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The 1896-97 Southern Rhodesian War Reconsidered. H. Bhila The debate about the Shona war of resistance against colonial rule continues to gather momentum. in 1896.7 There are three dim.ensions, possibly four to it. First at the level of organisation, Terence Ranger argues that the co-ordination of the war was achieved through a 'millenarian religious leadership,l had much to them;2 but David Beach claims less e:xtenaiveareas Julian Coobing ficancant influence that majot' Shona spirit mediums than Ranger ascribed ot influence has denied that the Mwari cult played any signiat aU or that itexe:t'eised any The thi:t'ddimension of. the debate that 'Ranger role in the risings ove:t'the Ndebele.3 is MadZi.wanyika Tl;;omondo contends blunders by eXClusively associating Shona resistance with the collective liberation wa:t'et1896~7,.4 rre cogently argues that the ShOna had never acceptedco1onial rule and that the war 'revolt'er re-bellion' because aubm:itt~dtoaiien rule. HI .5 int~od't1ction of cOlonial to the fOUrth aspect of individual In this War as in similar the Maji-Maji rulers curious in ~anzania, either remained to establish neutral motives resistance and Bambata paramounticies. movements, notably some African have been in Zululand.6 historians or collaborated with the aliens. In each case both contemporary the Manyika kingdom did not participate. tiOns have been advanced, beCause his Old rival first that :Basically Mutasa stayed Makoni, ruler secondly court two explanaout of the war of the Maungwe that the arrest in and neighbour, kingdom in the west had joined ora uim.8 POt'tuguese pat'ty the war,? in 1890atMutasa's inspired fear !Both views miss the point. is that sOllieAfrican What has not been appreciated potentates, notably 'an Mtoko of extreme by historians Budyaand degree Mutasa of Manyika had already experienced of social,pol,itical,military resisting and economic dislocation}9. colonial mora.llyo,r rule since 1890 and by to prosecute for mine- !Fuey had been actively 1896 were not in, a. larger .war'. ralcconce.ssions r 'position. materially Tn the of. the Manyika the scramble between the Mo~a.mbiqueand British in the king's council South Africa. and in the the elimi-' ct'eated'dies.ension process' undermined his nation . Company rHSA Oo.),the assumed a new. inte.nsity authority and prestige. by the British for After ottheMozambiq.ueCompany ecramble South Africa concessions Syndicate - a land and mineral Portuguese in this between the African and the BSACQ.' from 1890 to mini-scramble Tendai Mutasa's ible. !Fhe history to the last quarter for mineral 1894. It is context concessionsa.nd ia.nd in Manyika - that non-participation in the war becomes intellig- of. the mini-scramble of the nineteenth with the east, century. their century. for Hanyika dates The Portuguese east back century. north had had trading Zimbabwe since establish the turn of the contacts and west of to reregions at the' sixteenth after seventeenth They were trying from these themselves expulsion men the Portuguese commercial tical control over partiCUlar, its co1.onel Joaquim Carlos Souza o Paiva de Andrada and Manuel An'timi.o,nt cloeely associated with attemJ?t to rGsu.sci tate as intrDducing Portuguese polito Portuguese Andrada was a 'businessman African states.ll As a result, he was in a position to grab land, give bogus protection treaties and sometimes marry into African royal families in order to claim the right to succeed the ruling king. Because 'of these activities, the Portuguese. government decided to exploit his influence and multiple contacts with African rulers in the region, especially in the kingdom of Manyika, which he claimed as his because he had helped the ruling.king to acceed to the throne. In return for his services, the Portuguese government undertook to educate his sons in Lisbon and gave him an honorific title and a sinecurial position. The 1880s and early l890s are replete with the preda12 tory exploits of Andrada and de Souza, backed, of course, by the Portuguese government. As a result, that government put up claims to large parts of Zimbabwe. These claims were contested by the British g01l'ernment which was also interested in colonizing the area. The British government sought to realize its ambitions by supporting an ad1l'enturer.Cecil John Rhodes, who formed the BSA Coo, for the purpose. The scramble for Manyika between the British government and the BS! Co on the one hand and the Mozambique Company of Andrada. and de Souza and the Portuguese government on the other, resulted in the partition of the kingdom of Manyika in 1890. Andrada obtained a concession to form a company in 1878.13 de la Campagne Generale du Zambeze. The following year he brought out a company in Paris called La SocH~t~. des Foundateurs The cpmpany was liquidated in 1'88:; and Andrade formed two companies,. the-East African Company, which was never floated, and the and soon went into fOllowing year when he of :;0 000 mUreis met with extraordinary difficulties because. of wars which a half caste family known as da Cruz, had been waging against the Portuguese in the Zambezi since 1856. The concession expired and Andrada who was in Portugal was unable to obtain an extension of the time allowed or fresh capital .. After considerable negotiations, he started another comp.!:\TIY called the M021ambique Comp,my, wi th a capital of was legally constituted by a decree of 20th December, 1888. The generous terms of this its agents concession en- a1>ledthe companyto establish regions of the kingdom. notably Valleys. in the goldferous Rebvuweand Baizi the ~lutari, The companyhad stores carried on a system of trading spread allover within the country basin and of the hydrographic the rivers river. Buzi and Arua~gwaand the country It is also said that it had stores above the Save at Mutasa's court. 14 The headquarters of the companywas in Lisbon and was purely amount of French money was Portuguese although a considerable involved. It was represented at Masekesa in 14anyika by Baron no treaty existed. bet- de Rezende. As far as one can ascertain ween the African rulers in the area and the company. and it population treated it with indifference. who It for would seem that the local The companyemployed a number of Africans were armed, and evidently acted as soldiers from the east coast ~nd bodyguards.15 prospect would seem, however, that.the gold on any significant it had reserved scale company did not itself apart from the RebvuweValley which believed that there was for itself bec;B.use it It plenty tor. of good quality gold there. employed a French prospecvalley. 101., d'Llambly, to carry out surveys in this 16 How- ever, the companyissued mining licences and complies with certain Shillings rulesu .17 to anyone "whOapplies The miners had to pay ten per annum and most of them, a twenty pe!'cent royalty. varied in ex:tent but it would appear that the The concessions oondi tionswere alike .. were seoveral parties of miners at work on allu- vial deposits 0 in the valleys these parties rich spot on preliminary large the Chua, Chilllezi, and Nyahombwe wClrl<:itlLg in the Chimez'i several works the large nuggets. ri verso found a One While settling start would enable them too spent part of thei!' scale. washing and 'although washing helped property ownerS notably in the most talked of' Braganza in the'Ohimed Valley. Such was the and R:Lchm.Qndproperties excitement abQut the EldQradQ in Hanyika that 'news-to-hand from Paris shQWS that the attentiQnQf the financiers ia directed.towards thegQ1dminers Qf Macequece, until now regarded rather indifferently in EUrQpe,.19 Already the gold properties registered in Manyika had exceeded 6 000 claima, 656 beingaUuvial and 5 344 reef, an.d 'many prOspectors. explQ.ring the country in apite of the high grasa their Work uneaay ••:20 However, gold was not the only item that enticed monQpoly capitalists to Manyika. There were large foresta of India rubber in the territory occupied by the Mo~ambique rubber trees had been cultivated salt and limbo. implications 21 Company. The forests extended from the coaat to 700 metrea altitude. Africans who traded the produce with the Indian merchants These gold prospecting held its authority Mozambique ingabout to prospect activities These for for a long time in the past by had aerious political Company The Complain- for the king of Manyika. The Mo~ambique government. ignored Mutasa. for gold not from the k:Lng of Manyika, Mutasa, but from the Portuguese Company and other companies the activities of the COmpanies and their encroachment upon his authority, Mutasa was reported by officials of the Brit:Lsh South Africa Company to have said 'They are there and 1 don't interfere. I don' tknow the n!.llnber .. 1 have never given anyone a concession. ! am. getting nothing. I ams.ittingwatch'" . ,22 .. It Wo~ld seem that the king had also lost authority over certain portions of his kingdom .. 1f the reports of the BSA Go., offici<'.lscan be relied. 'Q.pOn, ,there were then new territories 'under men indunas of Manic<'.who have rebelled, accO;t;'ding t9 ~~ta$.a~,,,;Uhth.ecovert $.upport and encouragement of 23 tlie.Portuguese' .• Regarding his borders Mutasa was reported to have said, 'I have been pressed on all sides by the assegai,.24 His neighbours, encouraged Ganda of Uteve,. Chirara of Zimunya and Makoni of on good term.s with the Portuguese to Mutaisa.. The Portuguese who thOUght them Maungwe were apparently them to be hostile that if Mutli.sawere isolatep. fromhisneighbo'U:t'sand from his SUbjects, he would co'ncede wi thout muoh re'si.S1:;arlc~l'. el;!t,ranged strongly ba,cked by the Portuguese claims to these rights' government, auriferous the of MozambiqueCompanybased its Hanyika on what it It called the parts' 'ancient of the Portuguese. making the should be noted that the Portuguese parts government was also claims at this flamebasis. their traders time to large of the Shona country'on claims The Portuguese and adventurers century based their on the g:vounds that region posts during known as had penetrated and introduced this trading the early ~' sixteenth feiras in the seventeenth The prospecting and eighteenth activities centuries.25 of the Mozambique Company to destroy the independA monopol(APS) was were 'not the only ones which threatened ence and territorial ist integrity of the Manyika kingdom. Portuguese Syndicate company known as the African also making.a bid to obtain mineral of Manyika. say the least. cession '1'he origins and validity concessions froni King Mutasa to of the APS are confused 26 It would seem that the APS claimed to be a conagreement between Mutasa Perry and Thomas a concession. company as a result of a verbal and four men, George Wise, Edward Ross, Rebert Madden, who had come from Johannesburg to negotiate These men had heard rumours from a f.1anyika and a Ndau, probably. migrant labourers Manyika. on the Rand, that that there was abundant gold in The stOl'Y is both the Manyika and the Ndau guided royal court. George Wise and his team as far as the king's 'with the aid of a Zulu interpreter, du.cted n~gotiations for a mineral concession in 'what is known about the history conces,sion itself cpme$ from the of these George i'iise con- 1888. Much of and the negotiations recollections of George Wise; record,ed 'six years a.fter that,\tJ'ise,and his the event. 1t emerges from the aCCou.nt by Grice 'and Lawley; to Secure a mineral and Lawley fitted their for conthe colleagues Were sent whomWise was working in Johannesburg; cession from the ruler ofl-lanyika. Gdce team of negotiators They lost w:ith a waggon and oxen for transport. a tsetse- some-of their cattle when they passed through fly iiJ.:festeiI area and were force,d to stOp at a spot aPout eight Fri)m there they picked u,p strongAfi;~r a law withwh~mWi:se proce,ededtp Mutasa's daysaW/3,y;:f£om Ullt~sals.royalcGttrt~ Zulu interpreter hold, ::leaving the rest of the party wIth -the waggon. Wise returned days at Mutasa t s .stronghold, panied by some of Mutasa's to the waggon ae~om" O'f blankets . men,to C$.rry the presents and suridrya;rticles ~~ whiCh vlise and his team had bt'o~ght from GI;l.p-e 144 Wise reported to,his frie'nds that he had seen Mutase. who confirmed that there was much ,gold in\his kingdom and that Mutasa had given three or four small parcels of gold which weighed all. ounce altogether. He also reported that Mutasa was willing to grant them a mineral concession. The team decided that George Wise and Thomas Madden should go to Mutasa to secure a written concession to mineral rights that Mutasa had promised Wise. The tW9 men together with the king's carriers proceeded to Mutasa's court. On their arrival Wise and Madden interviewed the king who, it is alleged, professed his liki~g for the English and hatred of the Portuguese. The king then sent'his men down to the Rebvuwe valley to show Wise and Madden where gold was plentiful'. After a thorough survey of the Rebvuwe Valley; they chose the ground they wanted and went back to Mutasa's court to finalise the deal. With the help of the Zulu interpreter, Wise wrote out subsequently approved and signed. the terms of the mineral concession which Mutasa and his heir apparent, Chimbadzwa, When this had been done, both Wise and Madden returned to where they had left the waggon, only to find their companion Ross, dead, mauled by a lion, the driver of the waggon suffering from fever and the cattle all dead. They immediately decided to return to Johannesbu.rg and leave the waggon where it was. As soon as they arrived in Johannesburg, Wise looked for theconces~ sion so that he could hand it over to Lawley. it. He could not find He m/ a verbal report of the concession and Lawley asked him to write it out of memory. In May 1889~,Wise and Madden went to Na'tal where they met Lloyd and Benningfield .. The latter was connected by marriage interests the AfriCan Portuguese Syndicate. Af'E'er a ,discussion of their experiences, in Manyika, it was decided tna;t Wil:;e" Madden l'lnd 'Benningfie1d shoulli go to see Mutasa and renegotiate the concession. They left for Manyika and, on reaching On the third of Inya~bane in southern Mozambique, hired eighty five men to Carry the l~ggage they hali brought' from Durban. him for the s.econd t:ime. Unfortunately gues, they found their concession had been 145" November, 1889 they arr:ived at l-l'utasa's stronghold and interviewed fo,r"Wise and his colleaPortuguese prosthat the ground they had previously chosen for peetors. An attem!lt to .get the Portuguese out failed. site, Mutasa wide then deci,ded to give them an alternative on each side of the river Mutari, from its In all four miles source down to its covered son, confluence with the Odzi river. 240 sQl1are miles. including the concession As in the previous case Mutasa and hts a number elf promineut councillors and Wise, Madden and the concessionaires Benningfield signed it • .In exchange for this, of 200 b1ankets. activities .agreed to pay Mutasa an annuity The gold prospecting ted to nO .. of" the syndicate pegs here did not amounand there. seem to 27 more than mounting signs and driving Indeed .this might have been the reason have been any friction Nor did thE) prospecting worth, worry Mutasa. This situation relations arrival did not last why there between the APS and the Mozambique Company. activities of the APS, for what they were long, however, before by the the between the APS and Mutasa were complicated of the BaA Co., in Mashonaland in 1890. fought and militarily only in 1894. defeated In that year, the BaACo. first it the Mozambique Co~y battle in which and then turned to the APS and fought a long legal emerged victorions The commercial interests collision was inevitable'. 28 If of the Mozambique Companyand sooner or later wet'e to exploit ful~, a the the BSACo., to the those of the BaA Co., were 'so mixed up that mineral resources tial of the Shona country it was essen- 'that it should gain control then contro~led of the only outlet by to the sea, the pot't of ~eira. Mozambique Company. which Was the main wate;!;' Also, as long as the Pungwe River route, way to and from Beira remained unde:!:'the control Company, there could no prospect ()f the Mozambique otthe!:'1Jia t.i 11'eroute ot a e"plqita.tion .great expense . minel'al .weal th of MasA-onala.nd BSA no:rth,wards from Gape 'rownwould havfl entailed de;I.ay.29 SUChconsidE;!rations compelled the :BSA Co., to impose a 30 September, 1890. The treaty pro" These developmentagoaded taking steps that were deaigned pudiate 'gun boat diplomacy' theMozambiqu.eComp to put preaSUreon Company •.n.y into to re.. Muta~ the treaty impOsedo:tl. him by the aSA Co. the Mozambique In a' t,pical sent a militaryexpe dition to Mutasa'sclturt on 8th November, 1890 under the pretext that Mutasa hl;l.d ceded his entire kingdom tOll, PortuguelO.e prazero, Gouveia. As soon as the BSA Co., heard about this they also sent court. They tOoK the Portugu~se a party Of armed men to Mutasa'S party by surprise, dispersed it and arrested its leaders including Gouveia, the Baron 'Rezende who was the managing director of the Mozambique Company and Paiva de 4ndrada, the concessionaire. The property of the Mozambique Company was confiacated without compensation.3l This incident marked the end of the Mozambique Company kingdom river. in what later became the BSA Co. section of the Manyika in 1890. The Hozambique Company administered vast terriThe BSA Company was left to fight its second opponent, Syndicate. that the BSA Co. was treapassingon The APS contended tories of what was called Manica and Sorala south of the Zambezi the African Portuguese its concession not only without King Mutaaa'a permission but against his wishes and in spite of his protests; that the BSACo. was acting in a high-handed and hia subjects, to retire the BritiSh from the land. government and oppressive manner towards Mutasa who desired that the BSA Co. might be ordered The APS also wanted the BSA Co. and to recognise the concession treaty they had b.ought from Bennin.gfield in 1889.32 On the other hand, the British government and the BSA Co. arg-ued that the cance.j3sion treaty whiCh the APS sought to esta.blishwas.undated as.waj3thetransrerendorsed upon it from Be,nningfieldtothe APe; thattheeorreSpOfiJ.ience between the AP6 '.andthe British goV" tlecem'ber1890 did not bear the signatttreofan interpreter. It was aJ,.so pointed out that until the Mutasa petition of 1893. the APS had made no attempt to asign a date to the Concession to remedy the deficiency in 1893. ln the absence British government and that the APe was attempting extorted from Mutasa the eVidence, by a declaration of any corroborative to given the lliltt~r to enli!lta tor burgher force and at the same time issued of the APS, his action the arrest of the representative later justi,fi,ed 'W.H •. 1'aylor .• Th~magistrate grounds that it was n.ecessary u:pl>nhis He had to insiat don.ewowo'Qldhave on the to beabsolut~ly firm with Chikanga. nQt to have Thie l>rdersbeing obeyed because been known to many hundreds by them as a sign haveendag~red of Manyika. \IIQUldhaV'ebeen construed of weakness and fear. th~ lives white and property in the In the long rul'l., this\lll>uld Of the sa~tl 4istrict. The. magistrate, armed with revolvers, p~pose commul'l.ityof some one hundred settlers accompanied by his to the royal burgher residence police for men the proceeded of compellin.g Chikanga to supply was met at the entrance who was also to the the required royal labour. by The party reaidence Fambesa, her husband, manded their business, Mutasa'.s induna. When he deord~red his fled the magistrate immediately arrest •. Falllbesa lIlanaged to struggle to the royal l'esidence •. ~eanwhile, to the local As a r~Bult away and much alarmed, a considerable number of goatS. by order and sheep belonging of the magistrate. attempted arrest peopl~ had been si~zed of this action as well as the of' Fambesa. considerable excitement prevailed to stop Fambesa and to my house among the Manyika, and one of the poli<:e men attempting Fambesa after shortlY after his escl1ipe had his revolver taken from him. rifle re-appeared ait'med with a. Martin-Henry he refused to allow ammunition in a bandolier; approach his to, /See my wife a lot' the polic~ into wife because he .did not want to 'take armed menl. demanded. Acoord- ing police tely and happeIied revolver from one of the What immedia- the dence. One thing is certain. Immediately after Fort went for- ward with a revolver in his hand, a volley was fired by. the police and Fambesa fell mortally wounded,dying almost immedia~ly. The BSA Co., with its labour demands and intervention in Manyika politics alienated the rulers and pushed them into the hands 01: the APS. The incident of Fambesa, deplorable in itself, indicated in a special degree the evils caused by concession seeking, a system by which the live.s and property of the indigenes were sacrificed to the pecuniary greed 'of monopolist companies. trator and high commission, pointed out that:if Her Majesty's-government is to continue the policy of recognizing rival concession seekers, then we mUst contiriue to look forward to a repetition of similar proceedings until-there are no more concessions to be obtained ••••45 The 'Chikanga Affair' was intricately linked with the case of the Taylor brotl1ers.Fambesa l-fanyikawere the Taylor brothers. thers were arrested in February openly told the magistrate As a result bf this both brothat the aniy aliens he recognized as having permission to be in Commenting on the 'Chikanga Affair', W. G. Cameron, general adminis- 1894 on three indictmentst on two of which they were a.cquitted but convicted on the third to the effect that:both Taylors at divers times ano with various acts and words endeavoured to bring and did bring the government of the territory of J.1ashonalandinto hatred and.contempt and did excite and did raise discontent aIllong Her territory; 'between whereby the endangered ••• 46 sureties for any communication .£100 each and The net the to guarantee' that they would not approach Mutasa1s court or hold with him or his indunas for one year. result of this injuction was tbat the agents of t~leAPS were denied aCcess to Mutasa's court, thus practiCally preventing syndicate from paying its annual tribute to king. 15;3 The arrest of the Taylor brothers relations with Mutasa. for Mutasa's was a turning The magistrate sudden reversal to cordiality. point in of The I'll the syndicate's Umtali advanced four reasons policy arrest towards the BSACo., from hostility of the Taylors, according to him removed the doubt in the own powers. They also realized, minds of the Manyika as to their it was contended, the 'hollowness of the African Portuguese power of Syndicate's pretensions and recognized the undisputed the lISACo~' SecondlY the glamour of presen1;s which the Syndicate time been forgotten; Mutasa's 'passion to see had sent in 1893 had by this for presents was reviving and he turned to the BSACo. again if anything was to be had from thel1l'. This interpretation It only shows that of Mutasa's action misses the point. the magistrate It never understood Mutasa throughmade Mutasa the out his dealings with him. was not the gifts It that side with the APSor the BSACo. territorial intergrity of his was the need to preserve which guided his kingdom intact course of action. presents He turned to the BSACo•• not because he wanted the shooting of Fambesa, he knew that as but because after the end had come and he might as well make his peace as quickly possible. He realized that not only was the power of the syndiI,tilliam Taylor, had already cate broken, but its left representative, the country while Herbert Taylor had resigned about to leave his appointment too. under ~he syndicate and 'Wasshortly the country The attitude of Mutasa when he. met the magistrate pa:rt of the hj.story it at the of his end aT May 1891+,forms such an integral relationship to relate With great it to the BSACo., and the APS that as it emerges from the acting seems pertinent account. (If Taylor, magistrate's reluctance and only at the urgent. persuasion did the king consent to. crass Fort and others to the effect could the Odzi ri1l'er in the west to where Almost his first words were they we:re waiting for him. he was.a friend of the BSACo., and that his kingddm for gold. He then expressed his willingfollowers, enjoined them any complaints ness to pay hut-tax huts. The regime, Mutasa was presented with a set oonditions and statements to endorse. Nothing so'far had happened to Change into friendship the sullenoppoaition of the :SSA Go. in 1893. Mutasa1s f:inal surrender to the BSA Co. had $er10U6 repercussions Chimbadzwa. for the subsequent devel:opment of Manyika politics. his son, Chimbadzwa\'s support of the AI'Swas matched by his aygettingMutasato SUPPort its oause, It oonstituted a parting of the ways between Mutasaand hatred for the BSA Go. he e~1bited to the officials of the :aSA Go. had put a wedge between father and son. The dissension within the royal family whioh resulted from this episode offered the BSA Co. an excellent opportunity to drive father and son eVen further apart. The BSA Co. did not want Ghimbadzwa to sucoeed his father to the throne 'because when Ghilllbadzwa comes into power he will endeavour to OaUse trouble and misohief and is evidently endeavouring to ooncentrate his views through his father,.47 The BSA Co. made sure Mutasa followed their line. obviously had no alternative. He It is not olear how the BSA Co., aohieved its goal but what i$ olear is that, from then onwards, Mutasa began to groom another son, Chiobvu, for the throne. Chiobvu was a staunoh supporter of the BSA Co.'s pretensions. It is likely that this difference explains more than anything else, Chimbadzwa's and Chiobvu's 1895 disputes over the right to sucoeed their father to the throne.48 1 t As far as Manyika customary law of suooession was concerned, Chimbad?wa was the heir ,apparent. would" seem that Mutasa flurrendered to the BSA Co •• he with Chimbadzwa, as e1.'ente leading to Chimbadzwa's and 'Natal in 1893 indicated. AOQording to the portion' king's subjeots born after Mutasa, had the ch~ldren born before Manyika kingship. In a quarrel that ensued between the two, Chimbadzwa oapt_ured a large number of oattle belonging to Chiobvu. The event oame ,to the notice of the native commissioner who ordered the trial of Chimbadzwa. called upon He was found guilty and ordered to return He was alsQ was the fireJarlnS in possession" ill; all the cattle he had forcibly taken from Chiobvu. surrender the number of fifty. He wa.simprisoned and angry with him that in spite he refused to intercede on behalf of his son of the pleading of' Chimbadzwa's mother. sentence Chimbadzwa picked yet which also medium, ,and invol- After having served his anqther qUa~rel with his ved his ,sisters, father.: This incident Muredzwa, the Manyika spirit Chikanga, co.incided with the outbreak resistance. chief wife, The quarrel originated of the 1896-7 Shona war of that Mutasa's died. from the fact Chikahanwa, mother to Chimbadzwahad recently two sisters accused one 'of Mutasa's Chimbadzwaand his wives, mother to Chiobvu, of having bewitched and caused the death of their mother. They demanded that The king refused Mutasa should either banish or that 500 execute her. in December, people left north. to do either, with the result including 1896, Chimbadzwaand his two sisters, Manyika for the neighbouring a year later. kingdom of Barwe in the They only returned It can thus be seen that influenced There is the rivalry Mutasa's between the BSACo. in and the APS indirectly tIle 1896-7 uprising. assertion the issue truth,. non-participation some validity with his in Terence Ranger's that Mutasa quarrelled of participation son, Chimbadzwa. over is not the whole than that: in the war, but this The issues involved were far more complicated back into the rivalry they went deeper and further ri val mono:po1ist companies.• of the two that Mutase. There was a possibility .might iu~ve joined the other Shona ru1ers his influence had Chi.mbadzi,Ja not lost W'i th the king and. had the Manyika not been divided crucial time .• betW'een ESP.Co. and more clearly and feUding e.mong themselve.s at this From the early days of the 'rivalry to have seen the future both father and son W'anted their. of the second the heir The rise $u~gest$ that on policy, since the old king himThe fact a:pparent the second son. the heir of the heir a1'1'ato natural disaster in the forJllo o! raging famine eXacerbated the situation. It was reckoned that a.!ter the famine in 1896 the entire kingdom had less than 200 heado! cattle and that the. number of sheep and goats had been greatlY redUCed, many having been killed or traded .away tor g.rain on account of the famine. Commenting on why Mutase. didnthus be seen that the weakened economic state his kingdolll,,%pnsequentupon famines, as well as the dissension amonghis.subJect$ resulting from the rivalry between the BSA of Co. and the AI'S made it impossible for Mutasa to raise j.o:t:n'his fel:Low ... menin the war of liberation. i;ion and non-collaboration the state concerned. failed. to participate in resistance an army and This study demonsof of tl::'ates howimportant it is to approach tl1.e question of collaborato the imposition colonial rule from the point of view of the internal in wars of l'esistance lexicon, politics It was not in every case that African rulers because they Were, to stoogeS. U.Se Ii woirdout. ofourcontelllporary F 0 0 T NOT E S lRanger, T. 0., Revolt in Southern Rhode~ia (London, Heine.mann, Paperback edition ,1979) x.... xii 2Beach, D. N., "Chimurenga" The Shona lHping of 1896"97.' Journal of African Histor1 (JAH:),20,; (1979) 395.. 420 3cobbing,Julian flTheAbrentPriepthood: AMtherLook Risingp of 1896,,1897" J!lH:, XVItI,I(1977) 64.. 84 at the 4Tsomondo, Madziwanyika, !'ShonaReaction and Resistance to the European Colonization of Zimbabwe", Journal of Southern African Affairs, II, (1977) 15 6Maji-maji Research Project: Collected Papers. Dar es Saalam, University College, Department of History, (1968) 8. For the so-called Bam'bata rebellion see Marks, Shula,Re1uctant Rebellion: The 1901-1908 Disturbance~ in Natal (Oxford, OUP, 1970) 7Ranger, T. 0., Revolt in Southern Rhodesia, 197 8Hole, High MarShall, The Making of Rhode.sia (London, .Frank Oass, 19(7) 171 l\taugham, R • .F., Zambezia: A General Descri of the Zambezi from with its Histor, ic .London, John. Murray, 19 159 12A.ndrada,IIReJ:a.tioriol• ~aS~illl;'<'l\rchivo Historico Ultralllarino .. A.llU Lisbon) 1 Reparticao, pasta 2: Instructions for the new governor of Manicaop.cit.; IICon6u1 O'neill to Marquis of Salisb\U'1.Koza!llbiqlle $O•. vi;i.i 1888n in Confidential Print 5904•. A.fricaSOl,lthN'o •••2: Correspondence Respecting the. AQtion of rro'la~gal in. Kashonaland and in the Districts of the Shire in ;take N:fl;ltl. (1890) 76,.. Q 13"Petrie to the Marquis of Salisbury, 1. viii 1889" .in Confidential Print 5904 Africa South, NO.2. opocit. 14National Affairs: Archives of Rhodesia (NAR) CT/1/5 Mozambique Company's A.R. Colguhoum to Secretary BSACompany 30 xii 1890 '15Ibid• --.. .... ),6. MAR 1)1£8/5/3 Mministrato!'. Encloeu!'e .2 BS,! Co•• to Denis Doyle, 17 xi 1890. 17Ibid •. 18 The ,-.aniea Mining Journe.L (May 1900) .. 14J 19Ibid• 20Ibid• 21Ibia• LY f!+J Co., Mashonaland, to Denis Doyle, 22NAR D'1:8/5/; !\d,mini$trator13SA 1890 encl. i; Portuguese Co., Kimberley. i. 1891; Secretary, 27 ... NAR CT1/2/3 G. Seymour Fort, The Afriean Portuguese Syndicate's 'Claim in Manica: Memorandum to High Commissioner, ,0.'\1i,1894 28NAR CT/l/12/1 G. F.Thomas 29Ibid• to Rhodes. 22.vh1891 30NAR C'1'1/12/8Colguhoun to cecil John 19.LX.1890; NAR C'1'1/12/1Hugh Marshall ROle, Actingsecret$.ry, 'J3SACO., to Secretary, C,ape Town ..23.VlI .1892; NAR p'l'8/5/'Administrator toP. DoYle, l?XI.l890. Xn addi .. tion to the specified. items, Mutasa received rifles, ;powder caps, white calico, coloured. .ca.licoand what wl;lscalled uEuropean clothing" (c.oat.s,trousers, hats,shirts) a.nd ruglil ,1NAR cT1!fl/1/7-B currie, Foreign Office, ere) to:BSA Co., -yendon, 20.Vt.1891 NAR CT1/l1/1/? .. 8 J. R. Sanderson, Fa to BSA co., London '"W.viH.1891 32NAR CT1/2/3 The Petition of Mutasa, King of Manica, South East Africa to the Rt. Honourable Secretary of State for Colonies 3.i.1894; . NAR CT1/2/;Graham Vigne, Mallet (solicitors for APS) to R.E. -sir Loch, Cape Town. 3.xi.1894 33NA.R CT1/~(' Fa, Edward Fa.irfield to African Portuguese Syndicate ,: J. -a8'. iii .1894 ;4'NAllCT1/2/1G. F., TholllllstoOedl of the :BSA Co. 24.'\1i.1891 RhodlilS,ManagingD:tvectolt , 35:aenne1"haSlSei;t. Rose and Sheeman, Luoy.,Ad'Ven'P'U~e$. in.Ml!ts~ona;tAAd (New. York. Macmillan, 1893) 180 Cl;l,ldeQot1; to Administratol:' 9.5I;ii.189:; Pl:'O',testof the. agent. of .th.eAf1"ican.1?ortuguese lIet'pel'tJ.'J?aylol:' , to Civil Commis.siOnel',:aSA Co., .Acting Magistrate, Mining Commisaioner to Resident to 1/l?/8 Colquhoun to Rhodes, 19.xi.1890 1/2/; G. Seymour Fort to Captain Scott Turner 23.viii.1894 CT 1/2/"$ G.Seymour F01"t to High Commissioner, Cape Town .;O.'ITi.1894 39G• SeYlllO!lr Fort, llr~emorandumll, 0;l'.cit. 161 4()!bid. 411bid. 4ZC'f 1/Z/3 The Fetiti()nof Mutasa, King of Manica, South East Af1'iclil, to tb;e Rt. Ronourab1e Secretary of State for Colonies ,.i.1894 ' 43CT1I2/3 Fort. ,flMelllo):'andunr'.op.cit. 1/Z/30lilldeoott t~ Fort 14.i.1894 , Alsl;>,see Evi~enceo,f JilllTholllas, The Fingo interpreter who delivel'ed the message in hie evidence at the trial of the Taylors on 28 February, 1894. OT l/2/3 Fort to A. H. Duncan IX.1894 CT 1/2/2 lierbertTaY1l;>r t~ Civil Commissioner 9.i.1894. For a detailed accoun.tof the "Affair" see CT 1/2/3 Fort to Duncan 9.i.18c91j. tf.) aT <.5 1j.4, ' G. S. Fort's "memorandum" Print 879/42 'Cameron to 45public Record'Office; Confidential Marquis of Ripon. 9.xxii1894 46 Fort' 5 "Memorandum" t. 47NUA 1/1/1 Native (CMC>, Salisbury. Commissioner J. 11i. 1901 (Ne) to chief Native Commissioner 48 NUll. .Z/1/1 NC to ONC 21.xii 1896 N 1/1/11 NO to CNe 19.ix.1897 Historical Manuscripts Colleotion (Rist. MSS Collect.) MA 14/1/1. J. Machiwenyika "The History and Customs of the Manyika people" :Lesson 108 50~IUA 1/1/1 NO Umtal;i to CNe SaUsbury 1.iii.1901