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ISSN 1392-3358

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Vilniaus universiteto Filosofijos fakultetas, Sociologijos katedra Klaipėdos universiteto Socialinių mokslų fakultetas, Sociologijos katedra

© VU Sociologijos katedra, 2008 © KU Sociologijos katedra, 2008

“Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas” is indexed and abstracted in the following internationally recognized databases: – International Bibliography of Social Sciences; – Sociological Abstracts; – SocINDEX with Full Text; – International Political Science Abstracts. “Sociologija: Mintis ir veiksmas” is published twice a year. Spec. redaktorės: Auksė Balčytienė Kristina Juraitė Jolanta Reingardė Eina nuo 1997 metų. Nuo 2000 m. 2 kartus per metus. 2008 m. Nr. 3 (23) Žurnalo kryptis: s o c i o l o g i j a (Rankraščius recenzuoja redakcijos kolegija)

Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas

Vyriausiasis redaktorius Algimantas Valantiejus Rėmėjai:


CINEFOGO Network of Excellence

Paolo Mancini Auks ė B alč y tienė, Kr i stina Juraitė, Jolanta Reingardė Įžanga..................................................................................................5 Pratarmė.............................................................................................8

Vi ešųjų (naci ona linių) erdv ių europ ėjimas Hannu Nieminen Br idgette Wess el s B or i s Popivanov Ina D ag y tė, Aureliju s Zykas Socialinių tinklų Europa arba Europos viešoji erdvė. Požiūriai – keturi plius vienas . ............................ 10 Tiriant Europos viešųjų erdvių europėjimo ir pilietinės visuomenės santykį: dialoginės kultūros skatinimas taikant „tinkamo nuotolio“ koncepciją...................................................................... 28 Pilietiškumas ir pilietinis dalyvavimas šiuolaikinėje Bulgarijoje: [ne-]europiniai aspektai.................... 47 Šalies įženklinimas. Kokybiškai nauji pokyčiai šalies įvaizdžio politikoje............................................... 58

Europ os žini ask l ai d a ir žurna listi k a Auks ė B alč y tienė, Au šra Vinciūnienė Tuomo Mörä Mojca Pajnik Auks ė B alč y tienė, Kr i stina Juraitė, Jolanta Reingardė Europos politinės komunikacijos kultūra žvelgiant iš Briuselio. ........................................................ 71 Europos viešosios erdvės idealai ir ES žurnalistika................... 86 Žiniasklaidos utopija. Visuomenės kuriama žiniasklaida . ...... 99 Siekiant efektyvesnės europinės komunikacijos: tyrimų rezultatai ir žiniasklaidos politikos rekomendacijos. ............................................................................ 115

.. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23)..................... 28 Citizenship and Civic Activity in Contemporary Bulgaria: (Non-) European Dimensions.............. 115 4 ...................................................... 99 Towards a more Successful European Communication: Research Findings and Media Policy Recommendations. ........ Jolanta Reingardė Introduction.............................. 58 Europ e an Me di a and Journa lism Auks ė B alč y tienė... 47 Country Branding: Qualitatively New Shifts in Country Image Communication........................................................ 10 Exploring the Notion of the Europeanization of Public Spheres and Civil Society in Fostering a Culture of Dialogue Through the Concept of ‘Proper Distance’.... Kr i stina Juraitė.......................................Sociologija.............................. 86 The Utopia of Mass Media: Towards Public-generated Media........................................ 71 Ideals of European Public Sphere and EU Journalism..................... Au šra Vinciūnienė Tuomo Mörä Mojca Pajnik Auks ė B alč y tienė......5 Preface................................8 Europ e anizati on of (Nati ona l) Publi c Spheres Hannu Nieminen Br idgette Wess el s B or i s Popivanov Ina D ag y tė................................ Aureliju s Zykas Europe of Networks or the European Public Sphere? Four plus One Approaches... Jolanta Reingardė Political Communication Culture with a European Touch: A View from Brussels.................................... Kr i stina Juraitė............................................................................ ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Contents Paolo Mancini Auks ė B alč y tienė......

media scholars and philosophers. there is the perception that we are facing a dramatic change of a very practical and actual nature that will affect our lives and the lives of our children. There are several reasons for this increasing interest: first of all. Another reason for this growing interest in the European public sphere can be traced also to the policies of promoting the construction of a European identity. Within the idea and the reality of globalization. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). At the same time this change implies a shift in our cognitive and epistemological criteria. different ways of social interaction. The awareness of having become part of a world that up to then had been perceived as being inaccessible spread all around. customs and symbolic identities. have been born in terms of possible economic improvements. More recently. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Paolo Mancini Introduction The European public sphere seems to be a very appealing topic to political scientists. as Ulrich Beck has demonstrated (Beck 1997). also the idea of public sphere.Sociologija. therefore. Thanks to numerous initiatives and instruments. The overcoming of the idea of nationstate is very clear to most social scientists and this will imply different forms of aggregation. that many observers perceive in a very clear way. the recent special issue of the European Journal of Communication is further confirmation of the interest that academicians are devoting to this topic. A great curiosity has developed on the part of the newcomers. The processes of communication and. that are often exorbitant. the process of European construction is placed so that over a more or less long period of time the places. expectations. the ways of thinking will change. Besides all the books that have already been published. and different types of communities. the enlargement of the Union to many Eastern European countries has created new topics of discussion and new problems mainly relative to the integration of cultures that only a short time ago emerged from incomprehension if not explicit belligerence and competition. a 5 . according to many. the symbolic constructions and the identity to which the people of Europe have been used to for centuries will change. such processes should give rise to a new form of aggregation and social institutions. Consequently. are part of this radical change and. This atmosphere of growing expectations has also captured the attention of researchers who have been more and more focusing their studies on the new cultural horizons and possibilities associated with the perception of becoming part of a new community. cultures characterized by considerable distances in terms of habits.

linked with the “old” idea of nationstate. expectations. the researchers’ dissatisfaction regarding its level and functioning seems evident. observed by Habermas in the first years after the birth of the liberal society. Due to the policy of research funding. and above all. it is enough to bear in mind the importance that the Erasmus exchanges cover in the member countries’ education. The normative dimension of Habermas’ definition of public sphere often prevails over the interpretative and descriptive one. Kristina Juraite and Jolanta Reingarde. To a considerable degree. the point of reference is Habermas’ idea of public sphere. The most diffused complaint obviously regards the lack of widespread participation in the debate on European integration. According to Habermas. In most of the scientific literature on the theme of the European public sphere that I know. and this has shifted the sights of researchers towards the European public sphere. The dissatisfaction that reflects the frustration on the part of all those who expected and still expect a higher level of knowledge of European issues is also very diffused. at least in its ideal formulation. a theme which. the subject of European integration has become the centre of attention of many researchers and many Universities. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). There is a further reason that justifies the very often recriminatory nature of the analyses on the European public sphere. In Habermas. The critical or bourgeois public sphere. cultural projects and mutual symbolic identifications. and this predisposition is very often shared by all those who have tried to apply the ideas of Habermas to different contexts and situations. the critical or bourgeois public sphere. this dissatisfaction also depends on the fact that. up to then. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas great deal of attention is being paid to those changes that are mostly of a cultural nature. there was a clear and easily identifiable power who chose and decided and to whom the rising civil society could 6 . allowed knowledgeable and rational public debate on the issues of general interest. the public sphere is not only a way of being or a condition but also. had received little of their attention. which have been and are accessories to the process of European integration. a “must be”. is also lamented. It is not just a question of de­ finition. However. In other words. in most cases. at the same time it has caused a certain gap between expectations and perceived reality that also appears evident in the collection of essays edited by Aukse Balcytiene.Sociologija. was seen as an opportunity and instrument to control and limit the powers of the absolute monarch. A more active public sphere is requested. This has certainly given a significant thrust towards the creation of a common ground of perceptions. its still mainly local nature. This is not the case of the European public sphere: as all the papers in this special issue demonstrate there is no debate of rational nature around European issues and thus dissatisfaction towards the present situation prevails every time that Habermasian theory is used to discuss whatever would be appropriate and correct in the EU. the ideal-typical nature of Habermas’ formulation of public sphere (that will be even more evident in his writings after “Strukturwandel der Oeffentlichkeit”) returns continuously.

They can do that through their national institutions. instead. they are participants in a supranational public sphere that is also based on several means of communication (e. This situation is clearly perceived by those common citizens who animate or should animate the public sphere. very often. In other words. The European Parliament does not yet carry out a significant legislative power. The Financial Times) that have some power in orien­ tating the choices of the European Union. incentive or limitation to them by European citizens. those who should debate within the European public sphere do not have an immediate power of choice of European governors. References Beck. difficult to be affected by public debate. interest groups. European institutions are not chosen or nominated directly by the citizens who should animate public debate and who continue to exercise a power of choice only on national institutions and this objectively limits any involvement in the European public sphere. they do not have the power to directly affect the lives of the citizens in the way in which. returning to Habermas’ formulation. In this I find myself in the “impossibi­ lity school”. the prototype. of a future European public sphere. in its ideal-typical formulation the Habermasian public sphere foresees a subject or an institution towards which actions of criticism and or incentive are addressed and to which approval or disapproval can be asserted. the absence of any real legislative power in the European institutions makes them weak and.Sociologija. Indeed. In this way European institutions that are supposed to interact with European public sphere are seen as distant. opposition and limitation could be activated. at a very embryonic stage. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).g. This might be. Was ist Globalisierung. 7 . U. European institutions do not have such substance. 1997. there are other citizens and other organized groups: entrepreneurs. still have their national institutions. they cannot elect them. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp. it appears useless to address an action of criticism. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas address criticism and towards whom actions of refusal. financial institutions. They seem to have an influencing power in the European institutions through lobbies and other types of pressure. On the other side. far away. they cannot directly limit or direct the decisions of these institutions. they do not contribute directly to the construction of European institutions. that are more directly involved in the European Union’s choices in the field of commerce and the economy. Consent towards Euro­ pean institutions seems to be something that is mediated through other institutions and essentially through still national institutions. They participate in different ways in the decision making process. Participation in the European public sphere assumes an essentially voluntary character with no corresponding immediate and direct power. However.

For instance. The role of civil society and mass media in the development of EPS has been intensively questioned by researchers through the last decade. as well as independent and responsible media. we may observe increasingly diverse public spheres where national and international players construct and transform public agenda. Mintis ir veiksmas” contains a number of original papers presented at the international conference “European Public Spheres.Sociologija. political culture and societal culture has to be taken into consideration. Civil Society and Civic Mass Media“. Kaunas in April 2007. However. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). active civil society. the CINEFOGO Network of Excellence Civil Society and New Forms of Go­ vernance in Europe – the Making of European Citizenship1. the interplay between journalism culture. Therefore. organized by Vytautas Magnus University. The Network aims at enhancing the understanding of social and democratic processes. the emergence of a post-national civil society and spring of civic media initiatives in Europe have been amplifying during the last decade. ratification of EU Constitution and Lisbon Agreement have not been successful to proof sufficient commonness within the new Europe and its public sphere. which is both a strength and a challenge for a deliberative democracy. Europeanization of the national public spheres is clearly a process which could take place more intensively. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Preface Today Europe is celebrating its cultural diversity. to theorize and assess public sphere.cinefogo. Studies of 1 More information about CINEFOGO Network of Excellence is available at 8 . On the other hand. rule of law. thus there are many questions that need to be clarified in this respect: What is the role of the media and organized forms of civil society in it? What are the obstacles for creating European public spheres which are friendlier towards different groups in society? Do all Europeans have the same powers to act as citizens or non-citizens? What is the role of the media in constructing civic cultures in Europe? This special issue of “Sociologija. Dynamic changes within and outside Europe and significant challenges have attained a lot of research and debates. recent processes of EU enlargement and integration. More than 40 institutions and 180 researchers and PhD students contribute to the Network activities coordinated by the University of Roskilde (Denmark). Mediation of European news is one of the key conditions while creating and sustaining European Public Sphere (EPS). identified with functioning electoral system. The conference and its proceedings have been supported by the EU 6 Framework Programme. citizenship and democratic participation in Europe.

European reporting and coverage. Drawing on the comparative research results of the European project “Adequate Information Management”. responsibility and trust. particularly country branding. Following the authors. as well as Nemira Mačianskienė and Algimantas Valan­ tiejus for their help and guidance with this special issue on EPS. Auksė Balčytienė and Aušra Vinciūnienė discuss European news environment and the implications EU reporting has on the journalism practices and routines. in the context of Europeanization and mediation of public spheres.e. which is understood as hospitality. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). i. the empirical evidence on the existing media cultures is analyzed to arrive at possible solutions and recommendations for a more successful development of political and media cultures in the enlarged Europe. understood as an effective tool to develop the European identity and create common values. Auksė Balčytienė Kristina Juraitė Jolanta Reingardė Special editors of the issue 9 . Tuomo Mörä continues analysis of the major challenges for the European journalism culture. In the final article prepared by Auksė Balčytienė. Hannu Nieminen invites to rethink the conceptualization of EPS(s) and normative understanding of the notion of public sphere. With the special issue we hope to encourage an elaborative discussion on the issue from the comparative perspective which is indispensable to comprehend and conceptualize the multidimensional processes of the EPS (trans)formation.Sociologija. We would like to thank all the authors for their contributions. Ina Dagytė and Aurelijus Zykas elaborates on different country communication strategies. Bridgette Wessels applies the notion of ‘proper distance’. public-generated media. understood as a public space created by the individual citizens acting in their own name. The articles published in the special issue represent a wide range of different approaches and topics around the EPS issue. as a solution to the problems of commercial and public media. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas EPS have been in rise for more than a decade. she introduces alternative. The authors argue that emerging EPS has been hindered by the prevailing journalism logic. Paolo Mancini opens the discussion on the theoretical. media organization and journalism practices. and EPS seen as an intersection of a multiplicity of different European networks and their public spheres. including political communication. institutionalization and professionalization of the European communication culture. Kristina Juraitė and Jolanta Reingardė. news values and existing practices of EU governance and structures. empirical. Boris Popivanov sheds light on the development of the contemporary citizen­ ship framework in Bulgaria with regard to the EU accession in 2007. and practical implications of the EPS research. Mojca Pajnik questions the potential of commercial and public media to reactivate the citizens because of their increasing dependence on the economic and political interests. Instead. today we can observe the signs of internationaliza tion. The author suggests considering Europe as social and cultural networks.

kurie tinkamai funkcionuoja vietiniame. Šiuose tinkluose – daug savitų viešųjų erdvių. iš esmės ribojamą nacionalinių sienų. regioniniame. priešingai. Introduction The main argument in this article is that instead of attempting to establish the existence or the non-existence of the European public sphere or public spheres. Democracy needs to be thought differently on a local or national scale than on the trans-national or global scale. See http://www. remiantis demokratijos teorijos principais. but most fundamentally they are social and cultural in their origin. Vis dėlto. Socialiniai ir kultūriniai tinklai plėtojami visose gyvenimo srityse. from the point of view of democratic theory it is still important to make a distinction between these different spatial embodiments of networks. arba.1 These networks operate in all areas of life. Laikui bėgant. transformed. svarbu apibrėžti erdvines skirtingų tinklų formas. and vastly expanded in time. social networks. Europos komunikacijos politika. lygmenyse. Demokratija vietiniame arba nacionaliniame lygmenyse turi būti traktuojama kitaip. transnacionaliniame. each having a public sphere or spheres of their own. However. kad viešoji erdvė ar viešosios erdvės dar nesusiformavusios. Keywords: European public sphere. gerokai išsiplečia. negu demokratija transnacionaliniame arba globaliame lygmenyse. These networks have developed. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Europos viešoji erdvė. socialiniai tinklai. nacionaliniame. turėtume žvelgti į Europą kaip į daugialypių tinklų darinį. we could think of Europe as consisting of a multiplicity of networks. 10 .valt. nationally. European communication policy. kinta. taipogi ir globaliame. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). jie bręsta. virš kuri viešąją sritį siūlo tirti remiantis daugialypių tinklų idėja. Šiandieną sunku aiškiai skirti įvairius tinklus. Pagrindinė straipsnyje plėtojama idėja yra ta: užuot siekę įrodyti. It is difficult to make 1 clear distinctions between different networks today as they can operate locally. as they all indicate different modalities for democratic trans-nationally. funded by the Academy of Finland (2005–2007). trans-regionally as well as globally. nes jos visos nusako skirtingus demokratinės politikos modalumus. kuris traktuoja viešąją sritį kaip darinį. 1. kritiškai vertina tradicinį Jürgeno Habermaso po­ žiūrį. This article is written as a part of the research project “European Public Sphere(s): Uniting and Dividing”. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Hannu Nieminen Europe of Networks or the European Public Sphere? Four plus One Approaches Santrauka. regionally. kad Europoje egzistuoja viešoji erdvė. Koncepcija.Sociologija.

10. 66–67).eu/research/social-sciences/knowledge/projects/article_3479_en. education-bound. (http://www.eurosphere. However. for example. retrieved 24. 2.10.2007) • CIDEL: Citizenship and Democratic Legitimacy in Europe. The emerging national state estab2 lished the framework for this contestation. (http://www. rapidly changed. Applying a network-based approach to the Habermasian type of historical narrative. European or global public spheres. social and cultural ties  – which formed the basic fabric for the emergence of national public life. A European Public Sphere? In the last years academic literature on the European public sphere has been expanding.10.aim-project. and Public Discourses. this always took place through and against of the pre-publicity of social and cultural networks.uio. an academic industry has developed around that­ ces/knowledge/projects/article_3501_en. however. administrative – that the competition between the networks was exercised. and the European public sphere has become a hot topic for research.iue. it was in the framework of the resources avai­ lable – economic.htm. the national public sphere started to get established and institutionalised in the form of public debates by civic associations and newspapers.php?id=4. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas The idea of seeing the public sphere from the point of view of networks is critical to the traditional idea of conceiving the public sphere as something intrinsically restricted to national boundaries (Fossum and Schlesinger 2007. family-tied. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). social.2007) 11 .it/RSCAS/Research/EMEDIATE/Index.arena. Nieminen 2006).uio. (http://ec.10.COM: The Transformation of Political Mobilisation and Communication in European Public Spheres.html. retrieved 24.10. cultural.Sociologija. (http://ec. Publicly exercised critical-rational debates can be understood in terms of publicised contests between different networks  – or. Collective Identities. it was a very complex set of networks  – personal. retrieved 24.2007) RECON: Reconstituting Democracy in Europe. The situation has now.arena. professional.10. retrieved 24.2007) • EMEDIATE: Media and Ethics of a European Public Sphere from the Treaty of Rome to the “War on Terror“.2007) • Eurosphere: http://www.europa. Until the early 2000s. that started to get shape in Finland in the late 19th century. retrieved 24. although there have appeared numerous different ways to ap- Some of the projects can be listed here as an example – and also in order to show the area of their interest: • AIM: Adequate Information Management in Europe. between elite groups against each other. In terms of the deve­ lopment of the national public sphere.uib. many of them funded by the European Union (Schlesinger 2007. From the network point of view.2007) • EUROPUB. the problem with most theorising on the public sphere was that it had not much to say about the preconditions for the public sphere transgressing the national boundaries – transnational. in other • IDNET: Europeanization. ( ( retrieved 24.htm.2 In a sense. A number of research projects  – smal­ ler and bigger ones – have been established around the European public regional.

Cal­ houn 1992b. the public sphere can act as a regulative idea against which we can measure democracy today. The reason for this is probably that the ideal notion seems to match our understanding of the principles and values of our Western liberal democracy – as if the ideals of public sphere were realisable. As we are also familiar with. the ideal of the public sphere is characterised by the following principles: • access to public debate is free and open to everybody.Sociologija. The term was adopted from the English translations of the texts by Jürgen Habermas as an English correlative for the term Öffentlichkeit (Kleinstüber 2001). For Habermas. its analytic definition has remained surprisingly vague – and its research seems still to suffer of rather a non-reflexive application of what is called the Habermasian ideal-typisch way of understanding what the public sphere is about (Fossum and Schlesinger 2007). the public sphere is the basic functional principle in a democratic society and it refers to the ideal of democratic communication. if it ever has. as such. in Britain. • no subjects and topics are excluded from the debate. and to some degree also in France and Germany. Today there is a more or less shared consensus among the research community that the “really existing” public sphere does not correspond to these ideal claims. the ideal notion still has a strong influence in almost all academic discussions on public sphere or public spheres. As it is customarily remarked.1 Notion of Public Sphere In the course of years the public sphere has been defined in a number of different ways. In this sense. the term “Public Sphere”  – with capital letters  – began to appear in the Anglo-American media and communication research originally in the 1980s and 1990s. Despite this. the Habermasian approach (or the common caricature that has often been painted of his original rather complex account) has been criticised from different directions. Some points of critique have been as follows (Calhoun 1992b. as if we could make public debate free and equal. • the result of public deliberation is judged only on the basis of best arguments • the aim of the debate is consensus and unanimity (Habermas 1989. In a Habermasian sense. as if the public deliberation could be at its best judged only on the basis of the best arguments. it cannot be “transplanted” to other cultural and social environments. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Roberts and Crossley 2004). and that there has never been such a phase in history as he claims. 12 . 2. and as if the deliberation could eventually establish something like “the Truth” of the matter under discussion. Fraser 1992. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas proach the European public sphere. Roberts and Crossley 2004): • Historical arguments: Habermas’ account is historically idealized. • all participants in public debate are considered as equal. Also the public sphere as an ideal is based on a specific interpretation of certain national experiences in Europe – namely. 36–37.

Habermas has answered to this critique in several instances (Habermas 1992). What they see happening in Europe is the alarming increase in disintegrative and antidemocratic tendencies. For this camp. The concept needs pluralisation  – we should not speak of “a public sphere” or “the public sphere” but of plurality of public spheres. the wish is that the research would provide cure for the situation (Nieminen 2007). Habermas 2006b). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). the European public sphere is seen as a means to enhance and strengthen initiatives which may lead to more popular support to European integration. Ho­ wever. cultural and other differences both within and between the nation states. This is one explanation why the EU has directed money for research on the European public sphere. the European public sphere  – more or less in its idealised Habermasian form – has been a subject of increasing interest in the last ten years or so.2 European Public Sphere as a “Hot Topic” As I described above. most of the critics still use the Habermas’ early conceptualisation of the public sphere also as their own critical normative point of reference in their own research – mostly because there has not been any other comparable historically argued framework for discussing these matters. from the scholarly side: there is a concern for Europe by quite a number of democratically minded scholars. • Feminist critique: Habermas’ account only universalises the gender-based distinction between the male-dominated public sphere and female private sphere – and in this way it only justifies the patriarchal social order. • Another critical strand has criticized Habermas of being too “Hegelian”: that he takes the nation state as a natural framework in the way of historical progress. there are the “Eurocrats” or those European policy ma­ kers who are worried about the worsening legitimacy crisis of the EU and its institutions. Secondly. even after all this criticism and with all these qualifications. and growing social and political 13 . and since the 1970s he has transformed his own conception of the public sphere in many ways (Habermas 1996. reflecting real diffe­ rences in the society. 2. The situation deteriorated especially after the European Constitution was rejected in referenda in France and the Netherlands in summer 2005. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas • Arguments of political theory type: Habermas’ claim that all communication is based on striving for consensus is too narrow and leads to the exclusion of differences. at least if judged by the number of projects and by the amount of resources allocated.Sociologija. Why is this? We can see two camps that have approached the European public sphere from different directions. Firstly. and does not seriously discuss the social. The ideal democracy cannot be based on the claim towards homogeneity and consensualism  – or achieving “the Truth” for that matter.

Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Europe is a mental and political construction.Sociologija. the European public sphere represents an attempt to create new common political ground and to democratise European politics. and “trust” have been seen nece­ s­ sary for a national public sphere. As there are so many different expectations towards the European public sphere. Most empirical research has been performed on national scale. North. Can we imagine a popular commitment to Europe in the same way? Such concepts as “identity”. it is not a continent. the European public sphere is seen as promoting an antidote to the USA’s unilateral globalism: Europe should be given a voice of its own in the globalising world – and the presumption is that the European public sphere would then make it more reasoned and enlightened (Ha­ bermas and Derrida 2005. Four Approaches to the European Public Sphere The distinction between the Eurocrats and critical scholars presented above is rough enough to draw a general picture. as e. How are these restrictions thought to be solved within the framework of the European public sphere? (Schlesinger 2003). 23).g. 3. Rietbergen 2006). • The national public sphere includes a strong popular national commitment. Australia are. Also. depending on who and why is speaking. • The national public spheres are strongly dependent on national linguistic communities and national media systems. Is it feasible to try to transplant the concept from a national level to a trans-national level? (Fraser 2007). Europe is not a geographical entity. Habermas 2006a). How are they dealt with in the concepts of the European public sphere? (Calhoun 2002). Some of them are: • What is the Europe that we are speaking of? There is no one Europe but there are always many different ones. how things go on between them and their fellows. to many of them.and South America. but a more detailed approach is needed in order to understand the limitations of the imaginary I use social imaginary in Charles Taylor’s sense: it is about “the ways people imagine their social existence. “solidarity”. and the deeper normative notions and images that underlie these expectations” (Taylor 2004. Asia. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas divisions that the neo-liberal policies seem to increase. • Is the concept of the public sphere applicable to the European level at all? Originally the Habermasian concept 3 Here was developed as an historical account of certain European nation states and their ways of industrialisation and democratization. based on historical traditions (Cameron and Neal 2003. 14 . “recipro­ city”. the expectations that are normally met. There are a number of critical questions which can be directed to both the Eurocrats and the cri­ tical scholars. For this camp. it is not always clear what different actors really mean or what kind of value-based expectations they have invested in this concept. how they fit together with others.

15 . and Communicating Europe in Partnership in October 2007 (White Paper on Communication 2006.Sociologija. Plan-D 2005. and vice versa. • European media are not interested in allEuropean issues and they give a wrong picture of what is important. in the Plan-D for Democra­ cy. we need to have better work with the media. we need to make the EU institutions more effective. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). 3. • national politicians have scored cheap points by blaming the Brussels’ bureaucrats of their own political failures.1 Pragmatic or Affirmative Approach This is characteristic to the European Commission way of thinking – in the Commission’s documents. as the EU-term goes. we are on the road towards a democratic European public sphere. the processual. (Plan-D 2005. • the long-standing and still continuing blame game between the European Commission and the EU member states has given a bad image to the whole Union. The basic claim of this approach can be said to be that the elements for the European public sphere are there. From this point of view. This approach is exemplified in the White Paper on a European Communication Policy by the EC in February 2006. for example. European issues are not given enough emphasis and the media do not value them as the news. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas behind the concept of the European public sphere. 3. Period of Reflection 2006. we need to educate the communication professionals and make them more skilful. in the speeches of Commissars and Commission workers. the sceptical. and the radicalcritical understandings of the European public sphere. If the elements are there.3 In the recent literature we can find four main ways in approaching the issue. Dialogue and Debate in October 2005. its realisation still needs much work. but although our direction is right. In what follows they will be called the pragmatic. the guilt lies with the following factors: • the European Union’s own PR-work and communication have been deficient. the problem is in the execution of the European Union’s PR-work and communication. Communicating Europe 2007). etc. who are to blame that the European public sphere does not seem to be working as it should be? According to the above mentioned documents. and by these means engaged into an organised dialogue – or consultation.2 Processual Approach According to this line of thinking. The main thing seems to be in getting the message through. citizens seem to be important only to the degree that they can be activated to react to the initiatives from above. The problem with this approach is that it maintains a rather bureaucratic understan­ ding of communication and the public sphere. This approach appears typical. Communicating Europe 2007). What is needed to solve the situation are just practical things: we need to improve the execution of the European Union’s communication. which represents a one-way model of communication.

Sociologija.. observe clear progress towards the real Europeanwide public sphere. among others. The European Union’s legitimacy crisis shows that today the distance between the segmented publics and the strong publics is much too wide. otherwise the case for a more democratic Europe is lost. For this purpose the European constitution is a necessity. The problem of this processual approach is that it is far too abstract. They are not satisfied of how things are today: they see that the existing European public sphere is still too elitist and dependent on the elite media. • there are strong publics of decision ma­ kers. The sceptical strand also includes emphasis that the Europeans should defend their social and cultural traditions and achievements better. According to many proponents of this approach. and more disunity than unity. 3. The European liberal-democratic legacy is in danger: the European way of thin­ king on social. in the European Union’s constitutional process in the early years of the 2000s that included many encouraging deli­ berative elements (Eriksson 2005). and that the democratic European public sphere will follow as a natural result of European development. structural changes are necessary in Europe. What Europe needs is a global strategy of its own. embodied by such institutional fora as the European Parliament and the European Conventions (Eriksen 2005. which are mainly issue based and aimed at influen­ cing political decision makers. Such 16 . We can. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas of more legally oriented scholars and political scientists. consisting of people’s everyday communication. This approach is mainly represented by social and cultural theorists and media scholars. According to this approach. etc. A widely accepted notion is also a distinction between different functional levels of the public sphere: • there are “weak” or general publics. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). There seems to be no effective answers on how to strengthen the missing interlinks and how to promote the procedures which are necessary for a functioning democratic European public sphere. cultural and political issues is endangered by the USA-led neo-liberal and neo-conservative global agendas. They see that Europe is more characterized by disintegration than integration today. the European public sphere requires better and legally binding rules and procedures. this level includes social movements and civic activities. • there are segmented publics. Eriksen 2007). 2005). this level is not politically oriented.3 Sceptical Approach The proponents of this strand of thought are not confident at all that we are on the right track. Eriksen 2007). however. This was exemplified. The issues which are discussed and problematised in the segmented public spheres cannot penetrate or reach the realities of the strong public spheres: the effective interlinks are missing (Eriksen 2005. in order to develop into more de­ mocratic direction. The European Union and other existing European structures as they are today are seen as forming more obstacles than acting as facilitators in the way towards a democratic European public sphere (Levy et al.

requires a fundamental re-definition of the European Union’s basic dynamics: instead of economy. and it will be also very uneven: some nations are more ready and willing to adopt a wider European identity than some others (Habermas and Derrida 2005.5 Criticism: Two Types of Fallacies The main problem with the different approaches presented above is that they all are still tied too much to a nation state type of 17 . however. but as an additional dimension. It is very difficult to discern an optimistic positive political programme that would convince us of the democratic potentialities of today’s European reality. This. and that it is based on an old fashioned way of political thinking. The democratic re-instituting of Europe cannot take place without major structural changes. the real choices on which we have to choose and decide.. The basic thing is that first we have to recognise the differences: politics can start only after we have recognised the differen­ ces. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas issues as environment. Instead of genuine plura­ lism and the recognition of differences. not in a sense that it would supersede other sources of identity. human and social values must be put to the forefront in the European Union’s policies. the basis of politics is always conflict – there are different interests which need to be negotiated  – and it is always conflictual or agonistic (Mouffe 2002). and from this it follows that it promotes centralised and universalistic thinking. The problem with the concept of public sphere is that it exemplifies a top-down model of politics. For them. it promotes forced homogeneity. This would mean to challenge the basic po­ wer relations in Europe as they are today (Habermas 2006a). From the point of view of the radical-critical approach. the European public sphere represents the infamous idea of creating unity from above. Levy et al. and Europe should lead the way (Habermas 2006. Habermas 2006c). What this new European sense of global responsibility requires is common European identity. It is necessary to re­ cognise that instead of consensus.Sociologija. i. and security can only be tackled with global cooperation. 3. as they refer to something that is less normative and more open to conflicts and contestations (Carpentier and Cammaerts 2006). The problem of the sceptical approach is its embedded social and cultural pessimism. but they are the constitutive factor of all politics. tion. the proponents of this approach are saying that the European public sphere is a wrong answer to a wrong ques 3.e. globalisation. Its emergence will be a slow but necessary process. immigration. the whole concept of public sphere should be rejected. 2005). Differences are not something that should only be tolerated by the majority. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Instead of talking about a or the public sphere – or even in plural public spheres – we should use the concept of public space and spaces.4 Radical-Critical Approach Basically. such as the democratic European constitution and the creation of effective European citizenship.

the UK. The question is who. no inclusive national media  – all these attributes have been challenged today. as if it could or should form a one unified political entity – following the way that the European nation states are thought to be acting. France. Moreover. This is obvious.g. as there are legitimacy crises everywhere. 18 . European politics are today increa­ singly conflictual and unstable.g. the fourth approach – the ra­ dical-democratic approach  – also seems to suffer from the same kind of a nation state type of bias. the problem is that if the nation state way of social and cultural imaginary does not work well on the national state level in today’s Europe. in the first hand. are actually the results of the nation state way of imagining polity and political sphere. if and when similar frames of reference. with Germany. and patterns of interpretation are used across national public spheres and media. that European nation states don’t function that way. however. 4 Same type of definition has been used also e. From the point of view of the ideal notion of the European public sphere. if and when the same (European) themes are discussed at the same time at similar levels of attention across national public spheres and media. is to set the rules and policies for recognition? From where does this authority receive his or her authority? And what happens after the differences are recognised – how is the negotiation between different recognised parties arranged. how do we think these centralised structures would function on the European level? (Fraser 2007). they are suffering from continuous social and cultural tensions. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas social and cultural imaginary. It seems that the differences. the Netherlands. Another Approach: Europe as Social and Cultural Networks Next. whose re­ cognition the proponents of radical democracy call for. There are no natural national identities. The problem is. an example of what is here called Euro-essentialism will be presented.Sociologija. who sets the rules and who acts as the arbiter? How will the outcomes be derived from the contestation. by European Commission Vice President Margot Wallström. at least according to today’s democratic criteria. See Wallström 2007. meaning structures. etc: instead of unified entities. and who is to judge what compromises are valid and acceptable and which not? – It seems that answers to all these questions necessarily concern the structures and institutions of the national polity. At least the three first mentioned approaches appear to be stuck with certain Euro-essentialism or idealisation of Europe: as if Europe could act as a one polity. like unified political entities. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). An often used way to define the European public sphere is the following (Risse and Van de Steeg 2003):4 “An ideal typical European public sphere would then emerge 1. e. 2. no self-evident feelings of solidarity. 4.

See also e.g. there are no similar national frames of reference and patterns of interpretation which would be shared by the whole population. the regularity brings about certain conventions and rules which then characterise the network and bring more institutionalised features to it. and global networks that connected different people in different parts of Europe both between themselves and with the rest of the world. 6 A good overview on different uses of network is in Knox. a network consists of more or less regular connections between people. etc. 2007. According to this approach. In other words. The concept of a network has recently been employed in several different ways in social sciences. thinking. Different applications of network theory are utilised in political science. Europe has always existed in the form of multiple social and cultural networks: long before the birth of European nation states there were local. these connections are motivated by different things – personal.5 4. etc. One branch is represented by Manuel Castells’ technologically informed network theory. if and when a transnational community of communication emerges in which speakers and listeners not only observe each other across national spaces. and there are a number of ways of defining and understanding what the “nation” means to different social and cultural groups in any nation. Law 1992. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). cultural. Basically.Sociologija. another way to ima­ gine public spheres is to think of them as 5 social and cultural networks..6 The network is understood here in a wide sense. must first fulfil the basic conditions described above. Another is the actor-network-theory (ANT) developed especially by Bruno Latour. first. Savage & Harvey 2005. One of the most perceptive criticisms to this direction has been put forward by Nancy Fraser. See Fraser 2005. trans-regional. The themes are not nationally discussed at the same time at similar levels of attention. Cheshire & Gerbasi 2006. The problem is. transnational. 19 . by definition. though. and acting. social. presented here as un-problematical and noncontested. who in her recent article maintains that our ways of speaking the public sphere suffers of – what she calls – “Westphalian-national presuppositions of the classical theory of the public sphere”. The logic seems to be that. economic.1 A Network Perspective As argued above. so that they can then together create the European public sphere. The third direction is more a methodological approach represented by the network analysis as a method.” What makes this definition problematic is the notion of the national public sphere. regional. Contractor 2003. Cook. seemingly following the Habermasian ideal notion. that we don’t find anywhere such national public spheres that would fit into the model pictured above. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas 3. which have certain regulative effect upon our ways of living. Degenne & Forsé 1999. but also recognize that “Europe” is an issue of common concern for them. and so on. Stalder 2006. we should have national public spheres in different or in all European countries  – which. social and cultural networks are historically evolved chains of human interaction.

7 The notion of Europe of social and cultural networks tries to overcome these problems by abandoning the embedded normative mode of criticism derived from the ideal notion of the public sphere. but there is a plethora of local. the network approach will be discussed from three perspectives: from historical. were commercial. against which the reality is then measured. From “reality” only such features are selected that either match or do not match with the ideal criteria. 1) Historically The basic claim here is that it was networks that created Europe. they are not necessarily corresponding. According to this approach. consis­ ting of several regional bases. the problem with much of the research on the European public sphere derives from its type of normative critique. but trying at the same time to save its democratic core. The church developed into the most influential network of networks in the Middle Among the sources for this historical account are: Jordan 2002. Europe began to get shape in the form of a rather loose economic network. ideological. Cameron & Neal 2003. transnational. extent or duration. sociological. national and transnational publics. regional. etc. and cultural agenda. there is no European public as such.Sociologija. in the late-modern sense of the word. In the Middle Ages trade relations started to get established and regular commercial institutions started to emerge. Rietbergen 2006. semi-global. • Thirdly. Power 2006.7 Some of the earliest networks that can be called European. and political perspectives. European trade routes developed and institutionalised (e. 20 . The Hanseatic League was established in 1157. regional. they do not necessarily correlate. Jordan 2002. national and transnational media that seldom follow the same political. Sprout 1994. there are no European media or common communication infrastructure. the de la Poles). ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas 4. It tends to be based on an ideal notion of the public sphere. In the following. Wilson & van der Dussen 1999.g. Europe has always existed in the form of multiple social and cultural networks – local. • Secondly. regional. religious. there was an infrastructure of trans-European cooperation and communication based on different kinds of networks. To reiterate the criticism of the attempts to establish the European public sphere or multiple spheres through critical research. transregional. even before there was an idea of what Europe is about. and they are not necessarily commensurate in size. and as Europe is becoming more and more genuinely multi-cultural. but a vast number of local. there are no commonly shared and accepted pan-European frames of reference or patterns of interpretation. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). the great European financier families started to rise to power  – the Fuggers. the Medicis.2 Three Takes on Networks As stated above. three basic arguments are provided: • Firstly. it is very difficult to see a way to establish such frames and patterns.

The tradition of apprentices and artisans  – blacksmiths. 2005. etc. theatre groups. tra­ velling performers. and thirdly. have all been the part of the long history of Europe of networks. depending on the network. From the point of view of the network approach. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Ages. 21 . Trades and crafts networks also deve­ loped in the Middle Ages. without a pan-European identity: the shared frames of reference were those adopted as a part of the membership of a network. we – or most of us. not only by letters but also visiting each other regularly. which concern our primary engagements to society and the world in general (micro level). secondly. By AD 1000 most of Europe was “Christianised”. etc. painters. Savage & Harvey. and the University of Oxford in the 11th century.Sociologija. French. Also the multiple networks of arts and culture flourished: writers. at least – belong to the network of our family and kin members. Our primary identification takes place within and through a close network of family. – travelling around Europe in order to gain new skills and to become competent for a trade master became established. The famous scholars of the times followed closely the developments in science and communicated actively. travelling musicians. not all networks are like this: different networks serve different purposes. European networks of literate elite also started to evolve. firstly. and our way of living is networking. Several European universities and academies of letters were established during the High and Late Middle Ages. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). The Roman Catholic Church was the first to establish a trans-European system of governance. the University of Paris in 1100. We can initially make a rough division between four or five types of networks relevant to our purposes here:8 1. Of course. Universities and academic scholars formed widely influential and very active networks which were really trans-national in character. emotionally. without a pan-European system of communication: each network developed a functional way of communicating both within the network and between the other networks of their own. or extended family network. The power of the Church – both the Western Catholicism and the Eastern Orthodoxy – was not seriously challenged until the Western reformation movement in the 16th century and the Church gradually started to fragment into several competing networks. We are born into social and cultural networks. On this level we are left very 8 This model is partly inspired by the discussion in Knox. Primary or formative networks. without a pan-European language: Latin. what is noteworthy is that these networks developed and functioned. The University of Bologna was established in 1088. cabinetmakers. and other languages were used. 2) Sociologically The description above concerns what can be called functional networks that developed in time from local and regional networks to much wider and even transnational structures. German. masons. printers. leaving only the most Northern parts (Scandinavia and the Baltic lands) to be Christianised later in the Middle Ages.

they are mostly non-negotiable as long as we occupy those particular roles. hobby related) or they can be based on work place relations. We cannot escape them even if we try. such as networks based on professional or educatio­ nal relationships. for example. 2. when changing the profession or when retiring. Societal networks (semi-meso level). Imposed networks (macro level). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). As role-based networks. they can be utilised in different ways. which concern us as citizens or the members of the political nation. but also include networks based on shared living environments  – i. The membership of these networks is non-negotiable. 3. party political. in Finland all young men are conscripted and thus insti­ tutionalised in the Finnish Defence Forces (FDF). 4. cultural background. whose character is defined by their aim to influence the decision making. for example.g. gender. the way how they are used can be very flexible. ethnicity. The FDF gives cultural and social frames for the network: it regulates the issues and activities of the network. 5. which concern our formal socialisation and membership of a formal community.e. These networks can be. on class. for example. professional or trade based. our commitment to these types of networks. Issue or interest based networks crea­ te another level (semi-macro level). education. inclusive and exclusive as well. We have to adapt – or break out. which regulate our access to different networks. which means that although their membership is principally non-negotiable. As these relations are usually based on our organisational or institutional roles. the availability of free time associations can be limited. It seems important to make a clear distinction between the formal structure of the institution which gives the frame for the network and the real network: for example. the work environments are different. Associational networks (meso level) are based on voluntary and free time associations (e. and so on. which means that we share certain basic duties and rights with all the other members which in normal circumstances cannot be waived.Sociologija. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas little room for negotiating our own room and role within the network. neighbourhood networks. at least to a certain degree. but they can be re-negotiated or dispensed if and when we leave the roles. Although the membership in these kind of networks is conditional to the availability of opportunities (the selection of potential hobbies can be restric­ ted in many ways. Characteristically these networks are based on voluntary membership and high level of personal commitment. 22 . but the mea­ ning and va­ lues that the network embodies are created by the members. and there are a number of people permanently out of work). This links these networks to political will formation and thus to the political realm. Principally. To a great extent it is not accidental at all to what kind of networks we belong to or are members of: there are selective mechanisms. area of re­ sidence. The selective mechanisms are manifold: they are based. we live our social and cultural lives in and through these networks. membership in these networks is usual­ ly based more on choice: we can regulate. ideological or religious in nature.

public political structures  – such as local governments and nation states – can be seen as “knots” or intersections between the networks that operate on a that particular geographical level: there are issues that need to be coordinated between different networks – economy. What does all this mean from the point of view of an individual member of society? Just to make a brief re-instatement: people’s primary engagement to society and culture is always through their memberships in different networks. environment. to arrange negotiations between different competing interests. From this perspective. political and ideological movements. what we have on the national level is a space for public negotiation between organised interests. instead of an open. as they have to share the same geographical area or certain basic resources – such as water. a system of common government. In order to solve the competing claims peacefully the networks have to create a system of negotiation and coordination of action. connected with common European issues. From this perspective. we can also ask if the emergence of public government and the basic function of public structures – local government. established in order to negotiate their conflicting interests and to help in coordinating the use of common resources in matters concerning the use of resources on the level of the national state. and their understanding of 23 . later in history in political parties and lobby networks orga­ nised as state governments). regional and international organizations  – can be interpreted as resulting from the need of different networks to exercise cooperation. also the European Union can be understood as an intersection whose function is to coordinate the use of common resources. restricted and regulated according to the issues and themes which are of national character. energy sources. The networks that operate in the same geographical area or region must necessarily take each other into consideration and develop at least some degree of cooperation. The European Union can also be seen as a crossroad or an intersection of a multiplicity of transnational European networks. nation states. etc. etc. the networks were originally meant to be autonomous and self-re­ gulating. i. location of market places. an important qualification must be mentioned here: in all matters other than concerning the direct interests of the emer­ ging national state. immigration. social security. for example. and for this purpose. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). roads. Thus. religious issues. ideal-type of public sphere and critical debate aiming at consensus.Sociologija. in the King’s councils. However. national states can be understood as intersections of different networks (embodied first. Applied to the national level. living area. energy. A developmental line from the medieval city councils to local or municipal authorities of today might be detected here. From the point of view of network hypothesis this can be seen as the start of local and regional governance: it emerged first and foremost in order to coordinate the use of common resources and to arrange negotiations between competing claims and interests by the networks. etc. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas 3) Politically From this point of view. such as in the areas of international trade.e.

Cambridge (Mass. In certain issues many of the networks can potentially find common interest and ground for negotiation. “Hegemony. it does not appear rea­ listic to set the ideal-normative model of the public sphere as a general model for the socie­ ty consisting of networks. What it does not mean. In the course of negotiation process. that is. A Concise Economic History of the World: From Paleo­ of exclusion and inclusion. however. lithic Times to the Present. Graig. Oxford: Oxford University Press. and Journalism. in many or perhaps most issues this would not be the case. the Council. the public sphere would perhaps best be understood as a space or spaces of negotiation between different networks. All modes of networks – from kin networks to religious. The result is always some sort of a compromise. professional and political networks – are based on some kind of membership. “Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere”.) and London: MIT Press. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). 1992a. Communicating Europe 2007: Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament. balancing competing interests. we can see that some networks are more democratic and equal than others. Habermas and the Public Sphere. Agonism. It does not appear realistic to imagine that there would be much in common that all the networks would share – such as universal values or norms or beliefs. Cameron. Theory Review. the European Economic 24 . remains unsolved. Thus. 1992b. Democracy. In: Calhoun. This inevitably raises the question of power: the networks are not equal in relation to their negotiation competence. 2003. The question of power. and the public discourse is then about negotiating between compe­ ting claims. If we now would like to re-introduce the concept of the public sphere within the framework of the network approach. Conclusions: Networks and the Public Sphere Where does this approach leave then the concept of the public sphere? What it allows us to do is to see more clearly the conditions for the normative application of the notion of the public sphere: what we should do and what we should not do with it.Sociologija.). Graig (Ed. Instead. Carpentier. it seems to suggest that we should direct our attention to a more procedural concept of the public sphere.) Habermas and the Public Sphere: Cambridge: MIT Press: 1-48. 5. Journalism Studies 7(6): 964–975. Some networks have more resources and potential to influence the result while some networks are without such resources and thus are left with little or none negotiation power. 2006. which necessarily brings about rules References Calhoun. Graig (ed. in their ability to influence the resulting compromise. An Interview with Chantal Mouffe”. Calhoun. Nico and Bart Cammaerts. As we observe now the society consis­ ting of a multiplicity of networks. is that we should totally abandon the public sphere as a normative re­ gulative principle. Fifth Edition. Rondo and Larry Neal. each network brings publicly out its interest-based claims. then. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas citizenship and citizenry is always interpreted in the first hand through these communities of interpretation.

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prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 com_2006_212_en. Rietbergen. Monge. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Cammaerts. John Michael and Nick Grossley. 2006. Cambridge: Polity Press. Hannu. and Crossley. ARENA Working Paper 22/ president/pdf/com_2006_212_en. Second Edition. The European Union and the public sphere: A communicative space in the making? London: Routledge: 65–83. Public Com­ munication and the European Union. John Erik and Schlesinger. In: Carpentier. Kevin and Jan van der Dussen. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1999. The Researching and Teaching Communications Series. N. Roberts. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. Tampere: Vastapaino. Stalder. Philip.) http://europa. Hannu (Eds. In: Roberts. Brussels.pdf Plan-D 2005: Plan-D for Democracy. J. Peter. 2003.europa. The Sovereign State and Its Competitors: An Analysis of Systems Change. 2006.) http:// ec. 2006.arena. Maren. 2002. Margot. Dialogue and Debate. Period of Reflection 2006: Communication from the Commission to the European Council. gruodžio 8 d. Theories of Communication Networks.epri. CSD Perspectives. Peter R. [“People stood apart”: The founding of the national public sphere in Finland 1809 – 1917].5. Mouffe. and Noshir S. Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt. 1994.2006 COM(2006) 212 (Provisional version).Sociologija.). Short Oxford History of Europe. Wallström. Peeter. Nieminen. Paper presented to the conference on the Europeanisation of Public Spheres.pdf en. Kaarle. Manuel Castells and the Theory of the Network Society. 2003. Vihalemm. Nico. 2004. The Babel of Europe? An essay on networks and communicative spaces. 2003. Modern Social Ima­ ginaries. Hannu. The Central Middle Ages. “An Emerging European Public Sphere? Empi- rical Evidence and Theoretical Clarifications”. http://ec. Nieminen.europa. Science Center Berlin. 18 January 2007. “A fragile cosmopolitanism: On the unresolved ambiguities of the European public sphere”. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2007 m. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Transatlantic Relations After the Iraq War. 2007.pdf. In: Fossum. Felix.europa. 2007.) (http://ec. Contractor.uio.d o?reference=SPEECH/07/25&format=HTML&age d=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en White Paper on Communication 2006: White Paper on a European Communication Policy. London: Centre for the Study of Democracy. 2006. Oxford: Oxford University Press. June 20-22. Politics and Passions: The Stakes of Democracy. Milton Park: Routledge. Charles. sausio 24 d. 2007. Risse. Europe: A Cultural History. Tartu: Tartu University Press: 55–71. sausio 26 d.) http://www. Berlin.pdf Schlesinger. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). spalio 17 sausio 24 d. Kansallisen julkisuuden rakentuminen Suomessa 1809 – 1917. Sprout. Pille. After Habermas: New Perspectives on the Public Sphere. “Introduction”. Nordenstreng. Bart and Nieminen. Schlesinger. Hartmann. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. “Kansa seisoi loi­ tompana”.). prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2007 m. 2004. London: Routledge. The History of the Idea of Europe. 2003.M. Stakeholders’ conference on the White Paper in Berlin. Oxford: Blackwell: 1—27.pdf Power. London: Verso. Taylor. From the blame game to day-to-day partnership: European Commis­ sion. Philip (Eds. “Towards democratic regulation of European media”. 10. Thomas and Marianne Van de Steeg. Media Technologies and Democracy in an Enlarged Europe. 26 . the German Presidency and the Member States discuss the key principles of EU communication poli­ cy. Durham and London: Duke University Press.) http://www. Hendrik. Political Mobilisation. The Period of reflection and Plan D. (Eds. Chantal. Philip.

from the point of view of democratic theory it is still important to make a separation between these different spatial embodiments of the networks as they all indicate different modalities for democratic polities. Finland. transformed. each having a public sphere or spheres of their own. E-mail: 27 . regionally. The idea of seeing the public sphere from the point of view of networks is critical to the traditional idea of conceiving the public sphere as something intrinsically restricted to national boundaries. It is difficult to make clear distinctions between different networks today as they can operate locally. nationally. However. trans-regionally as well as globally. and vastly expanded in time. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas ABSTRACT The main argument in this article is that instead of attempting to establish the existence or the nonexistence of the European public sphere or public spheres.Sociologija. The idea of seeing the public sphere from the point of view of networks is critical to the traditional Habermasian idea of conceiving the public sphere as something intrinsically restricted to national boundaries. we could think of Europe as consisting of a multiplicity of networks.nieminen@helsinki. They have developed. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Democracy needs to be thought differently on a local or national scale than on the trans-national or global scale. trans-nationally. Hannu Nieminen Communication Research Centre CRC Department of Communication University of Helsinki. The social and cultural networks operate in all areas of life.

komunikacinės erdvės. Atvejų studijos rodo. Šiuolaikiniai procesai. kurti viešąsias erdves europinėse bendravimo ir besikristalizuojančių prieštaravimų aplinkose. svetingumas. Europeanization. Europoje kultūrinį išskirtinumą lemia gyvensenos skirtumai. hospitality. Idealus viešosios erdvės modelis tinkamas viešoms diskusijoms. europėjimas. Dewey (1939) suformuluota idėja. viešoji erdvė. skatina klausti: su kokiomis kliūtimis susiduriama kuriant Europos viešąją erdvę. public sphere. atsakomybę ir pasitikėjimą medituojant viešąjį ir kasdienį gyvenimą. kurių paskirtis – svarstyti. Šiems svarstymams dažniausiai daro įtaką istoriniai įvykiai. nacionalinės raidos ypatumai. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: tinkamas nuotolis. „Tinkamo nuotolio“ (Silverstone 2007) sąvoka leidžia įvertinti šiuos procesus ir analizuoti žiniasklaidos vaidmenį kintančioje Europoje. siekiant įtraukti į šią erdvę skirtingas Europos socialines grupes? Be to: koks žiniasklaidos vaidmuo kuri­ ant pilietines kultūras Europoje? Norint suprasti žiniasklaidos vaidmenį kuriant pilietinę visuomenę. svarbu išsiaiškinti būdus. Ne mažiau svarbūs klausimai. Straipsnyje analizuojamas skaitmeninių priemonių ir tradicinės žiniasklaidos vaidmuo kuriant bendravimo ir dalyvavimo erdves. taip pat asmeninio ir grupinio identiteto formavimosi bruožai. skatina tirti kultūrinės raiškos ir kitus dialoginius klausimus. Tai leidžia kritiškai įvertinti dabartinės žiniasklaidos gebėjimą skatinti polilogą tarp Europos tautų. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Bridgette Wessels Exploring the Notion of the Europeanization of Public Spheres and Civil Society in Fostering a Culture of Dialogue Through the Concept of “Proper Distance” Santrauka. institucinės raiškos būdai. kaip kuriami geros visuomenės pagrindai. Tinkamo nuotolio idėja nusako svetingumą. kad tradicinė žiniasklaida ir naujoji žiniasklaida skirtinguose kontekstuose panaudojamos skirtingai. communication spaces. kad visuomenę kuria ir atkuria bendravimas. susiję su viešosios erdvės europėjimu. kuriais remiantis žiniasklaida ir piliečių dalyvavimas traktuojami atsižvelgiant į vėlyvosios modernybės sąlygas ir išsiplėtusią Europos Sąjungos erdvę.Sociologija. Pateikiami lyginamųjų Europos migracijos ir Europos mažumų bendruomenių tyrimų rezultatai. Keywords: proper distance. ugdyti pagarbą ir supratimą. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). susiję su tolygia visuomenės raida. 28 .

The EU has recently expanded with nations from Eastern Europe and the Baltic States joining Western European States in this endeavour. combining to become a strong economic and political player in the global economy. Segmentation is seen not only in the exclusiveness of national publics but also in the silos within the EU policy sector. An example of supra-national reconfiguration is the European Union (EU). The paper then discusses Silverstone’s (2007) call for a ‘proper distance’ in creating understanding and fostering dialogue in the media polis to analyse the way in which the media can play a constructive role in the Europeanization of public spheres. highly debated. Although this segmented sensibility of Europe is pervasive. In this situation some nation states and empires have broken up. These characteristics combined with a weak European public make developing an EPS problematic. In general terms these debates are historically situated and understood. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Europe. European political processes and European media are not well supported (Smith and Wright 1999). Europeanization and the Public Sphere The broad context underpinning the development of a European Public Sphere 1 The role of Europe in world events is. institutionally speaking. which in some cases has generated subnational conflict. Petters and Sifft 2003). In this paper. However. (EPS) is a post-national globalising world (Smith and Wright 1999). there is not a strong European identity or pan-European discourse. Key reasons for building such a world region include ensuring peace and cohesion across the states of Europe. such as: what are the obstacles for creating European public spheres that are inclusive for different groups in Europe? What is the role of the media in constructing civic cultures in Europe? In this paper I discuss the context of Europeanization and an emerging media environment in relation to the dynamics of participation. and the public debate between Habermas and Derrida illustrates the complexity of Europe’s position and role (Borradori 2003). Introduction An ideal-type public sphere provides space for public debate regarding what makes for a ‘good society’ and for consideration of the issues involved in the development and sustainability of such a society. 29 . there are 2. and any EPS. however. and offering another perspective in international relations and (especially from a continental European view) as a counter to American hegemony1. and in other cases some existing nation states are reconfiguring into supra-national organizations within world regions (Rex 1999). Furthermore. is segmented (Eriksen 2004.Sociologija. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas 1. and current developments in the process of fostering an Europeanization of public spheres raise specific questions. Europe is not especially integrated. the author discusses case studies that on the one hand illustrate how minorities use the media for their communication and information requirements and on the other hand projects that facilitate participation in communication and representation in new media services.

).Sociologija. as policy has to engage with the ideology of the market and address social cohesion. inclusion and social justice. The media and media polis is also undergoing change through the development and popular use of digital technologies as well as de-regulation and increased commercialisation of the mass media. there is the rise of “different partial arenas of cultural and 30 . Digital media is widening the scope of communica- tion beyond the core media institutions providing new spaces for communication and representation in cyberspace. Communication and Participation in the European Context The re-configuration of alliances within the European Union is cultural as well as social. These are mainly episodic occurrences gene­ rated through cultural events or major political issues that make transient cross-European mass interests manifest. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). 3. Another area of European public sphere activity can be found in debates regarding structural change in the EU. such as opinion regarding the 2003 Iraq war (Roche 2005). the role of public service within the media seeks to enable public debate and participation in democratic processes (also see Habermas 1989. Currently. Given these issues and dynamics the process of Europeanization is complex in both terms of substantive issues and cultural values as well as in terms of providing a communication environment that can facilitate engagement with European concerns. Participation. which posits the market as the most efficient mechanism for the distribution of resources. Within these dynamics the provision of public service communication remains important in its role to inform and educate publics about national issues and international concerns. is not just at the level of individuals and groups voicing their own concerns but is also one in which understanding between diffe­ rent social and cultural perspectives can be fostered in the development of an inclusive public life within the diversity of European social life. Calhoun 1992). the European Commission and European Council. probity and high standards sees all viewers as equal (albeit open to criticism of being elitist) and is counter to freemarket approaches that seek good returns on investments and seek to attract audiences for the advertising revenue. This Reithianism legacy of public service. chiefly the European Parliament. the socio-economic and political context of participation is neo-liberalism. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas instances that bring a sense of European commonality publicly to the fore. In some liberal democratic nations commercialisation is undermining the provision of public service programming. Within these dynamics. which includes cross-European transformation in areas such as the EU’s Single Market project (Roche Ibid. The media play a role within these dynamics by reporting and representing European developments and debates. Nonetheless. high standards. and in postcommunist countries it is opening up the media from strong centralised control. This has implications for key institutions vested with the responsibility of building Europe within democratic liberalism. political and economic. and one of ensuring individual freedom. howe­ ver.

popular. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). identity and culture within European migration are played out in the media. common institutions. 87). However. Both these aspects of minority media have the potential to contribute to the deve­ lopment of genuine multi-ethnic civil society (Silverstone 2005).Sociologija. as seen in the periodic revivals of national identities. These conditions  – the 2 economic. and widely believed whereas European identity is lacks any of these attributes (Grundmann 1999. who has to be “as sophisticated as the merchants and courtiers of the Renaissance or the multi-national and multilingual inhabitants of Central and Eastern Europe before Hitler and Stalin… S/he has to know foreign languages beyond the superficial and unreliable koine” (Picht 1993. judicia­ ry. which raises the question of ‘who are the Europeans?’ Given the Western notion of demos as signifying (national) territory. for instance this can be seen in the ways in which community. and any straightforward adaptation of either a universalistic argument or relativist argument regarding a public sphere for Europe struggles to address the issue of inclusion and participation in Europe in the context of a networked global economy (Borradori 2003). citizens’ initiative groups and the new social movements…[that] add up to forms of new culture” (Beck 1992. and political with forms of participation in the means of communication give Europe its sense public culture. it is difficult to identify a clear sense of Europe and even more problematic is the difficulty of identifying Europeans. The quest for participation in Europe requires a European public. privacy. The provision of information and communication. one approach put forward for developing a progressive European Another factor is that many ethnic sentiments persist and may become visible. In an effort to envisage the development of a ‘European’. These conditions form grounded empirical situations in which different groups engage in varying degrees with European concerns and provide the basis for levels of participation. To counter any established mainstream media bias within this context. public culture and civic space. This is especially complex in the context of the diverse populace of the European Union. this raises the questions about the formation of European publics. This is in contrast to national identities that are vivid. some commentators identify with a progressive approach and envisage a ‘New European’. social. accessible. 198). minority media in the EU seeks to acknow­ ledge the rights of ethnic minorities to have media in their own languages and to act as mediators between mainstream culture and minority cultures. and a political community that binds people together. 31 . is important to facilitate dialogue regarding European concerns and to foster participation by the inhabitants of Europe. Within this framework. The media are influential in shaping public perceptions of events. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas social sub-politics – media publicity. established. 133)2. whether via the mass media or the Internet and World Wide Web (WWW).

Furthermore. 32 . especially if the aim is not a rejection of identity but addressing other identities in an open way (Grundmann 1999. while member states tend to pursue a national line in European policy debates. national citizenship and European citizenship. He suggests a version of multiple demoi in which individuals see themselves belonging to two demoi. The difficulties in developing a common media across Europe include the heterogeneity of culture and language within Europe (de Swaan 1991.Sociologija. Grundmann (Ibid. With regard to this issue. in a range of areas of public life. Grundmann (1999) argues. 134). However.) sees a civilising aspect in his point. rather than by an in reaching one” (Weiler Ibid. although inter-cultural training underpins greater understanding it does not provide formal routes for participation in Europe. Weiler (Ibid. A second barrier is the fact that news correspondents tend to be nationally aligned and are primarily interested in European to­ pics that relate to their domestic policy agenda (Gerhards 1993). the development of a public sphere within Europe is a prerequisite for public engagement in Europe. First.) sees this distinction as a way to build a public sphere for Europe. A further dimension to this is that Member States by ‘looking to Brussels’ do not emphasize or focus primarily on other member states. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). first a synchronisation of key debates between national public spheres followed by homogenisation of national public spheres across European nation states. which they select and adopt in varying situations. he identifies that even though there are increased technological possibilities. one difficulty of Europeanization is the ambiguity around the existence of a European public. To achieve such a public sphere. one cannot be a European citizen without being a member state national. Groze-Peclum 1990). one will accept the legitimacy and authority of decisions adopted by fellow European citizens in the realisation that in these areas preference is given to choices made by the outreaching. demos. He does see problems in achieving synchronisation and homogenisation of national public spheres. Although. there is no common media system. Both these processes strengthen national discourses about Europe rather than fostering a European perspective on policy debates. He points out that there is a flaw in the assumption that speaks of European citizenship in the same tones as national citizenship. One of the outcomes of these dynamics is that they do not privilege the cultural diversity and the characteristics of participation and representation in the spaces of the media across Europe (Silverstone 2005). Logically. as Weiler (Ibid. the formation of identity is complex with actors having multiple aspects of identity. because: “the acceptance by its members that. Weiler (1997) raises the link between identity. nonetheless. which means that there is less crossing over of interests at national levels to form a European perspective.) points out. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas sensibility is through the humanistic ideal of inter-cultural training. involves two phases. in which member state nationality and European citizenship are understood as being interdependent. 510). nonorganic.

points out that digital media provide a more convenient. generalised access to politically relevant information. in some new media projects non-media professionals and audiences-as- 33 . something which is to be achieved. These locales can be situated and mediated. Communicative Spaces The development of a multi-media communication environment is adding an extra dimension to the traditional broadcasting sector and the press. Participation and Social Organisation of Space Dewey’s (1939) claim that society is rea­ lised through communication allows one to explore the question of cultural expression and dialogue in tracing the articulation of cultures within a changing Europe. These media spaces are shaped by a concentration of media ownership that emphasise popular forms of communication that only provide a minimum level of public service programming. such as online voting and deliberative opi­ nion polling. The same holds for trust: it is no longer unconditionally given. Barney (2004). national and transnational broadcasters. 81). In theory. One of these spaces in contemporary society is the variety of ‘communicative spaces’. rather it is something open and problematic. 5. and comprise of grounded spaces.Sociologija. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas 4. creatively imagine space. interactive digital spaces. The development of digital services also encourages popular participation in democratic decision-making. Identity. and a combination of on. As Bauman (1999) argues. which act as sites of material and cultural resources for action. as Silverstone notes national media spaces are still dominated by mainstream. commercial mass media” (Barney Ibid.) argues that these developments have the potential to develop a “more inclusive and politicised public sphere than that mediated by existing. institutional forms and participation is constructed and becomes situated through the social organisation of space (Werlen 1993). in forming social identities. 134). Digital media have the potential to improve vertical communication between citizens and officials and foster horizontal communication amongst citizens thus expanding communicative spaces for public dialogue and deliberation. Furthermore. which is undermining the role of small programme suppliers who add diversity to the overall output (Harrison and Wessels 2005). belonging and trust are produced through networks of interactions and co-operation between networks (Wessels and Meidema 2007). for example. and global search engines (Silverstone 2007. internet service providers. The interaction between social identity. However. the development of new networks of information exchange and communication provides new spaces for public sphere activity. the link bet­ ween identity and understandings of belonging in late modernity is no longer obvious and given.and off-line spaces. Nonetheless. broadcast spaces. the concentration of ow­ nership is increasing homogeneity of programming. An aspect of participation is that actors. but assessed in relation with notions of a risk-society (Beck 1992). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). and in so doing form locales. Barney (Ibid.

ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas users are shaping the production. engaging. The ethos of these spaces is ‘NEW MEDIA’ Social Relations Individualisation and Choice Origins late-modernity Local. There is some mixing of forms that either. ‘TRADITIONAL MEDIA’ Social Relations Mass and niche PSB Origins mid-modernity adapt existing media to new media formats or that change the production and consumption processes to produce new programming (Figure 1). iDTV Community Networks Weblogs Automate Niche channels VOD PVRs Trad. These projects are generating communicative spa­ ces that are pluralistic. national and supra-national initiatives FORMS Internet and WWW IS services Mobile phones Weblogs THE PROCESS OF ‘RECONFIGURATION’ Social Relations Networks Origins late- modernity National and regional Partnerships Broadcasting and nodes FORMS Broadcasting USAGE National unity Audience Fragmentation USAGE Individual use of Mass media Self- selection FORMS Informate Eg. content and participation in new forms of public communication and representation. Media Online USAGE Nodes of participation Community of interests USAGE Global networks of interests Networks of interests (Harrison and Wessels 2005) Figure 1: Mapping the Social Relations of a New Public Service Communication Environment 34 . Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).Sociologija. associative and critical (Harrison and Wessels 2005). The new communicative environment consists of mainstream mass media spaces as well as new media and minority media spaces.

However. The media are one resource for facilitating dialogue or at least communication. the communication spaces of the media polis can only foster and create the conditions for a progressive cosmopolitanism if it can welcome ‘the other’ and thereby genuinely intermingle minority and majority voices within media and communication spaces. Thus communication is one of welcoming the other and understanding the other as both different and as part of one’s own and each other’s identity and condition. Of course the expe­ rience of ‘both-and’ spaces is varied. but the other in oneself ” (Silverstone 2007. regimes and so on. this contemporary situation of merely colocating does not necessarily facilitate a progressive sensibility of the cosmopolitan who is at home with diversity within the dynamics of culture (see Beck 2003).) argues that there are many types of cosmopolitanisms and their sensibi­ lity lies beyond multi-culturalism (which to varying degrees essentializes difference) to a sense of common humanity lived out in different places.Sociologija. 81). indeed obligation. this mix of cultures represents a form of cosmopolitanism. 6. He argues that the movement of peoples within Europe produces a context where cultures co-exist as a source of tension and misunderstanding as well as a source of creative dynamism. To move beyond the current “condition of cosmopolitanism” (Roche 2007) to a genuine and lived cosmopolitanism requires some facility for dialogue and the exchange of ideas and understanding. in that they require “an ethic of hospitality conducted through proper distance so that different voices can be heard and engaged with” (Silverstone 2007.) po­ sits that these spaces are better understood as (nascent) ‘both/and’ spaces in terms of communication and the author would add. However. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas important for a public sphere for Europe. Silverstone (2007) understands this as “a claim for an empirically grounded plurality as the condition of humanity in late modernity” (Ibid. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). For some commentators. Media Polis and Contrapuntal Culture Silverstone (2007) addresses the media polis as a potential space for mediating multiple voices. to recognise not just the stranger as other. however. with some situa­ tions more volatile and less supportive than others (Steinert and Pilgram 2007). 14). The mobility of indivi­ duals and groups within Europe means that these actors have to balance identity and sen­ ses of belonging in spaces between home and host societies. rather than seeing this space as an ‘either-or’ space. in terms of experience. embodies a commitment. ethnicities. religions. Silverstone (2007) suggests that thought is required to address the ways in which cultures in Europe can be negotiated through the media that potentially may offer plural spaces for mediation. This is because a cosmopolitan individual lives within a “doubling of identity and identification. the cosmopolitan ethic. 35 . 14). Beck (Ibid. In these situations individuals have to negotiate senses of self and place often in locations where there are a hybrid of cultural perceptions and mores within a latent ‘in-between space’ of established populations and influxes of strangers. Silverstone (Ibid.

for example. media institutions and characteristics of communication frame the possible ways in which the production of voices and responses can be shaped and represented as well as enabling and determining levels of reciprocity and responsibility in communications (Silverstone 2007). key aspects of the contrapuntal include the notion that any particular identity only exists within a range of opposites. saying that the contrapuntal points to the necessary presence of a multiplicity of voices as well as the media polis’ own plurality in creating a genuine space for dialogue to foster respect and hospitality amongst peoples in Europe (and globally). including their real and represented locations. In the European context. with freedom “to be heard and to speak” denied to many (Silverstone Ibid. this poses questions of how these media spaces are used by different people in Europe. Not all engagement. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas The condition of plurality of cultures within the mobility of peoples who have the aspiration to communicate across difference creates situations of the counterpoint or the contrapuntal.Sociologija. languages and ethnicities. The concept of the contrapuntal addresses the articulation of diversity within and between cultures. However. This diversity is also the context of the European media environment. the now and the self. For example. The contrapuntal does not suggest that cultural difference and conflict can be ameliorated rather there is an ongoing recognition and re-recognition of difference with which social actors engage in varying ways. the above mentioned characteristics of the media are significant because they frame the character of communication in both form and content. active and influential in materializing and indeed shaping the characteristics of the relationships that underpin and give form to diversity. these forms however need new patterns of association to create dialogue and trust in communication. Thus. Silverstone (Ibid. there is diversity between and within a variety of cultures. To summarize. Silverstone (Ibid. The interactive digital media can open up new networks of communication in various forms of social networking. however. In the media these relations are realised in the power differential between dominant and subordinate media institutions. 36 . in relation to mass media communication the ‘one to many’ format is unequal and unjust. This environment is. blogging and wikis and so on. however. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).) continues. are weaving multiplicity into communication that may inform civil society and the public sphere. is open and hospitable to the ‘other’.). home pages etc.) argues that contrapuntal moments show the presence of the other (the stranger) in time and space is a point of reference in relation the significance of the here. the media polis’ multiple threads of broadcast programmes. in the social organisation of audiences and producers. in the capacities and reach of the technologies and their platforms. Nonetheless. and in patterns of inclusion and exclusion across and within nation states (Silverstone 2005). Sociologically speaking. for instance. websites. Given that the concept of contrapuntal includes a consideration of integrity in the articulation of diversity as it manifests in communication and mediation.

many minorities construct a media space from national. Within this context. Rather. minorities tend not to directly relate to either the social and cultural mainstream of any ‘host’ country or many of the marke­ ting categories of national audiences. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas 7. radio and cable TV that provide opportunities for engagement in locally available media production processes. national and local events across the public and the private aspects of everyday life. The key findings of the study show that mediation is highly contextualized. internet cafes and local authority centres. and shifts in positions of dominance and subordination. noting what is present and absent. access to media and communication for minorities is through neighbourhood phones. national and trans-national media in EU nation states. Gene­ rally. 91). groups and populations prompted by economic. internet or video hire centres. Contexts of Mediation and Dialogue in Europe In the gradual orientation to Europeanization by nation states through the expansion of the EU and in the movements of migration throughout Europe there is some tentative and fragile interlinking between social and symbolic worlds. such as local print. The research explores minorities’ engagement with local. Silverstone’s (2005. in cities. production and use. they nonetheless form open and inclusive sites of communication that can be appropriated by locally placed communities (Silverstone Ibid. religious and environmental changes. local and trans-national media and their use and appropriation of media is complex and layered. Although.Sociologija. Cities also provide cultural and multicultural media outlets and projects. the local is of primary importance for minorities.) argues that to understand this process requires analysts to listen to the expressive score of different cultures. The team worked with 75 distinct groups among recent and established minorities with populations of over a 1000 in the 15 EU member states (before enlargement in 2004) to explore their media and media practices (Silverstone 2007. as it provides the situated context for access. Silverstone addresses the way in the media interact within individual and institutional processes of communication. He traces the link bet­ ween production and reception in the ways in which minorities make sense of and make meaningful global. political. 2007. Thus. These sites are important as they provide access to media and communication for those who otherwise may not have the resources have individualised and privatised access. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Mediation and culture is contrapuntal and lived cultures such as migration express this through the movement and displacement of individuals. some sites may generate specific user groups based on ethni­ city due to their location within migration patterns. The cultural based media outlets tend to produce 37 . Silverstone (Ibid. 90-98) study of mediation in the everyday lives of migrants and minority group producers and users of media explores the dynamics of mediation between 2001 and 2003. It is partly through the media and the process of mediation that the plurality of cultures and their representation becomes visible. 90-95).

as well as 8 Hindu channels and 20 Spanish and Portuguese channels. Some particular characteristics of digital technology support these types of producer-consumer led new media projects. However. for example. Ano­ ther example from radio is the BBC Asian Network in the UK that provides some broadcasting in Bengali. These types of initiatives are. there are some independent local media projects much local media production and consumption is linked to national initiatives that include public service multiple ethnic and multicultural programming. which therefore excludes migrants from weaker economically based nations. Hindi. which although often small in scope and under-supported and under-represented in relation to mainstream press and media nonetheless provide important services. Poland and the ex-Soviet states. Sites hosted by these networks. In this context of local. national and transnational media outlets. specifically within diasporic communities. which is enabling a rapid growth of on-line diasporic news and information sites produced by individuals and communities within diaspora networks and minority populations. and increasing numbers of channels from Russia. these types of transnational media are limited to countries that are vibrant enough economically to support such media production. the development of search engines that are specifically dedicated to Spanish or Latin American websites hosted in Belgium. For example. its significance also lies in its underlying design for user-participation. Radio Multikulti (Germany). These programming facilities are often part of multicultural policy agendas and exam­ ples include: Couleur Locale (Belgium). the Internet is a distinct form of communication for mino­ rity communities. Although. 36  Turkish. information on their rights and on social services for a national Greek audience in London in the United Kingdom (UK). The provision of this type of programming varies across cultures but examples include 30 Arabic satellite channels. However. Silverstone and his research team found that these types of websites are culturally con- 38 . Colourful Radio (the Netherlands) and Sesam (Sweden). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). A further media source that interacts in the communications environment of migrants and minority groups is the presence of transnational satellite TV that transmits programming from various destinations and so-called ‘homelands’. the Internet as an information and communication medium enables access that is low in cost compared to other media. however. therefore have the ethos and capacity to include the displaced as well as those left behind in home societies. They can limit access to production processes to minority groups and hence curtail opportunities for self-representation in mediating cultural expression by minority groups. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas content that is based on particular linguistic and culturally traditions for specific minority audiences. often shaped by national initiatives that may not fully recognise the actual voices and pre­ sence of minorities. Exam­ ples of such services include national local hybrids such as London Greek Radio that offers in Greek. Gujarati. Another part of the media dynamic for minorities is the role of minority media.Sociologija. Punjabi and Mirpuri.

documentaries. and a series of documentaries produced under the title ‘Carpenters Shorts’ are well received. Nonetheless. are not especially well linked to other public fore. The tenants built on the infrastructure. technological and skill-related terms. the European Commission funded project. However. ‘Down Carpenters Way’. but also in understanding of how programming is received by audien­ ces. Advanced Trans-European Telematics Application for Community Help Project (ATTACH) involved Newham Online. and skills and media training to provide their own content and produce their own television programmes and videos. public participation and the building of skills. They did this by forming a partnership made up from Newham Council.) project show how diasporic communities are resourceful in developing media packages from a variety of media forms and outputs to address their information. There are. ho­ wever. which limits their contribution to a public sphere within Europe and beyond. For instance. the Carpenters Tenants Management Organisation and tenants of Carpenters Estate. 90-95).Sociologija. Young-people online. with other public. These sorts of spaces are emerging frameworks for debating public and private issues. However ‘Living the High Life’ did raise controversy over its depiction of life in a ‘tower-block’ in a deprived area. The European project team designed a communication system that was inclusive in terms of free and universal access to new media. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas vergent and often bi-lingual. The studies in Silverstone’s (Ibid. Building on the work done in the ATTACH project in London. set-top boxes. Most programmes. apart from informal Internet production and use. however. communication and cultural requirements. private and voluntary sector organisations. The manager says it is a steep learning curve. many migrants or minorities are not in the position to voice their concerns from their own perspective and many are represented through the process of mainstream media production leaving them in relatively powerless positions to shape and inform media output. not only in organisational. and programmes. the manager felt that the Carpenters Connects team within their pattern of association could respond to the issues raised by their critics in a fair way without losing their 39 . such as ‘Meet the Neighbours’. the Carpenters Connect Project developed an interactive digital television (iDTV) network. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). some projects that are challenging mainstream media production through the use of new media and new forms of production and consumption patterns of association. debate by various groups opens up their concerns with many voicing oppositional perspectives of home as well as of host nations (Silverstone Ibid. community web groups. and digital storytelling in the London site. They created ‘Home2Home’ a new company in the iDTV market. In these spaces of communication. they. The manager of the Tenants Management Organisation feels that new media organised at the local level can provide media services that are produced by the residents for the residents who are both the producers and consumers of the service. and continue to make their own films.

The children from Lewisham. as a cyberspace. the Dialogue project involves citizen-panels use of on-line ‘Live Chat’ and videoconferencing to improve participation in local democratic processes. They found that they all had different ideas and experiences of bullying. for example. racism and migration. remembers that a migrant girl from Bologna had said: “I have had no problem with the language so far. Citizens were trained to use the Web. in one instance. Another example shows how new media partnerships and patterns of association can empower people. Ronneby. The project also fostered participation for schoolchildren by.). This is reflected in a phrase commonly used in Bologna. The fourth room is a chat room for discussions. racism and migration. which widened their understanding of other cultures in that they could see similarities as well as diffe­ rences (Harrison and Wessels 2005). In Lewisham (UK). 40 . The schoolchildren felt that through the project they got some understanding of what life was like in Bolog­ na. and they encourage mo­ thers and daughters to work together and learn from each other using new media. and as participative” (project worker. John and a number of others took part in a chat-session on proposed changes to local government and they were subsequently asked to attend a Council meeting to air their opinions further. Laura (Lewisham). ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas own voices and perspectives (Harrison and Wessels 2005). in their terminology ‘connecting on screen’ via video­ conferencing. experiences. political and historical debate. Ronneby (Sweden). and Lewisham (England). and they saw new media as a contemporary space for the development of self-expression. their hobbies and school-life to issues such as bullying. and Lewisham. a group of feminist researchers based the work of the project on Virginia Woolf ’s argument that women need their own space to write. In Ronneby. Bologna and Ronneby took part in discussions ran­ ging from the character of their everyday lives. and nobody has made me feel unwelcome because of my culture”. 1999). Residents find that politicians do listen to the ‘Live Chat’ sessions. The women mediated key political issues through new media by involving Bosnian women migrants in the project by sharing stories. The Dialogue project involved citizens and municipal councils from Bologna (Italy). with ‘use’ understood through the metaphor of “communication as a network. room two contains the ‘Virtual Cookbook’ as an exam­ ple of collaborative writing. They also foster active parental involvement in schools through the interactive site that links them with the school. Room one is for participants’ perso­ nal presentations. each with its own function and representing different aspects of women’s writing.Sociologija. For example. Online ‘Live Chat’ feeds into formal council procedures and is relayed back to residents through the local authority web site. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). and recipes. The women of the town and surrounding region develo­ ped four virtual rooms. which was “we teach you the techniques. and the third room is for poems and short stories. you teach us the content to which they can be applied” (ibid.

obligation and responsibility. in many cases the appropriation of local. rare and limi­ ted in number. The research by Wessels (in Harrison and Wessels 2005. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas The discussion in this section of the paper shows how individuals and groups in different situations are creatively developing new patterns and packages of media use to meet some of their information. as together they combine to define media outputs and their interpretations. national and transnational media gives minority and diasporic groups little space for producing their own programming. self-representation and therefore little room for voicing their own experiences and concerns. The way in which these projects are socially organised. By their artful use and re-configuration of media they form a communication environment to support their social and cultural situations. as well as understanding. Silverstone (Ibid. Silverstone (2007) critically assesses the current media through the concept of ‘proper distance’ and addresses hospitality. however. responsibility and trust in the mediation of public and everyday life. namely from peoples. 8.Sociologija. and part of plurality (Silverstone Ibid. channels and services at the local level. thus proper distance is a perquisite for.) draws on the work of Arendt who sees proximity as an important aspect of politics and Levinas who sees 41 . events and places.). the author means the values and mores of the media that are also related within the production and reception processes. However. A key aspect of media work in which its values are expressed is through the respect and distance that media workers practice in producing content and ultimately represent in their programming of people. groups and individuals at a local level who wish to communicate with others in a respectful way to foster dialogue across cultures. These patterns of association and relations of communication are. shows that there is potential in the media polis for genui­ ne communication that is inclusive in media spaces that are shareable by multiple voices. Proper Distance The development of a shareable media polis and a communications environment means that analysts need to address what can be termed the ‘relations of communication’. By this term. and the majority of public communication is produced by the mainstream media industry. If proper distance is achieved in mediated communication it maintains a sense of other through difference as well as shared identity. also Wessels 2000 and 2007). Proper distance means the degree of proximity required in mediated inter-relationships that creates and sustains a sense of other sufficient for reciprocity and for the exercise of duty of care. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). The research undertaken by Silverstone’s research network shows how minorities and migrant populations appropriate various media technologies. as well as these processes themselves. shows how some patterns of association have formed through European Commission funded projects that facilitate a more participative approach to media production and reception. however. communication and cultural requirements.

These are instances of being ‘too close’ to foster respect of the other. they cannot scatter themselves infinitely. Silverstone (Ibid. An important aspect in imagining and achieving proper distance is the virtue of hospitality. in this context. 47). and res­ pected needs. he points out that journalists within the armies of occupying forces. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas proximity as an important dimension of morality. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).). is in practice and in convention a position that is ‘too far’ to create understanding of the other. ‘too far’. and exotic images in global advertising are examples of incorporation and the denial or reduction of difference. for since the earth is a globe. 118). understood. Silverstone (2007) argues hospitality must be seen as a culture rather than one ethic in an 42 . understanding and duty of care and involves an epistemological (Arendt) and an ontological (Levinas) commitment to finding the space to express what is experienced (Arendt) and essential (Levinas) in our relationships to the other” (Silverstone Ibid. he argue the media “trade in otherness.Sociologija. and in so doing they limit the possibility of connection and identification.) gives examples of distance that is ‘too close’. In relation to hospitality in the media. but must. through this dialectic negates the legitimacy of difference. It is universal in which “the right to visit. Hospitality is an obligation to welcome the stranger and is a right to the freedom of speech and an obligation to listen and to hear. This approach to representation highlights the failure of the current media to hear different perspectives and to address the complexities of social life. It denies the validity of difference and the irredu­ cibility of otherness in social relations. finally.) continues from these positions by arguing that “proper distance involves imagination. because originally no one had a greater right to any region of earth than anyone else” (Kant 1983. Silverstone argues that the current organisation of the media fails to value and to practice proper distance. which destroys difference by exaggerating it (the ordinary made exceptional) and naturalizing it (the exceptional made ordinary) thus. Silverstone argues. to associate. which empties identity of its distinctiveness and connective-ness. the way Moslems. For example. and distance that is neither ‘too close of far’. in the spectacular and the visible” (Silverstone Ibid. Palestinians are represented as beyond the pale of humanity. tolerate living in close pro­ ximity. Iraqis. the media intrusion into private life of public figures. 47-48). This method of communication sustains modernity’s inability to engage with plurality and the rights of the stranger (Silverstone Ibid. belongs to all men by virtue of their common ownership of the earth’s surface. Gene­ rally. Proper distance in mediation as ‘both close and far’ where the other is acknowledged. which is the first virtue of the media polis (Silverstone Ibid. Identity. Silverstone (Ibid. producers and audiences with imagination (Silverstone Ibid. is a commodity that is traded.). Whereas. An example of distance that it neither ‘too close or too far’ is found in the cult of celebrity. 47) Relationships and social knowledge amongst peoples are highly dependent on the media as a key communicator within late modern society.

the poor the rich.) recognises that Derrida’s notion of ethics-as-hospitality is important because hospitality as an obligation rather than a right is a primary ethic in a cosmopolitan world. and is. 128). For Silverstone (2007). parsimo­ nious. the weak the powerful and so embodying Rawls’ (1999) notion justice3. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas array of media ethics. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). and protective of its sovereignty” (Derrida in Borradori 2003. Hospitality. and the powerful the weak. hospita­ lity is the ethos in which ‘the other’ not only speaks but that ‘the stranger’ should be heard. is a particular and irreducible component of what it means to be human. as our own or as forgiveness… ethics is so thoroughly coextensive with the experience of hospitality” (Derrida cited in Silverstone Ibid. hospitality is uniform and universal. with or without any expectation of reciprocity. Conclusion This paper has considered the complexity of developing the role of the media in any developments in the Europeanization of public spheres given the diversity of identities and cultures within and between nation states. the familiar place of dwelling … the manner in which we relate to ourselves and to others. 9. It is inscribed into the cultures of most of the world religions as an ethic beyond the political. However. He describes hospitality as: “The capacity. entirely innocent and devoid of judgement and discrimination. an ethos that is about “home. traditional media tends to have a national perspective and. The media has traditionally had a role in the public sphere in mediating the voices of civil society and was. indeed the expectation. and especially distributive justice. although public service broadcasting aims to facilitate fair representation and expression (as does commercial TV to a From Silverstone’s perspective. an ethic of humility and generosity. He argues that it is at the heart of our relationships with others and is constitutive of such relations. the rich will welcome the poor. a core institution in the nation states of Europe. and is an obligation whatever anyone’s position is in social or symbolic hierarchies. of welcoming the other on one’s space. Silverstone (Ibid. In Derrida’s terms tolerance is “scrutinised hos3 Rawl’s (1999) uses a social contract argument to show that justice. Here Silverstone (Ibid. The culture of hospitality is therefore at the centre of a plural and just mediated world that informs and is constituted through a proper distance between selves and others. This is because hospitality is about a sense of ethos. which bypasses differences of power and inequalities of wealth and status” (Silverstone Ibid. 139) pitality. 43 . always under surveillance. is a form of fairness as an impartial distribution of goods. It speaks of the long relationship between the sedentary and the nomad. on the other hand is unconditional. 139).Sociologija. Thus. Hospitality is the mark of the interface we have with the stranger.) links hospitality as a core component of justice to the media as when absent it is a sign of injustice in the lived as well as mediated world. He also differentiates hospitality from tole­ rance or toleration in that it is not a relation of sufferance or patronage of the powerful.

Furthermore. The spectrum must also facilitate and allow for non-national transmission and individual channels must provide programme time for the all those who are excluded in one form or another. but they are not part of the mass media industry or sector. Silverstone’s (2007. However. in mainstream news and current affairs programming. To achieve this type of ‘just’ communication is difficult and the openness in these types of relations of communication is at risk of being abused but nonetheless still needs to be pursued. they are generating innovative ways to foster dialogue in the public sphere within the European context. and new media projects. Furthermore. any and all of those marginalised. sensationalist reporting and complex world politics is generating a complicated substantive media and communications environment. the examples of new media projects given in this paper show how proper distance can be achieved in some innovation projects that are shaped through new patterns of association. as Silverstone (Ibid. However.Sociologija. must be seen and heard in their own terms. which is characterised as contrapuntal. This means that all social agents are obliged to open their space to the stranger whatever their position in the media hierarchy (Ibid. 2005) recommendations include that the media-polis needs to be developed as a shared space. Although there are difficulties in achie­ ving proper distance. These obligations within a culture of hospitality should be a requirement and modus operandi across all mediums of communication including minority channels and programmes. further research 44 .) points out there is an overarching need for ‘proper distance’ in the media of Europe to underpin European civil society through the culture of hospitality bet­ ween situated and mediated agents to ensure genuine dialogue and just participation. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas limited degree by force of regulation) nonetheless programming and press frame news and events within their production and audience systems. In practical terms this means that digital and analogue spectrum must be made available for minorities and the varyingly disadvantaged. Through the recognition of the other and in the sound of his or her voice hospitality within a cosmopolitan condition and mediated culture involves sharing that space and taking responsibility for it (Silverstone 2007). He argues (Ibid. These patterns of association are based on shared understanding and the welcoming of the other within a culture of hospitality.) that media communication needs to evolve through the continuous multiple-presence of many and various voices that define and produce spaces of mutual hospitality in the media-polis. the relations of communication needs to ensure that. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). There are some emerging media patterns of association that are fostering hospitality that involve the sharing of experien­ ce through the voices of participants. Some new media patterns of association are offering new forms of communication and expression. seen mainly in innovative new media projects but also to some degree in minority media as well as a few examples in the mainstream media. mainstream media. Nonetheless. fully representing their voices and bodily presence (Silverstone 2005).).

London: Pluto. Massachusetts: The MIT Press. New York: Modern Library. London: Pinter. Giovanna. “Gibt es den europaischen Zuschauer?“. Segmented and Strong Pub­ lics. (Eds. Dennis and Wright. Ulrich. Jurgen Habermas: Democ­ racy and the Public Sphere. (Ed.). Sociological Review: Blackwells Publishing. “Cosmopolitan Europe: A Confederation of States. 2003. acknowledgement of the other’s moral standpoint. then hospitality loses meaning” (Silverstone 2007. Jürgen. “Westereuropaische Integration und die Schwierigkeiten der Entstehung einer europaischen Offentlichkeit“. ARENA Working Paper 3/04. and a recognition that his or her presence in such a world presumes a right to act on and it in. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. John. 1992. Craig. 1993. Dewey. Jackie and Wessels. Vol. 2004. (Ed. London: Sage. Bridgette. 1989. 1999. 21(1): 12-35.Sociologija. 1999. Jürgen. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas is needed to see how these types of projects can underpin media communication for the inclusion of the many and various voices of peoples in Europe in ways that reinvigorate and re-imagine a public sphere for Europe that is relevant to the 21st Century. B. Borradori. Rawls. of the right to be in the world we share. This has implications for the current changes in. Groze-PecLum. Grundmann. Goode. Cambridge: Polity Press. Culture as Praxis. John. the Europe Union because without hospitality the conditions for building an inclusive and genuine cosmopolitan society within and bet­ ween the states of Europe will be hampered. 1999. Burger. “Prologue” In: Smith. Gerhards. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1939. G. University of Bremen. E. Sociological Review: Blackwells Publishing. Eriksen. Calhoun. 2003. 2005. Picht. A Theory of Justice. 81-94. Both research and policy agendas need to address the issues such as hospitality within the culture of proper distance and how they may be practised within the relations of communication. 22: 86-110. “A New Public Service Communication Environment? Public Service broadcasting values in the reconfiguring media”. 45 . Philosophy in the Time of Terror: Dialogues with Jurgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). trans. Sue. Darin. Rex. This is because “without an References Bauman. Ritter. Zeitschrift fur Kultur­ austausch 40: 185-194. The Trans­ nationalisation of Public Spheres: A Public Discourse Approach. 1990. Barney. Ulrich.). “The European Public Sphere and the deficit of democracy”. In: Garcia. 1997.) 1992. Susan and Seligmann. Elisabeth. Desperately Seeking Europe. Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity. Habermas. Zygmunt. Oslo: Norway. trans. Robert. Beck. 7 (6): 834-853. London: Sage. 125-146. John. 143). Sue (Eds. 2004. Stefanie. Mark. Harrison. and enlargement of. 1993. New Media and Society. London: Archetype Publications: 235-253. Pocock. Intelligence and the Mo­ dern World. INIIS. Soledad. 2005. Luke. and Sifft. Habermas and the Public Sphere. Dennis and Wright. Peters. Reiner. The Structural Trans­ formation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. A. vii-ix. In: Smith. 1993. Cambridge: Polity Press. Beck. Whose Europe? The turn towards democracy. M-L. a Federal State or Something Altogether New?” In: Stern.). J. Zeitschrift fur Soziologie. The Network Society. “Disturbed Identities: Social and Cultural Mutations in Contemporary Europe”. Thomas. Conceptualizing European Public Spheres: General. 1999. “What do we mean by Europe?” In: The Wilson Quarterly. Whose Europe? The Turn Towards Democracy. European Iden­ tity and the Search for Legitimacy.

) Cosmopolitanism and Europe. Bridgette. Siep. Journal of European Public Policy. Heinz and Pilgram. Wessels. In: Steinert.Sociologija. 2000. Chris. Thomas. Media and Morality: on the Rise of the Mediapolis. Within Europe. It critically assesses the capacity of current mainstream media to engender dialogue between the peoples of Europe with a focus on fostering respect and understanding in the creation of inclusive public spheres in the context and contradictions of Europeanization. IDNET F5 project (EUI) and the Centre for Transatlantic Foreign and Security. 1991. Wessels. An ideal-type public sphere provides space for public debate regarding what makes for a ‘good society’. Abram de. Maurice. cultural distinctiveness emerges through differences in ways of life and their respective institutional expression as well as personal and group identity formations. ABSTRACT Silverstone. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). The framework of analysis is that of ‘communication spaces’ of digital media and mass media in relation to the dynamics of participation. Silverstone. and for consideration of the issues involved in the development and sustainability of such a society. Aldershot: Ashgate. Swaan. The concept of ‘proper distance’ (Silverstone 2007) is used to explore these developments and to analyse the role of the media more generally in a changing Europe. 318-342. 4: 495-519. Werlen. Peter and Anderson. Cambridge: Polity Press. Dewey’s (1939) claim that society is realised through communication allows one to explore the question of cultural expression and dialogue in tracing the articulation of cultures within a changing Europe. National and Supranational”. 2007. Action and Space. 61-76. Berlin. responsibility and trust in the mediation of public and everyday life. 2005. The University of Sheffield E-mail: b. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Risse. London: Verso. H. 2007. The case studies show how mass media and new media are differentially appropriated within various contexts of use. “Notes on the Emerging Global Language System – Regional. London: Routledge. Maurice. Culture and Society 13(3): 309-323. Media. such as: what are the obstacles for creating European public spheres that are inclusive for different groups in Europe? What is the role of the media in constructing civic cultures in Europe? To gain an understanding of the dynamics of the role of the media in relation to civil society involves understanding the ways in which the media and participation are culturally embedded and understood in late modernity and in the expansion of the European Union. Aldershot: Ashgate. 2005. Notes for a revised bid for an IP under F6: 7. “To be a European Citizen – Eros and Civilisation”. Roche. “Telematics in the East End of London: New Media as a Cultural Form”. “Cultural Europeanization and the Cosmopolitan Condition: European Union Regulation and European Sport”. New Media and Society 2 (4): 427-44. 1997. Smith. Roger. Arno (Eds. Media. 1993. Society. The paper draws on comparative European research of migrant and minority communities within Europe as well as more settled communities in Europe. 1995. 2003. Developing the Public Sphere in Europe  – Background Notes. Anthony D. H. Wessels. (Ed. In general terms these debates are historically situated and nationally understood.1. Perry The Question of Europe. Current developments in the process of fostering some development in the Europeanization of public spheres raise specific questions. (23/3/ 2005).1. Proper distance includes issues such as hospitality. Aldershot: Ashgate.) Welfare Policy from Below: Struggles Against Social Exclusion in Europe. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. In: Rumford.wessels@sheffield. Bridgette and Miedema. 2007. Free University. Inside the Digital Revolution: Policing and Changing Communication with the Public. Weiler. Roger. “National Identity and the Idea of European Unity”. In: Gowar. 46 . Bridgette Wessels Department of Sociological Studies. 2007. Roche. Joseph. Technology and Everyday Life in Europe: From Information to Communication. An Emerging European Public Sphere? Theoretical Clarifications and Em­ pirical Indicators. “Towards Understanding Situations of Exclusion”.

2. protest activity. Bulgarijos visuomenė analizuojama ikidemokratinio paveldo aspektu. protesto sąjūdis. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: pilietiškumas. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Boris Popivanov Citizenship and Civic Activity in Contemporary Bulgaria: (Non-) European Dimensions Santrauka. They represent a field of study belonging to different sciences and scientific disciplines. Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos pilietiškumo problemos ir formuluojami teiginiai.Sociologija. citizens-state relationship. Working Notion of Citizenship Citizenship in its classical understan­ ding and modern usage is widely accepted to: • constitute a relationship between an indi­ vidual and a political community/state. ir kaip vidinis pilietiškumo raidos suvaržymas. 47 . intensyvumą. ambiguous processes. trends and facts. 1. Keywords: citizenship. analyzed and even listed through a single explanatory matrix. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). non-democratic citizenship. discourse of rights. Preliminary Note This text deals with complex. kurių paskirtis – analizuoti paskutiniųjų dešimtmečių Bulgarijos visuomenės raidą. sietinos su pilietiškumo plėtros galimybėmis. Atsižvelgiant į šiuos kriterijus pateikiami du informatyvūs pavyzdžiai. Pateikiama euristinė pilietybės sąvoka. teisių diskursas. o taip pat atsižvelgiant į demokratinių pokyčių poveikį valstybės ir piliečių santykių raidai. piliečių ir valstybės santykis. European integration. Protesto veiksmai traktuojami kaip esminė pilietinio aktyvumo forma. closed form but remain in progress. kuri apibrėžiama atsižvelgiant į dabartinės socialinės teorijos pokyčius. Europos integracija. Moreover. Glaustai svarstomi istoriniai šios sąvokos aspektai į pirmą vietą iškeliant dvi pagrindines problemas. This should be mentioned to account for the thesis-like form of presentation and just the brief and conceptual argumentation on and discussion of the many examples and conclusions that surely deserve more detailed elaboration. Analizuojamas teisių diskursas – ir kaip šiuolaikinės pilietiškumo struktūros pagrindas. socialinis pasyvumas. jų pobūdį. in most cases the things we discuss do not appear in a final. Straipsnio pabaigoje pateikiamos išvados. They keep the door open to multiple problems leaving the issue under consideration but staying in mutual connection with it. kryptį. as a part of a framework which is still incomplete and subject to further development. nedemokratinis pilietiškumas. kurie atskleidžia svarbiausius pokyčių elementus. They cannot be exhausted. social passiveness.

ethnicity. and (2) transition to a new type of political community which raises the inevitable question of its ability to mediate building a common European public sphere. in the nation state and in the EU) change the notion of citizenship (problem of different levels of citizenship)? These are  – respectively.Sociologija. New Keywords 2005. i.e. to construct identity and to control the way it 48 . The 20th century was a time of challenge to some notions which used to be taken for granted. • bring forth stereotypes and procedures of the individual’s relating to the communi­ ty. professional position. social status. we may formulate an important set of questions: can the well-known notion of citizenship be preserved in the new conditions of globalization and intense social and political dyna­ mics of the contemporary world? Which of its components should be abandoned. its general perception and the variety of attitudes linked to it. 2. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). and in a dia­ chronic plan  – problems of (1) transition to democratic political constitution and its adoption in the individual’s political consciousness and behaviour. etc. • be expressed by the system of rights and duties of individuals in relation to the political community that are fixed and guaranteed by the corresponding normative texts and public institutions. reassessed or will have a chance to be reaffirmed in the future? To what extent do the geographical and historical factors determine the unevenness of citizenship change? What are the valid explanations for Bulgaria and for the rest of Europe? 3. Heater 2004. The spectrum of human rights widened to impose new forms of duties on the political state and its institutions.g.). wealth. We may outline two major issues that emerged in the historical practices of modern societies. • build bonds of political affiliation of indi­ viduals to the community. The first one: can membership of individuals in totalitarian states be called citizenship in the light of the traditional usage of the term (problem of nondemocratic citizenship)? And the second one: how does the opportunity of membership in different political communities (e. of the relationship between the subject and the feudal which is private in its essence. The democratic processes and revolutions in Western Europe gave the impetus of a totally new understanding of the individual’s role in society and politics. thus forming a sense of identity and commitment to its development. 29-31). Citizenship began to reflect the achievements of Western democracy in all its varieties. Taking this short scheme as a base. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas • be characterized by a public nature (it integrates the subjects of this relationship in common goals through the mechanisms of public state power) and equality (it treats individuals as equal in relation to the political community regardless of differences in race. hereby construc­ ting and reproducing key elements of the dominant political culture (cf. Modern Context of Citizenship and Contemporary Dilemmas The modern notion of citizenship originates in the overcoming of Middle Ages idea of a subject.

He divides human rights into three 49 . The idea that strengthening of citi­ zenship is just a function of getting over barriers to successive introduction of new civil rights and mechanisms that guarantee these rights meets counterexamples. It neglects the historical premises of recognition of one or another human right. and (2) how does the state change its character in the framework of the new double challenge: democratization and delegating sovereignty to the EU. The necessity of theoretical rationalization of the problem gradually comes to the head of the agenda. the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the UN General Assembly (1948). these are the problems of (1) how do the individuals change their position. Formulated otherwise. Nation states react in a diverse manner to the problem of reconciling formal equality (of citizens in relation to the rights guaranteed by the state) and real inequality (that use of the same rights produces among free indivi­ duals). much of the content remains unaltered. in relation to the elements of citizenship. the Bill of Rights as the first ten amendments to the US Constitution (1791). Dynamic changes in contemporary societies complicate the elaboration of common strategies. This way it has no adequate instruments to explain the specific situation in different countries and epochs. Of course. The General Declaration of Rights of Man and the Citizen during the French Revolution (1789). At the same time. a commonly accepted aggregate still fails to emerge. 4. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas influences the state as a basic political unit of Modernity. Discourse of Rights in Developing Liberal Citizenship: Internal Limitations The assumption of one-track development of democratic content of citizenship is superficial. We may see that the current political situa­ tion in Europe is linked to the issue of citizenship in the most profound way since it concerns the elements of the relationship and its specifics alike. their political significance in passing from totalitarian to democratic political regime. This theory cannot be discussed here at length. One may have a look at the various attempts to systemize and generalize human rights in recent history in order to become conscious of dissimilarities and disparities. the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU as an annex to the Treaty of Nice (2000) – all of them being landmarks in the progress of the discourse of rights – do not seem to propose unified approaches. The so called liberal citizenship which has been the dominant interpretation of the concept in the last two centuries emphasizes the rights as the most essential component of citizens-state relationship. One of its features is ahistoricity. their role in society. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).Sociologija. The most influential theoretical explanation we shall use here has been proposed by the Czech jurist Karel Vasak in 1977 (Vasak 1977). The origins of this preference can be traced back to the theory of natural rights and social contract that preceded the formation of the liberal narrative of modern Europe. National legislations find it difficult to sanction coinciding schemes of interpretation of rights.

Sociologija. These are most of all social rights including rights to be employed and to have benefits in case of unemployment. etc. rights to a healthy environment. to participation in cultural heritage. There are many countries where social movements under the flag of (3) accuse (1) and (2) of being a display of hypocrisy and manipulation. Vasak’s categorization helps us find our way to the historical peculiarity of the situa­ tion. The three generations of rights made their consecutive appearance. etc. The balance of distinct rights and of generations of rights as a whole is a problem of political traditions and local conditions. to health care and education. religion. rights to self-determination. Nevertheless. among others. Institutional framework is expected to provide the necessary solutions. They can be realized only through the existence of legal order and autonomous civic space. These rights can hardly be classified in a uniform way. Economic development did not prove to be the only stimulus to the spread of (2) and (3). The pattern in which the first generation (1) leads to the second one (2) that leads to the third one (3) is tempting but not entirely correct. That is why a field of potential social conflicts is opened. This balance imposes limitations on the expansion of rights that often are difficult to be realized. These are predominantly political rights including the freedom of speech. That is why a perception of a vacuum of justice follows. to natural resources. The second-generation rights (rights of equality) formed as a consequence of industrialization and social differentiations of capitalism and began to be recognized by governments after the World War I. Fraternity. Equality. The US economy has been more powerful than the European ones for decades but nevertheless Europe went well ahead of the USA in introducing (2) and (3). The crisis of the welfare state in Western Europe and the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe led to tangible reduction of (2). the right to a free trial. group rights. but it of- 50 . The first-generation rights (rights of liberty) serve to protect the individual from the arbitrariness of the state in the wake of modern democracy. rights to social security. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). The principle of division is the historical development. one should not exaggerate the causal depen­ dence. It may be concluded that the sum of rights citizenship comprises has specific geographical and historical parameters. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas generations following the three words in the slogan of the French Revolution: Liberty. World’s political landscape is versicoloured. the right to vote. expression. consider (2) and (3) inappropriate intrusion into individual independence by attributing certain goals to people that other­ wise should have the right to choose for themselves. The third-generation rights (rights of fraternity) have started to form and seek codification in the latest decades as an expression of the cons­ ciousness that humanity needs a better and more dignified life in harmony with nature. Social rights failed to go along with political rights. In some places (socialist Eastern Europe) (1) was virtually replaced by (2). They include. especially liber­ tarians. etc. Right-wing supporters. to interge­ nerational equity and sustainability.

Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). press. elaborating explanatory models. Bulgarian citizenship should undoubtedly be considered in the light of: • post-totalitarian change: 1989-1991. The study requires historical context. etc. two key events (or set of events) marked the development of the Bulgarian case. it has a South-Eastern European tradition differing from the modes of culture in Central Europe. and through the perspectives of the period after entering the EU. knowledge of the constitutional arrangements. the resources and the overall vision to do it. in the period of the transition. it is involved in globalization trends. The Bulgarian Constitution inclu­ ded a series of first-generation rights such as the rights to freedom of speech. 5. the rights to inviolability of the person and home. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas ten lacks the mechanisms. It corresponds to the predominantly rural po­ pulation. Regardless of the varieties in political regimes. artistic work. it has always been highly centralized. The urban majority formed several decades ago. The 1971 Constitution of People’s Republic of Bulgaria fell under the model most famously represented by the 1977 USSR Constitution. religious belief. The state has been the leading factor of historical change. assembly. with strong power capacities. Chronologically. This is the key to understand contemporary Bulgarian development as well an important tool for comparison with the political path of other post-totalitarian countries. 51 . Social activity has been manifested in support of or in opposi­ tion to the state policies. Premises: Pre-Democratic Heritage and the Paradox of Change Bulgaria belongs to the communities where the state has not been developed to serve the needs of civil society.Sociologija. Liberal citizenship nowadays operates in a highly complicated decision-making environment. The state maintained its stabi­ lity by means of social interventions and social acquisitions guarantees. The characteristics of citizenship should be studied briefly in the period before the transition to democracy. social activity has always been channelled in the direction of the functioning of the nation state. enlisting the main consequences of changes in the public sphere. • full membership in the EU: 2007. Since liberation from Ottoman rule in 1878. outlining the leading forms of civic activity. These trends reaffirmed passiveness with respect to the civil rights. 6. rights to privacy. but it did not bring about the establishment of active urban groups. and not with the aim of expanding an autonomous space of civic in­ terests. it is part of the processes of European integration. The socialist state turned to be the political form that achieved this to the highest degree. All of these resemble the classic statements in democratic constitutions. This feature is common to most Balkan states. and hypotheses on the options of further deve­ lopment. Bulgarian Case: Prism of Citizenship in Tracing Recent National Development The general specifics of the situation are determined by several factors: Bulgaria is a former socialist state developing liberal democracy.

The main paradox of change is revealed in its double-sided contradictory character: • the state is the subject of change. and cultural bene­ fits were duly proclaimed and by all means exceeded the corresponding rights even in the constitutional matrix of West European welfare states. and the key instrument of realizing civic interests remains the state political power. free of charge health protection and education. The common civic interest of expanding rights can be carried out only by means of the state. Our conclusion is that the socialist state proposes specific non-dem­ ocratic citizenship differing from the feudal subject-type relationship. housing. this supposes priority of a free private initiative requiring the weakening of the state. its main direction was orien­ ted towards the establishment of a model of protection of first-generation political rights written down in the Constitution but never introduced in practice. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). They had no binding force outside of or cont­ rary to the official policies of the Communist party.Sociologija. Moreover. care in the old age. one may come to im- 52 . The issue of second-generation rights found a far better expression in the Constitution. It cohabited with pre-modern stereotypes of social action and individual integration in socie­ ty. sickness. • the change happened to be fulfilled through an uncontrolled state yielding from social spheres previously dominated by it. Consequences of the Democratic Change Democratic change is often perceived as a general process subjecting its different dimensions to a singular logic and direction of fulfilment. They met their law guarantees and built a social model that served people’s needs and encouraged their political passiveness. Although in the beginning the political process was marked by the emergence of ecological movements defending some thirdgeneration rights. 7. pregnancy and child rearing. It is a result of both application of the Marxist-Leninist principles and a long-lasting political tradition of state’s dealings with social processes. Taking the realization of the civic dimension as a base. Thus the Bulgarian path to 1989 appeared to be very complex and multi-levelled. rest and leisure. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas The difference here originates in the fact that these rights were promulgated only in the framework of the socialist choice of society. The rights to work. The post-totalitarian change adopted its initial normative base between the fall of Todor Zhivkov’s regime in November 1989 and the adoption of the new Constitution in July 1991. There was no private belonging of individuals to a person or group but a system of stimulating individual commitment to the public goals of the state. This ambiguous situation made possible the practice of everyday violation of constitutio­ nal prescriptions in the case of civil rights. At the same time. there were no constitutional mechanisms provided for their protection. these dimensions have to be considered as entities which sometimes impose their own logic on the overall dynamics of the societal transformations. Nevertheless. Here we cannot enter the long argument about the character of the socialist state: premodern or modern.

Sociologija. The absence of adequate legal order and basis for political participation came to be the essence of all the uncertainties of people with regard to their privacy. property. But it was carried out in a way that came very near to dismantling the state and its controlling mechanisms. and on the other. Of course. The fall of barriers opened a way for another type of collective action. The new public space began to lose substance. The independent and multi-directional social activity that burst out of the shell of the previous restrictions could not be restrained only by some sense of democratic responsibility. The political programme of the state in its turn did not go further than the EU accession. Popular energy was directed elsewhere: to the process of dismantling socialism which was perceived as a necessary and sufficient condition of building a free and flourishing society. Anyway. It was implemented by the political elite as a normative and business integration without sufficient dialogue with citizens. this process was inherently connected to democratization. But the emphasis on political rights was not originally entangled in the fulfilment of civil autonomy. tended to fall even further. personal security. January 1. The political instruments they acquired as a result of the democratic change appeared to be dull when confronted with a reality of weakly protected autonomous civic spaces. low as they were. The newly created version of public space had to cope with a substantial risk that forced superorganization to be replaced by anomic suborganization. And it cannot be otherwise since the citizens did not enjoy a stable legal order that enables them to participate efficiently in the integration processes. Political rights were obviously charged with the task of compensating decreasing social rights. on the one hand. Social expectations began to reo­ rient towards the EU as a political community able to impose order and introduce rules and stability. In 1991 it received a constitutional framework prescribing the borders that civic freedom should not trespass. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas portant explanations of the contemporary development. 2007 (the date of the EU accession) found the Bulgarian state and Bulgarian citizens in a position of minimal dialogue. Loyalty and the sense of belonging to the state. They had cross-purposes and different ways of assessing things. there were weak and 53 . and quality of life. It is here that the notion of a democratic system as some kind of a representative theatre originates. one that stems from the individual opportunities for participation. Spontaneity was not encouraged and even persecuted. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). it did not correspond to society’s great expectations. There was a radical reduction of social rights proclaimed in the 1971 Constitution and the respective legislation with no adequate substitutes or cushions provided. This automatically led the citizens-state relationship to a crisis due to the instability of one of its elements. the 1991 Constitution made the peaceful transition possible. Collective action was regarded appropriate and permissible only when organized. It did not correspond to state’s capacities for providing of guarantees. The former socialist society was functioning through a hierarchy built on from above.

In the long run the weakening of the state combined with the enlargement of private property and market mechanisms tend to create the basis for focusing society’s expectations into the social and economic spheres. Reduction of social rights along with the new collective strategies of participation may be regarded as the key factors of transforming the protest potential into a social one. Citizens can no longer be considered as an aggregate of individuals mechanically united by the opportunity of political participation and appointing political leadership but rather as a multitude of social and professional communities with their specific. the helplessness of judicial system and the ineffective legislation enter the role of regular generators of tension. At the beginning of the democratic transition there were numerous and multi-level manifestations of civic activation with the aim of getting into the mechanisms of political representation and realization of political rights. 8. Change in Civic Behaviour The institutional dynamics of the democratic public space cannot be regarded independently of the changes in civic behaviour. These processes of transformation are parallel and often conditioned by each other. the instability of the current situation can be traced back to (a) the imperfect realization of the constitutional framework of Bulgarian citizenship. Therefore. Civic action was thought to have its culmination and end in exercising the political right to vote. European integration tends to raise Bulgarian citizens’ self-confidence. The discrepancy between civic expectations and state’s capacities determined soon afterwards the most usual pattern of civic activity to be the protest activity. 54 . The crisis tendencies and facts initially had their focus on the political sphere. but they do not feel themselves a part of it and are unsure how it can be defined and translated into everyday language. Liberalization and capitalism give rise to stratifications that find their expression in an entirely new structure of society. It underlines the necessity of a stable legal order as a precondition of genuine political participation. albeit not always conscious. at the same time. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas uneasy channels of communication and respective low institutional adaptability of the state. and people had little confidence in its democratic representativity. structured and duly formulated interests. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Solutions to social and economic problems were most often sought in the personal change in political power.Sociologija. people wish to be a steady part of the European public sphere. thus diminishing the importance of political sphere in the public opinion. As a cautious conclusion of the latter statement one can say that the Bulgarian public sphere still fails to propose sufficient stimuli and channels for participation. Corruption. they want to be treated as Europeans and feel the benefits of the membership. and (b) the attractiveness of a new and powerful model of legally protected political participation such as the one represented by the European Union.

citizens united by all-shared political agenda but not common social/ group interest. NGOs with definitive political character individual participation. ad hoc political solidarity with no strong internal cohesion entirely public action. one-track goals put forward as a clear plan for political change 2007/08 stratification crisis lack of readiness on behalf of the state to propose acceptable complex strategy for the development of society and its different social and professional groups temporal associations (strike committees.Sociologija. sustainable and long-term group solidarity with no general societal character Organizational bearers Type of participation Character of action mixed public/private action. which took place in 1996/1997 and in 2007. the distribution of the grain crop. In 1996/97 there were symptoms of economic crisis that successively encompassed the different spheres of national economy: the bank system. private economic initiatives together with civic campaigns 55 . The political confrontation did not make any further political interactions in the National Assembly possible. The mass participation and the importance of the demands show similarity. Nevertheless. to a governmental crisis and eventually to the fall of the government. Period Type of crisis Political content 1996/97 economic crisis developing into a crisis of the political system inability of the state to manage social and economic processes effectively in an environment of liberal capitalism mostly political parties. trade unions.). economic corporations social and professional group partici­ pation. with the trend likely to continue in 2008. no matter how reasonable and acceptable may be the proposals. civic movements. Taken in their totality. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). the currency policy. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas 9. it is by all means differences that predominate. professional organizations. they led to inter-elite struggles in the ruling Socialist party. the foreign and internal debt payments. A parliamentary crisis followed that came very near to a constitutional crisis (popular discontent with the constitutional order of the political system in general) but fortunately did not turn into one. etc. They can be easily observed in the table below. etc. Dynamics of Civic Action: Two Illustrating Examples This briefly described dynamics of the civic activity in Bulgaria can be outlined and elucidated with the help of two examples: the highest peaks of protest action since the beginning of democratic change.

A multitude of protests began to emerge. it has been characterized by social and professional group divisions. Alongside the objective premises for a crisis there was a well-orga­ nized opposition to the key government policies. anyway. This highly strained atmosphere of discontent made thousands of people crowd on big rallies. 2007/08 presented an entirely diffe­ rent situation. The successful economic development on macro-level contradicted the widely-spread notions that the current distribution of wealth is unjust and that the EU participation requires the EU standards of quality of life. the Bulgarian citizens desired to live the way other Euro­ pean citizens do. Many of the unpopular mea­ sures introduced prior to 2007 were justified by the necessity to cover the EU membership criteria. protests against introduction of protec­ ted territories under NATURA 2000 on behalf of land proprietors that led to ecological 56 . no political colour is to be observed. Regardless of their social and professional status they kept to a single and clear solution to the variety of problems: the change of the ruling party. They have been prepared and carried out by different civic and economic structures limiting their activity in a particular social or professional sphere. The achievement of this membership found a highly polarized society in terms of social position. Quite different dimensions may be enlisted: private economic initiatives together with civic campaigns (such as the one in defence of the Bulgarian nurses sentenced to death in Libya). diversification of the protest acti­ vity together with its reversibility.g. So in a unity of public action they considered the political transformation to be of a much higher significance than the realization of particular branch interests. The EU Accession of Bulgaria made a turning point in the democratic path of the country. The participation in protests has not been individual. Still one should remind that the government was trying to regulate the economy in a socialistlike manner. no single classification is possible. Their public activities were backed by a multitude of NGOs most of which taking their funds from abroad. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Many explanations may be in use. It is true that the greatest part of it was state’s property but. emergence of protests against protests: groups in society refusing to accept what other groups demand (e. Therefore. the state leadership did not show sufficient understanding. Political parties acted together with trade unions (including the newly formed ones) to encourage national protests and strikes. it was functioning in the framework of a compe­ ting capitalist market. Societal positions have to a large extent determined solidarity and the will to act. people have rejected a help from the opposition parties. They did not have confidence in the ability of the current state leadership to impose any of the important measures in the different sectors of economy. Quite naturally. The citizens saw general elections as a necessary condition to overcome the deepening crisis.Sociologija. In most cases. Nevertheless. They had no single organizational centre or comparable demands. On the contrary. Up to now they have wished to see their demands fulfilled by the present national government and have relied on the effective pressure from Brussels. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).

2005.popivanov@gmail. Citizens-state relationship changes both its components and its factors of influence. Karel. two illustrating examples are provided so that the character. At the end. 1977. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas protests. Oxford: Blackwell. The historical context of the concept is briefly outlined bringing forth the formulation of two major problems. New Keywords: A Revised Vocabulary of Culture and Society. most of all. new strategies are more necessary than ever. The protest activity is proved to be the key manifestation of civic activism. etc. UNESCO Courier 30:11. new guarantees. Boris Popivanow Sofia University St. and Cultural Organization. Paris: United Nations Educational. Derek. A working notion of citizenship is proposed in correspondence with the modern achievements of the theory. the depth and the main elements of change can be traced. Vasak. The state cannot act successfully on the European stage unless it has the support of its citizens and translates their interests into the language of all-European political decisions.Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). The lack of partnership and the postponement of solutions to social problems marginalize citizens and throw them in the trap of marginal politicians and organizations. the direction. Bennet. new resources. some conclusions on perspectives of citizenship are made. The discourse of rights is analyzed as both a basis of and an internal limitation on developing contemporary citizenship framework. It cannot remain the same. Social Dialogue and European Perspective It can be concluded that reestablishment of a strong and effective citizens-state dialogue is one of the most important task on the References Heater. 10.). Kliment Ohridski E-mail: boris. Lawrence and 57 . Scientific. A Brief History of Citi­ zenship. ABSTRACT agenda of society. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. taxi drivers’ protests that led to the initiatives “no-tip month” and “no-taxi day”. Tony. In the light of this. Both citizens and state may gain a lot if they help develop citizenship on both the national and the European level. Meaghan (Eds. 2004. This paper presents some theses on the development of citizenship issues in Bulgaria in recent decades. protests of school teachers with the demand of higher wages that led to protests of parents demanding their children went to school again). Grossberg. It requires. The Bulgarian case is considered through the prism of the predemocratic heritage and the consequences of the democratic change to the modification of state-citizens relationship. The relationship citizens-state is not a zero-sum game. New priorities. establishing consciousness that the link legal order-stable and coope­ rative political institutions contains the key to effective citizenship in present conditions. “Human Rights: A ThirtyYear Struggle: the Sustained Efforts to give Force of law to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights”.

to develop tourism. a prominent British brand consultant. Moreover. viešoji diplomatija. šalies įženklinimas. country branding. after the rejection of the Euro­ pean constitution in several European countries. identity politics. Rationally managed country’s (region’s or city’s) image communication nowadays is often treated as a panacea to strengthen the common identity. seeking a miracle. t. In the 21st century. Nors šalies įvaizdžio politikos formavimas kai kurių mokslininkų yra stipriai kritikuojamas. The country image communication practices directed both towards the EU citizens and towards the outside world as well. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Ina Dagytė. politiką bei šalių kultūrą. identiteto politika. lyginant jį su kitomis šalies įvaizdžio politikos strategijomis. straipsnyje yra pristatomas naujoje perspektyvoje. Keywords: country image communication. the EU institutions started rethinking the European identity. 1. Siekiama atskleisti specifinius Lietuvos įženklinimo strategijos bruožus. Šalies įženklinimo fenom­ enas. the term of public diplomacy exists and is used at the same time. and to increase product exports or to attract investment. concentra­ ting around the journal of Place Branding and Public Diplo­ macy (published since 2004). Pagrindiniai žodžiai: šalies įvaizdžio politika. propaganda. having 58 . pabaigoje Europoje. Sovietų Sąjungos ir JAV tradicijomis. country image communication is called country (nation or place) branding. in 2006 the European Commission invited Simon Anholt. pro­ paganda. to chair a panel of branding experts on European identity. For instance. Introduction In 2005. This was called “the biggest branding challenge in the world after USA and Nigeria” (Bounds 2006). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). public diplomacy. Many developed and even underdeveloped countries and regions worldwide are trying to apply its tools and theories. but the misunderstandings of the notion are quite common. Its theory and practice is gradually taking shape presently. jis įgyja didžiulę svarbą pasaulyje vystant ekonomiką. nowadays are understood as an effective instrument for strengthening the sense of ‘European-ness’ and creating common values. Aurelijus Zykas Country Branding: Qualitatively New Shifts in Country Image Communication Santrauka.y. kilęs XX a. and there are a lot of discussions regarding it.Sociologija.

In the second part. when countries tried to search for their identities and to communicate their culture and values worldwide. Therefore. country image communication has existed since the times immemorial. “carving messages in stone in an attempt to persuade enemy fighters to abandon resistance”. which inspired the emergence of a country branding approach. what resulted in creating the national flags and symbols. showing it as the Europe-based approach. there is obvious lack of comparative approach towards different paradigms of country image communication. which always worked synchronically with the hard power. This paper is divided into two parts. Before the Second World War there were many cases inspired by nationalistic tendencies. we would prefer to confine ourselves mainly to the period of the second half of the 20th century. this paper aims to discuss the issue from a comparative perspective. public diplomacy being the most important among them. Obviously. researched their distinctive national features and peculiarities. In the first part. as very often these paradigms and terms are treated syno­ nymously or. we will present a short historical perspective of country image communication from the Second World War. viewing them in the context of the changing world order after the end of the Cold War. Roberts (2006) points out a case of Homer age Greek soldiers. The new nation countries. the major shifts of country image communication in the last de­ cade of the 20th century and the peculiarities of the present country branding are discussed. These nation building processes revived again after the decolonization in Asia and Africa. Historical Perspective of Country Image Communication The notion of the European approach has not been applied and used widely in the strategies of the country image communication yet. The main objects of comparison will be the newest approach of country image communication. as opposed to other approaches. 2. if they are distinguished.Sociologija. Here a new approach towards country branding is proposed. the differences are not conceptualized. Thus. It is worth mentioning that among several interesting examples was Lithuanian diaspora’s efforts in the US to affect American public opinion and to reach the official recognition of Lithuanian independence (Fainaitė 1996). ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas longer history and longer period of research. constructing their identities. which appeared at the beginning of the 20th century. Walter R. We will try to define this notion and to prove its existence using the historical perspective of the country image communication. However. showing the conditions and the environment. there is a natural question if such conception exists at all. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). when the new independent countries emerged in the world. Therefore. as the practices of country image communication of this period directly influenced the present situation and 59 . that of country branding. based in authoritarian countries and the USA Public diplomacy as well. and the older ones. as it has been a tool to strengthen the country’s soft power. These media based campaigns sought to change the public opinion and to reach a positive effect.

 – those of Nazi and Soviet. the new shift in the history of country image communication and diplomacy was not the practice itself. Therefore. usually confined to wartime. it was the USA. continued after the end of the war. They launched broadcasting abroad and established several institutions for this information warfare (Roberts 2006). Public diplomacy emerged on the other side of the barricades. Guillion confessed by himself. as a counter-measure both to Nazis and Soviet propagandas. they are important for understanding the emergence of the second type of the practices. As W. Germany institutionalised its propaganda in 1933. these regimes acted very innovatively before and during the WWII. When the Nazi information expansion became too dangerous in Europe and in Latin America. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). called public diplomacy. the Soviet Information Bureau (Совинформбюро) in 1941. but the psychological warfare did not lose its importance. – in the 1930’s. Then it became a psychological contra-warfare. the enemy changed. After 1945. The term itself (in its modern connotation) was officially coined in 1965 by Edmund Gullion. in the Western world. as the latter already had too many negative connotations in these times (Cull 2006). ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas the emergence of the country branding approach. only after the end of the Se­ cond World War the public diplomacy took its shape. which was a predecessor of the present RIA Novosti. As Roberts (Ibid) states. establishing the Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda. a super-state.Sociologija. As E. British Council and American Voice are some of the remains from these times of the Second World War. this term was proposed as the euphemism of the older term “propaganda”. the Soviet propaganda continued its existence and influence through the Cold War till the early 1990’s. The first steps for the public diplomacy took part in the last years before the outbreak of the WWII.R. This new period was firstly inspired by totalitarian regimes. Although Nazis propaganda practices ended immediately after the WWII. who created and led the theories and practices of public diplomacy. though it was used before him as well. Moreover. as well as the Soviet Union established the main tool for foreign propaganda. fighting with 60 . British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). Soviet practices were applied effectively both for creating Soviet ideology inside the Eastern Block and for exporting tendentious information about the Soviet miracle for the Western world. The most amazing thing was that these practices. 3. originally star­ ting radio broadcasts in foreign countries and in languages other than their own. Great Britain and the USA decided to use similar techniques for the counter-attack. Roberts (2006) notes. Public Diplomacy In spite of the fact that those very effective and powerful country image communication practices of the Soviet Union and Nazis Germany are not in force any more. One of the reasons could be that actually the war did not end in 1945 but lasted in the form of the Cold War till 1990. It is widely known as agit-prop in the Western world.

Thus. printed copies and internet communication. using a wide range of terms and concepts of it. the elimination of its print publications. Tuch (1990) and Christopher Ross (2002. culture and the country itself (Risen 2005). what had happened with the Soviet agit-prop before. N. it must be institutionalized and managed by the Government. public diplomacy has primary connections with public relations techniques and theories. presentations. 61 .Sociologija. the restrictions of cultural dip­ lomacy naturally led to the liquidation of USIA in 1999 (Cultural diplomacy 2005. Instituto Camões or Japan Foundation. However. as well as tourism. 4). to crea­ te its powerful image and thus to oppose the communistic world. nowadays public diplomacy is gaining its importance again but. Thus. Practically. diplomatic events (receptions. cultural events (exhibitions.). seeking to send country’s messages effectively. mana­ ged by such institutions as British Council. In this field some of the important tools and techniques are working with different types of media as well as personal communication. Therefore. As both H. Alliance française. it can be treated as a superior level of the public relations. etc. In 1990’s. 4-5). when the US Information Agency (USIA) was established. Many economically strong countries established cultural centers abroad. 3) point out. the second way is cultural diplomacy. and it is understood as an important part of State’s foreign policy and diplomacy. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). taking important part in countries’ foreign policies.e. the positive work of press attaché. In the USA it was done in 1953. culture days. etc. as it is run not by private companies but by the government. seeking to promote cultural under standing through various events. TV programs are the main ways to promote the country within public diplomacy frames. revitalising the importance of public diplomacy and inspiring new discussions regarding its impact. It managed a vast number of centres abroad (USIS – US Information Services) for promoting American lifestyle. “to articulate U.the terro­ rism – emerged. Instituto Cervantes. The first is communication policy. However. it seemed that public diplomacy would disappear. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas the USSR’s agit-prop. business fairs and all other types of events are beloved by public diplomats. Thus. There even were ideas that September 11 and recent anti-Americanism occurred due to weakening of the US public diplomacy. policy clearly and forthrightly and to make a sustained effort to develop support for that policy” (Ross 2002. concerts. etc. the new enemy very clearly articulated after September 11 . The main goal of public diplomacy was to promote the USA. The practices of the USA-conceptualized public diplomacy were disseminated worldwide (initially in the capitalistic world only). articles in newspapers. They targeted their activities towards language and culture promotion. Besides. Goethe-Institut. press releases. changing its nature and dealing with new challenges. cultural and educational exchange programs. as it will be seen later in this paper. i. The strict budget cuts. business and export promotion. public-private partnerships.).S. public diplomacy operates in two ways.

TDI (tourism destination image) also gained great importance during the last decades. where he distinguished 6 main factors. country name related marketing became more aggressive in this period. implemented separately before. as Papadopoulos (Ibid.. This consequently led towards the concepts of umbrella image. PDI etc. the preconditions for country branding paradigm appeared already du­ ring the Cold War. As a result of the changes mentioned above. Michalis Kavaratzis (2004) also emphasizes the importance of the changes in marketing theory and the emergence of the notion of corporate branding. in 2002. 64). Therefore. aimed at promoting exports. the methods of evaluating country’s brand image and the systematic image strategies. S. a notion of country branding com- 62 . The majority of the authors understood that this research is closely related with each other. 41-42) notes. Nicolas Papadopoulos (2004) highlights some independent research that was carried out during the last 40 years in the capitalistic countries. published in 1998. All this research was based on marketing and had a very pragmatic aim – to reach economic success by selling the products. This new trend is qualitatively different from both authoritarian propagandas and public diplomacy and is called country branding (or. In this historical perspective of the emergence of country branding. etc. the competition in agriculture. especially in Europe and the USA.Sociologija. In 1980’s governments and companies started systematic campaigns to compete against imports and to protect national production. Later. was merged together into one paradigm. but in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s there was a big shift in the field of country image communication. place branding). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). TDI. 38-40). which in the later half of the 1990’s “seized the imagination of scholars and managers alike and its rise has been inexorable” (Kavaratzis 2004. It was observed in several aspects. attracting tourists and FDI. More recently. Research and activities related to PCI (product country image) have the longest history. Later. Firstly.  Anholt proposed a concept of branding hexagon. in this period the different research of FDI. One of the signals of this shift was an article Nation-Brands of the Twenty-First Century of a young researcher Simon Anholt (1998). influen­ cing country image (Figure 1). implemented by the government. seeking to attract the tourists and to sell tourism services as products. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas 4. which enforced discussions. the new challenges for tourism in the context of strengthening terrorism. in a broader sense. the practices of attracting FDI (foreign direct investments) as well as attracting skilled labour were developed by business companies and governments (Papadopoulos 2004. in the 1990’s these activities shifted to more aggressive practices. Country Branding as European Approach What we are witnessing from the late 1990’s up to date is the emergence of a new set of practices in the field of country image communication. Secondly. This change was accelerated by the emerging of new markets in Central and Eastern Europe.

For instance. the formula of country branding communication activities could be the public diplomacy plus marketing. exports promotion and attracting FDI (Figure 2). it becomes clear that country branding has a much broader meaning and goes far beyond the conventional notion of public diplomacy. Influence of Marketing Theory Obviously. Although influenced much by the previous American research. mainly European researchers conceptualized a new paradigm of country image communication. Even now. often using the two terms synonymously. Thus it can be called a European approach as opposed to the American public diplomacy and the Soviet propaganda paradigms. country image communication is usually divided into four main sectors of activities. and the importance of primary communication. these four sectors trace back to the pre-1990 marketing research and activities in capitalistic Figure 1: Branding hexagon by Simon Anholt pletely took its shape in very early 2000’s. tourism promotion. Several important shifts can be distinguished at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. To simplify. we will discuss three major shifts that shaped the notion of country branding and made it distinctive from the previous theories and practices. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas tourism EXPORTS PEOPLE NATION BRAND GOVERNANCE would like to emphasize the influence of marketing theory. As several researchers (for exam­ ple Jorge De Vicente 2004) construct their information. the switch towards the notion of image as a difference. and they naturally grew into the country branding. country branding inherited a big portion of its theory and tools from the public diplomacy. Therefore. Great Britain used public diplomacy techniques during the Cold War. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Major Shifts of Country Image Communication in Country Branding Country branding took its shape in Europe as a qualitatively new approach towards country image communication.Sociologija. CULTURE AND HERITAGE INVESTMENT AND IMMIGRATION 6. This formula becomes clear when speaking about the sectors of country branding. Here we 63 . applied by different countries for country promotion. These sectors are namely: public diplomacy. But when reading the research on country branding. many authors do not distinguish public diplomacy from country branding very clearly. diffe­ rent from these of the Soviet propaganda and American public diplomacy. this new movement geographically took place in the EU countries. At the time when the US reduced its public diplomacy practices and reinvented them again after September 11. If referring to historical perspective once more. as it includes all public diplomacy tools but supplements them with marketing theory and tools. 5.

official and unofficial. catchphrases and slogans are used for them. and particularly by the Lithuanian Economic Development Agency since 1997. it is managed by separate institutions. printing pamphlets and brochures. The solution could be a state-managed. centralized image communication. initiating promotion campaigns are very important. pos­ ters and web pages. it becomes clear that in the country branding approach. Here direct advertising is used as a basic tool. Different sectors settled up to 1990’s very naturally in inter-independently. TDI. adding American public diplomacy to them. where mainly public relations tools are used. To achieve a strong emotional impact. which could create the overall (umbrella) image. are only a part of the whole huge country image communication mechanism. There are two institutions in Lithuania dealing with TDI sector: the State Tourism Department and Lithuanian Tourism Fund. Besides. marketing tools are used for image communication in all four sectors. as two sectors. 2-3). Such pragmatic terms as positio­ ning. research of public opinion. they send out conflicting and even contradictory messages about the country. As a result. But later it was understood that there is a need to ma­ nage them rationally and structurally. marketers are especially interested in creating audio-visual symbols of the place. and FDI. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and especially Lithuanian Institute (LI – Lietuvos in­ stitutas). are dealing with the public diplomacy. political and commercial. national and regional. catchphrase or slogan is stated as the main goal of country branding. Therefore. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Each of the four sectors inside the country is usually treated as separate. Simon Anholt states: “Since most of these bodies. and its overall reputation stands still or moves backwards” (Anholt 2007. – are merged into one. as well as the research of the place itself takes an important part. inspired by the notions above. also different logos. its country image communication is divided into 3 sectors. thus creating TV or radio commercials. in the case of Lithuania. Research of the target audience. It does not mean that separate sectors and institutions of image communication would 64 . PUBLIC DIPLOMACY EXPORT PROMOTION TOURISM DEVELOPMENT FDI Figure 2: Country image communication sectors For instance. the public diplomacy activities run by diplomatic missions and cultural institutes. Very often the creation of a logo. – those of export promotion and attracting FDI. which institutionally has been managed by the Ministry of Economy. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas countries. established in 2002. are usually working in isolation. no consistent picture of the country emerges.Sociologija. segmentation or targeting are applied for branding countries. indicated by Nicolas Papadopoulos (2004): CDI.

7. regions inside the country. South Africa (!ke e: /xarra //ke). which tend to replace the national flags of the 20th century. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). To attract tourists or sell products. naturally emerging from different research and theories.Sociologija. Indonesia (Bhin­ neka tunggal ika). small countries gain the opportunity to use their cultural symbols very successfully.e. Minor places inside the place (i. It means management in which all the sectors are centrally controlled by one upper institution and one general strategy. We are buying Cashmere wool products not because Kashmir is politically powerful nowadays. country branding practices can be described as a popular mix of the prac tices of public diplomacy and marketing. etc. By contrast to the image as power. it means creating the unity in diversity. military capability. of course. Meanwhile. with a big influence from the both sides. This shift can be explained by the overall impact of globalization and the complex correlation of globalization and iden- 65 . because they are too big. Some of them were very keen to create their new umbrella logos. In this dimension. Different sectors. On the contrary. competing in economical strength. created in 2007. country branding is creating the image as differ­ ence.) must also consider the main image strategy and the core idea. each of them applies different practices to achieve the goal. An absolutely different situation appears when talking about the nature and aims of country branding and comparing them to the 20th century country image communication. For example. which has quite a strong impact (de Vicente. Both of them were used as psychological warfare or contra-measures in information war. towns inside the regions and districts inside the towns. On the contrary. Japanese are going to visit Toraja villages in Borneo not because Torajas are strong economically. is not so welcomed by Ita­ lians (Italy became a brand with a new logo and slogan in 2007). South Africa merged the variety of existing logos to one that with slogan . the previously powerful countries are losing their strength in the field of tourism and exports. Both of them aimed to create an illusion or image of the power of the super state. 2004). Both Soviet propaganda and American public diplomacy had quite much in common. the emergence of country branding was not a sharp shift but rather a slow evolution. the new logo of Italy. It simply must be attractive and/or somehow different from others. Notion of Image as Difference Therefore.“Alive with possibility”. Only in this case the image of the country can be supported and strengthe­ ned effectively. in the new context. heterogeneous and hardly described in a clear set of symbols. even having different goals. The umbrella image has been managed in many countries recently. the USA (E pluribus unum) and several other countries use this phrase as their motto but. the slogan which is so beloved by various countries nowadays: the EU (in Varietate Concordia). Interestingly. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas disa­ p­ pear. it is not so important for the country to be very powerful. But it does not mean destroying the diversity. cannot work in different directions but must sing in unison. even in the space exploration.

which neglects any possibility of rational management of country image and states that a country “carries specific dignity unlike marketed products” (Olins 2002. Still. countries are branded in a peaceful context. In this context. as S. we would like to emphasize that the country branding is especially European in its nature. One more reason of the shift towards the notion of image as difference could be explained by the fact that the end of the Cold War eliminated the importance of the psychological warfare. Moreover. a link can be observed bet­ ween the country branding in the 21st century and the nationalism-influenced country image communication at the beginning of the 20th century. 22). supporting the diversity and multiculturalism of the world is a natural trend of this period.e. according to Samuel P. then their country could have a Nike-sized brand within months” (Anholt 2007. Interestingly. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). returning to the notion of the European approach. we are witnessing the birth of the new logos and catchphrases of the countries in this century. Subsequently. Finally. cities and nations as pro­ ducts. the shift of the world from the bipolar system towards uni-multipolar. nowadays the threat of the new wave of nationalism is discussed. as there was a birth of many national flags and anthems at the beginning of the previous one. 1). and Kosaku Yoshino treats it as a positive phenomenon and as a natural trend in the age of globalization (Yoshino 1992. Importance of Primary Communication The third shift we would like to discuss in this paper is the emergence of the notion of primary communication in the field if country image communication. allowed the emergence of cultural regions and regional powers. Manuel Castells (2004) emphasises the importance of the identities at the end of the 20th and in the 21st centuries. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas tity nowadays. applying country bran­ ding practices worldwide. mentioned in the first part of this paper. thinking that. importers of investors. “if only they could raise a Nike-sized marketing budget. the new nationalism is generally a cultural but not an ethnic one. sold for tourists. the concept of the image as difference is very close to European values and the way of thinking. Although they are using quite different techniques. Just between these two antipodal approaches a moderate view exists and is usually 66 . the emphasis on the national peculiarities and the search for diffe­ rence are their common features. and the issue of Euronationalism also takes part in these discussions. 241). Thus. where economic factors play the major role. Many govern­ ments. usually emphasize this point of view. Anholt ironically states. This region has always protected its variety and regional differences. researched by many authors. Hlynur Gudjonsson (2005) calls this approach absolutistic and opposes it to the roya­ listic one. i.Sociologija. understanding the countries. Therefore. Nowadays. It is not accidental that the country branding emerged namely in Europe. Country branding is quite often understood as a straight application of marketing theory to the countries. 8. Huntington (1996).

the discrepancy between information and reality was always one of the problematic features the country image communication faced throughout the 20th century. The image of the inner city settles in the person’s mind by the immediate communication with the object and is affected by multilayered information. Kavaratzis emphasises the influence of the latter. etc. Throwing millions at public relations firms. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas preferred to by many country branders. Kahn. As these two cases showed. public diplomacy or marketing-supported country branding. it is clear that there is a need to change the country itself (the reality) in order to affect its image. Thus. But propaganda was successful during the Second World War and the Cold War. movement. tastes. this view diminishes the power of communicational and promotional practices. the advice of country branding gurus for these cases could be one: end the war and keep peace but do not try to look peaceful while fighting. secondary communication. money and energy” (Berkowitz 2007. the traditio­ nal understanding of communication practices used for promotion and information and discussed above. “The transformation of a country’s image can only come after the country is transformed. thus highlighting one more peculiarity of modern country branding. beloved by absolutists. Michaelis Kavaratzis (2004) proposes a notion of primary communication. influenced by the world of senses: views. To simplify. because the information flows became too open due to the strengthening globalization. sounds. 1). Citing Thomas Graham and applying the concept of outer city and inner city. According to J. hiring marketing consultants. – is not effective any more. Israel tried to spin its image during the war with Lebanon. Russia is also trying to communicate its democratization illusion outside. Moreover. They were powerless to change the public opinion (Puleikytė 2007). taking this factor into account. and the USA ini­ tiated a big pro-American campaign towards the Islamic world. Simon Anholt being among them. creating snappy slogans or cool logos is basically a monumental waste of time. The emphasis on the primary communication in the 1990’s became very strong. when information warfare took part between two sides of barricades crossing the iron curtains. developing tourism and other reasons. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Secondary communication per se. As both the public diplomacy and soviet agit-prop used propaganda as one of the major tools. but this information barely looks trustworthy and does not convince at all (Vaitiekūnaitė 2006). Therefore. For instance. secondary communication-based campaigns failed regardless the vast amounts of money and efforts. the importance of the primary communication can be opposed to the traditional notions of public diplomacy and agitprop. smells. M. – be it a part of soviet propaganda. It became too difficult to hide the reality. Israel and the USA launched rebranding campaigns several years ago (Risen 2005). There are many cases showing that. contradicting reality. and raises a question of correlation between the information and the reality.Sociologija. can often have an op- 67 . Moreover. Primary communication is opposed to the secondary communication.

improve economy. people (culture). as opposed to other important country image communication approaches of the 20th century. H.e. <…> It will simply reinforce the idea that these places are corrupt because they are spending so much on what amounts to propaganda while their people are star­ ving” (Kahn 2006. Definitely. Therefore. i. Conclusions Country branding is a new approach in the field of country image communication. 9. we are witnessing several important changes due to this trend. Gudjonsson argues: “Nation branding occurs when a government or a private company uses its power to persuade whoever has the ability to change a nation’s image. and geography (nature). 2006). politics. It means changing the reality and creating more beautiful. H. Firstly. protect heritage or develop infrastructure not only for improving the country’s image.S. Country branding was inspired by diffe­ rent research in Western European countries during the Cold War and gradually took its shape in Europe. – to encourage that. 285). achieve democracy. The changing image of the country means changing its politics. thus it can be called Euro­ pean approach. more democratic. to apply its practices and theories. changing its economics. economical and the majority of other policies.e. striving to control the reality through cultu­ ral. Country promotion (i.e. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas posite effect. who are living in the country. Everybody understands there are many factors having impact on the primary communication. stimulating many countries of the world. Even the brave ideas of establishing the Ministry of Image have been proposed recently (Weiner. as it is usually called. – and quite a strong one. country image communication expands beyond marketing and communication practices. as a famous saying among marketing specialists notices: if you want to spoil a bad product. But image management could be one of the sti­ muli. <…> Nation bran­ ding is a supporting programme to increase a nation’s prosperity by adding to the value of its brands” (Gudjonsson 2005. the country must coordinate these factors in a proper way. 68 . Anholt argues. The country image communication nowadays is oriented not only towards foreign countries anymore but also towards local people. more peaceful space for people. the American public dip­ lomacy and the Soviet propaganda. heritage. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). It emerged in the last decade of the 20th century and is the leading force at the beginning of the 21st century. including the European Union. “living with brand” is a new trend in the country image communication field. secondary communication) without changing reality (i. It does not mean only information campaigns and TV channels about how beautiful or how good the country is. changing its culture and even changing its nature. Primary communication management or. to coordinate its image. Thus. the state must end the war. 1) .Sociologija. primary communication) can spoil the country’s image: “A lot of very poor countries—Uganda and Nigeria. for instance—are spending millions on TV campaigns. Gudjonsson (2005) groups these factors to four main groups: economics. advertise it.

Tufts University. Anholt.) http://uscpublicdiplomacy. “Brand Experts Study EU Identity Crisis”. 2005. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. the majority of country branding specialists. [Report of the Advisory Committee on Public Diplomacy. Manuel. 2006. Hall. country image communication is changing its nature.html Gudjonsson. [report by Frasher. liepos 31 d. 2006. Spencer. The Financial Times. 1998. 1996. Hlynur. 2007. “Lietuvos įvaizdis“.pdf de Vicente. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Competitive Identity. positioning.asp?idnews=36160 Bounds. “Public Diplomacy” Before Guillon: the Evolution of a Phrase”. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. “The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order”. State branding in the 21st century [Master thesis]. University of Southern. as opposed to the image as power of previous approaches. References Anholt. an issue widely discussed by researchers. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas Although country branding inherited much from public diplomacy and it makes a big part of country branding’s techniques. 2004. there are many important differences bet­ ween them. Bill. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. Sorgi. Vilnius: Poligrafija ir 2004. Simon. Massachusetts: Fletcher School. and major important shifts after the end of the Cold War make country branding qualitatively a new approach. 3: 283-298. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. Nick J. liepos 31 091505Cultural-Diplomacy-Report. Thus the country image communication expands beyond conventional conceptions of communication and is oriented towards the local people. 1996.Sociologija. Andrew. US Department of State]. 2007.) www. 2003. liepos 31 d. Hildreth. Mia]. Thus. Berkowitz. liepos 31 d. Jorge. prieiga per internetą 69 .lt/inetleid/inf-m-5/fain.) http://www. New York: Simon and Schuster.pdf Castells. putting stress on the image as “Israel Looking for an Extreme Makeover”. emphasise the importance of primary communication and the need of changing reality that was almost disclaimed and ignored by the propaganda-based Ame­ rican and Soviet approaches during the Cold War. Firstly. nationbrandindex. Secondly. leidykla. Fainaitė.com/ index. Michael. especially those of the moderate view. Ester. targeting and other pragmatic promotional techniques are extremely popular and are being used in a mix of public relations techniques. Huntington. Cull. The Linchpin of Public Diplomacy. A Brand for the Nation of Latvia. Life in Italy. Italy becomes a brand with a new logo and slogan. Samuel P. 2005. “Nation-brands of the Twenty-first Century”.php/ newsroom/pdblog_detail/060418_public_diplomacy_before_gullion_the_evolution_of_a_phrase/ Cultural Diplomacy.) http://www. Thirdly. seeking to make the country better and more beautiful.publicdiplomacywatch. Simon. “Nation branding”. Ips News January 12. Brand Management 5 (6): 395-406. Tapatumo galia.) http:// ipsnews. country branding is based not on public relations theory but on marketing. Place Branding 1. 2007. and especially on comparative branding theories. liepos 31 d. This can cause a new wave of nationalisms. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m.

liepos 31 d. Nicolas. N. “Branding European Power”.php?lang=lt&content=lt_ geo_3_73&parent= lt_geo 3 Risen. is discussed in the new perspective. “From City Marketing to City Branding: Towards a Theoretical Framework for developing City Brands”.vdu. the phenomena of country branding. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. ABSTRACT In spite of the fact that the rational country image communication is severely criticised by some scholars. liepos 31 d. Place Branding 1. geopolitika. “Rusijos valstybės įvaizdis XXI a. 1: 36-49. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. 1990.Sociologija. Waly. “Consultants Develop No­ tion of Branding Nations”.lt. Papadopoulos. Foreign Policy. London: it is gaining a big importance worldwide. New York: St. 1: 58-73. 2005. “JAV viešoji diplomatija Vidurio Rytų atžvilgiu“. comparing it to other approaches of the country image communication. com/news/news-detailed. Martin’s Press. 2006. Place Branding 1. Michalis. The New Republic March 13. April: 241–248. Journal of Brand Management Tuch. Jeremy.and Save American Foreign Policy”.php?story_id=3608 Kavaratzis. liepos 31 d. November/December. Communicating with the World.lifeinitaly. Mediterranean Quarterly Summer. Lina. Peter. Day to Day. liepos 31 d.vdu. Clay. Roberts.dagyte@pmdf. Weiner. No 4/5.e.) http:// www.php?storyId= 5149506 Yoshino. Puleikytė. Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan: A Sociological Enquiry. Aurelijus Zykas Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy Vytautas Magnus University E-mail: i. Marketing gurus Think They Can Help ‘Reposition’ the United States .) http://www. 2004. Ina Dagytė.npr. 2006. “Place Branding: Evolution. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. 2006. Vaitiekūnaitė. Walter R.”.) http://www. 2006. It is applied for strengthening identities and developing economy. Kristina.) http:// www. Geopolitika. Geopolitika. Meaning and Implications”. 2002 “Branding the Nation — The Historical Context”. politics. trying to find its distinctive a. the traditions of the USSR and of the USA. In this paper. ISSN 1392-3358 Viešųjų (nacionalinių) erdvių europėjimas (žiūrėta 2008 70 . emerged at the end of the 20th century in Eric.geopolitika. i.) http://www. 2005. Place Branding 1. Olins. foreignpolicy. “The Evolution of Diplomacy”. “Re-branding America. H.asp?newsid=4542 Kahn. 1992. liepos 31 d. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). 2: 122-126. “A Brand –New Approach”.php?lang=lt&content=lt_ geo_1_10&parent=lt_geo_1 van Ham. and culture of the countries. Kosaku.

As a result of intensive political and economic integration in Europe. naujienų redagavimo ir paskelbimo  – pateikimą Europos žiniasklaidoje. analizės. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Auksė Balčytienė. foreign correspondent. Brussels as a news site. Keywords: political communication. žurnalistikos kultūra. Analizuojant kokybinių interviu su korespondentais Briuselyje duomenis ieškoma panašumų tarp skirtingų šalių komuni­ kacinių kultūrų. kaip naujienų šaltinis. 71 . žurnalistinio darbo principų. naujienų vadyba. kurį atliko mokslininkai iš vienuolikos Europos šalių. užsienio korespondentas. Visa tai rodo. Introduction: Changes in Communication and European Politics Democratic problems of the European Union. Briuselis. kad politinė komunikacija Briuselyje yra unikalus ir įdomus atvejis tolesniems tyrimams. European news. analizuojami Europos Komisijos finansuoto 6 BP tarptautinio mokslinio projekto „Adekvati informacijos vadyba“ (Adequate Information Management: (AIM) [2004-2007]) rezultatai. santykis tarp įvairų šalių korespondentų Briuselyje ir politikos veikėjų (politinės informacijos šaltinių). europinės naujienos. 1. no real basis for public debates. remiantis nauju požiūriu. national as well as regional and local) has challenged communicative relations between national publics and state-centered systems. Calhoun 2004). journalism culture. Broad applicability of the democratic governing model made up of different levels of political institutions (supranational. susijusius su naujomis komunikacijos formomis. kurie lemia ES aktualijų – informacijos atrankos. Tyrimo. konvergencija. convergence. skatinantis kelti klausimus. Žurnalistams sukuriamos unikalios sąlygos pažinti ir dirbti skirtingų žurnalistinių ir politinės komunikacijos kultūrų kontekste. O mokslininkams – tai iššūkis.Sociologija. Aušra Vinciūnienė Political Communication Culture with a European Touch: A View from Brussels Santrauka. weak citizen participation as well as many others – have gained a considerable amount of interest among social scientists and researchers of communication all over Europe. Raktažodžiai: politinė komunikacija. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Straipsnyje. news management. Pagrindinis šio straipsnio analizės dalykas – Briuselio politinės komunikacijos kultūra. significant changes in the spaces of political communication can be observed (Schlesinger 1999. kitaip tariant. tikslas buvo atskleisti ES politinės komunikacijos specifiką bei europinių naujienų vadybos procesus. or to put it more precisely  – lack of legitimacy and transparency of European political institutions.

orientation towards profitable content.) on political communication cultures in different countries? Or to put it more precisely. etc. Generally. too. media and citizens affected by the processes of secularization and commercialization? There is research available to prove that market-led reforms in the media affect the behavior of political actors. online political advertising. 72 . Related to this. new questions are emerging: How are global developments reflected in communication patterns between journalists and political news sources? What is the impact of different market-led reforms (liberalization. Alongside intensive Europeanization of national political and communication spaces. economic. namely.Sociologija. the political actors and the media. Hallin and Mancini 2004. Noticeable shifts in political communication culture. the political communication environment is undergoing even more changes: new media applications offer alternative ways and channels (institutional websites. With growing applicability of new interactive technologies in the political field. political.) for politicians to reach their voters without the help of mass media (see Figure 1). formats and channels. co­ ping with oversupply of information. ongoing commercialization. organizational and technological realms of media and politics in Europe (Curran and Park 2000. ‘political communication culture’ is defined as the interface between the two kinds of professionals. Pfetsch and Esser 2004. Alongside the shifts in decision-making (from domestic to EU-focused). Research studies indicate that ordinary citizens treat the European Union as a complex supranational polity which is distant from domestic political realities. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika A new kind of transnational and trans-border political communication (modifying the ways in which political life is constructed) has gradually emerged in the union of 27 European countries. different historical. blogs.  – or to put it more precisely. overall effects of the globalization on political communication cultures remain of no less importance. Negrine 2007). social. Eriksen 2005). etc. in the practices and routines of communication between journalists and politicians – are observed in different countries. etc. cultural and technological contexts of media and political system intersection must be taken into account (Pfetsch 2004). how are routine communication relationships bet­ ween political actors. add certain cor­ rections into the political communication process. Overcoming these distances and communication deficits becomes crucially important (Habermas 2001.) and eventually have an impact on how citizens consume the content and how they cope with vast availability of information genres. To assess this relationship adequately. reproduction of political messages by the media (journalists working under pressure to meet deadlines. management of audience relations. Recent research indicates the process of convergence as taking place on the economic. online press ser­ vices. New technologies. a broader public engagement in European public affairs and reorientation of priorities from purely national to predominantly transnational (European) are needed. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).

Due to the multi-facedness and complexity of research perspectives involved in this matter (actors involved and levels of analysis addressed such as national 73 . 2007). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). experiences and knowledge) to access and assess news provi­ ded on the Internet and thereby overstep the borders of the national political communication sphere by becoming global (European) communicators (Young et al. In this respect. the EU communication (in general) is an inte­ resting research field. In short. To conclude. Furthermore. professional control and management of political information. changes in the nature of political communication in Europe have both structural (institutional conditions of political and media systems on macro and meso levels) and cultural dimensions. the Internet has shifted the political communication to a more personalized one. Holz-Bacha 2004). Actors and processes in contemporary political communication Citizens are also better equipped (they have better competences. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Figure 1. where successful politics becomes impossible without careful planning..Sociologija. the most recent developments in the political landscapes in European countries manifest the new era of political communication. Researchers talk about the overall professionalisation of political practices and the development towards the ‘permanent campaigning’ (Negrine 2007. As practice reveals. politicians start targeting their messages to specific groups of consumers and citizens (Dahlgren 2005).

cultural as well as other aspects of reporting in different countries (Russ–Mohl 2001. elections. Studying Procedural Aspects of EU News Manufacturing: Brussels News Environment and the AIM Project In spite of different attempts to shed light on the European political communication practices. the “Adequate Information Management (AIM)” project takes a different approach. the AIM project analyzed the European news mana­ gement practices as performed by different news media organizations in eleven countries in Europe. Although it is possible to find comparisons in the research studies that apply a similar instrument for similar analysis of events (by studying. In order to gain a better understanding of how media in Europe report and could report about the EU issues. Organized within a three year period from 2004 to 2007. Italy. Gavin 2001. Gleissner and de Vreese 2005. Statham and Gray 2005. Della Porta and Caiani 2006) and how journalists cover the EU topics (Gavin 2001. Ireland. the highest probability for the EU news to enter the national agenda is to “domesticate” these. are the only media which cover the EU issues on a more regular basis. Germany. a more concise understanding of the EU communication nuances is lacking. this is reported rather seldom. it is possible to find news about the EU as a political entity. Meyer 2005. it can open new perspectives to old questions in comparative political communication research. Downey and Koenig 2006. Kevin 2003. Lecheler 2007). 2. Indeed. Public broadcasters and big elite newspapers. economic. Trenz 2005. Research studies show that how journalists interact with their EU news sources is depen­ dent on practicalities (learned communication practices) in the national settings (Morgan 1995.Sociologija. the culture of political communication is context bound. etc. referendum campaigns) or issues (European Integration. United Kingdom) represent diffe­ 74 . journalists’ knowledge about the audience they are communicating to – is missing. it becomes of crucial importance to investigate the procedural aspects of the EU news making as well as the elements of political communication culture as having impact upon these. According to these perspectives. Norway. Statham 2006). In this respect. Baisnée 2000. As already mentioned. Finland. for example. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Koopmans and Erbe 2004. still. France.). Some of these studies also integrate analysis of differences based on structural. The national relevance (implications of the EU decisions for national politics. Van de Steeg 2006). Romania. All countries that took part in the project (Belgium. Research studies disclose how much and what kind of EU news is found in the media (de Vreese 2003. but a proper understanding about procedural aspects of European coverage – relationships of journalists’ with their sources. Morgan 2003. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika and transnational as well as channels used in the EU communication). very often. mostly in the times of major crisis. Estonia. economics and the life of citizens) is most important and common selection criterion for journalists covering the EU. still the majority of studies are one country focused. EU Constitution. Lithuania.

Generally. which on 75 . European news production can be understood as a three–step–flow pro­ cess. who in turn select and edit news and feed media at home (2nd step). The scope of communication practices taking place in Brussels appears to be a complex one. There fore. the EU institutions are multinational as well as the Brussels’ press corps. they range from large to small. It involves complex institutional structures. where European institutions provide information to foreign correspondents in Brussels (1st step). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). from old to new EU member states. the major effort in this project was directed at better understanding the structural elements of the working practices of Brussels correspondents as well as their relationships with political actors and the EU institutional sources (the spokespersons of the European Commission). Thus Brussels communication environment can be researched as a space where different journalisms and different communication cultures meet. In addition. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Figure 2. abundance of political and policy issues as well as political actors. Three-step-flow process of EU news mediation rent journalism cultures.Sociologija.

This creates a challenging working environment for journalists: foreign correspondents working in Brussels operate in the space between multinational EU institutions and news desks of their domestic editions. Getting to know this political communication culture requires time. How Many Communication Cultures in Brussels? The communication environment in Brussels is a complex one. this communication culture differs from what journalists are used to work at home. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika their part inform the citizens of the European countries (3rd step) (see Figure 2). it has a great number of events. journa­ lists are forced to assume common behavior. Over two hundred interviews conducted with correspondents within the AIM project have disclosed different challenges that media professionals have to meet in reporting on the EU matters (AIM Research Consortium 2007). Different goals and audiences that journalists aim at. 3. as will be demonstrated in the following sections. identifying necessary background material. norms and hierarchies of sources). great variety of actors participating in decision-making process and countless institutions with different working procedures and routines. the elite international media appears to be the most legitimized and professionally re­ cognized in Brussels. journalists have to flexibly switch between different frames of reporting such as transnational and national. Coming from different (national) political communication cultures. Journalists meet in formal as well as informal situations. resources and professionalism. procedures and routines of addressing news sources. at the same time. The news site in Brussels has become popular among social scientists and communication researchers for its unique culture (rules. other social places such as cafés and restaurants) create unique spaces and possibilities for homogenization of journalism practices. For most correspondents. thus very often they are ope­ rating within two frameworks – international and national  – at the same time (Baisnée 2007). In short. This kind of arrangement is quite common to foreign coverage. They must be equipped with analytical skills and be able to disclose background information on complex EU issues. they also consider themselves as partners rather than rivals – this is mainly because they work for different national audiences. It appears that the major problem is based not on quantity (indeed. they are confronted with certain hierarchies of sources as well as certain working models. press conferences. Still. especially for journalists from the new member states. great variety of different issues publicized. global and local. Brussels communication culture is based on socialization and cooperation of journalists.Sociologija. For instance. Between six months and two years is required for the newcomers to learn the nuances of communication. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). however. numerous 76 . information management and Brussels as a news site create their own specific particularities of European – as foreign news – reporting. numerous opportunities where they can meet and socialize (at the daily briefings. While working in Brussels.

this process has other implications as well.1 Country characteristics: small vs. for example in small EU member states such as Lithuania or Estonia). still such communication culture seems to have little impact on the national news media (perhaps only in those situations when Brussels correspondents are considered to be the EU information experts. at the level when news is selected and interpreted by Brussels corres­ pondents (see. differences in the EU reporting between popular and quality newspapers. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). This observation especially applies to small and new member states. Exactly at this point – the transnational political communication context of the EU institutions and national journalism culture – the major challenges occur. the weakest side in the process of European information management lies in the analytical capacity involved on the second level of mediation  – namely. and those depending on the internal organization and structure of the national news media markets (e. small and old vs. Although changes in Brussels press corps structure have gradually affected overall Brussels communication culture (with more accessibility and transparency of sour­ ces). There are several differences – those depending on the system of the EU and the different nature and attitude of countries (large vs. A principal question in development of this relationship is whose logics dominate. To achieve their goals in political communication. new EU member states).g. Indeed. Even though Brussels news site is one of the manifestations of convergence of different journalism cultures. political communication takes place in communication system when political messages are reproduced by the media. Although internationalization of communication practices in Brussels across different journalism cultures is observed. Kopper et al. 2007).g.. old As noticed from the interviews. divergence in journalism practices is observed nevertheless. therefore a number of questions must be addressed: How are journalists from different countries handling the interaction with their sources? Which news worthiness criteria are guiding their working routines and other professional practices? Relationships between political opinion makers and journalists are national journalism culture bound which makes transnational comparison a difficult project indeed.Sociologija. 77 . large and young vs. for some countries. both the media and political actors engage in a close relationship. this is happening according to different indicators in addition to already mentioned national frameworks of reporting. As disclosed. there is a shift from national communication culture into ‘Brussels communication culture’ which is both national and transnational at the same time. but rather on the quality of the information processing. Moreover.. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika channels and information sources are avai­ lable for journalists). 3. The goal of the media is to give publicity to political messages according to the rules and norms of the news organization. for e. public ser­ vice broadcaster and commercial stations).

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Two important aspects must be mentioned here as related to the Baltic journa­ lism culture, namely, weaker journalistic professionalism and signs of clientelism observed through very close journalists’ relationships with their political or economic news sources. Partnerships between journa­ lists and politicians (a culture of communication based on face-to-face meetings rather than on official channels), however, may be a “natural” outcome related to the question of proximity. In a small market journalists’ relationship with sources is built differently than in a large market (often in a small country only a limited number of sources are available for journalists to comment on a particular political or economic matter, thus there are more opportunities to establish cooperation). According to the Lithuanian journalists wor­ king in Brussels, the communication culture there and at home is different: at home, journalists are accustomed to speaking to primary sources, while, for instance, at the Commission, everything has to be planned far in advance. Lithuanian journalists said that, in contrast to communication at the EU level, with the Lithuanian government institutions it is easier to receive information just by telephone. Politicians, also the heads of the state and government, are easily accessible as a first source, while in the EU institutions all the work is done by press representatives (Balčytienė et al., 2007; 105-106). According to the Lithuanian journalists, in many cases, working in Brussels is more comfortable than working at home (in Lithuania): their chief editors and media di-

rectors are far away which gives them more freedom regarding news planning and presentation. In addition, newsroom politics (political and business impacts on the media) do not influen­ ce how the correspondents work in Brussels, thus foreign correspondents feel that they can report about the ‘real’ news and not the local political scandals, which tend to be the number one topic in the press in Lithuania. Being rather small groups of journalists from new EU member states, Lithuanians as well as Estonians, do not have very close informal relations with the spokespersons of the Commission, nor are they in very close cooperation with other foreign colleagues. Despite the fact that informal relations can be very useful for their work, they receive information mainly via formal channels: the Internet, press releases, midday briefings and press conferences. Finnish journalists based in Brussels also constitute a small professional group. Finnish correspondents also pointed out that correspondents from small member states have a more difficult task to develop personal relations with important sources than the journalists from influential EU countries. They strongly emphasized the importance of establishing the network of so called ‘of the record’ sources. According to one Finnish journalist: “The Financial Times is very good precisely because it gets all important information exclusively” (Heikkilä 2007, 31). Still, in spite of the effects of proximity, the Baltic political communication culture certainly contrasts with the situation in the Scandinavian countries (which are also considered small media markets), where journalistic professionalism


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and editorial independence are emphasized as essential elements of the democratic corporatist model of the media. To conclude, the emergence of a formal communication (greater distance) between journalists and political sources was recognized in the practices of some journalism cultures, most often in small member states with fewer foreign correspondents. Reliance on professional journalistic norms (journalists as taking the role of neutral observers) crea­ tes greater autonomy on both sides of the relationship between the press and the politics. In other words, if journalistic norms prevail, political actors have to adapt their messages to the logic of the media, thus offering communication which is more professionalized in terms of availability of information.

3.2 Media types: print vs. audiovisual and elite vs. mainstream
The news media based in Brussels differ among themselves. There is the popular and the mainstream press (with their own news selection criteria that are very diffe­ rent from elite newspapers); there is broadcast media present in Brussels too. Media type that journalists work for affects the news reported. Audiovisual journalists prefer news that allows an appealing visual kit while print journalists may be more interested in stories requesting commentary articles with conflicting views. Local newspapers seem to be very little interested in what happens in Brussels while national papers have a diffe­ rent angle. For instance, the regional quality daily in France Quest France aims at creating a ‘pedagogy of Europe’ which

requires detai­ ling basic elements in each article. In contrast, for the daily newspaper Les Echos, belonging to the economic press, the need for populari­ zing the EU information seems less important: “I’m lucky to work for Les Echos. I know that in some newspapers there is a huge work of vulgarization to make hard news from here accessible. For us, obviously we have to transpose a bit. Yet we can be very technical” (Baisnée et al., 2007; 46). Journalists representing the Irish media (the national broadcaster RTE and The Irish Times) claim that their organizations have a specific interest in stories about the EU as a political entity. The foreign desk at The Irish Times gives a high value to stories about the EU as a political story in itself and gives a prominent coverage on its foreign pages. For the other newspapers, such as Irish In­ dependent, the EU stories do not have any degree of privilege. “In many ways, a lot of what I do is almost like being an Irish political correspondent, covering the EU, covering the Commissioner, issues that affect Ireland across sectors, covering ministers when they are here and, increasingly, covering MEPs who have more and more power” (Corcoran and Fahy 2007; 80). News organizations with a more market-driven approach to news described the Irish interest as being the primary value in most of their EU reportage (Cor­ coran and Fahy 2007; 86). In Norway, working for a popular newspaper or a television news channel with more ‘tabloid’ news values, one has to give priority to dramatic and personalized news events. If one is a correspondent for a business paper with an up market orientation, this will in-


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fluence the kind of news that is given a prio­ rity. However, for the leading financial daily a national framework is typical. “The desk in Oslo is most fond of EU news directly related to Norway, especially economic news with relevance for broad audience groups at home. The salmon-conflict is such an example”, journalist from this daily explained (Allern 2007; 116). Negative coverage of the EU affairs is mostly evident in the UK media. Accor­ ding to one broadcast news correspondent, “the news agenda, which is formed in London is very much driven by the tabloids and papers like the Daily Mail and so on, which have an axe to grind” (Golding and Barnard 2007; 146). On the other hand, the Financial Times (FT) is a special case. Having the lar­ gest foreign desk in Brussels, they are seen as a key media outlet by European institutions and as one of the main reference media for other media. According to one FT journalist, “if there is a specific area, or if the Commissioner is launching something huge that they wanted to get out then, I think you’d find that they wanted to give the FT an interview because people are reading the FT. It’s a good bulletin board for them. They are going to get a reasonably fair portrayal. They know that everybody in Brussels will read it and that they know that people in national capitals will read it” (Golding and Barnard 2007; 146). Differences in the EU reporting also arise between different kinds of media: audiovisual, radio, press agency and print media. French journalist from Radio France said: “We are more superficial than the printed press. Then, I cannot explain to my listeners

something which I did not understand myself. While in the newspapers, I can see it every month, there are four or five pieces where obviously they just reproduced an official statement, perhaps written in a foreign language, and they did not give them hard time to know what it meant based on the principle that the specialists would understand. I cannot allow that. A radio journalist cannot do that” (Baisnée et al., 2007; 46). German journalists working for the news agencies emphasized that their medium requires neutrality and including no commentaries or opinionated articles. Despite this, they claimed that the EU has high rele­ vance in their reporting, especially in econo­ mics and politics. The media who address the professional business-oriented audience (Fi­ nancial Times, Deutchland and Handelsblatt) certainly considered topics affecting their audiences’ professional lives to be of the highest importance (Leppik et al., 2007; 66). Broadcast news relies more heavily on visual aspects to communicate a story and interest their viewer than the press. “Genera­ l­ ly speaking the big problem with the EU and tele­ vision is more fundamental. It’s very difficult to illustrate because what you get in the way of pictures is men and women in suits walking into a meeting. What they call the ‘tour de table’. That is the picture of either Commissioners or politicians sitting around the table. And then a bit of chat afterwards, a statement afterwards. Which is pretty dull tele­ vision”, a U.K. TV news correspondent said (Golding and Barnard 2007; 147). Italian broadcast journalist commented: “Here [in Brussels] you never see a strong


face-to-face communication. Political actors are controlling the process of news making. Therefore. Discussion and Outlook In Brussels. This new culture (based on common patterns of reporting. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). TV news must not be a report simply illustrated by images. In young democracies. they never argue with clenched fists and this is not sexy at all. the spokespersons) are built on negotiation. In Brussels. In short. TV needs strong things.. partnerships between different journalists covering politics) is both national and transnational at the same 81 . press conferences. As a result of this interaction.. a completely new culture of European communication emerges which combines both perspectives. His colleague added: “The EU is a very difficult subject to treat on TV. but it has to gain its mea­ ning from images. black or white. on the other hand. 95). Still. The AIM study has disclosed that in the EU communication different communicative strategies and different channels (meetings. 2007.Sociologija. To achieve this level of understanding. but the content of the messages and how these are framed in the media are determined and controlled by journalists. confidential sources and background talks have become of significant importance in framing of political messages. the relationship between journalists and their sources is constructed on mutual understanding and respect to each other’s goals (the Nordic countries). political actors need the visibility to their performance that media creates. the media critically reports on politics and plays a watchdog role (the media in the UK and Ireland). the establishment and further development of interpersonal relationships becomes crucially impor tant: informal channels. journalists need the information that news sources can offer. the political and the media logics. both parties (journalists and their sources) must invest in cultivation of interpersonal relations and networks. 4. while. significant ima­ ges are very difficult to gather” (Cornia et al. here everything is grey” (Cornia et al. As already mentioned. there must be a mutual understanding of each other’s goals in this relationship. the character of the EU coverage in the national media is largely dependent on local politico-economic preconditions: it is context-based. For some countries this becomes a very difficult task though (because of some objective reasons such as a small number of correspondents. on mutual respect. Internet) are applied in political issue management. trust and understanding. For journalists. an internationalization of communication culture is observed in Brussels. lack of media resources. etc). in other political communication cultures. In spite of the divergences in the performance across national media. the interactions between journalists and their sources (most often. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika position. 94). the media is characterized as practicing a consumerist approach towards their audiences at the same time favoring hidden agendas and clientelist relationships with politicians. 2007. Moreover. namely. On the one hand. In some countries. so often we just ignore it. information management and goal oriented behavior is practiced on both sides – the media and the political news sources.

an obvious tendency is observed across national cultures worldwide such as increasing media commercialization with a grater emphasis on visual communication and personification of issues. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika time. more human-interest focused and more sensational reporting. 2007/3. Results of the AIM study confirm converging communication strategies in the EU news production and presentation in mass media in Europe to a certain extent. the institutionalization of relationships. Second. documents and data. Un­ derstanding the Logic of EU Reporting from Brussels. Analysis of Interviews with EU Correspondents and Spokespersons. 2007. Thus a general tendency observed across all journalism cultures is the predominance of the official dimension within the working routines (apparent in communication with sources as well as in the essential role of documents delivered from the EU institutions). In: AIM Research Consortium (Ed. First. on the other. on the one side. in Europe (AIM) – Working Papers. To conclude. Gene­ rally.Sociologija. all news formats similarly show tendencies towards more popularized. This highlights internationalization of communication practices that become less dependent on the national contexts.). First. Understanding 82 . Sigurd. availability of different actors to comment on political issues as well as other factors lead to autonomy in both political and journalistic fields. The transnational character of communication is inspired by different things. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). market-led reforms in the media have culminated with more or less similar results worldwide: infotainment and marketization of politics. There are contradictions observed between journalists’ national belonging. Adequate Information Management sources adapt to a different way of information communication. Even though the respective national audiences demand news that is focused and is relevant (thus fitting the respective national political agenda). acceptance of more mediaoriented-way of communication logic. the number of professional communicators (spokespersons with professional backgrounds in journalism or communication) has increased alongside other reforms related to communication po­ licy development. One more characteristic emerging in European journalistic routines is the tendency to build the news around facts. Bochum/Freiburg: Projekt Verlag. greater source accessibility.). 2007. the arrival of more countries with different journalism cultures has changed how communication in Brussels is organized. This shift is apparent in political communication matters in Brussels. This tendency is affected by at least three kinds of developments. emergence of new technological tools to bypass official information as well as many other factors signal to ongoing professionalisation of political communication when political References AIM Research Consortium (Ed. Third. Allern. relationships between journalists and their sources in Brussels appear to be built on professionalism. “The Case of Norway”. Briefly. and the supranational topics they are asked to cover and the transnational environment within which they operate.

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it requires to address new questions in European communication research. M.balcytiene@pmdf. Vol. 45. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Public Sphere in National Quality Newspapers”. a. 85 . Vol. ABSTRACT This article looks into research findings of the “Adequate Information Management (AIM)” project1 in the new light. 1 Eleven countries took part in the 6th FP project AIM in the period of 2004-2007. 1. or to put it more precisely. S. Issue 1. Issue 4. 2007. Politicians and the Media in International Research”. Younane.vdu. While focusing on differences that can be detected in the processes of the EU news gathering in Brussels. “Contemporary Political Communications: Audiences. 609– Euro­ pean Journal of Political Research. the interface between the Brussels correspondents and their political news sources. presentation) resulting in the EU coverage in mass media. for scholars. Audrė Balčytienė. Indeed. S. 2006. Information about the project is available online at http://www. (accessed in March 2008). European Journal of Communication. Issue 3. 291–319. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).vinciuniene@pmdf. Van de Steeg. 41-59. it creates unique conditions for different journalisms and political communication cultures to meet. the communications’ context in Brussels is an interesting research case: for journalists.aim-project. “Does a Public Sphere exist in the European Union? An Analysis of the Content of the Debate on the Haider Case”. S. Young..vdu. Bourne. Sociology Compass. Vol. A principal issue investigated here concerns the political communication culture. Its aim was to disclose specific news production processes (EU information selection. 19.Sociologija. Aušra Vinciūnienė Department of Public Communication Vytautas Magnus University E-mail: a.. the article highlights commonalities in reporting as appearing across national communication cultures.

Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). ES vykdomosios valdžios ir žiniasklaidos logikos santykiai – prieštaringi. This article considers different views of the possibility of an EPS in academic literature on the one hand and among the journalists working in Brussels on the other. piliečių ir žurnalistikos. EU journalism. European Union. This article participates in these discussions from the standpoint of deliberative democracy which. How applicable are the ideas of a public sphere in the European Union? Academic scholars and. Teigiama. European public sphere. in comparison with a liberal understanding of democracy. Europos viešoji erdvė. 86 . correspondents in Brussels seem to be rather divided on their views on the possibility and existence of a European public sphere (EPS). žurnalistika. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Tuomo Mörä Ideals of European Public Sphere and EU Journalism Santrauka. political theory and media theory have thought public spheres as features of nation states. Šie iššūkiai nagrinėjami lyginant normatyvinius viešosios erdvės idealus ir šiuolaikinės žurnalistikos Europos Sąjungoje praktiką. Keywords: correspondents. In accordance with this standpoint a viable public sphere is seen as a central precondition for a democratic order not only in nation states but also in the EU. shifts away the focus on the state and its institutions and emphasizes the role of civil society and actors outside the formal institutions of governance. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: korespondentai. Traditionally. Analyses on the relations of democracy and transnational governance have been published in numerous academic books and journals as well as in newspapers. Introduction The notions of the European Union’s (EU) democratic legitimacy or democratic deficit have become the major themes in debates of the EU polity – coinciding with the developments in which tasks and powers of nation states have been transferred to the European Union. In its widest sense. as my empirical study demonstrates. Europos Sąjunga. public sphere has been understood as a space that is created when individuals deliberate on common concerns. and then seeks some explanations for these differences. kad viešosios erdvės idealų. Europos politikos ir valdymo globalėjimas kvestionuoja ryšius tarp politinio veiksmo. ES žurnalistika. journalism. 1.Sociologija.

while. the existing body of the studies seems to give contradictive conclusions about the possibility of EPS. Language barriers also restrict the use of In- 87 .). In 2007. In addition. 3-4. Almost every second citizen (forty four per cent) of the EU does not know any other language than her/ his own mother tongue (Special Eurobaro­ meter. Even people who share the same language may have difficulties in communicating with each other. and the lack of European identity which are seen as preconditions for democratic public sphere (Brüggeman 2005.Sociologija. communication and participation as the basic conditions of democratic existence are mediated through language. Grimm 1995). Is European Public Sphere Possible? Those who are sceptical about the possibility of the realisation of a European Public Sphere tend to emphasize the lack of a common language among European citizens. the lack of a pan-European media. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Weak publics refer to spaces whose deliberative practice consists only of opinion formation while discourses of strong publics (formally organised institutions) encompass both opi­ nion formation and decision making. The result of this communication is a public opinion which should encompass decision making in society. two-thirds of the British cannot speak another language except their mother tongue. Inside the member states young peop­ le and managers tend to display greatest competence (Schlesinger 2003). ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika The seminal ideals of a public sphere by Jürgen Habermas (1989/1962) emphasized the role of individual and equal citizens who assemble into a public and set their own agenda through open communication. the EU recognizes twenty three official and about sixty other indigenous and non-indigenous languages spoken over the geographical area. One of the influential commentators of Habermas’s original ideas of public sphere is Nancy Fraser (1992) who conceptualized the distinction between citizens and formally organised institutions as ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ publics. 2. for example. there are some signs that could be interpreted as emerging EPS. Part of the research (mainly based on empirical studies of media contents) conclude that there have already been clear signs of the existence of public sphere in European level while others consider even the idea of it impossible. February 2006). language skills are unevenly spread: in some member states almost everyone is bilingual. As already mentioned. cultural and political reasons the same terms may have completely different meanings. the lack of a genuine European civil society. My empirical analysis of the production of media content (based on the interviews of EU correspondents in Brussels) seem to back both conclusions: the original public sphere ideals including active citizen participation seem hard to accomplish but if the definition of a public sphere empha sises strong publics. After being criticised for locating the public sphere entirely in the ‘lifeworld’ of the citizens Habermas later acknowledged that formally organised institutions within the political system may also play the role of publics (Fossum and Schlesinger 2007. According to this approach. because due to historical.

issues are predefined (mostly economics and international politics) and the purpose of stories in these papers is obviously not a collective will-formation in a wide sense but rather a promotion of liberal approaches to econo­ mics and society.. Euro News) have not been successful in terms of reaching large audiences or creating a panEuropean debate. This is also reflected in the structure of the press corps in Brussels: while public broadcasting companies tend to hold permanent positions for correspondents in Brussels. local language and regional focus are being replaced by a transnational media order. commercial TV news channels only occasionally have a full- 88 . In these circumstances. such as European Union. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Brussels-based correspondents tend to have difficulties in linking adequately European events to the needs of their audiences at home (Golding et al. are read all over the Union but the readers are mostly drawn from economical and political elites. Attempts to create a transnational European media (for example. From this basis it is hardly surprising if a sceptic asks if it is meaningful to speak about a truly democratic public sphere based on rational and critical discussion if the majority of the “members” don’t even understand each other’s words. Media markets are still culturally and linguistically separa­ ted national markets (Slaatta 2006). how could media audien­ ces in different EU countries deliberate together as peers? Moreover. Some papers and magazines with a European emphasis. such as the European edition of the Financial Times and the Economist. are transnational and multilinguistic. regional or local issues (Risse 2003).Sociologija. radio or television (commercial and public service). 59) asks: “(I)nsofar as new transnational political communities. there are few signs that the national media order based on national cultural traditions. Access to these discussions is very limited. The problem with the lack of a common language is not only the lack of a shared medium for meaningful communication. either. 2007). Voice of Europe. national. Or as Fraser (2006. Moreover. and consequently. collective identities and. in the end. In spite of the fact that the ownership of the media industry has become more multinational. The European. a common European forum for debate and discussion. empirical cross-national studies indicate that media attention to European issues is low in comparison with the global. the relations to the audiences have been built on some form of understanding of cultural tradition and social responsibility within a national frame of reference. how can they constitute public spheres that can encompass the entire demos?” The second argument of the impossibi­ lity school is the lack of a genuine pan-European press. ways of perceiving reality. There is also quite a low level of public awareness on EU issues and low interest in following the EU-level decision making among citizens. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika ternet as a space for transnational discussion and deliberation. cultures. participation is not equal. There is also a strong connection between langua­ ges. Obviously public demand for EU issues in journalism is not very high. their content does not conform to ideals of free public participation and citizen involvement. Whether one considers print.

If and when a transnational community of communication emerges in which speakers and listeners recognize each other as legitimate participants in a common discourse. The use of journalism to connect EU issues to the life world of the publics has obviously not been very successful. Risse and Van de Steeg 2003). they should be able to communicate across borders irrespective of languages and in the absence of a pan-European media. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). in this sense. A similar division is observable in the newspapers: elite-oriented.Sociologija. While the “impossibility school” represents one end of public sphere discussion spectrum. All this makes collective opinion formation and coherent action unlikely. meaning structures. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika time correspondent in post (AIM Research Consortium 2007). and there are no general agreements on common interests or values in different parts of Europe. scholars at the opposite end claim that the European public sphere is not only possible but already exists. nationwide quality newspapers tend to have correspondents in Brussels while popular papers allocate their resources somewhere else. Instead of talking about a single European public sphere with a common language and pan-European press. Media coverage of EU issues is rather limited in comparison to those at a national level and a large proportion of citizens do not seem to know. Thus. The lack of a collective identity is partly related to the lack of common language and common media in Europe. Risse (2003) agrees with many of the observations of the “impossibility school” but he reaches contrary conclusions. a sense of unity and belonging is limi­ ted. and patterns of interpretation are used across national public spheres and media. He labels arguments against the possibility of an EPS a “conventional wisdom” to be challenged. 3. A European identity and European civil society do not exist. or at least do seem to be very interested in what’s going in the EU. a common forum and a common point of reference. to multilingual Switzerland. Moreover. cultu­ ral heritages and collective memories are distinct. They claim that the public sphere is not just a normative ideal but is also an artefact that can be empirically examined (Risse 2003. Risse (2003) argues that there is no reason why all Europeans should speak the same language and use the same media in order to communicate across national borders in a meaningful way. He compares Europe. Thus. If and when similar frames of reference. they emphasise the importance of Europeanised national public spheres. 2. it may be more correct to speak of a European non-public sphere or put ironical quotation marks around “European” and “public”. at least in the way that they are perceived within nation states. He defines the conditions under which a democratic European public sphere would emerge as: 1. For him it is questionable 89 . If citizens attach similar meanings to what they observe in Europe. one finds that Europe lacks a common language. If and when the same (European) themes are discussed at the same time at similar levels of attention across national public spheres and media. it could be argued.

the opposite is true. mismanagement and conflict than decision-making (Trentz 2006). 90 .” In Risse’s view preconditions for a public sphere already exist in Europe. In Risse’s view. As long as media report on the same issues at the same time. In spite of the fact that Trenz pinpoints the absence of the non-institutio­ nal. and media coverage of European reaction to an Austrian government formed from a coalition of the right-wing populist Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) led by Jörg Haider and the Christian democratic Österreiche 1 Volkspartei (ÖVP) in 2000. Indeed. and European Central Bank being major agenda-setters in quality newspapers. institutions of the EU like the Commission. he concludes that “a European public sphere has come into exis­ tence” 1. the more we actually create political communities. the more we engage each other in our public discourses. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Secondly. Trenz seems to be more pessimistic about the mediatisation of the EU. fourteen EU states insisted that Austria refrain from taking this step and threatened it with sanctions. there is no need for a pan-European media based on a common language. who analysed European quality newspapers. civil-society actors among agenda-setters as “striking” in his study. “The more we debate issues. are fragmented. with almost one third of the political news being related to Europe or the EU. Issues in the mainstream media are mainly nationally framed and periods of high media attention are short and linked rather to the corruption. conven­ tional wisdom seems to be based on an idea­ lized picture of a homogenous national public sphere that is then transferred to the European level. The idea of the EPS is seen quite hard to accomplish In the later text. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika to claim the absence of a public sphere only because people read different newspapers in different languages. As an example he uses the so called Haider-debate. There was a gene­ ral outcry because some of the slogans used by FPÖ were considered racist. A lively public sphere should actually be based on a pluralistic supply of media competing for citizens’ attention. however. Council of Ministers. Risse (2003) argues. argues that the existence of an EPS is indicated by such facts as: topics within European quality newspapers being similar. Many national public spheres. Similar frames of reference or meaning structures don’t necessarily lead to agreement or consensus on an issue. there was actually a transnational community of communication in this case and he sees it as a kind of litmus test of an emerging European public sphere. In fact. Media content analysis showed that not even the Austrian press treated the views of other Member States or the intervention of the EU as either ‘foreign’ or ‘illegimate’.Sociologija. Many of the studies about the possibility of the European public sphere seem to land between those two opposite views. but few would argue that because of that people are unable to communicate meaningfully with each other. Trenz (2004). Before the official presentation of the new government. however. he maintains. heated debates over political issues are a way to raise the level of interest in European issues.

Schlesinger writes. a debate held in public by several actors who are in contact with each other through the pages of newspapers. Discussions are to be unrestricted. inequalities of status and power should be bracketed. and discussants should deliberate as peers.Sociologija. the existence of a European public sphere seems even a more distant ideal. rational. Scholars who detect some signs of an EPS tend to talk about public spheres in plural. Schlesinger (1999). But how these will evolve is “open to conjecture”. Van de Steeg 2002). on the other hand. the EU topics accounted for an extremely small proportion of reporting. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika in reality but some emerging signs have been detected. The impossibility school seems to take seriously the original Habermasian ethos of public sphere as an assembly of private persons discussing matters of public concern of common interest. for example. and accessible to all. The media is considered to be a representative of the European publics (see also Eder and Trenz 2007. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). They had the same kind of criteria for the possible existence of an EPS and they also based their study on a cross national comparison of contents in quality media. does not believe in a single European public sphere but rather a growth of interrelated spheres of European publics. Overall. Deliberation among citizens has no specific role in this discourse and the emphasis is on strong publics. The conclusion of Machill et al. The public sphere here is facilitated by the newspapers and the public sphere is. however. 91 . (2006) made a “meta-analysis” of 17 media content analyses in different EU-countries and their results indicate that the public spheres of the EU states continue to exhibit a strong national orientation. newspaper oriented definition of the public sphere. in fact. was that “at best it is possible to talk about the first signs of a European public sphere”. In Frasers (1992) concepts they emphasise the role of weak publics. Compared with national actors. If the popular press is included in the analysis. Those who maintain that the EPS already exists seem to employ a more narrow. From this point of view the idea of public sphere provides an institutional mechanism to make states accountable to citizenry and. it designates ideals of discursive interaction. The result of such discussion would be “public opinion” in the sense of rational consensus about common good. Conclusion of Downey and Koenig (2006) was. Machill et al. Merely private interests should be excluded. some European elites have begun to constitute a restricted communicative space”. Broad public engagement in European public affairs does not exist but he sees “European” media like the Financial Times and Economist as a possible start. not least because of relatively low number of stories covering EU related issues. the players at EU level also featured in minor roles. But “at best. Downey and Koenig (2006) emp­ loyed the same kind of research design as Risse (2004). that “the data do not indicate a European transcendence of national public spheres”. The differences between the view that European public sphere is impossible and the view that it already exists can be largely explained by the way different scholars define “public sphere”.

correspondents are rather influential gatekeepers of EU journalism in their organizations. Practically none of the interviewees believed in large scale citizen involvement in discussions about EU issues in a European frame. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika 3. On the other hand. quite a crucial question when one considers that interest is the fundamental criterion for the ideal public sphere – it is difficult to have a discussion if only small minority of people are interested in taking part or even follow such an interaction. The relatively low demand for the EU accounts also has influence on resources committed by media enterprises to European journalism and many commercial TVstations have closed down their bureaus in 92 . how the ideals of public sphere survive in a transnational environment. Public Sphere Ideals The empirical studies cited above have been based on the analyses of media content.Sociologija. Correspondents in Brussels seem to have internalised the necessity of some kind of public sphere in the EU level (although they usually didn’t use the theoretical concept of public sphere) simply because a large part of the decision-making and legislative power has been moved from national institutions to the EU level. i. This is. My own empirical research on a European public sphere is based on the analysis of media content production. after all. Here the arguments of the correspondents resemble the views of the “impossibility school” of EPS researchers. However. The theme of this article. and 2) what hinders the realisation of a European public sphere. The correspondents were also sceptical about the willingness of the media organizations to provide a forum for such discussions. the variety of views on the nature and possibility of an EPS broadly mirrored that of academic community. Journalistic Conventions vs. This provides an interesting counterpoint to the lack of attention given to this issue in academic literature on the public sphere and participatory democracy. The correspondents were also quite sceptical about the interest of citizens in taking part of such discussions. the correspondents are experts of their own journalistic culture and are able to evaluate the possibilities and obstacles that covering EU issues face in the contemporary journalistic climate. The analysis of correspondents’ interviews is motivated on two accounts: on one hand.e. They felt that it was their task to follow European decision-making and provide building material for informed citizenship. common experiences and the lack of common forums. mainly because of a lack of a common language. It seems that many scholars take it as a given that participation is the nucleus of citizenship and that the problems of inte­ rest are quite automatically solved if citizens were provided with the means and accesses to participate (Hirzalla 2007). interviews of twelve correspondents in Brussels. is approached here from a media perspective and employs two angles: 1) what kind of “public sphere” is constructed in journalists’ discourses. This crucial problem was frequently mentioned by interviewees and was blamed on the public’s lack of interest in the EU-issues and journalism about the EU. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).

Reporters are sent to Brussels to cover larger media events but the daily follow-up of the news is mainly done by public broadcasting companies. correspondents don’t have a possibility to make more time consuming and independent stories like repor­ tages or investigative journalism.Sociologija. the UK. Correspondents from three countries Germany. There is. but they were not systematically followed. the correspondents used this kind of discussions as a raw material for their stories.3 per cent (Ibid. Thomas Lauritzen Politiken (Denmark). which automatically excludes a large part of the public. Often the forums for these discus- The interviewed correspondents were Erika Bjerström SVT Aktuelt (Sweden). no longer permanent representation from Finnish or German commercial TV-companies in Brussels. The largest Finnish daily Helsingin Sanomat has routinely only one correspondent and the national broadcasting company YLE three. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Brussels. Rolf Gustavsson Svenska Dagbladet (Sweden). the BBC had at the same time seven journalists and four producers in post. In addition. Mark James BBC (Great Britain). Tight budgets force many correspondents to limit their coverage on routine issues fed by the information departments representing strong publics like the EU organisations. and Belgium make up one third of more than one thousand accredited Brussels press corps while the share of Estonian. In comparison. for example. They [the research organizations] also take part in and influence the policy making here. it’s going on all the time. Jussi Seppälä Yle (Finland). Antonio Steves-Martins Radio Television (Portugal). The Swedish Svenska Dagbladet used to have three correspondents in Brussels but during the research period (2006) there was only one. For example. Konrad Niklewicz Gazeta Wyborcza (Poland). in the Commission. Rolf-Dieter Krause ARD (Germany). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Altogether. Those correspondents who defined the debates of the political and economical elites (strong publics) as a “pan-European dis­ cussion” emphasized that a transnational discus­ sion already exists. tabloids don’t seem to have the motivation for permanent correspondents in Brussels. The bureaus of small Member-States are working on especially tight budgets and resources in Brussels. there is a strong geographical im2 balance in the composition of press corps in Brussels. Typically. Petteri Tuohinen Helsingin Sanomat (Finland). It’s not only possible. Occasionally. 93 . there were only two Estonian and Lithuanian accredited correspondents in town in 2006 (AIM Research Consortium 2007a. Michael Stabenow Frankfurter Allgemeine (Germany). in the Council. and German ARD had a studio and six journalists permanently based in Brussels2. The scant resources of Brussels bureaus can partly explain the public’s low interest in EU issues. It’s going on in institutions.). Enrico Brivio Il Sole 24 Ore (Italy). in the Parliament. Common market trends tend to shift the focus of the news organisations towards national issues (AIM Research Consortium 2007a) and news coverage of the EU in Brussels is largely in the hands of “quality” papers and public broadcasting companies. it’s going on in research organizations that this town is full of. Inga Rosinska TVN24 (Poland). Lithuanian and Romanian correspondents is only 2. 10).

the conflict between the government and the opposition creates drama and tension that attracts journalism. there are a lot of similar arguments reoccurring. EU’s Character vs. Media Logics The interviewed correspondents also highlighted that many structural problems make EU issues less attractive than national politics in the light of prevailing news criteria. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). “European” journalism seems to be a system of national news agendas rather than some kind of pan-European entity of the same themes and similar frames of reference. the correspondents mentioned some exceptions: [L]et’s say. As a rule. meaning structures. the debate about the European social model has just started. I think we’re not seeing it as much right now. In general. experts and scho­ lars and its role in the EU decision-making also seems to be rather poorly analyzed in the European public sphere research. There seems to be many obstacles in realisation of the public sphere ideals on a European level in contemporary journalism. This interaction of politicians. Not a single member state… applies a totally free market approach like the United States. or in Scotland. All of these societies are aspiring some social counter balance of the free market and no country is inspired by the communist or socialist model. and I think it’s linked to the fact that over the years there’s something of the common identity that has developed. That is what their audiences and superiors expected them to do. officials. I really think we have a pan-European debate today in Europe. At the national level. think-tanks. constitutional discussion in Spain. there were 94 . ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika sions were somewhere else than in the media. However. and patterns of interpretation (see also AIM Research Consortium 2007b). All of them stated that they mainly chose topics of a national interest and mainly handled EU issues from a national perspective. So we have a common ground there. With political questions deliberated and decisions made behind closed doors. In the EU this is absent because of executive nature of its governing institutions (the European Commission and the Council of Ministers) and their relatively weak accountability to the European Parliament. interpellations are a central way to bring political controversies in public discussion. EU issues had to be domesticated to fit in to the national tal­ king points. the correspondents were sceptical about the possibilities of creating a “European” frame or agenda when handling EU issues. they said. No European country – even if in Poland there was a debate looming – is bringing back the death penalty. but it’s going to have a big impact. In the EU the main actors Another correspondent reminded that even if there was no genuine pan-Euro­ pean discussion at that moment. and it’s going to shape Europe. but journalists are also excluded. not only are ordinary citizens relegated to the role of a spectator or reactor to what the Commission and the Council produce. First of all. 4. or in Hungary or in Germany.Sociologija. pressure groups. grounds for a shared European identity and consequently potential for common discussions in the future: Although we are not very conscious about European identity. that’s over. At the national level. Many of the ideals are clearly in contradiction with the prevailing news criteria.

Rather than a genuine Europeanised party system. One reason for that could be that even though large part of the legislations originates from the EU. one finds a rather loose system of cooperation among national parties. it is. From a journalistic point of view these aspects make the EU decision process not so “sexy”. This is one of the problems when reporting from Brussels. because it is not a democratic institution. the party system at the EU level is vague and fragmentary and this can also hinder political discussion. still an elitist concept. The EU lacks an elected president. In addition.Sociologija. European parties are mainly coalitions of different national parties and the logic of the alliances is dif­ferent to that found in national party systems. illuminates the discrepancy between the operational logics of the EU and the news media. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika and institutions are not elected and do not. Neither do they have direct political responsibility to the electorate as. In summary. The media are not in the habit of systematically monitoring people or institutions that are not directly responsible to citizens. The media keenly follows national elections but the role of EU issues seems to be rather marginal in different countries. because you have fights between different powers. especially in popular media. the connection between the debates in the European Parliament and the actual decisions and legis­ lature is much more complicated than at a national level. Responsibility for the decision-making is spread across many different institutions. prime ministers and presidents. Personally. have the same kind of motivation or obligation to provide a rationale for their decisions as required from national bodies. although I’m in favour of Europe as an idea. taxation is still in the hands of national governments and it is taxation and the allocation of tax­ payers’ money that tend to dominate preelection debates. for example. the European political culture is still rather undeveloped compared in comparison to national political cultures. Not only is following debates in the European Parliament more difficult for those who are used to following national party politics. There is also another feature in EU to­ pics that contradicts that of prevailing news values: power in the EU cannot be persona­ lized the same way as in national politics. I don’t think the European Union deserves to have a big credibility or the love of the citizens today. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). prime minis­ ter and opposition leader through whom one could focus on political goals or policy 95 . the EU Commission’s and Council’s aspirations to speak with one voice and dampen down national differences. say. background discussions are hidden and it is difficult to identify those people or parties that are liable for particular issues or decisions. as this was reflected in the intervie­ wees’ commentary. Citizens don’t necessarily know who or what kind of politics they are supporting when voting and the situation can also make it difficult to have meaningful public political debates. Politics is sexy. This is what makes politics sexy on the national level. Moreover. therefore. It seems that the democratic deficit in the EU causes interest deficit among both the media and the public.

People and human drama may interest many people who wouldn’t otherwise follow politics but on EU issues. The main actors like the President of the Commission.Sociologija. For rational public sphere ideals personal aspects and emotions related to politics seem to be only some kind of fuss. 5. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). these conventions are not about to face major changes in the near future. whe­ reas in journalism handling issues through persons has become more and more salient. experts and journalists from different EU countries are having mutual discussions on European issues. The domination of elites and experts is built through the news criteria and journalists’ understanding of what journalism is all about. Those who claim that EPS already exists tend to empha- size the deliberation in institutional spaces: the EPS exists when the politicians. The main power centres like the Commission or Council of the European Union are collectives that make decisions behind closed doors and there are usually no possibilities to connect certain views to certain people. or High Representative for the Common Fo­ reign and Security Policy are obviously quite distant figures to most Europeans. Even if the correspondents themselves would like to report more about the lives of the EU citizens. journalism usually lacks the human aspect of politics. It can be said that the use of these sources is a stone base of working routines for the journalism in Brussels. many structural features of the EU governance like the executive nature of its governing institu- 96 . Moreover. commissioners. “Europeanizing” the public sphere also seems to be a distant idea because of the nationalistic bias of EU journalism. They claim that a true public sphere requires much more extensive citizen participation. On the other hand. scant resources often prevent them doing it. The journalistic culture in Brussels favours heavily the use of elites and experts as sources of news. officials. those who think that an EPS is far from realization tend to emphasize the legitimacy problems: the (lack of a) role of citizens outside the formal political system. Personalization is actually one of the key things that keep journalism and public sphere ideals apart. At the national level perso­ nalisation of power gives journalists tools with which to make politics more attractive in the eyes of the audience. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika disagreements. In spite of the fact that there has been a shift towards the needs of “ordinary citizens” in media contents. Citizens have been able to follow the top politicians at the national level for years or even for decades whereas the top EU figures come from nowhere. Making news and stories of EU elites and experts is usually seen as the main task of the journalists while handling the interests and everyday life of the citizens hold a much more minor role. The main task of the correspondents is often to domesticate the news and construct a national frame to the European issues. influence EU decision making for a few years and then disappear from the sight. especially as their backgrounds or personal lives are not common knowledge. Conclusions The possibilities to realize some kind of a European public sphere (or spheres) clearly divide scholars and journalists.

2007. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grimm. Fraser.) The Euro­ pean Union and the Public Sphere. Philip (2007): “The European Union and the Public Sphere: A Communicative Space in Making?” In: Fossum. Klaus and Trenz. 2007. New York. “Rethinking the Public Sphere. Piia. Mihai. Comparing the Logic of EU Reporting. Ian and Petrovich. Hans-Jörg. 1989. Plymouth. John and Koenig. “Does Europe need a constitution?”. In: Benhabib. (Eds. Berthold (Eds. John Erik and Schlesinger. the EU governance and EU structures that hinder its genuine development. 2005. Re­ porting and Managing European News. Cambridge: MIT Press. Nancy. At the moment the main challenges seem to be concentrated in a relatively low public and media engagement in European public affairs.) Identities. AIM Research Consortium (Ed. vague party system and the fact that the EU leaders have remained distant to the EU citizens make it difficult for the journalists to make stories that attract publics.) Reporting and managing European News. there are many features in journalism.) Habermas and the Public Sphere. Adequate Information Management in Europe (AIM) – Working Papers 2007/4. “Is There a European Public Sphere? The BerlusconiSchulz Case”. Cambridge: Polity Press.Sociologija. Seyla. Beate and Rittberger. the nature of the EU gover­ nance and public sphere ideals do not fit very well with each other. The dif- ficulties of creating a public sphere are much bigger at the EU level than at a national level. Toronto. Javnost/ The Public 14(2): 83-96. 2007. UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Nancy. “The Internet and Democracy: participation. Media logics and logics of the EU governance don’t fit very well with each other. Dieter. Fossum. Bochum: Project Verlag. 97 . Peter. Marju and Tammpuu. “Transnationalizing the Public Sphere: on the Legitimacy and Efficacy of Public Opinion in a PostWestphalian World”. Michael. 2006. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). References AIM Research Consortium (Ed. Eder. Lauristin. Farrel. John Erik and Schlesinger. Shapiro. Kunelius. Corcoran. Fadi. citizens and politics”. Prevailing journalistic conventions. Thomas. “Prequisities of Transnational Democracy and Mechanisms for Sustaining it: The Case of European Union”. 2007b. Bochum: Project Verlag. In: Kohler-Koch.). Final Report of the Project “Adequate Information Management in Europe” 2004-2007. Danilo. Brüggeman. Philip (Eds. The crucial question still remains: how does one make the elitist EU project more popular. Declan. 2006. Bochum: Project Verlag. Habermas. Craig (Ed. Transnational analysis of EU correspondence from Brussels. 1995. London and New York: Routledge. Golding. 2007a. Hirzalla. Fraser. A Contribution to a Critique of Actually Existing Democracy”.) Debating the Democratic Legitimacy of European Union. Risto. Downey. Lanham.). Javnost-The Pu­ blic 12(2). Affiliations and Allegiances. In: AIM Research Consortium (Ed. Coman. Boulder. “The European Public Sphere: Theory and the Implications of the Study”. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika tions. 1992. “How the EU Constructs the European Public Sphere: Seven Strategies of Information Policy”. European Law Journal 1(3): 282302. Jürgen. This study indicates that even if some signs of an emerging European public sphere are detectable. European Journal of Communication 21(2): 165-187. Fahy. In: Calhoun. news values.

pdf Van de Steeg. Hans-Jö 98 .uio. 2006. “Europeanisation and the news media: issues and research imperatives”. Special Eurobarometer. Markus Beiler & Corinna Fischer. 2003.arena.pdf Schlesinger. 2006. ARENA Working Paper 22/2003. European Commission. The Debate about the European Public Sphere: A Meta-Analysis of Media Content Analyses”. features of the EU’s executive character and media logics do not fit well with each other.Sociologija. The Babel of Europe? An Essay on Networks and Communicative Spaces. Slaatta. Tuomo Mörä Department of Communication University of Helsinki E-mail: Tuomo. 1999. ARENA Working Paper 14/2006. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the European Union Studies Association (EUSA).no/publications/ working-papers2006/papers/wp06_14. ABSTRACT Transnationalization of European politics and governance clearly causes challenges to the relations between political action. Marianne. sausio 10 d. eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_243_en.Mora@helsinki. Europeans and their Languages. “Rethinking the Conditions for a Public Sphere in the Euro­ pean Union”. “Europe-Topics in Europe’s Media. Trenz. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. 2002.uio.pdf Trenz. 2006. “Changing Spaces of Political Communication: The Case of the European Union”. 2004. 2003. Tore. European Journal of Communication 19(2): 291-319. Exploring the European Public Sphere in National Quality Papers”.) http://www. Philip. This article approaches these challenges by comparing the normative ideals of a public sphere to the conventions of contemporary journalism of the European Union. Thomas. Mediatisation and democratization in the EU. sausio 10 d. citizens and journalism. Philip. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. Schlesinger. Hans-Jörg. Political Communication 16(3): 263-279. March 27-30. Europe­ an Journal of Communication 21(1): 57-88. 2003. An Emerging European Public Sphere? Theoretical Clarifications and Em­ pirical Indicators. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika papers/wp03_22. Nashville TN. Marcel. Risse.) http://ec. 2006. arena. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2008 m. sausio 10 d. It seems that the ideals of public sphere. European Journal of Social Theory 5(4): 499-519.europa.) http://www. “Media coverage on European Governance. Javnost 13:(1): 5-24.

taking public (service) media as an example to illustrate my point. ypač tada. kai kalbama apie platesnes už nacionalines transliavimo formas. I further thematize dimensions of the dependence of the public media model on the economic framework and draw attention to the reactivation of the public through the activity of what I name “public-generated media”. which I consider against the background of public (service) media and their capacity (or incapacity) to absorb active engagement on the part of individuals that make up the public. I am interested in the public as a phenomenon involving the aspirations of individuals. Straipsnyje pasitel­ kiamas Slovėnijos visuomeninio transliuotojo pavyzdys kaip modelis. apibrėžtų tapatumo ribų ir nacionalinių ryšių lauko. Keywords: public broadcasting.Sociologija. public-generated media. public. Pagrindinis tyrimo dalykas – individualių siekių ir viešumo santykis. pasitelkiant „visuomenės kuriamos žiniasklaidos“ galimybes. Pateikiami argumentai. įvardijantys. kodėl šiuolaikinėse diskusijose apie viešumo potencialą žiniasklaidoje reikia atsižvelgti į viešumo apraiškas ne tik pačioje žiniasklaidoje. viešumas. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Mojca Pajnik The Utopia of Mass Media: Towards Public-generated Media Santrauka. visuomeninis transliuo­ tojas yra vieši. Introduction In this article I look into the dependence of the mass media on politics and capital. besiformuojančių už nacionalinės valstybės sienų. RTV). konkrečiai. ypač nesugebėjimas pritraukti išsklai­ dytų visuomenės sluoksnių. is present in public media. if any. ar ir kiek žiniasklaida plačiąja prasme ir. kuriuo remiantis tiriamas visuomeninis transliuotojas kaip struktūra. Several media studies have defended the thesis that the trends such as the liberalization 99 . Drauge aiškinamasi. Raktiniai žodžiai: visuomeninis transliuotojas. ar ir kaip visa tai padeda nušviesti viešojo transliuotojo gebėjimą arba negebėjimą sužadinti visuomeninį aktyvumą. Straipsnyje aktualizuojamos visuomeninio transliuotojo problemos. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). visuomenės kuriama žiniasklaida. Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama šiuolaikinės žiniasklaidos priklausomybė nuo politikos ir kapitalo. 1. I try to determine how much of the public. panaudojama nacionalinės valstybės ekonominių ir politinių interesų vardan. I analyze the constraints imposed on public (service) media by limitations and restrictions emanating from nation-state policies. Taking the example of the public service broadcaster Radiotelevizija Slovenia (Radio Television Slovenia. bet ir už jos ribų. siekiama išsiaiškinti.

These texts cri­ tically thematize the corporative and apolitical colonization that produces a public confined within a media system governed by the principles of economic profitability and political efficiency. Although they still consider the trends towards depoliticization. is conceivable at all in the context of the present day mass media. as I will show. Sennett (1977/1992) proposed a similar argument advancing a thesis about the “fall of public man. Dewey (1927/1984) linked the “commodification of communication” to the “eclipse of the public. viewed from the perspective of the influence of economic and political factors. Similarly. have drifted away from the public with the tendency to transform citizens into recipients or consumers. 2. either public or commercial. and “the decline and fall of public service broadcasting” (Tracey 1989). they also ponder over the potential of alternative conceptualizations.” This thesis was actualized decades later by Habermas (1962/1989) through his criticism of the “drying up of the public” as a consequence of the societalization of the media. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika of the market and the commercialization and concentration of ownership have relocated media communication. which is not an unimportant fact in itself. I start from the thesis that the public has emancipatory potential which. pur­ suing similar arguments nowadays produces no radical new insights in this area. In this text I raise the question of whether the public. subjecting it to market laws and that these trends have increased media dependence on everyday politics by removing communication from the public or by relocating communication political and economic structures. Fraser 2005).” As a matter of fact. and have increasingly focused on the treatment of the public as a pheno­ menon of citizenship (Bohman 1999. it has been thematized on many occasions that the mass media. “public media. Viewed as a critique of the media in the era of neo-liberalism. However. This said it is worthwhile adding that debates on media policies usually circumvent this subject rather than focus on it. when considered in the media context.” “entrapment of the public” (Mayhew 1997). depending on the policies of nation-states and despite their legal (de)regulating measures (or because of them). Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).” Recent analyses of the public that draw on the critique of mass media society continue to rely on the theses dating from the 1960s about the “decline of the public sphere. increased political influence and booming consumer culture. In the 1930s. Public-generated Media During the 18th and the 19th centuries. more recent studies have been less preoccupied with criticizing the societalization of the public and the decline of its potential. public media can even be thematized as antithetical to the phenomenon of the public. Therefore. newspapers were originally conceptualized as a public space for the publishing of citizens’ 100 . these studies are undoubtedly important and cannot be brushed aside on the grounds that they have become mired in a total critique and normative ideals. coincides with the idea about the “public-generated media” which are not.Sociologija. understood as a phenomenon with its own activation potential.

According to Arendt. Consequently. and not in the sense of professional representation of the people (Arendt 1958). would explain this shift by stressing the necessity of social development. access to the media has always been predicated on possession.Sociologija. With the arrival of the print media. and by editors and journalists as professional content creators: freedom of the press was transformed from freedom to print into freedom for the print (media) (Splichal 2005: 29) and citizens’ freedom into corporate freedom. On the other hand. where the media must play their “social function” of gatekeepers. fo­ reigners. editors and writers was used to a lesser degree (Goodman 1994. which is the privilege of well-off. in such a way that they select from the multitude of information and present it to the people in an efficient way. Media debates generated by citizens functioning as the public were taken over by the media functioning as corporative systems of representation. The logic of parliamentarianism established the ideal of representation of people. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). 174). ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika opinions and reasoning. should not itself be absolutised. media reporting became established as the only legitimate form for debates and related interpretations. the idea of newspapers as “readers’ forums” or “spaces of open dialogue” that transcend the instrumentalized function of information provision and entertainment and enable exchange of opi­ nions among readers. expression and publishing of opinions. the subsequent development 101 . with its functionalist orientation. which stands in contrast to individual freedom to act publicly and publish opinions. Rather than asserting their original role with regard to citizens as co-creators of media communication. the publishing of opinions. the media indeed possessed the potential to engage the public. The sociological tradition. the watchdog role legitimized the media as a corrective of government. I would like to point out that the principle of freedom to publish opinions. With the media gaining ground as a means of defining societal norms. for example. but this lasted only a “split second” (Habermas 1962/1989. meaning that they represented a supplemental space for the debates held within public and private spheres. Nevertheless. activity. which took hold in the print media for a short period of time. This role is different from that which the media assumed later as a watchdog on government. the mass production of the media enabled by the industrial revolution turned freedom of the press into corporative freedom. and the media became established as a mediator for representation. the boom in mass society and mass media brought to an end the thematization of citizens’ activity and began to promote the idea of the people as a homogeneous group. In western societies. The notion of the active public began to disappear. educated white people. During this specific period of history. with the term active used here in the sense of debate. Consequently. women. with the media seen as forums of activity. children and so on. the principle of possession and related public reasoning were reinforced through the denial of these capacities in other groups. the idea underlying the early stages of print media development was to enable the formation. 95). the passing of judgments.

by publishing citizens’ opinions. political parties. which today present themselves not so much to the audience as to themselves. This type of public-generated media. theater performances or pamphlets. Public-generated media do not seek legitimacy in representation. The media as a public sphere and as a space for and principle of opinion exchange. national institutions and interest groups used the media to present themselves to the public. but also increasingly the consu­ mer-oriented attitude towards the audience. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika of the media adhered less and less to the concept of forum as a space for the exchange and confrontation of opinions and implementation of various practices for articulating topical issues. The idea about the public-generated media. understood as a public space in which citizens express their own opinions instead of their represen­ tatives doing so on the citizens’ behalf. if we follow Dewey. Nor do they rely on the idea of possession. create the public. are not public media. meaning that they are not public media or media from the public. The utopian potential inherent in public-genera­ ted media stems from the public. which acquired the meaning of the “people” (Habermas 1962/1989) seen as a homogeneous national body. the modern “public” therefore owns the public media. in the sense of a public space for activity. rather than to citizens as the public (Davis 2003). the practice of publishing press releases and a drift away from investigative journalism. The public is not separate from them in the way a subscriber is separate from a television or radio program. which first appeared centuries ago in the form of leaflets. these are not audience-created media. i. As Habermas established decades ago. It was not only the watchdog role that contributed to the increased apoliticality of the media. an action which distinguishes them from the representative journalism of the mass media. as conceptualized by Dewey. to their political opponents and economic competitors. is created by individual citizens acting in their own names. were turning into instruments for the furthering of interests of political and economic governmental structures. because they are not media for the public.Sociologija. can be traced in Dewey’s project Thought News. which the media adopted under the influence of Smith’s economism of the 18th century. changed not only the media but also the public. The latter became the recipient and the buyer of press releases collected and mediated using the techniques of media management. Public-generated media. that is to say. The modern 102 . because they are not based on a representative system. which in turn creates the media through its activity. Public orien­ ted media. according to which individuals should publish their opinions instead of journalists doing so on their behalf. Today we frequently encounter the interpretation that the public is the owner of the public media. or a target reader or consumer from a newspaper.e. The propaganda practices used in PR strategies and adopted by the media. and this trait sets it apart from Dewey’s public. neither are they based on a system of addressees because. the concept of the public as the people reinforced the naturalness of representing political and economic elites in the media. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).

By automatically attributing newsworthiness to the activity of economic and political structures. they are frequently dispossessed of their opinion to the benefit of strong publics. the political and economic management of the country is news. whose operation is news par excellence for public media. while “weak publics” constituted by various movements remain faceless and voiceless. contri­ buted to the legitimacy of the professional representation of the public. In many cases. and without the potential for change (Timms 2005). and from one economic lobby to a competitive lobby – by way of the media. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). the mass media space is limited. society produces atomized and individualized individuals who do not have an interest in acting publicly. particularly during the first half of the 20th century. from one group of political representatives to the other. Viewed from this perspective. For weak publics. By claiming to be the public. The idea that the public is not sufficiently “enlightened” and therefore is not competent enough to publish opinions is related to the sociological theorization of mass society. or their opinion is presented as marginal. owner and advertiser systems which are legitimized as strong publics compared to “ordinary” citizens. the assumption behind this type of theorization. The mass media start from the assumption that an a priori relevant form of communication is one that originates with the political representatives and economic lobbies and flows in the direction of citizens. using the term “weak public” to denote new social movements that presumably lack true levers and sufficient potential to generate change. these publics are presented in the mass media as invisible or unimportant publics. the mass media not only emulate PR skills and communication management strategies. According to this. which was for several decades corroborated by theoretical and empirical sociological works. although one can conceptualize that change is effected precisely through the activity of these “weak publics. even damaging. For public media. The logic of professional representation resting on a vision of ignorant masses needing organization.” The public of public media is a “strong public” composed of national and parliamentary structures and economic lobbies.Sociologija. is that the problem lies with individuals and their lack of interest in publi­ shing opinions and in public activity. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika public is not composed of citizens who cocreate a public space by publishing opinions. Even today the public continues to be described inadequately. the selective media system appeared as the only sensible alternative. for example. if groups of professionals are formed who supposedly serve the interest 103 . One such example includes political or capital structures in the disguise of civil society. leading to the marginalization of its potential during the 20th century. which has frequently attrac­ ted criticism. The professionalization of journalism can also reinforce the representational model of the media. Moreover. they can even occupy or swallow up the entire citizen potential. but legitimize these structures as a “new public” based on Meyhewen’s model (1997). The phenomenon of the public is in this case colonized by the political structures.

Fraser (2005) pointed out that it is only the recent increased significance of transnational phenomena associated with globalization. increasingly appears as just one among many methods of putting world affairs “in order. 104 . it seemed almost inconceivable that the media should not be based on the gatekeeper principle.” says Fraser. despite this. may appear in mainstream arrangements. “to generate through (Westphalian-national) processes of public communication a body of (Westphalian-national) public opinion. when they become disproportionately exposed as the ultimate example of alternative media production. She stresses that the media are constituted as an integral part of a modern nation-state. the approach of the mass media.” The criticism of the Indymedia project showed that alternative media. “The point is. national language and literature. through amateur-journalist practices (Atton 2004. community media and the media of new social movements introduced important alternatives to the dominant belief that media are necessarily legitimized by representational principle and dependent on politics and capital. 3. but. postcoloniality and multiculturalism that has necessitated the reconsideration of public sphere theory in a transnational frame. Neither are alternative media immune to the logic of profit. it is precisely the alternative media in their dimensions of public-generated media that teach us that individual activity. However. meaning the professional editorial and journalistic practices that overlook the fact that the communicational right to publish opinions belongs to citizens and not to corporations. 34-5). too. which was an example of philosophy in action. Fraser emphasizes that Westphalian-national print media.Sociologija. alternative media. expression and publishing of individual opinions should also be considered outside the current editorial and management practices pursued by the mass media. for example. public service media found legitimacy within the framework of the nation-state management along with the national economy. According to this. The author exposes the current limitations of the politics of nation states to thematize anew the potential of the public to effect changes in a transnational frame. Public Service Media as a Mechanism of the Nation-State: The Example of Radio Television Slovenia When discussing the presence (or absence) of the public in the context of public media. along with the media. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika of the public and address the public that has no access to the creation of media content. At least from the time of Dewey’s utopian project. with the help of new technologies and through the activity of alternative publics. we must also mention the confinement of the media within the frameworks of nation-states in addition to their dependence on the logic of economic profitability. The Westphalian-national basis of public sphere theory has been problematized only recently. which should be redefined within the transnational perspective. national citizenry. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). for example. radio and television form an essential part of the communication infrastructure of a nation-state. Viewed from this perspective.

independent media production and changes introduced by new information and communication technologies point to trends towards the denationalization of communication and communication that extend beyond the Westphalian-national borders. however..Sociologija. but needing reconstruction within the transnational frame because transnational publics cannot be simply transposed to existing institutions. of Slovenes abroad. Viewed from this perspective.e. citizens of the Republic of Slovenia or groups here singled out as having importance for the nation. and to ‘rationalize’ (Westphalian) state domination. especially the (national) economy. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika This opinion should reflect the communicatively generated (Westphalian-national) general interest of the (Westphalian-national) citizenry concerning the management and ordering of the common conditions of their (Westphalian-national) life. which is “a public institution of special cultural and national importance” that “performs a public service related to radio and tele­ vision activities .).). Austria and Hungary. alternative media practices. In the transnational context. the (national) public sphere is a vital institutional component of (Westphalian-national) democracy” (Ibid. to hold the (Westphalian) state accountable to the (Westphalian-national) citizenry. If we take into account Fraser’s interpretation. Several of the specialized media.. including Slovenes abroad and “national” minorities. The further point is to empower the body of (Westphalian-national) public opinion so generated vis-à-vis private powers and the national state. 105 . and of the Italian and Hunga­ rian communities in the Republic of Slovenia. public media as institutions lack public potential. political and management projects of nationstates. we confront the question of whether public sphere theory is “so thoroughly national- Westphalian in its deep conceptual structure as to be unsalvageable as a critical tool for theorizing the present?” Fraser sees publicsphere theory as worthy of preservation. since changed circumstances exact a reformulation of the critical theory of the public sphere in such a way as to illuminate the emancipatory possibilities of the present “postnational constellation” (Ibid. with the aim of ensuring the realization of the democratic. Fraser argues that Westphalian-national media as public media became established as a tool aimed at ensuring the success of specific. these practices are difficult (or impossible) to find within the public media model. social and cultural needs of the citizens of the Republic of Slovenia. the public is composed of individuals forming a national community.” According to this definition. The effect of the Westphalian-national framework can be illustrated empirically using the example of the Radio Television Slovenia Act.1 Article 1 defines the status of RTV. So understood. i. 1 Official Gazette of the RS 96/2005. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). of the members of the Slovene minorities in Italy.

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In listing the services performed by RTV, the law defines the public in the context of what Fraser termed Westphalian-national citizenry. According to the content of the artic­ les listing the services of RTV Slovenia, these are programs for “autochthonous Ita­ lian and Hungarian national communities,” “the Roma ethnic community,” “Slovene national minorities in neighbouring countries,” “Slove­ ne immigrants abroad and expats” as well as the “foreign audience.” In other words, in the context of this public media outlet, the public is determined by the national and (limited) ethnic substance, which confirms Fraser’s thesis that the public of public media is nationally homogenized and that it is not seen as consisting of dispersed individuals and their changing identities (which transcend interpellation into national and officially recognized ethnic minorities.)2 Other publics mentioned in Article 4 are “blind and partially sighted people and deaf and partially hearing people, the disabled and registered religious communities.” By defi­ ning the Roma as a nationally relevant “ethnic community,” or the disabled as “a group with special needs,” the law indeed emphasizes the need for content targeted at groups for whom access to the media is harder. However, this kind of wording may also have a different effect: it may homogenize individuals based on a common, pre-defined identity denominator that neglects differences among them. A number of studies, for example, feminist

studies, showed that emphasizing common denominators of ethnicity, disability and so on, has the effect of totalizing identity and experience, while creating a marginalized situation, and thus causing social trauma, as when, for example, a person with disability is identified only by his/her handicap. The categorization of citizens into various publics of public media reveals an understanding of the public as a collection of various categories of citizenry based on national, ethnic or religious principles and an evident identity of the handicapped. My purpose here is not to argue that any differentiation is a priori nonsensical. What I want to point out is the problematic nature of the premises underlying categorization. Within the frameworks thematized by Fraser, categorization serves to give legitimacy to the public media based on national principles, while overloo­ king the complexities of identification and omitting other groups that belong either in no nationally relevant category, say, migrants, or in the category having “specific national cultural or identity traits”, for example, gays and lesbians. The confinement within the national framework is evident from the wording repeated several times that the programs produced must be of “special importance to the Republic of Slovenia” or must be of “national importance,” as formulated in some places. Article 3 mentions two “national” television channels and three “national” radio channels.


Further analysis of public media in Slovenia as a platform for the reproduction of national identity and the consolidation of the Slovene national identity is accessible in Volčič (2005) and Mihelj (2005).


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Obviously, this Act does not try to elaborate the concept of the public, not even on the level of declaration. If we apply Fraser’s criticism to the provisions stipulated by this law, the “special national television channel” makes Radio Television Slovenia a “Westphaliannational media outlet” par excellence. This special channel is devoted to the representation of the state, in the sense of presenting political technology or, as it is formulated in this law, “to the live broadcasting of the sessions of the National Assembly of the Republic of Slovenia and its working bodies..., to provide complete information to the general public regarding all other parliamentary activities.” References to nationality are also found in the section speaking about the need for programs to “encourage links between national communities and their nation of origin.” The Act further mentions “inclusion of cultural and other achievements by the Italian and Hungarian nation in programs aimed at national communities.” Other content/programs that categorize the publics of this public institution are programs that “broaden the understanding of Slovene history, culture and identity” and provide information about issues relating to “state defense, including issues regarding the functioning of international institutions that Slovenia is a member of.” By strictly defining national subjects and nationally important content, the law reveals not only that this public media outlet is restricted by the national framework and that it lacks global perspective, but also that it is a representative media outlet that serves to ensure the provision of information on and presentation of nationally important mat

ters. Here, the public is primarily represented by the citizens of Slovenia, autochthonous and national minorities, and Slovenes living abroad. The law defines the national substance and then presents this public as the recipient of media content. That is how public media “present and promote,” “inform,” “spread understanding” and “create” media content. Consequently, the principle of activating the public in the context of public media appears impossible. The Radio Television Slovenia Act refers to nationalized subjects as “vie­ wers and listeners” whose active role is reduced to “access to programs wherever possible,” as mentioned in Article 4, which lists the servi­ ces provided by RTV (including provision of information on the issues of security, defense, risks, cultural heritage and so on). The normative potential of the public for the activation and participation of indivi­ duals in the creation of public media content, as Fraser would say, is reduced to addressing the public as a nation and to reporting “Westphalian-national news.” According to this interpretation, public media lack the potential to engage with the disperse public that emerges from transnational perspectives and takes shape beyond fixed identities and national frames. Being dependent on political and economic pressures and legal norms, which support the representative system and circumvent the levers that would enable the public to see itself not as an addressee but as the “author of laws” (Habermas 1998), the public media have been drifting away from the concept of public-generated media described above.


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4. Capital Management by “Strong Publics”
The operation of the mass media, including public media, is increasingly depen­ dent not only on national interests, but also on owners’ and advertisers’ capital, which dictates a specific type of media management based on the enterprise management model. The public in the sense of active citizens or of a public space, or of the public engagement of individuals (Pajnik 2006), can hardly be the addressee of the mass media (including public media) conceptualized in this way. The addressee concept does not concur with the emancipatory and autonomous potential of the public, but rather with that of the audience. In this connection, it is necessary to take into account that in the present essay I try to consider the public as a phenomenon that generates activity, instead of dismissing it as just one among the many products that turn citizens into recipients. The potential of the public lies in the association of individuals and in exchanging speaker and listener positions with the aim of engaging in activities that go beyond the established principles followed by the media in addressing the audience (listeners/viewers), or presenting to them, or representing, for example, politicians (speakers) who are given access to the media. According to this interpretation, the public is not established through dependence on owner and advertiser influence, or on the interests of political elites, or managerial drive for profit – all forces to which the mass media are subject. Instead, it tries to become actua­

lized through such directions. The management model applied to modern mass media produces an audience that is not the public. The difference lies not so much in the  passive reception of content and susceptibility to media leverage characteristic of the audience here contrasted with the activity of individuals or groups typical of the public. Such polarization has already been the subject of criticism, since the public so understood may prove to be an exclusivist ideal that only a handful of individuals, or the privileged elite, can approach (Fraser 1992). Various cultural studies also demythologized the hypotheses, especially popular in the 1960s and 1970s, that the mass media render the audience passive and liable to succumb to manipulation. Since the 1990s, these studies have shifted away from critique of the media seen as social agents that passivize the public by turning it into an audience, and have instead begun to place emphasis on consumers’ activity in selecting media content, while also drawing attention to the fragmentation of the audience and its subjectivization. Therefore, in this essay I thematize the public as a phenomenon that has the potential to create new, public-generated media practices, whereby I understand the public not as an exclusivist bourgeois nor as a neo-liberal, postFordian mass (Virno 2001), but as an activity taking place outside these frameworks or on their margins. By pursuing practices aimed at overcoming dependence on capital, the public (but not public media as well) is gai­ ning an ever stronger foothold on the edges of modern mass society. These practices include citizen action, movements’ activation, the


the power of the market. to what degree it subjects the public to the principle of economic management. both public and commercial. Although it is expected that regulatory measures will bring about more independent print media and television and more inclusive programs. Market laws are determined by the drive for profit and by overstated post-Fordian mechanisms aimed at stimulating the free market and economic growth. Undoubtedly. on the other: the latter do not problematize post-modern PR strategies used in reporting. in contrast to commercial media. can communicate with citizens understood as the public. alternative video productions or an alternative use of the Internet. but these strategies nevertheless remain the foundation of the enterprise management model applied to (commercial and public) media. advocacy of consumer rights and so on. can indeed produce short-term results. politics and capital. to echo Holloway (2002). on the one hand. or representation of these interests. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). These publics are not solely reactionary as they are frequently branded. Regulatory measures with a short-term effect can hardly “salvage” the public or may even reproduce the elite publics based on the bourgeois model. for example. guided by economic and political interest. are increasingly becoming counter-publics active at the edges of the mass society of commercial and public media. minority and nonprofit media. through efforts towards transparency of ownership. and their primary aim is not to exercise influence or earn profit. which introduce changes in media practices and co-create alternative. and commercial and public media. A restriction of the influence exerted by owners. address consumers. They emerge as a result of the practices mentioned above and. but take them as a social fact. as the public and only then as consumers. and the implementation of genuine communication as opposed to mere exercising of the right to be informed. of advertisers and “infotainment” is also increasing daily. advertisers. to what degree can we still speak about the public? The debates on (de)regulation and legal mechanisms aimed at a more careful balancing of the influence exerted by capital appear redundant in this context. But there does exist an essential difference between alternative media. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika creation of multitudinous public spaces.Sociologija. It seems that aspirations towards citizen participation in communication. The underlying quest for profit does not contribute to the animation of public activity or the emergence of new publics. they emerge beyond these practices. address citizens as the public or. in other words. and approaches pursued by alternative media. Alternative publics. It is a widespread belief that public media. However. it is questionable to what degree the principle of first addressing the public and then consumers can hope to perpetuate the public or. the question is to what degree the mass media. despite regulatory measures in the media field. necessitate activities that challenge the nationaleconomic foundations of the mass media. alternative media should not be absolutized as having nothing to do with economic principles. first. Given the pressures exer­ ted by capital and advertisers. Given the circumstances in which the media. for these media profit is a natu- 109 . Accordingly.

Since media operation is governed by market laws. as Brian (1998. in which the performance of the media is assessed primarily on the basis of added and surplus value. In this regard. Examples from the Slovenian print media show that individual opinions that differ from the policy of the newspaper or the professional opinion of an “in-house” journalist. Public radio and television and the socalled main (national) newspapers also depart from the notion of public-generated media by pursuing a professional logic according to which an “in-house” journalist knows best what is good for the public. they are hardly capable of crea­ ting a space for public deliberation. The implementation of the principle of democracy and the care for the public good are therefore reduced to allowing certain individuals. with commercial media being fully dependent on it and public media being anything but immune to it. either public or commercial. the public sphere does not simply arise as a result of restricting the influence of owners’ and advertisers’ interests. public-oriented media develop at the edges of the post-capitalist system by implementing alternative practices in media mana­ gement. legal mechanisms are primarily 110 . Therefore. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). for example. to express opinions. whereby the process of selecting these individuals is closely controlled. by rejecting traditional gatekeeper methods or by shaping content that introduces news topics that are consi­ dered non-news from the point of view of the mass media. However. in the insis­ tence on the position of “in-house” journalist. Or. for example. For both. who thus becomes the only legitimate author of opinion pertaining to a specific topic. 13. the difference between modern public and commercial media is almost negligible. the mass media allow access to content creation to a handful of individuals only. and as if occasional adjustments of economic levers were sufficient to ensure their public character. content is created in such a way that one person speaks while thousands or millions listen. 15) says. usual­ ly cannot find room in the media and are considered incompatible with managerial or political guiding principles. In this regard. not belonging to the journalistic milieu. The survival of the mass media is increasingly dependent on media consumption. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika ral frame of reference determining their operations. Various dimensions of the public sphere are promoted as if they were de facto part of public media. The participatory role of the public is reduced to the redundant option of call-in shows (vo­ ting) and the writing of readers’ letters. Being an element of the system governed by capital. Dewey’s idea of public-gene­ rated media is today not realized by the mass media. the public is more or less a (random) addressee and a welcome consumer.Sociologija. What sets apart public media from commercial media are certain legal mechanisms serving to protect public media from complete dependence on economic principles. I see the potential of public-oriented media practices precisely in their ability to shatter this taken-for-granted logic that rests on profit increase and loss reduction. The totalization of the journalist’s opi­ nion is reflected. who frequently privatizes opinion on a certain issue.

while the public is of secondary importance. since editors and journalists as gate keepers co-create a media-political-economic agenda by selecting the desired content. which per defini­ tionem eliminates refractory opinions. commercialization cannot create the climate needed to establish links between the public and the mass media. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). technological innovation. It is also necessary to draw attention to the unsuitability of policies that push public media towards the increasing dependence on economic and political interests. and so on. sales promotion.Sociologija. as well as to advocate the independence of public media and emphasize the need for changes that will bring them closer to public-generated media. The influence of specific interests is inherent to the operation of commercial media. despite legal norms. the greatest benefit derived from regulatory measures is that they create less commercialized media. because of their dependence on economic factors and the interests of owners and advertisers. capital concentration is a reality for both. this utopia­ nism points to an increasingly obvious fact. regulation and commercialization. In the case of the mass media. On the other hand. it seems that the problem with public media is that no­ thing public can exist within them. that (alternative) publics are today formed at the edges of ideologies governing the market. 131). responsibility towards consumers. However. The example of public media proves the utopian nature of the idea of newspapers as forums for debate and opinion exchange. if it is sensible at all to speak of greater or lesser commercialization in the light of the struggle for economic survival that is equally important for both commercial and public media. the media that remain dependent on market princip­ les can be in the service of the public. It is questionable to what degree. as such. ownership control. and. to bring about public-generated media. namely.e. At the same time. My thesis here is that the public media. i. professionalism of journalists. increasingly resemble commercial media. such a market “takes care that all unpleasant and annoying voices are removed” (Splichal 2005. Even if restrained by regulation. it is not problematized. it is difficult to dispel the impression that current political and economic constraints ac- 111 . Viewed from this perspective. On the contrary. the very utopianism of such an outlook poses the need to thematize the public potential of the media. but this certainly does not preclude public media from striving to achieve these goals. not to mention their ability to create a space in which the public could take shape. the necessity of preserving the independence of the public media is emphasized. Current commercialization keeps media confined to the economic principles of management evident from the commercial language promoting competitiveness. although in present circumstances that independence is frequently fictitious. Within this type of social development based on capital accumulation and advancement of the goals of political clientele. these opinions are neutralized by means of monopolistic and oligarchic practices. Alternative publics cannot be the product of these practices. all of which determine the operation of the mass media. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika intended for the regulation of media understood as market players.

it seems that this phenomenon should also be thematized outside the framework of public media. These studies challenge the profit-oriented character of the current methods of information provision practiced by the mass media and the management and political strategies governing media companies. fanzine culture. under the influence of political and economic interests. all done in a quest for non-domi­ nant forms of media operation. In these studies. treat the public as addressees and consumers. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). it also reveals the lack of any desire to reformulate public media within a transnational frame that has been transpiring beyond acknow­ ledged identity policies. They appear as a public space that enables new forms of media production and distribution. which allows (could allow) economic independence. A new potential for a different understanding of the public has been provided by studies of alternative media (Atton 2004). Recent studies have confirmed the thesis that the mass media. open source initiatives. appear as ac- 112 . The problematization of the public media and emphasis on the importance of preserving their public dimension do not exclude a search for the public potential in alternative media practices. and to new media practices. but rather to other power centers. but I do want to stress that development trends suggest that future publics will tend to be formed at the edges of or beyond the mass media and not only within the framework of the mass media. public-generated media forms emerge as a result of the activity of committed individuals. networking. Nevertheless. interventions. independent media centers. Conclusions This article highlighted the trends lea­ ding to the exhaustion of the potential of the public in public media and illustrated how. where individuals co-create the media. I do not want to discredit attempts to “rehabilitate” the public of public media. etc. Speaking about the potential of the public in connection with the media. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika tually do not leave room for public media to operate as public-generated media and that solutions should be sought elsewhere. In so saying. social movement media (Downing 2005) that look into the possibility of producing public-generated media outside mass media production: the Internet. the public of the public media has diverged from the original idea implying the activity of individuals and their shaping of the media. They have also shown that the media have been undergoing a process of transformation through which they have changed from spaces within the public sphere into mediated spaces for the mediation of economic power – not necessa­ rily mediated to the public. in the future more attention should be accorded to alternative practices that employ different ways to regulate economic dependence. which places more emphasis on content.Sociologija. beyond the enterprise model and the professional journalism approach. to on-line communication. including low-budget production. for example. being subject to economic pressures. The example of RTV Slovenia illustrates the constraints placed upon the public media by a national framework. Internet radio. 5. in the video segment (Babič 2006).

Craig (Ed.) Global Activism. Fraser. Neil (Eds. Mojca. Habermas. The Fall of Pub­ lic Man . 2005. Cambridge. Chis. Atton. London: W. Culture & Society 25: 669-90. Civil Society and Social Movements”. Goodman. Babič. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag. Dewey. John. 2005. The Human Condition. “Kultura kamere: Video kot del političnega aktivizma”. 2006. Alternative media. Richard. John Dewey: The Later Works. “Whither Mass Media and Power? Evidence for a Critical Elite Theory Alternative”. Davis. prieiga per internetą (žiūrėta 2005 m. 1977/1992. also reshape the norms of journalistic reporting. By radicalizing journalistic practices. “The Mass Media and Nationalising States in the Post-Yugoslav Space”. “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy”. Mayhew. Habermas. Leon. In: Pajnik. London: Freedom Press. Sabina. London: Pluto Press. Martin and Stammers. Massachusetts: The MIT Press. John. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika tors and are not excluded from these media as mere recipients. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press. Cambridge: The MIT Press. Sennett. Nancy. Splichal. 2004. Slavko. John. Jürgen. 1925-1953. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. 2006. References Arendt. Norton & Company. 2. Hannah. 2006. Ljubljana: Mirovni inštitut. Jürgen. 1994. Transnationalizing the Public Sphere. by creating a progressive media environment and redefining the public within participatory practices and transnational perspectives. In: Calhoun. “Activist Media. 1962/1989. Boggs. Aeron. Information Liberation.Sociologija. Brian. H. Dana. Tonči (Eds. The End of Politics: Corpo­ rate Power and the Decline of the Public Sphere.) Habermas and the Public Sphere. Global Media. 1958. vol. W. Die Postnationale Konstellation: Politische Essays. James. 1997. Mojca and Kuzmanić. Kultura javnosti. Wilma. or individual amateur-journalists as imagined by Dewey. The Republic of Letters: a Cultural History of the French Enlightenment. 1998. 2003. Teorija in praksa. that is. “Javnost kot politični fenomen: k transnacionalnim podobam”. In: De Jong. Political Theory 27(2): 176-202. Media. 2002. 2000. birželio mėn. Politics and Creativity. For example. Nancy. 43(1-2): 260-275. London: Cornell University Press. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Časopis za kritiko znanosti 226: 151-60. New York and London: The Guilford Press. The New Public: Pro­ fessional Communication and the Means of Social Inf­ luence. London: Pluto Press.) http://republicart. Fraser. Shaw. amateur-journalists certainly encourage new media conceptualizations. by exchanging objectivity for responsibility. Pajnik. Holloway. The Public and Its Problems. 113 . 1999. Carl. An Alternative Internet: Radical Media. Ithaca. Ljub­ ljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Change the World without Taking Power: The Meaning of Revolution Today. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. New York. Downing. “Citizenship and Norms of Publicity: Wide Public Reason in Cosmopolitan Societies”. 2005. independent media centers offer narratives from committed activists and amateur journalists who operate outside the institutionalized frameworks of media companies. Martin.) Na­ tion–States and Xenophobia: In the Ruins of Former Yugoslavia. Jasna. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). 1992. Mihelj. 1998. 1927/1984.

particularly when addressing the public in its transnational appearances. 2001. Martin and Stammers. to a certain extent. In: De Jong. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). but also beyond and. Wilma. Slovenia E-mail: info@mirovni-institut. Neil (Eds. 2005. ABSTRACT The paper deals with contemporary mass media dependence on politics and capital and attempts to discern what.) Global Activism. A consideration of the public as a phenomenon of individual aspirations is central to this discussion. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Timms. “The World Develop­ ment Movement: Asccess and Representation of Globalization – Activism in the Mainstream Press”. The paper makes use of public broadcasting in Slovenia as a model through which it examines public broadcasting as a framework for the economic and political interests of the nation-state. outside of fixed ideas of identity and national affiliations. Grammatica della moltitu­ dine: Per una analisi delle forme di vita contempora­ nea. Paolo. London: Pluto Press. The paper proceeds to thematize lack of potential of public broadcasting to address the dispersed public that is emerging transnationally. if anything. “‘The Machine that Creates Slovenians’: the Role of Slovenian Public Broadcasting in Re-affirming and Re-inventing the Slovenian National Identity”. Soveria: Rubbettino editore. National Identities 7(3): 287-308. seeing as it will help shed light on public broadcasting’s (in)ability to encompass the public’s activity. Zala. in contrast to mass media – through examples of attempts to reactivate the public in the potentials of “public-generated media”. and public broadcasting in particular. 2005. Mojka Pajnik Peace Institute-Institute for Contemporary Social and Political Studies Ljubljana. Volčič. Dave. Shaw. is still public about mass media in general.Sociologija. Virno. Global Media. The argument is presented as for why contemporary discussions of the potentials of the public in its relation to the media should consider the practices of the public not only in the sphere of mass 114 .

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Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika

Auksė Balčytienė, Kristina Juraitė, Jolanta Reingardė

Towards a more Successful European Communication: Research Findings and Media Policy Recommendations
Santrauka. Žiniasklaidos sistemų konvergencijos, žurnalistikos kultūrų homogenizacijos, politinės komunikacijos priemonių, formų ir turinio įvairovės kontekste svarbu suvokti, kaip visi šie procesai paveiks Europos viešosios erdvės (trans)formacijas. Deja, kol kas nėra susiformavusios europinių naujienų darbotvarkės, todėl galime stebėti tik pavienius atvejus, kuomet ES tampa žiniasklaidos priemonių tema Europos mastu. Šiais atvejais naujienų šaltiniais tampa sensacingi įvykiai, krizės, oficialūs ES atstovų susitikimai. Kita vertus, žurnalistai orientuojasi į auditorijos poreikius, neišsamias jos žinias apie ES. Straipsnyje siekiama įvertinti svarbiausius Europos kaip naujo socialinio vaizdinio ypatumus, aptarti esamas ir potencialias problemas, įvar­ dyti priemones, kurias galima panaudoti veiksmingiau perduodant informaciją apie Europos aktualijas. Keywords: European public sphere, social imaginary, political communication, EU coverage, news sources, journalism education, European journalism. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Europos viešoji erdvė, socialinis vaizdinys, politinė komunikacija, pranešimai apie ES, naujienų šaltiniai, žurnalistikos mokymas, europinė žurnalistika.

1. Foreword
There are more channels, chances and incentives to tailor political communication to particular identities, conditions and tastes than ever before; the mass audience declines and this facilitates the diversification of political communication channels, forms and messages. Therefore, research is necessary to assess how political communicators and media are navigating change, redefining their purposes, and resolving their conflicts. To put this more concretely: Are different media agendas diversifying across the many different outlets of political communication? Ano­ ther point of departure is related to certain tendencies

in media development that are taking place in media systems worldwide; for instance, scholars are talking about convergence of media systems and journalism homogenization. More precisely – boundaries are dissolving between journalistic and non journalistic genres, between matters of public and private concern, between quality and tabloid approaches to politics, between journalists serving audiences as informers and as entertainers. Consequently, a question arises: How this will affect the European public space? Indeed, communicating Europe is a big challenge. Although the media is the intermediaries between the political actors and


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the citizens of Europe, with growing popularity of new communication technologies the mainstream media is loosing its primary function of being a channel of information. Instead, other forms and formats of information and communication are emerging such as specialized web sites, blogs, web casting, as well as alternative media channels generated by the publics. In this chapter, research results and policy recommendations are presented on the basis of the findings from the 6th Framework Program project “Adequate Information Management in Europe (AIM)” (AIM Research Consortium, 2007). The AIM project was organized within a three year period from 2004 to 2007 and aimed at understan­ ding the European information management practices as performed by different news media organizations across Europe. One of the principal focuses in this project was the goal to assess the particularities of European reporting processes across different journalism cultures, as well as the impact of the media with regard to the emergence of (a) European public sphere.

2. European reporting has a national focus
As AIM research results confirm, it becomes an almost impossible task to obtain a clear picture on what is happening on the EU level just by browsing pages of newspapers or looking at TV broadcasts in different countries in Europe. Indeed, the ‘European agenda’ as an overlapping network of EU news does not exist across media in Europe. There are only rare exceptions when Euro-

pean Union becomes an item of major importance across media in Europe, and these are most often sensational events (especially the ones that fit general stereotypes), crises or events taking place regularly such as summits and mee­ tings of the officials. In addition to regular political events, business and economy news are the topics dominating the European matters. In spite of few commonalities, the media across Europe, generally, has its own logic of reporting on the European affairs. The most common approach for the media, as disclosed in the AIM project, is to focus on the audience needs, or to put it more precisely – to provide information which is relevant to consumers; moreover, to provide that information in a simplified and understandable way. As appeared from the interviews with journalists and editors, media professionals take action and seek to make news to be relevant to the public. In other words, news has to have direct link to Norwegian, Lithuanian, Estonian, etc. affairs. From here it also follows that competence of a journalist mainly rests on two criteria. Firstly, EU reporters should be competent to bring information to the public: according to the journalists, EU reporting looks alike to any other kind of reporting if assessed from general journalistic professionalism, e.g. the news value, balance and objecti­ vity, perspective. As indicated by a journalist from Norway, he is “writing for Mrs. Hansen in the milk shop”. Similar news writing logic is also shared by other respondents, e.g. an editor from the Lithuanian public service broadcaster has said that they have an older audience, therefore they try to explain


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Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika

and to show things. Other journalists have also said that they write as if they are talking to 12-year-olds. Secondly, some journalists argue that the media has to make things understandable to the public, i.e. news has to be presented for ordinary people and supplied with clear examples. An attempt to be close to the public was implicitly mentioned in responses of many journalists. For instance, a journalist from Estonia says that journalists have to cover information that is relevant to the public, especially if they want to get audience feedback; their practice tells that there is little audience response on EU topics that are not entertaining enough. Here one can notice a direct implication of an economic factor in news production which has a direct outcome such as news commercialization. As journa­ lists claim, the media has to produce news that is read by the audience; otherwise little or no attention will be paid, and the media business will suffer. From this discussion an important indication is found that journalists implicitly discuss about their role as active players in EU reporting. They bring information to the public, they seek to make it relevant, they sometimes fill knowledge gaps, etc. Howe­ ver, they are confronted with their audience, which, most often has limited understanding, is not interested in EU issues and is concerned about affairs of domestic value.

EU-related information is supposed to remain abstract and irrelevant to readers and viewers. This affects the type of reporting  – as expressed by journalists, they seek to inform rather than reform opinions of their readers; in addition, they seek to explain different things to audiences by filling know­ ledge gaps – a method for this is to provide examples. Therefore, it is important to bring background information to the readers: it is necessary to write article in a comprehensible way; to explain and provide background information; to contextualize information so that to reduce various myths and make the EU coverage more tangible. In short, the reason why the audience is poorly informed and has inadequate knowledge about the EU is supposed to be not a matter of the quantity of the information available about the EU, but rather the nature of that information, as well as the attitudes (such as a lack of interest) prevalent among the audience. Another interesting finding disclosed in the AIM project relates to the development observed in the media worldwide. The media targets selected audiences rather than ap­ plying the logic of a mass audience. The fact that media audiences are becoming smaller and more fragmented hinders the possibilities of media to reach a relatively actual version of a common European space.

3. Audience has little knowledge about the EU
Generally, disinterest of the audience is explained mostly by the complexity of the EU structure and its functioning; most of

4. Journalists face different obstacles in European reporting
As AIM research findings have disclosed, journalists talk about a number of challenges in reporting Europe, such as difficult language of official bodies, lack of time; in addition,


communication and production. to achieve expected results  – broader perspectives. interesting stories. However. pitfalls of cross-cultural misunderstanding on all levels and concer­ ning all aspects of politics. national newsrooms are still little informed about EU journalism in other countries. but it has little value: journalists are not the EU experts. In addition. The correspondents also find it helpful that official documents and reports are accessible directly on the Internet without any delay so that they can get a sufficient view on what is going on. Journalists acknowledge that the media should expand a national approach currently prevailing in the news agenda and provide more information about other member states of the EU as well. different examples and angles  – reporting of EU news should move to the grass-root level. However. – independent online news sources could become of crucial importance for the journalists to gain insights into the EU policy making process and offer conflicting perspectives to the European issues discussed and debated. democracy deficit. As AIM study confirmed. 5. Current EU coverage is too Brussels institutions’ centred. Indeed. etc. These are being used as means of information. most of the correspondents read media websites and check information from the government or other official bodies online. with the arrival of knowledgebased society obvious changes are taking place as related to the application of new media technologies. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika there is an abundance of information which comes from the EU institutions and representations. It should show the impacts of particular EU policies and political deci- sions to ordinary citizens’ and their everyday life. Indeed. lack of transparency.Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). thus much of information slips through their eyes. bureaucratic jargon. creating a European social ima­ ginary could be seen as a tendency of the gradual Europeanization of the national public spheres where European issues and actors become approached and evaluated from a common European perspective. From this idea it follows that the emergence of a European public sphere is seen to be dependent on the recognition of common interests in a European context which would provide a framework for the public debate connecting different national publics. electronic versions of documents 118 . but also broader understanding about things which are going-on elsewhere in Europe. they use the Internet in this respect quite frequently. such kind of reporting is very difficult to achieve because of the abundance and complexity of EU subjects that requires the journalist to have good knowledge and professional skills not only about EU matters. and for different reasons few efforts are made to investigate these aspects more in depth. The Internet has a better role to play in EU communication Taking into account EU communication drawbacks  – overflow of information. This constitutes one of the major and most demanding differences between national systems of news management and production (of which journalists are very well aware) and that of the European Union and its institutions.

In short. As for special training. rumour and/or propaganda. many journalists are in agreement that more training would be necessary.Sociologija. For more discussion on the challenges of media commercialization. as the audien­ ces are still seen nationally located and roo­ ted. In her chapter “The Utopia of Mass Media: Towards PublicGenerated Media“ of this issue. As appeared in the AIM project. communities and forums to find out what is being discussed in the Internet community and where news might develop. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika as other information published online allow effective search features to find new inspiration and new topics for their work. as repeatedly revealed from journalists’ comments. a new kind of model of communication in Europe is about to emerge. with growing audience needs to overcome mediators in receiving EU news. howe­ ver Brussels correspondents are primarily ser­ ving their national audiences. please refer to the chapters provided by Mojca Pajnik. Interesting EU stories are missing There is a potential for the emergence of the European journalism in Brussels. 6. While the general news and information management is still largely based on the mediators (journalists and national media) this new mode is nevertheless gaining a big popularity. To produce explicit and analytical articles requires time and knowledge. especially when the number of traditional foreign correspondents is in decline. Slovenian media policy researcher Mojca Pajnik highlights a thorough discussion on the alternative ways of creating public sphere through the publicgenerated media. reporting of EU news should involve more than presenting factual information. EU media coverage on the whole should include more examples by providing not only facts but also interpretations that would help the audience to understand the relevance of particular EU news. however resources from the media are not enough  – both economic and time. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). But it is also true that such ‘alternative’ websites offer valuable perspectives on the news often missed by traditional media. certain news organizations (large international media organizations. At the same time there are justified worries that Internet news. Europeani zation of journalism does not indicate giving up a national framing of news. Altogether. Auksė Balčytienė and Aušra Vinciunienė in this issue. especially that provided by do-it-yourself journalists can lead to new sources of error. debates and continuous updating. also strong media organizations from new EU member states) play a very im- 119 . Tuomo Mörä. Brussels correspondents are facing nume­ rous constrictions: while working in Brussels they have to constantly switch between two frames – national and transnational. with growing popularity of the Internet. However. Since EU reporting is considered to involve a rather time consuming news making pro­ cess. the media do operate under very fierce competition: it is not economically reasonable to invest in thorough analysis if you want to be first with the news on the market. journalists are not willing or able to invest as much time as expected in the EU media coverage. Journalists also turn to weblogs.

7. Proper education on the EU is a challenge not only for a journalist. However. An important and distinctive feature of these platforms is their trans-national orientation. the limited competence and knowledge of journalists appears to be restriction here. These organizations have resources and capacities to find. but also cultural and social stories to ‘humanize’ EU policies and make it more audience-friendly. interpret and provide lea­ ding views on the European matters.Sociologija. In their articles. i. non-administrative and clearly transnational information rather than official European news sources. Finnish resear­ chers Hannu Nieminen and Tuomo Mörä refer to the major European agenda-setters like “Economist” and “Financial Times” serving more to the European elite rather than ordinary citizens. international news agencies – media. At present. Instead.e. particularly online re- sources. there is a growing tendency to rely on the non-institutionalized. including web blogs. community press and broadcasting channels becomes a significant factor in the European public sphere formation. Apparently. Most often. developing a transnational approach to EU reporting could lead to social imaginary. the current EU coverage is expected to involve more analytical and educational journalism. Therefore. Questions to be addressed by journalism and general education are the following: What is the necessary level of knowledge to understand complex EU issues? What are the basic things that journalists and publics must know about the EU? What kind of practical competences are needed for journalists to cover European affairs in a comprehensible way? On the whole. Low level of interest in EU coverage among the publics indicates a lack of education and understanding of the role of such news in one’s life. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika portant role in international news flow. Proliferation of new forms and formats of communication. providing people both with background knowledge and possible comparisons between their own experiences and the experiences of people in other member states of the EU. developing and generating audience attention and concerns. most journalists do not have in-depth knowledge about the EU. but also general publics. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). 120 . which is especially needed by journalists to get access to background material and other views to policy matters than those communicated by the official sources. issues could be generated as re­ levant to citizens and then provided on what the EU has to say on this. these media are large corporations. What can be done? Briefly. which can provide a big impact on large audience groups. non-governmental. a parallel process of educating citizens in EU issues is necessary so that the publics could apprehend and get engaged into the EU affairs. the reporting is mainly concentrating on the agenda set by the events happening in Brussels. Since the EU issues as well as institutions are so complex. Diversification of the EU coverage is needed so that to include not only business and economics related information.

Sociologija. k.) AIM – Ade­ quate Information Management in Europe: Final Report. journalism homogenization. AIM – Working Papers. it is important to understand how these processes will affect (trans)formation of the European public sphere. There has been no European news agenda across media in Europe so far. Projekt Verlag. which is poorly informed and has inadequate knowledge about the 121 . ABSTRACT In the context of media developments world-wide including convergence of media system. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika References AIM Research Consortium (ed. 2007. crises or official meetings of the EU representatives. Auksė Balčytienė. j. journalists are confronted with their audience. The aim of the article is to reassess the major challenges of European social imaginary by addressing key measures to be taken to communicate Europe Kristina Juraitė.vdu.balcytiene@pmdf. Dortmund.vdu. diversification of political communication. Most often these are sensational events. except for rare cases when European Union becomes an issue of top importance across Europe. Jolanta Reingardė Vytautas Magnus University E-mail: On the other hand.

D. Faculty of Political Sciences. University Secretary.. Associate professor. University of Perugia. Lithuania Ph.. expert of the “Ivan Hadjiyski” Institute for Social Values and Structures. Associate professor at the Department of Public Communications.D. Vytautas Magnus University. candidate at the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy. head of the East East Cooperation Center.. Lithuania Ph. University of Helsinki. lecturer at the Department of Communication.. Professor of Media Policy.D..D. Scientific councelor.. candidate at the Sofia University “St. Lithuania Ina Dagytė Kristina Juraitė Paolo Mancini Tuomo Mörä Hannu Nieminen Mojca Pajnik Boris Popivanov Jolanta Reingardė Aušra Vinciūnienė Bridgette Wessels Aurelijus Zykas 122 . Slovenia Ph. Professor at the Department of Institutions and Society. chair of Social Research Center.Sociologija. director of Communication Research Centre. Researcher. Vytautas Magnus University. head of Sociology Department..D. Lithuania Ph. D. Vytautas Magnus University.D. Associate professor. Ljubljana. Lecturer in Sociology at the Department of Sociological Studies. Lithuania Dr. researcher at the Peace Institute – Institute for Contemporary Social and Political Studies. United Kingdom Ph. Vytautas Magnus University. head of the Department of Public Communications. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika About the Authors Auksė Balčytienė Ph. University of Helsinki.. candidate at the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy. Finland Ph. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Kliment Ohridski”. University of Sheffield.D. Bulgaria Dr. Associate professor at the Department of Public Communications. Lithuania Dr. D.. Vytautas Magnus University. Finland Ph. Department of Communication. Vytautas Magnus University. Italy Ph.

vedėja Ph. Slovėnijos Taikos instituto – Šiuolaikinių socialinių ir politinių studijų instituto mokslo darbuotoja.. Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto Sociologijos katedros docentė.D. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).. Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto Viešosios komunikacijos katedros docentė..D. „Ivan Hadjiyski“ Socialinių vertybių ir struktūrų instituto ekspertas dr. Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto Viešosios komunikacijos katedros docentė. Perudžijos universiteto (Italija) Politikos mokslų fakulteto Institucijų ir visuomenės katedros profesorius Ph. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Apie autorius Auksė Balčytienė Ina Dagytė Kristina Juraitė Paolo Mancini Tuomo Mörä Hannu Nieminen dr. Komunikacijos tyrimų centro direktorius Ph. Kliment Ohridski“ doktorantas... vedėja. Rytų Europos bendradarbiavimo centro vedėja Sofijos universiteto „St..Sociologija. universiteto sekretorė dr.D. Helsinkio universiteto Komunikacijos katedros žiniasklaidos politikos profesorius.. Socialinių tyrimo centro vadovė Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakulteto politikos mokslų krypties doktorantė Ph. Šefildo universiteto (Jungtinė Karalystė) Sociologinių studijų katedros lektorė Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakulteto politikos mokslų krypties doktorantas Mojca Pajnik Boris Popivanov Jolanta Reingardė Aušra Vinciūnienė Bridgette Wessels Aurelijus Zykas 123 .. lektorius Ph.. Helsinkio universiteto Komunikacijos katedros mokslo darbuotojas. Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto Viešosios komunikacijos katedros docentė dr.D.D.

„Lietuvos sociologija pakeliui į save“. anti-. Greimas.) Reflexive Modernization. Preparation of the manuscripts: The manuscript should contain the following (in order of appearance): – Name and surname of author. Lamont 1988) – enclose within a single pair of parentheses a series of references separated by semicolons (Hardt and Negri 2000) – with dual authorship. Teresa Mary Keane). “Introduction” in Jeffrey C. 500 characters).’ 124 . California: Stanford University Press. Žmogus istorijoje. Jeffrey. „Modernizmas. d) Format of references in the text (Kavolis 1996. Jeffrey 1999. Format of references: List of entries cited in the text should correspond to the following criteria: a) Books: Kavolis. b) Articles in journals and books: Kavolis. New York: Columbia University Press: 1–7. Politics. Jeffrey. 76) – pagination follows year. – References. 3. – Keywords (from 3 till 7). Vilnius: Baltos lankos. 1986) – for three or more names use ‘et al. Authors should submit both hard and electronic copy of the article to the addresses of editors. Kultūros barai 1: 2–8. Alexander. 1982–1983. 1987. Jonathan. Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. Vytautas. 1996. Stanford. Stanford. Anthony and Turner. give both names. Mintis ir veiksmas 1(3): 22–39. Mitologija šiandien. Antologija (sudarė Algirdas Julius Greimas. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). Anthony Giddens and Scott Lash (eds. Dimaggio 1987. (Bennett et al. Sociologija. – Endnotes. Alexander. “Introduction“ in Anthony Giddens and Jonathan Turner (eds. Jeffrey C. „Apie atsitiktinumus vadinamuosiuose humanitariniuose moksluose“ kn. 1989. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1994. Giddens. Ulrich. Structure and Meaning. 60. 1987. Vytautas. – Address and e-mail of author 2. California: Stanford University Press.Sociologija. “The Reinvention of Politics: Towards a Theory of Reflexive Modernization“ in Ulrich Beck.) Social Theory Today. 1994. – Title of the article. Theoretical Logic in Sociology (4 vols). post. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Redakcijos kolegijos parengtieji nurodymai autoriams Manuscript Submission 1.. c) Articles in collective monographs: Beck. Alexanderis. Twenty Lectures: Sociological Theory Since World War II. Algirdas Julius. separated by semicolons (Bourdieu 1984. Vilnius: Vaga. New York: Columbia University Press. Alexander. Alexander. neomodernizmas: socialinių teorijų pastangos suprasti mūsų laikų ‘naująjį pasaulį’ “. Relinking Classical Sociology. 1989. – Abstract of the article (max. – The body text of the article (max.000 characters). Epochų signatūros kn.

Anthony and Turner. 1994. Mintis ir veiksmas 1(3): 22–39. Twenty Lectures: Sociological Theory Since World War II. (Bennett et al. būtina atsižvelgti į bendruosius mokslo darbų publikavimo reikalavimus. straipsnio autoriaus požiūriu. c) straipsnis. 1. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23). o taip pat ir cituojamos literatūros rodyklė turi būti pateikiama straipsnio pabaigoje. Berkeley: University of California Press. Mitologija šiandien. 1982–1983. kuris publikuojamas žurnale ar knygoje: Kavolis. kad teikiant straipsnių publikavimo nurodymus autoriams. 76) – pavardė. Alexander. 1996. pavardė. Žurnalo redakcijos kolegijai pateikiamas vienas straipsnio egzempliorius. jeigu straipsnis parengtas anglų kalba. Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. Antologija (sudarė Algirdas Julius Greimas. Jeffrey C. kabliataškis ir puslapis (Bourdieu 1984. Todėl nurodomi tik tie reikalavimai. Dimaggio 1987. Stanford. post.) Social Theory Today. 1989. būtinomis išimtimis). 75 iki 1. Vilnius: Baltos lankos. – raktažodžiai (nuo 3 iki 7 žodžių). 2. Greimas. Ulrich. Structure and Meaning. Jeffrey 1999. Jeffrey. Straipsnio medžiaga turi būti pateikiama tokia tvarka: – autoriaus vardas. Lamont 1988) – kelios nuorodos vienuose skliausteliuose atskiriamos kabliataškiais. kuris publikuojamas kolektyvinėje monografijoje: Beck. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Autoriams Pateikiamos taisyklės parengtos atsižvelgiant į Lietuvos mokslo tarybos nutarimą Nr. – straipsnio santrauka lietuvių kalba (iki 500 spaudos ženklų). New York: Columbia University Press: 1-7. Toliau pateikiame keletą reikalaujamų citavimo pavyzdžių. – straipsnio pavadinimas. kuria vadovaujasi mūsų žurnalas. Giddens. Laikytasi nuomonės.Sociologija. Alexander. Vytautas. a) monografija: Kavolis. o taip pat diskelis su straipsnio įrašu. “The Reinvention of Politics: Towards a Theory of Reflexive Modernization“ in Ulrich Beck.) Reflexive Modernization. nurodomos abi pavardes. Žmogus istorijoje. Epochų signatūros kn. Stanford. 1987. naudojamas ‘et al. „Lietuvos sociologija pakeliui į save“. 1987. 1994. Vilnius: Vaga.paštas. Alexanderis. (Hardt and Negri 2000) – esant dviems autoriams. New York: Columbia University Press. tuščias tarpelis. kurie dažniausiai nesutampa su konkrečia pozicija. 3. „Apie atsitiktinumus vadinamuosiuose humanitariniuose moksluose“ kn. parengtas kompiuteriu ir atspausdintas pagal nurodytus reikalavimus. Kultūros barai 1: 2– neomodernizmas: socialinių teorijų pastangos suprasti mūsų laikų ‘naująjį pasaulį’ “. Relinking Classical Sociology. Alexander. Alexander. kuriais vadovaujasi didžioji dalis Lietuvoje leidžiamų mokslo (ir ypač socialinių mokslų krypties) žurnalų. Politics. California: Stanford University Press. Jeffrey. 1996. Teresa Mary Keane). California: Stanford University Press. “Introduction“ in Jeffrey C. – visos išnašos (su tam tikromis. anti-. Jonathan. Anthony Giddens and Scott Lash (eds. 1997 11 24. Theoretical Logic in Sociology (4 vols). “Introduction“ in Anthony Giddens and Jonathan Turner (eds. – autoriaus akademinės institucijos adresas ir autoriaus el. Algirdas Julius.. – straipsnio santrauka anglų kalba (iki 1000 spaudos ženklų) arba lietuvių kalba. Ypač atkreiptinas dėmesys į nuoseklią citavimo tvarką. d) nuorodos pačiame straipsnyje (Kavolis 1996.’ 125 . 239. 1986) – esant trims ir daugiau autorių. Sociologija. – straipsnio tekstas (nuo 0. 1989. 5 spaudos lanko). Straipsnius siųsti redakcijos nurodytais adresais. Vytautas. “Modernizmas. b) straipsnis.

Filosofijos fakultetas Universiteto g.Sociologija. 1. (HP) Algimantas Valantiejus (VU) Redaktorė Laima Valantiejienė Viršelio autorius Danielius Rusys Redakcijos adresas: Vilniaus universiteto Sociologijos katedra. LT-01513 Vilnius Redakcijos nuomonė ne visada sutampa su žurnalo autorių nuomone. Mintis ir veiksmas 2008/3 (23).lt 126 .vu.leidykla. LT-01122 Vilnius El. 9/1. paštas: leidykla@leidykla. ISSN 1392-3358 Europos žiniasklaida ir žurnalistika Sociologija. Išleido Vilniaus universiteto leidykla Spausdino Vilniaus universiteto leidyklos spaustuvė Universiteto Mintis ir veiksmas Vyriausiasis redaktorius prof. http://www.