set up positions. Zwei Welten vor den Toren Triests'. set wholly opposed to each other in every way. and everything hand. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 'Von Opicina 1944). the unity of Italian nationals and Italian speakers. Friulians' Roman past or of their heroism 53 and the whole Nazi said nothing either of the in the Great War. Even Fascists the had celebrated the separatism. look different. 'II fascismo e la societ? locale'. traditions. On to the south-east with to of Trieste Roman roots.and industry-oriented as an advantageous trading middle class that would collaboration. the Deutsche Adria stirred up the embers of Friulian Zeitung. almost support entirely lacked Germany the trade. 241. myth of Friulian identity. nach Muggia. bring and an the one article to went on. Adriatisches K?stenland Qualestoria (1943-1945)'. 242. General Leon Rupnik. Chersovani. who re-formed the militias attached to various Slovene anti-communist groups into the ranks of the domobrani (defenders of the homeland). the Deutsche Adria Zeitung that at Trieste's very doors there were two completely different worlds. . Slovenes a Slovene-language local schools. presented some from into a nationalist and to put 445 loyalty reopened into Slovene and prevent the turning crusade. lauding the bravery shown by Friulians in the FirstWorld War. d'operazioni 54 1 (14 Jan. propaganda machine. 29. that itwas not part of Italy. dwelling rather on the Nazis L. have The seen Nazi creation partner justifying collaborationist force under Nazi directed by the mayor of Ljubljana. the Nazi propagandists stressed was the fact that the region deeply marked by its Slav past and that the Slav ethnic component out to explain of the population significant to those with nationalist ? was also intended to demote the Italian against Slavs areas were most in its those that by challenging primacy sharp was essential to its identity. witness ancient its Roman the other would walls wholly journey a few miles Italian a living important Christian and entirely To subvert Italian. 'Alcuni aspetti della politica comunista del partito sloveno (Pcs-Kps) nella zona 1/2 (1995). insuperable militias this attempt difficulties: important construct because collaborationist first. In its first issue.55 But Nazi propaganda followed a completely different tack: intent on dismantling the links between the regional minorities and Italian history and culture. and live a different kind of life':54 this part of the operations zone had almost nothing Italian about it. government front collaborationist However. which was overwhelmingly rural. a early a Muggia. second.53 Rainer's other concession to the Slovenes in contrast to the Nazis' of a Slovene control was traditional element discrimination and irredentist sentiments.

Collotti. they To in deserved. Slavs claim dangerous the Adriatic whole 56 to be united. Once administration again the German contrast with policy whose the Habsburgs but lost under Italian Fascist failures: whereas main achievement had itself through sought to legitimise the Fascists had applied amisguided nationalist been to destroy the region s ethnic balance. are the against Fascists. capable of complexity soothing of the region in order to present Nazism antagonisms and restoring the nationalistic the region had enjoyed under harmony which rule. it stressed the links between Friuli and the Hohenstaufen emperor Frederick II. religious the Fascists had not only failed to heal but had crassly exacerbated: to see how it had been internally split look at the Italian contingent who reject patriots. of'Furlanentum' under the title Voce the ? di population. recalling that even in those far-off days Friuli had been an integral part of the great German Reich earned from German princes and from and calling attention to the respect it had the emperor.57 Rainer s administration encouraged these concrete and propagandistic endeavours to exploit as a force the ethno-nationalistic for order. Only 'Der Hoftag regions in the the peace and safety Reich'. the Nazis and would acknowledging harmony. The Deutsche Adria Zeitung devoted a good deal of to articles about the uniqueness of Friuli s history and the greatness space flattering of its people. they not only had political differences. Nor could the the the so-called these ethnic clashes could combine with and social 'the moderates. along with asmuch more than just one element of the Adriatisches K?stenland. Zeitung . Coast made it into one of the most the Nazis were fervid and unstable capable of guaranteeing Friedrich II und sein europ?isches of Europe. all who extremes. else'. Der Hohenstaufe 169 (2 July 1944). everyone the Monarchists.446 their solid links with Contemporary European History Germany.56 Friuli s long and glorious its rich cultural and ethnic heritage. the which As (according another ? nation a to the Deutsche Adria Zeitung) was always a big hit with to newspaper this positive began to reassessment appear.58 And divisions which one need only between Bolshevists and political. 83 (25 March 1945). Friulian contribution weekly 'must have had its Furlania. Further citations are from the same article. In particular. explained forces. Deutsche Adria in Friaul. the show which the Friulian community was respect they high as awhole ? from May 1944 held by the Nazi administration and the Third Reich Radio Trieste broadcast a daily programme entitled Die Stunde derFriulaner (Friulians' Hour). entitled it to be considered history. the ancientness of its traditions and the extraordinary beauty of its landscapes. clash there were from time so many different In the operations nationalities. Its culture and must not must traditions be given the strength and vigour merely be preserved. but also ongoing 'The hotbed of political and national passions' along religious conflicts. which effect. 57 E. full of local patriotism and separatist declarations. // Litorale Adri?tico nel Nuovo 1974). the Deutsche that they Adria inevitably Zeitung. in the text . 'so many able to govern this bundle of nationalities prove by their individuality while ensuring that they lived together in peace themselves zone. ordine europeo (Milan: Vangelista. 45. to time'. if it is true that this period gave birth to certain aspects of Friulian autonomist thinking perhaps only the most petty and parochial ones'. 58 Deutsche Adria Zeitung 'Freundliche Zueignung'.

The 'revolutionaries'. but their destructive fury was directed not against the German army. 88. as presented by the Adria Zeitung. terror and order. According the communist partisans would not stop at bringing down the Nazi administration: if 59 to research by Galliano According Fogar. that leads to eye. 'the bombing fatalities and thousands of injuries': see G. voluntarily by giving or shelter. Defending Western civilisation: the anti-partisan struggle as interpreted by the Deutsche The Nazi Adria Zeitung in thinking that the British and US forces in high command was wrong to the intended attack Adriatisches from the sea: the region. as the military wing of the local Nazi administration. Captured Iwill endorse and necessary.. is war This pitiless 'war up to the hilt' against the partisans ? inwhich the Germans also . one of its proof that even at this perhaps the most difficult and critical -juncture history. Germany is the only true power that can guarantee order in Europe'. deserves their presence death and must be eliminated. 602. Anyone who them food gives aid to these bandits. Collotti. . proposed a further source of legitimacy Adriatic control of the for the German zone region and far less occupation. and more importantly. or even against a politically distinct group. the a resistance 'war of The units struggle between was presented from the the Nazis not as a war but in the for as a operations liberation' partisans struggle between the defenders of Bolshevik anarchy. Resistance units especially raids by the British on the Istrian coast.was used Italian army units stationed in the region backed by a huge propaganda not the Nazis campaign through which only sought to justify the unprecedented violence of the repression but also. raids [on Trieste] caused about six hundred in Collotti et al. or in any other way. Dizionario della Resistenza. Fogar. bandits any pronouncement legitimate are to be hanged or shot. eye against anything success is to that end. German armies and the Allies. Apart from frequent massive British and US air raids59 and a few small-scale diversionary enemies who threatened the Nazi Italian partisans. did have an ideology. 'Trieste'. but between revolution and stability. ofWestern civilisation and revolutionary proponents strove to win the support of The Nazi government of the Adriatisches K?stenland the local people for a civil war not between communism and Nazism. which were comparatively well organised and equipped proved such a thorn in the side of the German in that General Kubier issued a harsh set of pronouncements army February 1944 if it were even suspected that they authorising reprisals against the civil population - - had given help to the partisans: This it is our enemies who it_We have decided have only one option. the only in the Adriatic region were Slav and government Slav ones.. an an a war a In for tooth for tooth!. in the K?stenland Italy never saw any conflict between the charge of Wehrmacht general Ludwig Kubier.Nazi Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland 447 more own of these peoples: 'all these forces are wisely held in check by the German hand. 60 II Litorale Adri?tico.'60 concealing up to the hilt to use terror terror. but against the entire civil community and to the Nazi propagandists all itsmost cherished social and cultural values.

if those who been averted heard about such criminal plans or tried to catch It is shamefully the perpetrators. In the midst someone who failed to stand apart there was no difference between and must attacks someone contribute could who actively supported them: reasonable these bandits. The victory of the Resistance the legitimacy of the German would The it be possible enemy revolutionary had sworn would a return to barbarism. is in both his material and his physical existence. private surveillance'.. from every had and the partisans man Some down the enemies did not collaborate the propagandists warned that anyone who would be considered as an enemy and treated as such. Every citizen contributing to live in peace. Deutsche Adria Zeitung 107 (30 April Sicherheit'. a poster immediately the German authorities have crimes have been could shown informing not have of numerous perpetrated acts of destruction without these horrifying bandits. [every] reasonable man. citation in the text is from the same article. always the Germans Any received did reprisals massive against partisans publicity. attack would be followed While every partisan inevitably by reprisals against civilians and prisoners. 1944). and the consequent appeared which read: Men and women you been of the Adriatic Coast! For several months reprisals. to destroy.. propaganda. 61 . wholeheartedly of a civil war. case take the harshest and most forcible just hit by of some short-sighted it does not happen because In future we the bullets. immediately have denounced them. by Bolshevik the consent of the population and the authorities zu den Selbstschutzverb?nden'. enjoying the fruits of his labours and his family life. been or they who that is burning down. these bandits and all their to believe their house in every measures against accomplices.63 When not hesitate ordinary warnings to use the direst of civilians accused and intimidation threats collaborating and most with proved terrifying the insufficient. to or wait help all right-thinking the fence as eternally of'conscious people passive to frustrate spectators' these bandits and begin which and reject those who that web sooner or of would later sit on to weave personal bring relationships. to the struggle against resolutely.448 this would Contemporary European History they succeeded.'61 No one could remain on chance: it was up to 'every citizen. The previous 62 zur Wahrung an die Bev?lkerung Ein Appell der Ruhe und 'Terroristen. just outside Trieste. Idealisten. werden! Deutsche 'Jeder Terror wird gebrochen Stellungnahme Deutsche Adria Zeitung soldiers near (8 April 1944). people to be shall to the limits of his strength. mean to maintain so high civic and ethical safeguards that the coast that each and every citizen along the Adriatic must take part in the struggle: 'itwould be unforgivably for the local short-sighted inhabitants to expect the Germans to protect their livelihoods and their future without themselves who wants threatened passive stakes were to this task with equal force and dedication. Ein Wort Deutsche Adria Zeitung 76 (29March 'Spaten und Gewehr.62 of justice and of liberty This call for collaboration was backed by clear and unequivocal threats of reprisals. 1944). After one partisan attack. 'Criminal plans' refers to a partisan attack on German Opicina. cowardly that these bandit attacks do not concern have them. only by accepting administration and collaborating with theWehrmacht the moral. 63 zu den Vorg?ngen in Opicina'. fatally subvert the whole value system of Western society. Attentisten.

from chaos. The population d'operazione the numbers Archivio delTlstituto per la Storia del Movimento di Liberazione nel Friuli - Venezia some of the local male population of partisan bandits. Criminals and ringleaders publicly hanged. explained the Deutsche Adria Zeitung. brothers We shall resume on you whether in the same way. who thinks Anyone exigencies to the defence he can take part in the great ideological of our country struggle without contributing a is deluding himself. all you hold most the happiness life. BUT WE our earlier mildness if the population helps now etc. have resolved not to defend close themselves to their hearts. and they are to be shot if any acts of violence must be informed of this. ARE THE STRONGEST. IX. in in German remain protection. 1996).64 This IFTHIS WARNING IS NOT HEEDED. It now depends be punished your fathers. of honest the property citizens and disrupt the even tenor of their lives. Solidarity with the Germans was presented not as an ideological choice sense.' Cited Litorale Adri?tico (Gorizia: Libreria Editrice Goriziana. custody police us to restore law and order. socialism actively. .Nazi the Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland 449 On for the vile assault on a 15 February 1944. Those who refuse to let themselves be slaughtered without and are fight. Rifembergo villages were the bandits. their country respect to plunder The but partisans Banditen Terroristen who would soldiers. Any and may you German future offences will sons. it was the only effective way of culture and tradition against the menace of Bolshevik revolution.. to be decided ad hoc. Tomasevizza. Fighting the partisans did not but as a civil and political one in the widest necessarily mean espousing national socialist politics. ? were Comeno bandits executed. defending Western For example. Nazi-organised defence groups or Selbstschutzverb?nde reasons but from the arisen not for ideological of self-defence. 65 'Wherever there is a substantial busta to be arrested. Piccolo. Britovac. your can do something to save the peasant to yield from having family! to the 64 Regionale Giulia. If soldiers are attacked the village whence the shots were fired are to be in R. 150 some in Dol and and houses of Comeno. however brutal. need Those who or any other to deliver not chose fear being labelled with to join a self-defence any sort of 'ism' that is are not swearing group their own party. sheltering they was evacuated return as soon as calm is restored and their ideas have been adjusted. your property. Zona is to be burned. no. and denounce them to the German authorities ensure this that was the for you the safety only course for anyone and anxious to defend his own property and of his nearest dearest: of your his crops is a fight City-dwellers. orientation.. WE practice of publicising reprisals.65 propaganda possible irrespective of social status. fight against them by joining one of the Selbstschutzverb?nde. 66. ethnicity or nationality. 618. the population have been razed to the ground because Scherbina. as punishment right path to follow... Kaltenegger. or are restored to you. regular ? common out criminals the civilian population. To oppose their spread. is presence occur. dear. but was normalised and extended to the whole was of Nazi-occupied aimed at the widest Italy by order of General swathe of the Albert Kesserling Nazi anti-partisan on 1 July 1944. and even political population.. doc. SHALLHIT BACK THREE TIMES HARDER. the party of truly to national allegiance fellow-citizens united were and in their will not but choosing ideology. The Italian column between and Rifembergo. was entirely typical of Nazi deterrent propaganda the Deutsche Adria Zeitung published gruesome accounts and photographs of German vengeance remained unofficial for some time.

Fogar. Ein Wort zu den Selbstschutzverb?nden'. (November 1943). the and those who chose a heavy to directly themselves occupiers. Italian collaboration How in the Adriatisches K?stenland did the Italian population respond to the Nazis' can be gained from the conduct and motivation of strategies? An idea legitimising the men who the Nazis. part of operations zone to set up a the local prefect. 'Trieste see G. who the took two operations the German zones side were could in many say that the German-occupied ways exceptional. like the vast majority of the upper middle 66 1944) 67 the podesta was Cesare of Venezia Giulia. the as defenders community. Peasants. 33-7. Deutsche in Ganapini. After office under the Nazis. the Germans commissioned Alpenvorland. 1943-1945: Qualestoria (1998). Adria Zeitung La Repubblica 76 (29March delle camicie // trentino 16-17 in Trieste Vinci. backed up by a propaganda campaign explaining that itwas 'a in the service of law and order and local well-being' which would win the support of 'allwho love their country and want it to come through these times without sinking into disorder'. incurring burden a of responsibility because they claimed to be representing the whole Italian in in but fact became however and however subordinate part.67 By promoting such volunteer groups. . their collaboration sovereign power was collaborate unmediated put was state. of the suborned local the Italian authorities its traditions to legitimise and values. 91-108. e guardia civica'. those who keep God and non-nationalistic apparently non-political appeal to defend local values and was not to Nazis it featured traditions the of the Adriatisches K?stenland: peculiar regularly in both operations zones. quoted nere. Qualestoria collaborazionista 'Capitalismo il problema del collaborazionismo'. 'Spaten und Gewehr.68 held Itmust the most areas In other important local government positions in Trieste under there was collaboration be pointed out that while throughout of northern areas. Pagnini. In the province of Trento. M. your consciences are not the bread helps in your own mouths help themselves!66 and ensure that society can enjoy the fruits of your labours. 359. This militia 'security corps'. the Germans apparently played not only the leading part by making additional forces to use personal against appeals for the partisans procured but also. But 'filtered' through the RSI. And workers. Bertolini. notionally an independent Italian in the Adriatisches K?stenland German and the Alpenvorland by any Italian governmental at the service of authority.450 bandits cows instead Contemporary European History to ensure that your of bringing them in to market. 'Per l'ordine'. formerly president of the Italo-German Association of people who held public the war. those Italy. in whose constitution the Italian authorities recruits. 68 On collaboraton (1976). you can do something now about with your hands slaughtered by the bandits. A. In Trieste of the Nazi the administrative important machine. community indirectly capacity. You young men who lounge can do something to prevent in your pockets the door clanging shut on your future. and more Germans' role importantly. offices were conferred on prominent members two most class: the prefect was Bruno Cociani. to tell you that you must raise your should industrious hands. now and always.

Trieste durante l'occupazione tedesca (Trieste. 343. the movement incorporate the majority and Venezia the region's Giulia Italian itself. Fogar. and they But their communist national of Trieste's saw this as the business force that with the the only pretence pact authorities defending anti-Slav Nazis. but students of collaboration in the city have pointed out that their strategy had little success and was certainly not the only motive for collaboration. La crisifinale nel Litorale Adri?tico 1944-1943 (Udine: Del Bianco. 1961). Confine orientale. proved substantially counterproductive. Sotto l'occupazione nazista neue province orientali (Udine: Del 71 II litorale Adri?tico. it also to communist-led threatened Slav communist socio-political constituted of a clear nationalist had expressed challenge: an intention as far back to as November 1943 the leader Slav areas. re-establishing themselves of Nazi-dominated Europe. 70 See T. M.Nazi Propaganda in theAdriatisches K?stenland 451 they both claimed that they had agreed to collaborate in order to 'mitigate the rigour of the occupation and oppose Nazi policies'. some of Trieste's leading businessmen and financiers chose Nationalism collaboration in the longer in the hope term. values. Pacor. giving the impression that the local Italian population was radically.69 or to ease the grip of repression and safeguard economic interests under threat from the Nazis. scored and the region's successes: its greatest can be seen as the common to power denominators of Nazi ensure the collaboration of local groups (particularly ship-builders. indeed violently. of the as an absolute imperative resistance order. G. and propaganda evoking that Rainers the will had promised defence against legitimising they would the partisan strategy do. 62-3. 1964). 1959). quoted in Ganapini.71 acknowledge a more to imagine against class and national B. 1962). Questione nazionale e resistenza nel Friuli Venezia Giulia (Milan.. Bianco. Sala. Coceani. demagogy administrators. threat. to adapt to the new conditions insurance in the agents and forwarding agents) who were willing ? ? a own corner in of and their of future the south-eastern the securing hope leading position Of course there were serious conflicts of interest and of course the German take-over greater Reich. La Repubblica d?lie camicie nere. whom partisans. with preferred combating were to the the approval of the great majority support Slav and the Germans. nationalistic and negating attempts by the Italian resistance to forge a national identity based on the defence of the political liberties destroyed by the 'border' Fascists. and this would was not a to avoid Communists. 69 . Collotti. apart. of of reaping huge short-term at profits from Nazi the centre orders and. What principally inspired the 'institutional collaborators' of Trieste resist not and the only its region was rather Yugoslav a revolutionary the desire liberation overthrow presented movement. traditional Coceani community.70 To defend politico-social orientation. Such may indeed have been the intentions of Trieste's prefect and podesta. capable Italian of and Pagnini. but each and and every conflict was suppressed potential interest of defence the common perfect fusion between by the determination the Slavs and interests. But commercial social as German it was when ambitions.. one painless overt clashes It is hard . into a resurgent Yugoslav character and preserve its state after the war.

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