Petrarch and the Textual Origins of Interpretation

Edited by

Teodolinda Barolini and H. Wayne Storey



PETRARCH READING BOCCACCIO: REVISITING THE GENESIS OF THE TRIUMPHI Martin Eisner What are the origins of Petrarch’s Triumphi? The question posed in this manner admits of certain ambiguities. What can it mean to search for the origins of a work of art? Martin Heidegger addresses the question from an aesthetic perspective in one of his more inuential essays and, after attempts to avoid the gure of the artist altogether, has to concede that one must examine “the activity of the artist in order to arrive at the origin of the work of art”.1 How can we access an artist’s process of conceptualization? What materials are available to us? The world may have been created in six days, but the gestation period of a work of art, in which the artist faces the daunting task of creatio ex nihilo, lasts considerably longer. It is the product of long considered ideas, slowly accumulated observations, and sudden insights. It would be foolish to hope to perceive all of the elements that went into a work’s construction, or hope to reduce “the complexity of the Trion’s inspiration”,2 but it is worth attempting to discover the most decisive moment in its creation and the most decisive model of its literary form. The philological apparatus of a work can furnish us with certain clues to this process, but the textual situation of Petrarch’s Triumphi is anything but certain. There is debate about which Triumphi constitute the nal version and what their proper order should be, in addition to a high number of variants that further complicate the work’s textual stability.3 The date of composition, furthermore, remains problematic and open

Heidegger 1971, 58. Baranski 1990, 75. 3 Pasquini 1975 takes issue with the ordering of Appel 1901, which follows the vulgate of the poem that circulated following Petrarch’s death. While the vulgate version does have the advantage of presenting the work as it came to be known and interpreted, the possibility that Petrarch’s nal version was different from the vulgate may be conrmed by Zenone Zenoni’s use of the rst terzina of Triumphus Mortis II as the principio of the poem as a whole. On Zenone Zenoni, see Feo 1979, 30–36.
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to various interpretations. It is no wonder that Emilio Pasquini has spent over thirty years preparing a new critical edition. While these materials may be an impediment to the establishment of a critical edition, they also present the critic with a wide array of opportunities to interrogate the work at various moments of its coming into being. The philological confusion that confronts the textual critic is a mine of possibilities for the critic who wants to investigate the work’s genesis. Exploring these philological materials, this essay revisits a hypothesis rst proposed by Vittore Branca and Giuseppe Billanovich, which sees Boccaccio’s Amorosa visione as the decisive mediating text in Petrarch’s conceptualization of the Triumphi. Scholars have proposed other works, both literary and visual, that may have inuenced Petrarch’s poem, but according to this hypothesis there is no work that has contributed more to the inspiration of the unique literary form of the triumph.4 The reconstruction outlined by Branca and Billanovich needs to be revised in some signicant ways, but the general pattern of circulation described by Branca whereby Boccaccio’s Amorosa visione inuenced Petrarch’s Triumphi, which in their turn prompted Boccaccio to revise his poem, remains persuasive. Although Branca felt condent asserting this model as “certain” in Boccaccio medievale, recent editors of the Triumphi have been less convinced of Boccaccio’s role.5 In the introduction to his edition of the Triumphi, for example, Marco Ariani relegates the issue to a brief footnote, preferring instead to emphasize Petrarch’s relations to Dante’s poem.6 Marco Santagata, on the other hand, addresses the question in his introduction to Vinicio

4 On possible visual inuences, see Ciccuto 1988 and 1991b. Calcaterra (1942, 145–208) argues for the importance of the Roman de la Rose in the origins of the Triumphi. 5 Branca 1986, 315: “Ma quella circolazione è certa: come l’Amorosa visione suggerì il disegno e lo sviluppo dei Trion, così l’intervento—a diversi livelli—del Petrarca, il suo interesse per il poemetto ne sollecitò prepotentemente la ripresa e la nuova redazione da parte dell’autore. E se l’idea, la struttura, la tradizione stessa dei trion ha come iniziatore il Boccaccio, forse mai quella sua afosa ed infelice prova, in cinquanta canti in terza rima, avrebbe avuto la forza di avviare e di imporre e di far sviluppare largamente alla letteratura del Rinascimento un ‘genere’ di così caratteristico gusto tardogotico”. In the same essay, Branca proposes the connections between Rvf 323.6–11 and Decameron V 8.15 as another example of Boccaccian inuence on Petrarch. On Boccaccio’s importance as a transmitter of genres to the Renaissance, see Orvieto 1978. 6 Ariani (1988, 10n12; 45–52) explores other possible sources, but not Boccaccio’s poem. Ariani (1999, 291) also briey compares the works in terms of the experience of the narrators, but the distinction drawn seems too schematic and fails to give enough credit to the variety of narrative techniques adopted by Boccaccio in the poem.

11 Contini’s main objection to Billanovich’s thesis anticipates those of Pasquini and Santagata. 99n1. ma è un rifacimento di uno spregiudicato editore cinquecentesco.petrarch reading boccaccio 133 Pacca’s edition. Boccaccio revised his Amorosa visione (which he had composed between 1342 and early 1343) and sent it to Petrarch. ed è questo un ulteriore e denitivo avallo (se ce ne fosse ancora bisogno) contro ogni possibile dipendenza di Petrarca dal Roman de la Rose. since he also nds it unlikely that Petrarch would have been inspired by this second redaction. Pasquini 1999.8 When the question of the relationship between the Amorosa visione and the Triumphi is addressed. Billanovich suggested that this copy of the second redaction that Boccaccio sent to Petrarch was the edition from which Girolamo Claricio’s editio princeps derived its text.9 Billanovich’s elegant story. who visited Petrarch in Avignon in October of the same year. proposes that after meeting with Petrarch in March of 1351. while the studies that Santagata cites to support his declaration that “[t]otale è stato il crollo del rapporto Triumphi-Amorosa visione” likewise only argue against Boccaccio’s authorship of a second redaction. peggio ancora dalla cosiddetta seconda redazione dell’Amorosa visione”. Girolamo Claricio”. 7 8 . but also “un po’ romanzesca” to Gianfranco Contini. Finotti 1997 notes the limited relevance of these works cited to the larger question they are marshaled to support. . which both editors question. 11 Contini 1946. Santagata 1996b. Pasquini’s remarks clearly refer only to Billanovich’s reconstruction. 17.7 Emilio Pasquini similarly urges that the importance of the Boccaccian poem be disregarded: “Senza lo spartiacque di Laura morta non si comprende la genesi dei Triumphi. . editors of Petrarch’s work confront only Billanovich’s reconstruction of events in which Petrarch would have read the second redaction of the Amorosa visione. 9 Santagata 1996b cites Raimondi 1948a and Pernicone 1946. in its elegant integration of a wide range of materials. probably through Forese Donati.] [g]li studi hanno infatti dimostrato che la presunta seconda redazione non è opera di Boccaccio. but only in order to demolish it: “Totale è stato il crollo del rapporto Triumphi-Amorosa visione [ .10 This reconstruction already seemed “ingegnosissima”. xxix. 10 Billanovich 1946b and 1947. who makes his observations in the very same issue of the Giornale storico della letteratura italiana in which Billanovich set forth one of the most complete versions of his hypothesis.

is there any evidence. genuine. but see the reservations of Santagata 1990. the signicant ties adduced by earlier critics between the Triumphi and the Amorosa visione remain. One reason for this omission might be that scholars have preferred to examine the Triumphi in light of Petrarch’s direct reading of the Commedia. of which only three depend upon the second redaction. in addition to the textual echoes adduced by Branca. Once scholars had established that the echoes of Dante’s poem were too numerous to support Petrarch’s claim. a recent study by Francesco Colussi has reconsidered the whole question of the second redaction of the Amorosa visione. Nonetheless. for the most part. In the course of arguing for the second redaction’s authenticity (which he takes to be. he supports the thesis that Petrarch read the Amorosa visione in its rst version before writing the Triumphi. although marked by various editorial interventions of Claricio). By addressing only Billanovich’s thesis or ignoring the Boccaccian poem altogether in favor of the complex relationship between Dante and Petrarch. 13 Branca 1941.14 Leaving the whole question of the second redaction of the Amorosa visione to the side. critics welcomed the opportunity to observe the manner in which Petrarch’s “anxiety of inuence” expressed itself in his poem.13 Moreover. 12 . Might Petrarch have known the rst redaction of the Amorosa visione? Critics have largely ignored this possibility. Boccaccio’s work no longer seemed necessary as Petrarch’s point of reference when he conceived his terza rima dream vision. Vittore Branca’s exploration of the relations between the two works lists over fty connections between them.12 Having established that Petrarch read the Commedia before 1359. 14 Colussi 1998.134 martin eisner These once and future editors of the Triumphi appear to reject the possible inuence of the Amorosa visione out of the conviction that the second version is not authentic. these editors overlook the possibility that Petrarch might have known the rst redaction of Boccaccio’s poem. that Petrarch read this rst version of the Amorosa visione? The key text is Trovato 1979. 79–91. an approach that had not seemed licit in light of Petrarch’s claim not to have read Dante until 1359 in Familiaris XXI 15. even if one accepts that Petrarch did read Dante directly. but Billanovich’s reconstruction is not the only possibility.

he continued to work on it for quite a while and transcribed it into Vat. 17 Belloni 1992. 11r sometime between 1336–1337 and the early 1340s. The rst 89 verses of the canzone were transcribed on c. 10–31. Variants provide access to both of these histories. descrivono le correzioni degli autori”. “ci dà l’occasion impareggiabile di seguire le prime fasi della composizione di molti testi”. which.H. see Dutschke 1977. 3196. 3196. studied by Contini to examine Petrarch’s notion of “correction” in his poetics. 20 For the annotations in the codice degli abbozzi and the expansions of Petrarch’s abbreviations I have used Paolino 2000 and Romanò 1955. 210–13. on the basis of paleographic evidence.16 The importance of this collection was recognized immediately by Petrarch’s followers and it was widely used from the Cinquecento on as an important document to help understand Petrarch’s style. For a full analysis of the various dates proposed for Nel dolce tempo. As Contini notes. 15 16 . 83–92. 3196 in two stages. Lat. 5. as Cesare Segre writes. “una direttiva. while the later period is advocated by Rafti 1995. Segre 1999. 36. and revision that we can coordinate with the development of the Triumphi. and Petrucci 1967. Lat. Lat.17 The early variants and forms of Latino 3196. Wilkins. The draft of the canzone provides chronological information about composition. an extraordinary witness to authorial decisions. A work’s coming-into-being depends not only upon a poet’s evolving expressive precision.18 also provide markers of Petrarch’s reading. I will focus on Petrarch’s copy of Nel dolce tempo de la prima etade (Rvf 23).15 It is one of the earliest documents of its kind. 18 Segre 1999. followed by E. 22 The early dating is supported by Wilkins 1955.21 While Petrarch composed the poem quite early. e non un conne. dates to 1333–1334. Lat. the collection of some of Petrarch’s worksheets. 7.19 These variants capture the shift in a work’s conceptualization and often date the moment of its redirection. Rather than address the Triumphi themselves as they are found in Vat. 11v of Vat.20 which Ruth Phelps. transcription. 21 Phelps 1925.petrarch reading boccaccio 135 Convincing proof that Petrarch read the Amorosa visione during his preparation of the Triumphi can be found in the margins of Vat. 19 Contini 1970. 3196. Petrarch notes that Nel dolce tempo “est de primis inventionibus nostris”.22 Petrarch then copied the rest of the poem on the verso of See Paolino 2000. In the lower margin of c. 29–30. but also on his relations with other poets and other texts.

Santagata 1990. The early date of composition of Rvf 23 proposed by Phelps concords well with the evidence of its circulation outlined by Santagata. 3196. the whole of Petrarch’s canzone must have been circulating before then. 1: 15. Citations of canzone 23 (Nel dolce tempo) are from Pacca and Paolino 1996.23 As its long gestation period attests. 26 On the date of the Caccia. is provided by Boccaccio’s Caccia di Diana. that is well before the date of its transcription in Vat. which describes Petrucci 1967. moreover. 1: 3. was one that Petrarch prized.26 The connections between the Caccia and Petrarch’s canzone begin in their opening lines. 219–22. both works contrast the season’s rebirth to the poet’s suffering. Lat. 100. ch’i’ non so in qual parte pieghi [Rvf 70]). this canzone “delle metamorfosi”. 27 Boccaccio’s engagement with Petrarch’s poem is evident by comparing their openings. The entire plot of the Caccia. is probably the earliest witness to that poem’s early circulation. in its parody of the nal stanza of Petrarch’s poem. sol pensando mi stava che riparo potessi fare ai colpi che forando mi gian d’amor il cuor con duolo amaro. Petrarch’s poem begins: Nel dolce tempo de la prima etade. It has the privilege of being not only the rst and longest canzone in his lyric collection. perché cantando il duol si disacerba Boccaccio begins his work with obvious echoes of the Petrarchan canzone: Nel tempo adorno che l’erbette nove rivestono ogni prato e l’aere chiaro ride per la dolcezza che ’l ciel move.25 More compelling and precise evidence. 112. but also the only one of his own poems that Petrarch cites in his “canzone delle citazioni” (Lasso me. see Branca 1964–1992. according to Santagata. which imitates the nal stanza of Petrarch’s canzone. Since Monachi died in 1348. 23 24 . 25 Santagata 1996. che nascer vide et ancor quasi in herba la era voglia che per mio mal crebbe. 836. as it is sometimes known. the verses from Boccaccio’s Caccia di Diana are from Branca 1964–1992. which must have been composed before 1334 and. may be read as a parodic reversal of the nal strophe of Nel dolce tempo. 11 on 3 April 3 1350.136 martin eisner c.24 A solid terminus ante quem for the composition of the whole poem is Ventura Monachi’s sonnet Come Attheon si fe’ subito servo.27 both of which describe with signicant syntactic and lexical similarities the conventional scene of a poet suffering in spring. before transcribing it “in ordine post multos et multos annos” on 10 November 1356. In imitation of the convention.

but also changes the end of the story:29 Vero dirò. forse e’ parrà mençogna. . Ch’i’ sentì’ trarmj de l’usata ymago. Petrarch’s version of the Acteon story provides the necessary background information for the strange state of Boccaccio’s protagonist in the Caccia. see Dutschke 1977.31 Petrarch’s version omits the death and ends the story with an unresolved pursuit. 106) and Sturm-Maddox (1985.28 Indeed. 23) underscores Boccaccio’s treatment of the myth of Circe and the Ovidian nature of Petrarch’s Rvf 23: “la metamorfosi nale a cui fa assistere il poemetto boccacciano è tutta nuova. 24) note that Petrarch alters the expected ending. of Diana and Acteon. not to mention the exquisite Ovidian remake by Petrarch in Nel dolce tempo de la prima etade”. Acteon-Petrarch will not be killed by his own dogs. e nelle tracce del suo ‘mescolato’ è possibile riconoscere l’intento da una parte di rovesciare il mito di Circe. 30 Paolino 2000. of Apuleius’ Lucius. who begins the poem as a stag and then changes back to a man after Venus’ intervention. reinforced by the use of the present tense both for the metamorphosis (“mi transformo”) and the ight itself (“et de’ miei proprij can’ fuggo lo stormo”). The basic premise of Boccaccio’s confusing “rst ction” makes a good deal more sense if it is read as 28 Franco Fido (1979. the irony seems directed against the myths it overturns.32 The suspended ight imposed on Petrarch’s Acteon by Laura’s Diana is thus parodically resolved by the transformation of Boccaccio’s stag-protagonist back to his original human state at the behest of Venus. Branca (1996) remains silent on Petrarch’s mediation of the myth for the Caccia. 200–9.30 Contrary to all precedents. dove il poeta si autopuniva come novello Atteone”. Et in un cervo solitario et vago Di selva in selva ratto mi transformo: Et de’ miei proprij can’ fuggo lo stormo. 150) notes “If [the Caccia] is ironic at all. of Circe. Both Rivero (1979. since Petrarch’s adaptation of the Ovidian story not only eliminates Diana’s companions and attributes Acteon’s sight of her to intention rather than to accident. Cf. Boccaccio’s narrator seems to have jumped out of Petrarch’s stanza. Muscetta (1972. 29 For a detailed comparison of the Ovidian and Petrarchan accounts. 31 A survey of the various versions of the Acteon myth in Forbes-Irving (1990. 32 In reviewing Boccaccio’s various uses of Acteon. dall’altra di capovolgere la situazione ovidiana cantata dal Petrarca nel suo poemetto lirico Nel dolce tempo della prima etade.petrarch reading boccaccio 137 the metamorphosis of Acteon. 319. 80) observes that “in every account it [Acteon’s metamorphosis] is immediately followed by Acteon’s death”. Illiano 1984.

as the evidence of Vat.34 While the connections between the Caccia and Petrarch’s canzone do suggest the early circulation of Petrarch’s poem. . 3196 demonstrates./dicendo: “E’ non sarà così niente’ ” (il discorso è rivolto a Diana.35 In his commentary to verse 81. implicita protagonista dell’ultima trasformazione petrarchescha: si osservi inoltre che nel cap. which does not consider the possible importance of Boccaccio’s Caccia.138 martin eisner a parody of Petrarch’s poem. Caccia di Diana XVI 46–48 ‘Udito questo. the verse reads “Ella parlava sì che là ov’io era/tremar mi facea dentro a quella petra”. 100: “i riscontri con la Caccia di Diana di Boccaccio (e in particolare quelli addotti al v. the common elements of the angered goddess Diana and imminent metamorphosis establish a clear relationship between these two parts of their respective texts. 34 I take the phrase from the title of Wilkins 1948. la donna piacente/si dirizzò turbata nello aspetto. Lat. Santagata interprets the relationship of inuence as one that originates in Petrarch and is received by Boccaccio. see Cassell and Kirkham 1991.36 As Santagata notes. Lat. it is more likely that Petrarch was inuenced by Boccaccio’s work. 112. 11–12)”. The emphases are his. but the evidence of the textual history of Nel dolce tempo de la prima etade found in Vat. another piece of evidence adduced by Santagata to support his argument proposes a more complex and dynamic relationship between the two works than Santagata allows. In the partial transcription of Nel dolce tempo found on c. Nor is it likely that Petrarch would have oscillated between the two versions. se non sono casuali. 11r. 81). Santagata writes: “soprattutto colpisce la vicinanza con Boccaccio. in this instance. proverebbero che la canzone circolava già nei primi anni Trenta”. 3196 suggests that. which has been dated between 1336 and the early 1340s. 35 Santagata 1996a. The problem with Santagata’s argument is quite simply that verse 81 of Petrarch’s canzone did not read “Ella parlava sì turbata in vista” until well after Boccaccio composed the Caccia. 36 Santagata 1996a. XVIII avviene la trasformazione inversa del narratore. ‘di cervio mutato in creatura/umana’ vv. Santagata places particular emphasis on the echoes between the Caccia’s climactic scene and verse 81 of the canzone (“Ella parlava sì turbata in vista”).33 and its dependence on a Petrarchan model to generate meaning provides excellent evidence of the early circulation of this lyric during Petrarch’s lifetime. since the description of Diana as “sì turbata 33 For a recent summary of various interpretations of Boccaccio’s poem. a phrase that has no signicant connection to Boccaccio’s Caccia. 3–95.

the verse was still not revised. 5. and perhaps surprising. but in this instance his desire to marshal further evidence of the canzone’s early circulation leads him to neglect the canzone’s own complex history. 173. or De casibus virorum illustrium III xiv 6 where he is “preceptor inclitus meus Franciscus Petrarca” in Branca 1964–1992. thanks to Petrarch’s annotation to the working copy on c. Santagata is an attentive reader of Boccaccio’s inuence on Petrarch. that reading remained unchanged.39 The history of this single verse not only provides evidence for a general methodological corrective. 11r in 1351.1: 666. which. The same annotation that dates his revisiting of c. 37 38 . in his turn. found a solution to a weak part of his beloved poem in the climactic moment of Boccaccio’s work. 246–70). sequence of events. Such an oversight is particularly surprising. . but it also shows the importance of continuing to use these philological materials for all the information they can provide. Lat. 11r of Vat. Petrarch’s inuence on Boccaccio has been a commonplace of criticism from the time of Boccaccio’s own characterizations of their relationship in his writings. but this variant shows a more interesting and uid relationship at play. 39 For Boccaccio’s portrayal of their relationship. . but can also serve as witness to the Romanò 1955. Furthermore. 3196. makes it clear that he is planning to revise the canzone. see his Epistola XIX 27. 9: 264.] preceptor meus” in Branca 1964–1992.37 When Petrarch transcribed the rest of the canzone on the verso of the same charta on 3 April 1350. where he calls Petrarch “vir inclitus [. given Santagata’s sensitivity to Petrarch’s borrowings from Boccaccio (see. 3195. for example. Santagata 1990. The revision “drammatizza una situazione lirica che rischiava di incepparsi in una pacica tautologia (là ov’io era—dentro a quella petra)”. since he calls it “nondum correcta”. At the time he was composing the Caccia. can be dated to 10 November 1356. The rst evidence of Petrarch’s revision is in the transcription of the poem in Vat. then.38 The continued consultation and integration of these philological materials into our readings can help to alter and disturb our received ideas. over twenty years after Boccaccio wrote the Caccia. however. whereby Boccaccio was inspired by Petrarch’s canzone for the particular Acteon-like protagonist of his Caccia while Petrarch. and when he returned to the charta on 28 April of the next year.petrarch reading boccaccio 139 in vista” is clearly a superior characterization of the scene. which would have proposed a very different. this variant suggests a more dynamic relationship between the two works. Boccaccio could not have read this verse of Nel dolce tempo because it did not exist. Lat.

the fact remains that the collection circulated in this stable form and was read and copied as such by its earliest readers. 156–65. It is unlikely. which can nonetheless be attributed to Boccaccio. proposing that this trilogy was provisional. When Petrarch met Boccaccio in Padova in March of 1351. ma non sso”. Nardelli 1988. are described in Branca 1958. 42 These manuscripts. because. which includes only six extant manuscript witnesses. It is a collection that Branca attributes to Boccaccio or to one of his admirers. see Branca 1958. 303–8.41 Indeed. Biblioteca Riccardiana 1059. 126.43 This so-called “nucleo primitivo” consisted of what are now Triumphus mortis II and Triumphus famae Ia. however. the Caccia is almost always grouped with Boccaccio’s other works in terza rima: the terza rima-ballata hybrid. we must ask a more basic question: how might Petrarch have come into contact with Boccaccio’s Caccia di Diana between April 1351 and November 1356? The poem did not have a very wide circulation. While Petrarch had begun to explore the possibilities of terza rima before meeting Boccaccio. of the eight manuscripts for which we have any evidence only two miscellanies contain the Caccia without the Amorosa visione. 149–51.140 martin eisner larger issue of Boccaccio’s role in the genesis of Petrarch’s Triumphi. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale II ix 125 and Florence. Florence. however. it is signicant that these works lack what Pacca calls the “apparato triunfale” that is 40 Two codices containing the Caccia were catalogued but are now lost. that Boccaccio would have sent the Caccia di Diana alone. to judge by its limited transmission history. he was most likely already at work on compositions in terza rima that would eventually become part of the Triumphi. might he not have taken inspiration from the Amorosa visione for his Triumphi? The dating of this variant itself can be coordinated with the chronology of the Triumphi to provide valuable evidence for Boccaccio’s possible role in shaping Petrarch’s work. which also concords with the chronology proposed by Petrarch critics for the genesis of the Triumphi. Fluid or not. Contento quasi ne’ pensier d’amore. . For the history of the Caccia’s transmission and the lost exemplars.40 It is most likely that Petrarch would have received the poem from Boccaccio directly. an example of what she calls a “uid” codex organized “in un ordine logico. 508 qualies this claim.42 The basic elements of Billanovich’s narrative (with the rst version in place of the second) seem conrmed by this analysis. 43 Pacca 1996. If Petrarch could borrow from Boccaccio’s Caccia. and the Amorosa visione. 41 Branca 1958. in its manuscript transmission. Before addressing the Triumphi.

Pacca 1996. beginning with Triumphus cupidinis I. he joins it to a ballata. who was a great experimenter in the form. Dante may have invented it for a singular work. too. 286–96. Boccaccio would also have sent a copy of the Commedia that is now Vat. della cultura e della vita spirituale europea nell’appassionante Trecento”. In his most technically daring effort. One can imagine that Boccaccio would have shared these various experiments with Petrarch and it seems likely that. he deploys terza rima not for its usual narrative abilities. the initial letters of each terzina of the Amorosa visione spell out an acrostic that Boccaccio forms into three sonnets. In the Comedia delle ninfe orentine. sometimes called capitoli. see Ahern 2003. 44 45 . In Contento quasi. after their meeting in Padova. Lat. but as the meter for the lyric interludes in that work’s prosimetric structure. At the same time. 46 Billanovich 1946a. 308. On the verse summaries. several works like Fazio degli Uberti’s Dittamondo and a variety of poems by Antonio Pucci explore the range of the poetic form Dante invented for his Commedia. version with the Caccia di Diana and Contento quasi.44 One can speculate that.47 This chronology accords with the dates established for the development of the rst of the properly “triumphal” Triumphi. Boccaccio’s interest in terza rima can be seen in the variety of ways in which he uses the meter in four early works. see Pier Giorgio Ricci 1985. The earliest works in terza rima are summaries of Dante’s poem.46 Boccaccio would have sent Petrarch a collection of his terza rima poems.petrarch reading boccaccio 141 characteristic of the poem’s other chapters. Petrarch would have been fortunate to meet Boccaccio. just as the majority of the manuscript tradition transmits them to us. Billanovich suggests. 47 This conjectured delivery of materials to Petrarch is still open to debate. but Boccaccio explored its range of possibilities. which Boccaccio. 2. 3199 and all these codices would have been brought to Petrarch in the care of Forese Donati in October of that year. 9. The earliest examples are those of Jacopo Alighieri. which Billanovich calls “una delle vicende fondamentali della storia della letteratura italiana. The Caccia appears to be the rst work written in terza rima that is not directly tied to the exegesis of the Commedia. not second. This collection would have contained the Amorosa visione in its rst. would compose later in life for his copies of the Commedia. he explores different ways of using the form in subsequent works. having just begun to write in terza rima. for example. Following Boccaccio’s Caccia and Amorosa visione.45 It is also the last work Boccaccio would write solely in terza rima.

and. It shows a way of negotiating that inuence which Petrarch tried so explicitly to avoid. There is no need to repeat those examples here. testo che probabilmente giunse in tempo (ad Avignone nel 1351. The Amorosa visione does not substitute for the inuence of the Commedia. 50 Carlo Vecce 1999. l’attuale Vaticano Latino 3199) ad impressionare Petrarca all’inizio della composizione dei Trion”. 311: “Quali potevano essere i modelli della lunga pittura di Petrarca? Sul piano letterario non si può non rinviare alla ‘lunghissima pittura’ dell’Amorosa visione del Boccaccio. indeed. his reading of the Amorosa visione (in concert with a reading. Without the Amorosa visione.142 martin eisner Triumphus cupidinis I. Branca has outlined the similarities in the poems’ moral structure and narrative design.50 and a strategy of organization. 4. Petrarch received Boccaccio’s poems at a decisive moment in his explorations of terza rima. Further evidence reinforces the connections between the Amorosa visione and the Triumphi. suggesting that Petrarch was thinking of Nel dolce tempo at the moment he composed the Triumphus cupidinis I. 17) argues that the poem is really unthinkable until Laura’s death in 1348. 171) observes that the proposed dates “oscillano fra il 1350–51 (Branca). the Triumphi in the sense that we know them today would not warrant such a title. The recent attention to the possible inuence of a direct reading of Dante’s Commedia. then.51 Boccaccio’s poem provided Petrarch both with a model for a long. which Petrarch would modify and transform into the triumph form. 46. Feo (2003. which Petrarch calls a “lunga pictura” (Tr.48 This revised version of Billanovich’s hypothesis. Feo (1979) and Rico (1974) support the 1350s. il 1351–52 (Billanovich). it seems safe to propose.165). Several 48 Pacca 1996. 307 emphasizes that the Boccaccian triumphs constitute an organized series. cup. moreoever. encyclopedic poem in the vernacular. and lists over fty correspondences between them in terms of narrative moments and groupings of people. .49 The vital point is that Boccaccio’s Amorosa visione provided Petrarch with techniques of representation. need not be disregarded. which arranges these visions into a series. Chi scrive [Feo] propende cautelativamente per il 1351–53”. Melodia e C. Pasquini (1999. insieme al codice della Commedia. 49 Branca 1941. Appel) e il 1357 (Carducci). of the Commedia) led him to reconceptualize his poem in terza rima. or perhaps rereading. il 1352–53 (G. According to this hypothesis. 51 Branca 1986. Although Calcaterra (1942) and Ariani (1988) propose the early 1340s. for which Pacca gives April 1352 as the terminus post quem. ts with both the dates established for the relation between Nel dolce tempo and the Caccia di Diana and those established for the Triumphi.

the result is metamorphoses and ight. the poet sees a naked god and stares. Petrarch’s revisitation of Nel dolce tempo in this rst chapter of his Triumphi (which he seems to recall 52 See Pacca 1996. già del pianger oco. sovra l’erba. Vidi un victorïoso e sommo duce. che gioir di tal vista non soglio per lo secol noioso in ch’i’ mi trovo. 924.10–27. però non maglia o scudo. and contributes to an understanding of the Triumphus cupidinis I as. fra l’erbe. vinto dal sonno. Following a series of periphrases establishing its time and place. In the canzone. who follows Appel 1901 for the text of this passage. alzando gli occhi gravi e stanchi. un poco”) accompanied by the annotation “attende nel dolce tempo”. but here the vision provokes no such fear. l’abito in vista sì leggiadro e novo mirai.53 As in the nal stanza of Nel dolce tempo. pur com’un di color che ’n Campidoglio triumphal carro a gran gloria conduce. 5–7. The two codices and one incunabulum which contain the variant lectio are: Roma. vie più che neve bianchi. ch’altro diletto che ’nparar non provo: quattro destrier. This note suggests that Petrarch had the canzone Nel dolce tempo in mind when he wrote the rst of the “triumphal” Triumphs. 53 Triumphus cupidinis I. in quell’ora.10 (“ivi. and Portilia 1473 (copy in the British Library in London: Inc. a rewriting of the Acteon scene in the nal stanza of Nel dolce tempo. the actual vision begins: Ivi. Three of these manuscripts52 present a variant reading of Triumphus cupidinis I. 54–56. pien d’ogn’orgoglio. which—Pacca suggests—refers to Rvf 23. nulla temea.petrarch reading boccaccio 143 manuscripts contain variant readings and authorial annotations copied from now lost early drafts of the poem. in some ways. London. vidi una gran luce.111 (“gittaimi stancho sovra l’erba un giorno”). The nal version of the poem would eliminate this memory of Nel dolce tempo by revising the line to read “Ivi. Harley 3264. e dentro assai dolor con breve gioco. sovr’un carro di foco un garzon crudo con arco in man e con saette a’ anchi. fra l’erbe. vòto d’ogni valor. tutto l’altro ignudo. IB 25926). già del pianger oco”. British Library. Biblioteca Casanatense. ma sugli omeri avea sol due grand’ali di color mille. I’. I quote from Pacca 1996. .

regardless of the reasons. Petrarch constantly dramatizes his encounters with classical texts. we possess no such dramatic accounts. but. Ventoux (Fam.54 Petrarch represents the scene as the viewing of an antique event to which he is unaccustomed: “gioir di tal vista non soglio/per lo secol noioso in ch’io mi trovo”. or an element of what one might call his “self-fashioning”.152–53. Petrarch generally 54 Both Ariani 1988 and Pacca 1996 note the connection between Triumphus cupidinis I. V 2). the former of which clearly expands on the rhetorical device of delay or suspense suggested in the latter. It is an unexpected event: Petrarch chooses to recount his vision of antiquity in the new vernacular literary form. perhaps most famously in the account of his ascent of Mt. 55 Petrarch expresses similar sentiments in his Epistola metrica III 33. 1–6. but provides little substantive evidence. nor do they excite the hope for inspiration that compels him to stare at the Greek letters of his copy of Homer. 56 See Epistola XX in Branca 1964–1992. Such disregard may be a pose on Petrarch’s part. With the exception of his assertion that one can achieve more in the vernacular since it needs cultivation (Sen. Petrarch has left very little information about his vernacular reading. Boccaccio’s solicitation of information about the Triumphi from Petrarch’s family after the poet’s death suggests that the work was a topic of conversation between them. 5. Petrarch chooses to express this antique event in the newest of poetic forms. despite his inability to read them. Anthony. the vernacular dream vision in terza rima. IV 1) in which he explicitly imitates and inserts himself into the tradition of conversion reading (or listening) that occurs in Augustine’s Confessions and the Life of St. whose formal poetic structure ultimately derives from Dante’s Commedia but whose representational strategies and architecture as a series of triumphs owe its inspiration to Boccaccio’s Amorosa visione.16–21 and Rvf 23. but these lines also express a signicant irony at the heart of the project of the Triumphi. particularly since Petrarch regards the canzone as the expression of his youthful innamoramento. so it is not surprising that we have no external record that Petrarch received Boccaccio’s poems. his attitude towards vernacular texts is remarkably consistent.55 And yet.56 In any case.144 martin eisner syntactically in verses 16–21) may be attributed to internal reasons. Of Petrarch’s vernacular readings. . the vernacular texts of others do not seem to stimulate in Petrarch that same desire for intimacy that can be found in his letters to Cicero.1: 674–89.

60 Petrarch was far less open to recording his vernacular debts. ego compositionum tuarum avidus ex illis scribens summebam copiam” (Branca 1964–1992. it is only as a preface to his Latin translation in Seniles XVII 1–4 of its famous nal novella about Griselda (Decameron X 10). but also thematized in those works themselves. respectively. but it does seem borne out by the connections between their poems in terza rima. 58 Even as Petrarch claims to have read only the beginning and end of the Decameron.57 Likewise. 5. See in this instance Giunta 1993. see Fracassetti 1869–1870 for the Latin text and Bernardo.61 Interest in Petrarch’s complex relationship with Dante should leave aside neither Boccaccio’s central role in mediating Petrarch’s encounter with Dante. 61 Cf. when he acknowledges Boccaccio’s gift of the Decameron. .1: 574). begins by paying homage to Giotto’s superhuman representational abilities. for example. Despite his ofcial claims of disengagement. 60 Amorosa visione IV 10–18 and V 70–88 in Branca 1964–1992. by contrast. see Rossi 1997.62 The preference to read 57 For the Latin text of the Familiares. Boccaccio’s Epistola X 5: “Tu sacris vacabas studiis. Lat. presents further evidence of Petrarch’s debts to Boccaccio’s poem. however. in which he does not read the Commedia and reads only the beginning and end of the Decameron. in which he refuses even to mention Dante’s name. nor his independent inuence on his friend. 333–43. see Santagata 1992. XXI 15).58 the worksheets of Vat. while addressing the “memoria di Dante nei Trion”. and proceeds to crown Dante with the laurel he never received in his lifetime. 3195 testify to the extent of Petrarch’s continuous labor on his vernacular productions.59 Boccaccio’s deep engagement with the contemporary cultural climate. his assertion that he has heard it attacked may be a memory of the Introduction to Day IV. who. 426–28. English translations can be found in Bernardo 1975–1985. is not only manifested in his extensive literary and scribal production. The vision proper of the Amorosa visione. Levin. Lat. For the Seniles. and the reordering of the nal poems in Vat. but his long friendship and correspondence with Boccaccio suggest that in Boccaccio Petrarch had found an interlocutor who could respond in person. The scene Boccaccio describes of them working side by side during his stay in Padova may be an idealized vision of their relationship. as he writes in his letter to Boccaccio on Dante (Fam. 3196.petrarch reading boccaccio 145 considers vernacular works as the products of youth intended for the multitude. and Bernardo 1992 for English version. 62 The study of Dante’s place in the Triumphi needs to be supplemented by a consideration of Boccaccio’s poem. 59 For a reading of Petrarch’s reordering of the last poems of the collection. 3: 34 and 38–39.

The current critical interest in reception. .146 martin eisner the Triumphi in light of the Commedia alone needs to be supplemented by a reconsideration of the Amorosa visione. is understandable. particularly given the editorial and interpretative fortuna of the Triumphi. It is difcult philological terrain. but an analysis of Petrarch’s datable variants conrms the hypothesis that Petrarch’s reading of Boccaccio redirected the development of Petrarch’s own terza rima poems into the triumphal model for which it is still known today. but it has left the issue of the work’s conception unresolved.

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5690 lat. 8569 Biblioteca Casanatense 924 Vatican Library Chigiano L V 176 Latino 145 Latino 2534 Latino 3195 Latino 3196 Latino 3197 Latino 3199 Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana Latino XIII 70 . 106A. 6069 F lat. 11. 22 MS 222 MS 706 Marston MS 99 M. 2923 lat. 2508 lat. 5816 lat. 106. 502 LONDON MILAN NAPLES NEW HAVEN NEW YORK OBERLIN (Ohio) PARIS ROME VATICAN CITY VENICE The Morgan Library & Museum Oberlin College. 6802 lat. 1989 cited Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Biblioteca Riccardiana British Library Biblioteca Ambrosiana Biblioteca Nazionale Yale University. 49. Bibliothèque Nationale lat. 5720 lat. Boxes 2. Correspondence. 6069 I lat. Wilkins to Donald Love. Beinecke Library 261 II iii 47 II ix 125 Banco rari 50 1059 Harley 3264 Inc. 8082 lat. IB 25926 Sala del Prefetto 10/27 B42 Bibbia I. 7880 I lat. 7720 lat. 26 February 1960. Wilkins Papers. B.

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