You are on page 1of 19

The Significance of the Genizah's Medical Documents for the Study of Medieval Mediterranean Trade Author(s): Zohar Amar

and Efraim Lev Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 50, No. 4 (2007), pp. 524-541 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25165209 . Accessed: 20/02/2013 14:21
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

BRILL is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS FOR THE STUDY OF MEDIEVAL MEDITERRANEAN TRADE1 BY ZOHAR AMAR* AND EFRAIM LEV*
Abstract The as part of other subjects, like analyzed mainly in Old Cairo. the Jewish community Until now few have in their own right, despite the fact that they offer valuable on of the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond. economy insights into the medieval Focussing saffron and myrobalan, this article offers a tentative investigation of the significance of med on the basis of practical ical drugs for the study of Mediterranean trade in the Middle Ages medical texts in the Genizah have been the various classes professional studied these documents within fragments found mainly at the Taylor-Schechter collection in Cambridge.

medical

L'exploitation

Cette

a surtout servi aux sujets tels que les divers des textes medicaux de la Geniza de la communaute du vieux Caire. Jusqu'a present de rares chercheurs groupes professionnels juive ces manuscrits ont etudies leur valeur leur lecture permet Pourtant, pour intrinseque. d'autres et au-dela. medievale de la Mediterranee orientale aspects de l'economie d'approcher contribution, premiere mediterranean qui une traite des drogues recherche conserves

propose myrobalan, l'etude du commerce

plets traitant des pratiques medicales a Cambridge. Keywords: Genizah, trade, Middle

et le le safran medicales, particulierement sur des drogues medicales dans 1'importance au Moyen-Age. Elle est fondee sur les manuscrits incom principalement dans la collection Taylor-Schechter

Ages,

Eastern Mediterranean,

medical

drugs,

saffron, myrobalan

Dr.

Zohar

Amar,

Department Israel,

of Land

of Israel

Studies

and

Archeology,

Bar-Ilan

University, University 1 The Gurion

* Dr. Efraim Lev, Department of Eretz Israel Studies and School of Public Health
of Haifa, Haifa University, authors would like to express Sheba; Israel Prof. elev@univ.haifa.ac.il their deepest thanks to Dr. Beer University, Bar Ilan University, Jacoby, Hebrew University, for their helpful remarks. Special thanks David Ben Leigh Chipman, and Prof. Yaakob

Ramat-Gan,

amartz@bezeqint.net

to our colleagues at Lev, the Taylor-Schechter at Cambridge Genizah Research Unit shared University Library, who us with helpful with us their enormous and experience and supported remarks: knowledge Dr. Ben Outhwaite and Prof. Stefan Reif. This research could not have taken place (head), the generous without which hosted Dr. Efraim Lev grant of St. John's College, Cambridge, as an Overseas Scholar The authors would like to thank the Syndicate (2003-2004). Visiting of Cambridge to publish for permission the Cairo Genizah University Library fragments pre sented in this article.

Also

? KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2007


available online www.brill.nl

JESHO50,4

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS

525

Genizah

collection,3 as well as 200 fragments that have since been identified as a medical content.4 Furthermore, in the Taylor-Schechter collection in having some so far, of medical titles have identified been 1,500 Cambridge fragments along with 50 notebooks, 140 prescriptions, 70 lists of drugs, and a few dozen letters and other documents.5

article offers a tentative investigation of the significance of medical for the study of Mediterranean trade in theMiddle Ages on the basis of drugs Isaacs's catalogue of medical and para-medical manuscripts in the Cambridge This

to stress that these practical medical fragments contain a wealth of information and merit close study; they do not only provide information on the actual usage of drugs but also function as an important source for the reconstruction of the economic patterns in Egypt and its neighboring countries.

texts in the Genizah have received considerable schol Although the medical have arly attention, they predominantly been used as a contextual background a on for focus the Jewish experience in Old Cairo.2 We, however, would like

However, not all these medical fragments should be treated as a single group. Instead, we propose to distinguish different types of documents based on their

number

of

scholars

have

dealt

with

Profession University Medicine

(1963): 177-94; S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London:


of California in the Medieval vol. Press, 1967-1988) Mediterranean World: I: 267; C. F. The Genizah

in the Light

of the Cairo

Genizah

this topic, Documents."

"The Medical e.g. S. D. Goitein, Hebrew Union College Annual 34 "Islamic and Baker, Evidence." Journal Jewish of

Royal Society ofMedicine 89 (1996): 577-80; P. Fenton, "The Importance of the Cairo Genizah for theHistory ofMedicine." Medical History 24 (1980): 347-8; A. Dietrich, Zum Drogenhandl im Islamischen Agypten (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1954); M. R. Cohen, "The
Burdensome Life Alliance in Arabic Studies to the Study "The Contribution of the Geniza 125-36; E. Dvorjetsky, in Eretz-Israel." In Proceedings Springs of the Twelfth World Congress Ron Margolin of Jewish Studies, Union (Jerusalem: World 1990) vol. on Muslim "The of Western Medicine Isaacs, cially D. H. Impact Universelle Jerusalem in the 52-7; H. D. Isaacs Israelite of a Jewish Physician Collection." and Communal Leader: A Geniza from the Fragment and Islam 16 (1993): of the Medicinal Hot ed. of Jewish Studies, II: 85-93; and espe and their Physicians 11 History (1979 35

the

Writing 1980): 3

(1991): 250-7.
D.

17th Century." Bulletin of the British Association of Orientalists H. "A Medieval Arab Medical Certificate." Medical Isaacs, of Colin Collection F. Baker), Medical Cambridge and

Manuscript

and L. Chipman, Isaacs's "Medical and Para-Medical in Catalogue Manuscripts Genizah Collection"?New Edition (Cambridge: University Library/Oxford: 2008). Archeopress, forthcoming 5 The Taylor-Schechter is held in the Cambridge which Collections, University Library, the Cambridge will hereafter be referred to as T-S.

1994).
4

(with the assistance in the Cambridge Genizah

Para-Medical Press,

(Cambridge:

University

E. Lev

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

526 use. The

ZOHAR AMAR AND EFRAIM LEV

principal distinction is between what we call "theoretical medical knowledge," which mainly derived from books, and "practical knowledge," which is primarily reflected in prescriptions, list of drugs, letters, and notebooks. The Genizah documents suggest that the work of the Jewish court physician in Cairo, Abu Dustur

practitioners as well as patients them by medical selves, it is also interesting to examine which drugs were actually prescribed. reality, the prescriptions offer interesting infor Being remnants of medical mation which is not found in other sources. In most cases they are written in (we have found 92 specimens) and Judaeo-Arabic (47 specimens), which were the most widely used languages and dialects in the daily life of medieval Cairo. Prescriptions also inform us about the prevailing diseases and the symp toms that members of the community actually suffered from. An analysis of Arabic these texts and some of the notebooks ailments. The several dozen prevalent shows that eye diseases were the most fragments from various medical books

among to be true for theMinhdj Kuhin ibn al-cAttar, who were evidently consulted

'1-Fadl Da'ud Ibn Abi '1-Bayan (born in 556/1161), entitled al al-bimdristdni fVl-adwiya al-murakkaba, appears to have been popular the medical practitioners and drug sellers in the city. The same appears al-dukkdn by the Jewish druggist, Abu lived in Cairo around 658/1260.6 While 31-Muna al these works

relating to ophthalmology testify to this.7 Other common complaints included skin diseases, headaches, fever, internal diseases (liver), intestinal problems, and haemorrhoids, as well as urinary trouble, ulcers, swellings, coughs, and gynae cological illnesses. Lists of drugs appear in various types of documents: inventories of pharma

cies compiled for establishing or dissolving partnerships, commercial orders for invoices, and order lists of sub drugs, texts concerning taxation, pharmacists' sent to of those wholesalers stances, especially retailers, or of pharmacists sent to wholesalers. These are among the best sources for the reconstruction of the

range of "practical drugs"; S. D. Goitein, for example, points to two lists he identifies as consignments, one consists of 54 items, the other of 34 (T-S Ar.30.274). The medicaments listed are also known from other sources, but in this case were all carried at the same and prices.8 weights time by one retailer. The fragments also mention Invoices to individuals are common, and they teach us

6 vol.

C.

Brockelmann, I: 491, 492; L. Containing Medical

Geschichte

der Arabischen "Syrup

Literatur from

Fragment 7 8

and E. Lev, Chipman One of the Earliest and Para-Medical

Semitic Studies 50 (2006): 137-67.


Isaacs, Goitein, A Mediterranean Society:

Manuscripts

E. J. Brill, (Leiden: the Apothecary's Shop: al-dukkan." of Minhaj Genizah

1937-1949) A Genizah Journal Collection. of

Manuscripts vol. II: 268.

in the Cambridge

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS

527

about transactions, payments, and themedicinal substances actually used. Some and prices, while others only record prices (T-S of them note quantities Ar.30.165). The 70 original lists found in theGenizah generally lack headings thatmight since they are different from merchants' letters explain their uses. However, no or use instructions for the dealing with trade in materia medica and give of formulas (as is usually found in prescriptions), they were preparation identified as lists of drugs. They were apparently used by pharmacists for pro fessional and business purposes as inventories of materia medica, records, orders, or even receipts. Orders to the sharabi (sellers of potions) were also found (T-S Ar.54.19). Some lists written in Arabic and Judaeo-Arabic mention in Arabic words (T-S AS 179.56) but some also include Hebrew quantities script (T-S Ar.43.315), The Most Commonly and in a few cases Coptic numerals are used (T-S Ar.39.487). Used Drugs

Our substantial collection of prescriptions and lists of drugs allows, for the first time, for the reconstruction of the range of medicaments actually used by were the Jews of medieval Cairo. In total 278 substances identified. The great majority, in number (80.2%), are of plant origin, while 31 (11.2%) are of inorganic origin, and the remaining 24 (8.6%) are of animal origin.9 The occur rence of non-indigenous drugs?for the practical use of which we have found 223

that theremust have been a trade in these substances; some of these could otherwise not have found their way to the shelves of the phar in the lanes and alleys of the Jewish quarter of Cairo. macies evidence?indicates Table 1 lists the medicinal members

substances which were most frequently used by of the Jewish community of old Cairo according to the Genizah frag ments. All these substances are of plant origin. The sugar cane may have been of local, i.e. Egyptian origin, but others?the almonds, rose, and endive, for in in the Levant. Moreover, from elsewhere saffron and example?were brought mastic were clearly imported from the western Mediterranean, and spikenard came to Egypt from Southeast Asia. while pepper,

myrobalan,

Z.

428-44, Medieval

E. Lev, and Sold by Pharmacists of the Jewish Community of "Drugs Held to Lists at the Cairo of materia medica Found (11th-14th Centuries) according Journal 110 Genizah Collection, Cambridge." of Ethnopharmacology Taylor-Schechter and

Schechter Genizah Collection, Cambridge." Journal of Ethnopharmacology 108 (2006):

9 are the sum of those mentioned in our earlier These numbers E. Lev and articles, of Materia "Reconstruction of the Inventory Medica used by Members of the Amar, to Prescriptions in the Taylor found Jewish Community of Medieval Cairo according

(2007): 275-93.

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

528 Table 1: Ten medicinal

ZOHAR AMAR AND EFRAIM LEV substances frequently used by members of the to the Genizah fragments. according
Arabic name(s) No. of references

most

Jewish community
No. 1. English Myrobalan Name

of old Cairo
Scientific Terminalia

Name sp. citrina chebula arjuna

ihliladjdt 79

(Cherryplum)
yellow black myrobalan myrobalan Terminalia Terminalia Retz halaylaj halaylaj halaylaj balaylaj amlaj ahalaylaj, asfar aswad hindi

Indian myrobalan Belleric Emblic Chebulic myrobalan myrobalan myrobalan

Terminalia

Terminalia Terminalia Terminalia

belerica emblica chebula

halaylaj (ahalaylaj) kabdli]


2. 3. 4. Almond Saffron Rose Rosa sp. communis sativus ward 71 lawz 41 Amygdalus Crocus

34 zacafran

5. Pepper 6. Endive (Chicory)


7. Spikenard (Sunbul,

Piper nigrum Cichorium intybus


Nardostachys jatamansi

34 fulful; bahdr hundabd3 hindiba3;


ddr shishfdn 32

34

Nard)
8. 9. Liquorice Sugar cane Glycyrrhiza Saccharum glabra officinarum sus 32 qasab qasab 10. Mastic Pistacia lentiscus al-sukkar al-mass

qasab hulw 31
mastaqd31

So what

do the medical

texts in the Genizah

tell us about

the demand

for

uses, which were the subject of wide circulation: saffron and myrobalan. The Geographical The Genizah's Origins

these drugs, their financial importance, and trade trends at that time? In order to answer these questions, this article focuses on two substances with medical commercial activity and impressive cash

of Medical

Substances

medical documents do not inform us about the geographical of the origins drugs, nor do they indicate along which trade routes they arrived in Cairo. However, we may overcome these problems by making a phytogeo graphical (geo-botanical) analysis, on the basis of a comparison of the lists with include infor other documents, such as merchants' letters, which occasionally mation about the origins of certain drugs. These letters thus shed a more gen

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS

529

era. eral light on the routes and other aspects of the drug trade of themediaeval This is illustrated by Dietrich's book which?on the basis of one such fragment trade in medicinal substances between (Heidelberger Inv. Ar.Pap.nr.912)?describes India and other countries in the Far East with Egypt.10 Furthermore, the mer chants' letters and documents mention large amounts of various medicinal sub

ing business. It seems thatEgypt was one of the production centers of alum, cassia, flax, gum Arabic, purging cassia, and sugar, but these represent a minority within the range of drugs used. Ingredients for drugs were also exported from Egypt to North Africa, Europe, and Southeast Asia, but in this article we will limit the discus sion to medicinal substances thatwere imported, traded, and used in Egypt.11 From the eastern Mediterranean the merchants in Cairo

stances thatwere used by the Jewish community in Cairo as foodstuffs, spices, and condiments; but they also served industrial purposes in the tanning and dye

came from the east. Frankincense and applications Cairo myrrh arrived through the Arabian Peninsula, while Yemen supplied with alum, mineral mummy, screw pine (Pandanus odoratissimus), and wars substances with medical (Memecylon tinctorium; a dye-yielding plant). From India and Southeast Asia

imported asphalt, almonds, roses, dried fruits, endive, gull nuts, scammony, olive oil, soap, sumac, and wax. Cheese and dodder of thyme were brought in from Crete, while Sicily supplied coral, lead, sulphur, and silk. From furtherwest honey, saffron, mas tic, copper, iron, lead, mercury, and silver were imported in Egypt. Other

10 Zum Drogenhandl im Islamischen Dietrich, Agypten. 11 to Southeast Asia, The following from Egypt: dod for) drugs were exported (ingredients der of thyme and saffron; to North Africa, to Sicily, flax, and various flax, indigo, spices; to Europe, cinnamon, clove, and sal ammoniac; cinnamon, alum, pepper, clove, and pepper, to other parts of the Levant, safflower, meadow saffron, henna, cassia, sugar; purging mummy, Journal of

in the Near East in the 15th Century." E. Ashtor, Prices salep, and aniseed. "Spice 1 (1976): E. Ashtor, im the Royal Asiatic Handel 26-41; Society "Europaischer In Das im Mittelalter Palastina." Land zwis spatmittelalterlichen Heilige Begegnungsraum chen Orient and J. Schneider und Okzident, eds. W. Fischer a.d. Aisch, (Neustadt: 1982): e il commercio "II regno dei crociati In / Communi di Levant." Italiani 107-26; E. Ashtor, di Gerusalemme. Atti del Colloquio, Crociato eds. G. of Genoa, 15-56; Menachem Ben-Sasson, (Genoa: University 1986): 1068 Press, 1991); M. Gil, Palestine (Jerusalem: Magnes during Airaldi and B. Z. Kedar of Sicily 825 the First Muslim Period The Jews

nel Regno

Mediterranean 'Awkal.'"

N. A. Stillman, "The Eleventh House of Ibn Society; Century Merchant Journal and Social 16 (1973): 15-88; of the Orient of the Economic History in the Medieval D. and Shipping Commodities Mediterranean (Brookfield: Jacoby, Trade, across the Mediterranean: Variorum, 1997); D. Jacoby, Commercial Exchange Byzantium, the Crusader Levant, Egypt and Italy (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate/Variorum, 2005).

(634-1099) (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University and theMinistry of Defense, 1983); Goiten, A

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

530

ZOHAR AMAR AND EFRAIM LEV

4 spain (

slc^\f\
j^^'~*m^ Tr^j
^^^^^.X^^AlexandriaC^y ^\7" ~--^^Qj?? )

^
\ \ (FustartlA/
J 5 \\

CI
'Isfahan

V.

y\

J AFRICA TUNISIA^^C:--_^C^DaiK/ AhKlLA /

/Damascu^ / '/JerusalemV^J\ Ba^raS^

^Baghdad.__-*Kabul ^--^PERSlX

EGYPT

ARABIA |\\* Mecca

S\\ \Gul/\r
^r ^/ d

\.

INDIA

Myrobalan Saffron --*

<-

f' M

\ ) /\GhaydabVA\ ^

J\

YEMEN^^

XlA(^/~^__?_\

ArabianSea

Map

1: Trade

routes

of saffron and myrobalan

according

to Genizah

fragments

cinnamon, clove, galingale, indigo, pepper, myroblan, camphor, and spikenard were imported toEgypt, while cubeb came specifically from the island of Socotra.12 The Commercial This Aspects of Two Medicinal Substances

aspects of two widespread practical to is in referred the Genizah. The first saffron,which was well known and drugs in from ancient times. The second is myrobalan, used the Mediterranean widely a name which covers a group of fruits of the genus Terminalia. Our research suggests thatmyrobalan had become one of the most frequently used drugs in Cairo by the eleventh century.

section focuses on the commercial

Saffron Saffron is a small herbaceous plant with lilac-colored flowers which are typ ical of irises, the larger group to which it belongs. The floral stigmas of saffron, which are orange-hued, are of great value. Seventy varieties of saffron can be found in the northern hemisphere. The medieval medical literature mentions a wide variety of applications for this plant. For example, saffronwas believed to release urine and cure women's to ailments, to inhibit urine, and to be beneficial for the kidneys.13 According
12 A Mediterranean vol. I: Goitein, Society: 13 S. Muntner, the Physician, (Harofe) "Assaph

153-4, 209-24. 'Sefer Refuoth.'"

Korot

(1967-1969):

397.

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS

531

who died in al-Fustat in 1204, saffron could be used as a mild Maimonides, purgative, a sexual stimulant, and as a cure for intestinal ailments.14 The Andalusian scholar, Ibn al-Baytar (d. 1248), asserts that it also improves the general state of mind

and dispels headaches, while it can also be used for the treatment of the liver, the throat, and the mouth, including the teeth and gums. He further notes the use of saffron for eye diseases and epilepsy.15 Zakariya3 b. Muhammad (d. 1283) wrote that the drug could be used as a diuretic, to accel al-Qazwini erate childbirth, and to strengthen the heart, although high doses of it are poi sonous.16 The works of Ibn al-Baytar and the sixteenth-century physician, Da'ud al-Antaki

memory,
and

(d. 1599) also list that saffron sharpens the senses, prompts the slows the heartbeat, improves eyesight, relieves aches, stops haemor rhages, strengthens the internal organs, cures inflammations, stimulates the appetite,
works as a contraceptive.17

By no means all these applications are mentioned in the Genizah texts,which document saffron's use as an ingredient for medicines, perfumes, and as a dyestuflf.18 It figures in Genizah documents in 21 lists of drugs,19 and in 13 prescriptions for eye diseases, for a plaster, and for other uses.20

14 Moshe Body

Mosad Harav Kook, 1957): 3:2; Moshe (Maimonides) Ben Maimon, The Medical Aphorisms
of Moses 15

Ben Maimon, Sanitatis: (Maimonides) Regimen ofMoshe Ibn Tibbon, and of the Soul (Hebrew Translation Maimonides, eds. F. Rosner and S. Muntner (New

on the Hygiene Letters of the ed. SUssman Muntner (Jerusalem: Yeshiva University Press,

York:

1970): 9:46; 20:86; 21:76.


cAbd Allah Bulaq b. Ahmad Press,

(Cairo:

wa-l-jdmic

Medical

Formulary eorum egritudinibus et curis De Oculis, Benevenutus Grassus 275; C. A. Wood, of Jerusalem, Stanford University 37. Press, (California: 1929): 16 b. Muhammad (Beirut: al-Qazwini, cAjd3ib al-makhluqdt wa-gard'ib Zakariyya' al-mawjuddt see Brockelmann, Dar vol. I: 481. GAL: al-cArab"i, 1981): 250. On al-Qazwini, al-Sharq 17 II: 162-3; Ibn al- Bay tar, Kitdb vol. li-mufraddt al-jdmic al-adwiya wa-al-aghdiya: al- Antaki, uli al-albdb Tadhkirat al"The wa-l-jdmic li-al-ajdb cujdb: 178-9. Cf. E. Lev, to the Research al-Antaki Contribution of the Turkish Physician, Daud ofMedieval (16th Century) in al-Sham." Turkish Journal Substances Ethics, Law and History (2005) of Medical 13: 74-80. 18 A Mediterranean vol. IV: 174-5. Goitein, Society: 19 T-S Ar.30.291; T-S Ar.35.229; T-S Ar.35.252; T-S Ar.30.274; T-S Ar.35.82; T-S Ar.35.326;

Ibn al-Baytar, Kitdb al-jdmic li-mufraddt al-adwiya wa-al-aghdiya b. cUmar al-Antaki, vol. II: 162-3; Da'ud Tadhkirat uli al-albdb i874) alThe Medical Press, 178-9; M. 1935): li-al-ajdb cujdb (Cairo: Bulaq Levey, of Wisconsin Press, (Madison: 1966): of the Aqrdbddhin of al-Kindl University

T-S Ar.39.136; Ar.39.139 [2]; T-S Ar.39.487; T-S Ar.43.317; T-S AS 153.51; T-S AS 176.151; T-S AS 176.22; T-S AS 177.139; T-S AS 179.132; T-S AS 182.3; T-S NS 306.106; T-S NS 306.117; T-S NS 321.49; T-S NS 325.127; T-S Ar.39.136.
20

T-S AS
297.17;

T-S Ar.44.162, T-S NS

T-S NS 306.134.

177.40; T-S AS

177.39; T-S AS

222.34,

T-S Ar.30.227;

181.127; T-S AS 214.96; T-S NS

T-S Ar.34.305;

T-S Ar.41.81;

151.52; T-S NS

T-S Ar.42.152;

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

532

ZOHAR AMAR AND EFRAIM LEV

to medieval in sources, saffron was cultivated According geographical in Bilad al-Sham, in the region of Muslim Spain,21 in Jadiya22 and Damascus,23 Isfahan and elsewhere in Iran,24 and in Afghanistan. Several Genizah fragments east of Baghdad,25 further indicate that it was also cultivated in Kermanshah,

to many eleventh-century Tunisia,26 and probably also in Sicily.27 According Genizah fragments, saffronwas brought from the countryside tomajor towns in the cultivation areas and from there was transported along the trade routes to other commercial commerce was centers of the medieval concentrated

world. For example, in North Africa in the city of Qayrawan.28 The commodity was then carried to al-Mahdiyya and shipped to Sicily, or to the Egyptian (in Tunesia) of and and from there to al-Fustat.29 A Damietta, Alexandria, Rosetta, ports in mid-eleventh

merchant

century al-Fustat, for example, wrote to his partner somewhere in North Africa that saffron was in great demand. In his letter he asks him to send "as much as you can buy and as much as you can find in the markets . . . and send it overland or by sea."30 Saffron was also imported in Egypt from Italy, mainly from the region of San Gimignano, while during the was also brought into the easternMediterranean thirteenthand fourteenth centuries it in from other locations southern region Europe.31 Furthermore, "zafferano" is listed among the products which residents of Italian cities traded in cAkka (Acre), Beirut, and Ramlah,32 as well
21

as in Aleppo

and Alexandria.33

Orientale, 1974): 553, 569. 22

al-Idrisi,

Opus

Geographicum,

eds.

E.

Cerulli

et al.

(Naples:

Istituto

Universitario

b. cAbd Allah Kitdb mu'jam ed. F. Wustenfeld al-Hamawi, al-bulddn, Yaqut, (Leipzig: vol. II: 5. F. A. Brockhaus, 1866-1873) 23 H. M. Said, ed. Al-Biruni's and Materia Book on Pharmacy Medica Hamdard, (Karachi: 1973) vol. I: 95. 24 al-Tabassur Press. al-Jahiz, Kitab 31; al-Idrisi, Opus (Cairo: Bulaq 1935): bi-al-Tajara 195, 675, 677. Geographicum: 25 of Tel Aviv University and the Ministry M. Gil, In the Kingdom (Tel Aviv: of Ishmael The Bialik Defense/Jerusalem: Institute, 1997) vol. II: 42, No. 26 A Mediterranean vol. IV: 173. Goitein, Society: 27 Ibid.: vol. I: 153. 28 vol. II: 302. Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael: Ben-Sasson, and Spain The Jews of Sicily 825-1068: 12.

29 Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael: vol. II: 521; vol. Ill: 172, 901, 912, 940; vol. IV: 412;
Ben-Sasson, Byzantium; House Century Merchant The 197, 499; At that time saffron was exported Jews 825-1068: 128; Stillman, of Sicily 'Awkal'":72-3. from "The

Eleventh of Ibn 30 vol. IV: 628-9. Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael: 31 "Crocuses and Crusaders: San Gimignano, Pisa and Kingdom of D. Abulafia, In Outremer: Jerusalem." Studies in theHistory of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, eds. B. Z. Kedar, H. E. Mayer, R. C. Smail Ben (Jerusalem: Yad Yizhak Tsvi, 32 MA: 1982): 227-43. Francesco Balducci The Mediaeval La Pratica Delia ed. A. Evans Mercatura, Pegolotti, (Cambridge, of America, "The Crusader 1936): 64, 69, 90, 101; E. Ashtor,

Academy

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS

533

Saffron was expensive, because for the production of one gram, no less than 150 stigmas had to be collected and dried. The gathering of the flowers and the separation of the stigmas were manual labor, which required many skilled work ers. Saffron was therefore dispatched in boxes or special packages.34 the price of saffron, which generally small fluctuations caused by international appears to one events, the season, product quality, and supply and demand. According Genizah document, the price of a gram of saffron was 3.5 dirham.35 Another text mentions the purchase of saffron for home use at 9.5 dirhams for one few Genizah to have documents been stable, with A mention

times as high as the purchasing price, but this does not mean that the net profit was necessarily high, because the sale's price also covered expenditures like obtain ing selling permits in the ports and bribes.40 It is sometimes difficult to assess because the cost of saffron in the Genizah docu ments, switch between measurements and prices refer to a coin and a mea

1050 and 1080 wholesalers wiqiya (37.5 g.).36 Between usually used a weight a one mann unit called of saffron38 which they mann, paying 2-2.3 dinars37 for sold for 5-7 dinars.39 The price at which saffronwas sold was thus two to three

aromatic wine, various spices, including half a dirham were used according to another document.42 of?] saffron, order to make

they occasionally (dinars and dirhams), both of which terms could surement. For example, a document by Nathan Ben Solomon Ha-Kuhin, which refers to saffron as medication, notes only its price of 1/4 dirham;41 however, in [worth

Kingdom (Jerusalem:

and Trade Yad

in the Levant." Ben Zvi,

In The 1978):

Crusaders

in Their

Yitshak

52; W.

Otto Harrassowitz, 1936) Moyen-Age (Leipzig: 33 and Crusaders." Abulafia/'Crocuses 34 vol. Ill: 940; vol. IV: 600-1. Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael: 35 vol. II: 990. Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael: 36 A Mediterranean vol. II: 269. Goitein, Society: 37 a gold coin weighing, to the official exchange The dinar was rate, 4.2 grams according to the polit and the dirham a silver coin weighing 3.1 grams. Their value changed according . . some or other circumstances. "In Egypt. ical, economical, spices were weighed by the to the Arabic to 260 dirhams, i.e. 803.348 sources, mann, which was g, equal, according to Pegolotti to other Merchants' to 2 1/2 light Guides to 840 g, and according according Venetian Lands." 38 i.e. 753 pounds, In Encyclopaedia g." See of Islam. E. Ashtor, "Makayil New Edition, eds. 825-1068: vol. IV: 264, 272, C. 1. In the Arabic, E. Bosworth Persian et al. and Turkish E. (Leiden: J.

Heyd, Histoire vol. II: 668-9.

ed. B. Z. Kedar Kingdom, au du Commerce du Levant

Brill, 2001) vol. VI:


39 40

119.

825-1068: 421.
41 42 Gil, In Goitein, Goitein,

Gil,

The Jews of Sicily Ben-Sasson, In the Kingdom of Ishmael: the Kingdom

272. 412, 531; Ben-Sasson, The Jews of Sicily

vol. Ill: 172. of Ishmael: A Mediterranean vol. IV: 232-3. Society: A Mediterranean vol. IV: 260. Society:

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

534

ZOHAR AMAR AND EFRAIM LEV

the high price of saffron it is not surprising that attempts were Considering made to forge the product, and the sources record many such instances.43 Myrobalan tains 30% (cherry plum) genus has 200 species. The trees are tall and their fruit con tannin which is used for remedial and industrial purposes. The use

The Terminalia

of the myrobalan fruit as a remedy had been well known in India and China since early times, but Greek and Roman medical treatises neither allude to the tree nor to its fruit.44 The Muslim conquests removed political borders and broke down barriers, thus creating favorable conditions of traders, knowledge, and products from India has named this process "agricultural innovation," plants, such as sugar and lemon, which played for the transfer and circulation to Spain. A. M. Watson, who mainly mentions domesticated

myrobalan, from the Far East to theMiddle East, and later to theWest. In theMiddle East the plant is mentioned from the early Islamic period

an important part in medieval was not restricted to agricultural crops and trees, pharmacology.45 This process however, for it also included exotic spices and medicinal products and sub stances. This development dramatically changed the distribution pattern of the in

connection with themedicinal use of its fruit. In Europe there is no information about this plant until this time, when trade in its fruit began.46 Most myrobalan species were imported in Egypt from tropical Asia and Africa where they were From Egypt the cherry cultivated, including India, Burma, and Madagascar.47 species was imported plum was then exported again to Europe.48 The Kabuli from Kabul Several litera species of Terminalia are mentioned in the medieval medical ture (see Table the works of Maimonides, Ibn Slna, Ibn 1, above)?including al-Baytar, and al-Antakl?which prescribes them as a cathartic drug, which also in Afghanistan.49

44

43Z. Amar, The Book of Incense (Tel-Aviv, 2002) (in Hebrew): 115.
45 Levey, A. M. The Medical Formulary Watson, Agricultural Produce 334-6. Ergdnzung Ibn Gulgul's zur Materia Taxonomy, of the Aqrdbddhin of al-Kindi: in the Early Innovation Islamic of Israel 342. World: Ages The Diffusion (Jerusalem: des Biology of

Z.

Crops and Farming Techniques, 700-1100 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983);
Amar, Agricultural Izhak Ben-Zvi, 2000): 46 A. Dietrich, Die M. Zohary, The in the Land in the Middle Yad Medica Dioskurides (Jerusalem:

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993): 7. (Gottingen: 47


Plant World: Morphology, F. R. Farag, "Why Europe Responded 195.

?Am Oved, 1978): 459; A. F. Hill, Economic Botany (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1952): 123-4. 48 Middle Age." Arabica 25 (1975): 292-309. 49
al-Idrisi, Opus Geographicum: to the Muslims' Medical Achievements in the

Evolution,

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS

535

cures ear diseases and throat pains, counteracts swellings in the mouth, and is an ingredient in an abortive medication. Furthermore, these works claim that myrobalan prevents diarrhoea and strengthens the gums, teeth, and brain, while it also improves breathing, stimulates coitus, hardens the penis, and increases
sperm production.50

migraine, and as an aphrodisiac.52 Several documents testify to the lively trade in dried cherry plums inmedieval Cairo.53 The Genizah documents also indicate

are recorded in 24 lists of drugs in Cairo of myrobalan Genizah collections.51 It also appears in 55 prescriptions for eye diseases, hal lucinations, problems with the stomach and digestion, weak eyesight and Various kinds

Qayrawan55 and, through al-Mahdiyya,56 to Sicily.57 The product was also sent from
50

that myrobalan was imported through the trading routes of the Indian Ocean; from Aden itwas transported to Egypt through the port of cAidhab.54 From Egypt cargoes of Indian and yellow myrobalan were exported to

Levey,

The Medical b. Book

al-Husayn Al-Biruni's

?Abd Allah

Baytar, Kitdb al-jdmic uli al-albdb Tadhkirat

vol. IV: 190, 196-8; al-Antaki, li-mufraddt al-adwiya wa-al-aghdiya: al- cujdb: 62; Moshe Ben Maimon, (Maimonides) wa-l-jdmic li-al-ajdb and its Medical Treatment: ed. Sexual Collection Treatises, Life: Hygiene of Mediaeval S. Muntner Harav Kook, and P. G. Sobhy, 1:5; M. Meyerhof (Jerusalem: Mosad 1965): (eds.

nos. 68, 70-1, 75, 211; of al-Kindi: Formulary of the Aqrdbddhin Ibn Sina, al-Qanun 270-1; Said, 1877): fi 'l-tibb (Cairo: Bulaq, on Pharmacy and Materia Medica: vol. I: 76, vol. II: 80, 104; Ibn al

1932 (Cairo: El-Ettemad (Barhebraeus) by Gregorius Abul-Farag Al-Ghafiqi Printing Press, The Medical Maimonides: 21:73. 1940): no. 124; Ben Maimon, Aphorisms of Moses 51 T-S Ar.30.274; T-S AS T-S AS T-S T-S Ar.43.317; T-S Ar.35.328; 181.109; 152.131; T-S Ar.30.274; T-S Ar.39.450; T-S AS T-S Ar.39.451; T-S Ar.39.487; Ar.39.450; 182.73; T-S AS T-S Ar.39.451; T-S T-S Ar.30.291; T-S Ar.39.307; T-S Ar.43.317; 184.234;

trans.)The Abridged Version of 'The Book of Simple Drugs"

of Ahmad Ibn Muhammad

Ar.51.53; T-S AS
T-S Ar.43.317; 52 T-S AS

T-S

179.80; T-S AS
AS 184.34.

181.109; T-S Ar.39.451; T-S Ar.39.487; T-S Ar.43.315;

T-S AS T-S T-S T-S Ar.30.286; T-S Ar.41.71; 159.241; 16.291; 180.15; T-S NS T-S AS T-S 164.159; Ar.42.189; Ar.39.184; 147.192), (T-S Ar.40.141; T-S Ar.30.291; T-S AS T-S Ar.30.65; T-S Ar.41.81; T-S NS 173.3; T-S NS 305.76(75); T-S Ar.30.65; T-S Ar.41.81; T-S AS T-S T-S Ar.43.338; 306.41; 13J6.14; T-S Ar.30.291; T-S T-S T-S T-S T-S 173.3; 13J6.14; Ar.30.291; K25.212; Ar.40.141; Ar.41.81; T-S Or.1081J.39; T-S AS T-S AS 155.365; 173.3; T-S AS Ar.43.338; 177.31; T-S NS T-S T-S NS 83.28; T-S NS 327.40; 327.97; 12.33; T-S NS J38; T-S 13J6.14; T-S Ar.40.141; T-S AS T-S Ar.41.81; T-S AS 177.31; T-S NS J38; T-S 12.33; T-S 13J6.14; T-S Ar.40.141; in al-Fustat Cf. The letters between merchants based and Alexandria 177.40; T-S Ar.42.67. T-S dealing with 53 Goitein, 54 55 56 57 S. D. Gil, Gil, Gil, the trade in myrobalan in Gil, In the Kingdom A Mediterranean vol. Ill: 903, 912; Society: of Ishmael: Ben-Sasson, vol. The Ill: Jews 16. of Sicily

825-1068: 266, 273.

825-1068: 626.

The Yemenites Izhak Ben-Zvi): 110. Goitein, (Jerusalem: Yad In the Kingdom vol. Ill: 170; vol. IV: 101. of Ishmael: In the Kingdom vol. Ill: 276. of Ishmael: In the Kingdom vol. II: 465, No. The 158; Ben-Sasson, of Ishmael:

Jews

of Sicily

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

536

ZOHAR AMAR AND EFRAIM LEV

myrobalan of Egyptian origin was sold in Jerusalem, where it had probably to Jerusalem, on which the In a letter sent from Ramlah arrived via Ramlah. signature of cAmaram ha-Roffe was identified, the addressee was asked to send some medicinal substances including kuhl (antimony sulphide) and myrobalan.61 In another letter, sent from Jerusalem to al-Fustat in 1053, Naharay Ben Nissim is asked to send myrobalan for the treatment of the sender's wife.62 Some

Egypt to other parts of the Levant, including the ports of cAsqalan (Ascalon),58 Sur (Tyre),59 and Tripoli in Lebanon,60 from where itwas transported overland to Genizah documents from the eleventh century, into the interior. According

indication of prices can also be obtained from the documents. Yellow the Indian myrobalan was the best kind and therefore the most expensive, was were second while Chebulic the least best, expensive variety.63 As species with other substances, the price of myrobalan ditions. For example, in 1059 ten manns were varied according to market con sold in al-Fustat to a middleman

sold in Sicily for 3.3 dinars, whereas one qintar (463 g) of yellow myrobalan for 1.25 dinars.64 In the summer of 1062 a merchant from Alexandria wrote in

is not in demand."65 A document from al myrobalan a dated year later indicates that the market was rising and the price Mahdiyya of Chebulic myrobalan was 2.5 dinar per mann, while yellow myrobalan was in Alexandria ten dirhams per qintar.66 In 1065 the price of yellow myrobalan was
per

a letter that "Chebulic

5-6 dinars, the concentrate of fine Chebulic myrobalan

fetching one dirham

mann61

As with saffron, the difference between the price forwhich merchants bought myrobalan and the price it fetched in themarketplace was probably considerable.

58 59 60 61

Gil, Gil, Gil, Gil,

Palestine Palestine Palestine Palestine

during during during during

the First Muslim the First Muslim the First Muslim the First Muslim

Period Period Period Period

(634-1099): (634-1099): (634-1099): (634-1099):

vol. vol. vol. vol.

Ill: Ill: Ill:

187-8. 210. 217.

is also mentioned tury; A. A. In

62 Gil, Palestine during theFirstMuslim Period (634-1099): vol. Ill: 106, 108; The plant
in a list of substances Les Assises Beugnot, de Jerusalem. vol. Ill: in Acre traded by the Crusaders Recueil des Historiens 905, No. 574; 912, No. during the 13th cen des Croisades. Lois Ben-Sasson,

II: 421.

I-II (Paris: Imprimerie Royale; 1841-1843): 176. 63 Jews of Sicily 825-1068: 226, 273. 64
Gil, the Kingdom of Ishmael:

474;

The

the qintar used for 825-1068: The Jews of Sicily 159, 163. In Egypt Ben-Sasson, as rati fulfuli, of 150 dirhams, and weighed 463 rati?consisted the pepper spices?known vol. VI: 118-9. 1. In the Arabic, Persian and Turkish Lands": g. Ashtor, "Makayil 65 vol. IV: 447. Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael: 66 In both cases only small quantities were vol. Ill: sold. Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael: The Jews of Sicily 825-1068: 401. 252; Ben-Sasson, 67 110. The Yemenites: vol. IV: 586, 589; Goitein, Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael:

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS CONCLUSION

537

medieval

of the tell us a great deal about the materia medica handbooks Islamic world, but they do not inform us which drugs were actually prescribed in practice. The Genizah documents form a unique source for the because study of what we propose to call "practical medicine," they contain Medical as well as prescriptions by physicians, and evidence of lists of medicaments, commercial transactions involving drugs. In the top-10 of most popular medicinal substances used among the Jews of Cairo we find saffron, a traditional spice which was well-known ancient world for its various uses, was cultivated in theMediterranean

medieval

in the

region and exported to the east. With 34 occurrences in the Genizah documents saf sur fron shares the fourth place in our top-10 with pepper and endive. More a Mediterranean drug which reached the prisingly, at the top of the list ismyrobalan, only after theMuslim Southeast Asia. The Genizah

conquests, arriving in Egypt along the trading routes from show that saffronwas cultivated in several locations

documents

and North Africa, but the substance was also imported from Italy and Iraq. This suggests that the demand for saffron in Cairo was so high that it could not be met by regional production alone. The harvest in the Eastern Mediterranean of saffron was also had

a labor-intensive, and therefore costly process; the fact that it to be imported from abroad?and packaged specially to preserve the quality?further drove up the price, making it an expensive commodity. The cherry plum (myrobalan), which contains 30% tannin, was prescribed in for a wide variety of ailments by the eleventh century. This medical sub stance was unknown to the Greeks and Romans and was introduced in the

Cairo

Mediterranean is thus an example of only after the spread of Islam. Myrobalan a medical substance which spread through what Watson has called "agricultural innovation"?which appears to have had a wider scope than he realized, includ ing spices and drugs. The Genizah documents show that the cherry plum was imported in Egypt from tropical Asia and Africa. Various kinds of myrobalan are recorded in no less than 24 lists of drugs in the Genizah collections, but the

commodity was not imported for the market of Cairo alone. On the contrary, throughout the Eastern by the eleventh century Egypt exported myrobalan and to Europe, particularly through Sicily. Mediterranean, Our evidence was

in the lively trans-regional trade in saffron,myrobalan, and other medical sub stances in which Jews in medieval Cairo actively took part. Jewish merchants, and physicians, and pharmacists may have had an advantage over Muslims

produced by the Jewish community in Cairo between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries. But these local sources offer valuable insights

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

538 Christians

ZOHAR AMAR AND EFRAIM LEV

owing to the widespread diaspora of Jews all over the medieval world. After all, many of the ports and cities thatwere important for the trade in saffron and myrobalan?from Sicily to Syria and India?had thriving Jewish communities during this period.

Bibliography
D. 1982. Crocuses and Crusaders: Abulafia, In Outremer: in the History Studies of to Joshua H. eds. B. Z. Kedar, Prawer, 227-43. Ben-Tsvi: Amar, Yad Z. 2000. Izhak San Gimignano, Pisa and Kingdom of Jerusalem. the Crusading Presented Kingdom of Jerusalem E. Mayer, R. C. Smail. Jerusalem: Yad Yizhak in the Middle Ages. Jerusalem:

in the Land Produce Agricultural of Israel Ben-Zvi. (in Hebrew). -. Tel-Aviv, 2002. The Book (in Hebrew). of Incense. Da'ud b. cUmar al-. 1935. Tadhkirat uli al-albdb Antaki, Cairo: Press. Bulaq

wa-l-jdmic

li-al-ajdb

al-

cujdb.

in the Near in the 15th Century. E.1976. Prices East Journal Ashtor, of the Royal Spice 1: 26-41. Asiatic Society -. in the Levant. in Their Kingdom, In The Crusaders 1978. The Crusader Kingdom and Trade Ben Zvi: ed. B. Z. Kedar. Jerusalem: Yad Yitshak 30-54 (in Hebrew). -. In Das Heilige im spatmittelalterlichen Handel Palastina. Land im 1982. Europaischer zwischen und Okzident, eds. W. Fischer and Mittelalter Orient Begegnungsraum J. Schneider. 1986. Crociato Neustadt: a.d. Aisch: 107-26. II regno dei crociati e il commercio di Gerusalemme. Atti del Colloquio, di Levant. eds. G. In / Communi Airaldi and B. Italiani Z. Kedar. nel Regno Genoa: of Islam. World: The

-.

-.

of Genoa: 15-56. University 2001. Makayil 1. In the Arabic, Persian and Turkish Lands. et al. Leiden: New Edition, E. J. Brill. eds. C. E. Bosworth in the Medieval and Jewish Medicine Baker, C. F. 1996. Islamic Genizah Ben Maimon, Body and 1965. Treatises, 1970. New York: Ben-Sasson, Hebrew). A. Beugnot, Croisades. Brockelmann, L. Chipman Containing Studies 50: A., Lois C. and One ed. I-II. E. 1841-1843. Paris: Les Assises de Jerusalem. Evidence. Journal

In Encyclopaedia Mediterranean

-. -.

89: 577-80. of the Royal Society of Medicine Letters on the Hygiene Moshe 1957. Regimen Sanitatis: (Maimonides). of the Jerusalem: Mosad Harav Kook. (in Hebrew). of the Soul, ed. Siissman Muntner. Treatment: and Its Medical Collection Sexual of Mediaeval Life: Hygiene ed. S. Muntner. Jerusalem: Mosad Harav Kook. Aphorisms of Moses Press. Jews Maimonides, 825-1068. (in Hebrew). eds. F. Rosner Jerusalem: Recueil Leiden: and Magnes des E. S. Muntner. Press, (in des

The Medical Yeshiva Menachem.

University 1991. The

of Sicily

Historiens J. Brill.

1937-1949. Lev. of The from 16:

Imprimerie Geschichte Syrup

Roy ale. der Arabischen from

Literatur.

2006.

the Earliest

137-67. Burdensome

the Apothecary's of Minhaj Manuscripts Life of a Jewish

Shop: A Genizah al-dukkan. Journal

Fragment of Semitic Leader: Studies A in

1993. Cohen, M. R. Geniza Fragment Arabic and Islam -. Dietrich, A. 1993. Die Vandenhoeck

the Alliance 125-36.

Israelite

and Communal Physician Universelle Collection. Jerusalem

1954. Zum

Erganzung & Ruprecht.

im Islamischen Drogenhandl Agypten. zur Materia Ibn GulguVs Medica

Carl Winter. Heidelberg: des Dioskurides. Gottingen:

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS Dvorjetsky, E.


Springs ed. Ron

539

1990. The Contribution of theGeniza

in Eretz-Israel.

Margolin. F. R. 1975. Why Farag, Arabica Middle Ages. Fenton, P. 1980. The 24: 347-8. History 1983. Palestine Gil, M. and -. the Ministry

In Proceedings of the Twelfth World Congress of Jewish of Jewish Studies, Union vol. II: 85-93. Jerusalem: World Europe Responded 25: 292-309. of the Cairo to the Muslims' Genizah Period Aviv: Medical Achievements of Medicine. Tel Aviv and Genizah London:

to the Study of theMedicinal Hot


Studies, in the Medical University of

Importance

for the History (634-1099).

during the First Muslim of Defense, (in Hebrew).

Tel Aviv: University

Tel 1997. In the Kingdom of Ishmael. Institute. The Bialik Defense/Jerusalem: Profession S. D. 1963. The Medical Goitein, Hebrew Union Press. 1967-1988. California Annual College A Mediterranean 6 vols. 34: 177-94. Society.

Tel

Aviv

the Ministry Documents. University

in the Light Berkeley, Los

of the Cairo Angeles,

-. -.

of

Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi. 1983. The Yemenites. du Levant au Moyen-Age. 1936. Histoire du Commerce Heyd, W. Hill, A. F. 1952. Economic Botany. New York: McGraw-Hill. Ibn al-Baytar, cAbd Allah b. Ahmad. 1874. Kitdb al-jdmic Press. Cairo: aghdiya. Bulaq Ibn Sina, al-Husayn b. cAbd Allah. al-Idrisi. 1974. Opus Geographicum, Orientale. vol. IV. Isaacs D. H. 1979-1980. The 1877. eds. al-Qdnun fi E. Cerulli

Leipzig: li-mufraddt

Otto

Harrassowitz. wa-al

al-adwiya

'l-tibb. Cairo: et al. Naples: on Muslim

Bulaq. Istituto

Universitario and their

-. -.

Arab Medical Certificate. Medical 35: 250-7. History in the Cambridge and Para-Medical (with Colin F. Baker). Medical Manuscripts Press. Collection. Genizah University Cambridge: Cambridge in the Medieval D. and Shipping Mediterranean. 1997. Commodities Trade, Jacoby, Brookfield: Variorum. 1994. 2005. Commercial Levant, Egypt and Jahiz, ?Amr b. Bahr Cairo: Lev, E.

Writing in the 17thCentury.Bulletin of theBritish Association of Orientalists 11: 52-57


1991. A Medieval

Impact

of Western

Medicine

Physicians

-.

-.

Research Law -.

Bulaq. Levant. 2002. Medicinal Substances of the Medieval of the Turkish Physician, Daud 2005. The Contribution of Medieval Medical Substances in al-Sham. and History 2007. Drugs 13: 74-80.

across the Mediterranean: The Crusader Exchange Byzantium, UK: Ashgate/Variorum. Italy. Aldershot, ed. Hasan al-. 1935. al-Tabassur Husni cAbd al-Wahhab. bi-al-tijdra, 2nd. ed. Eretz. (in Hebrew). to the al-Antaki, (16th Century) Turkish Journal Ethics, of Medical Tel-Aviv:

of Medieval of the Jewish Community Held and Sold by Pharmacists to Lists of Materia Medica found at the Taylor Cairo According (11th-14th Centuries) Journal 110: 275-93. Schechter Genizah Collection, of Ethnopharmacology Cambridge. of the Inventory of Materia 2006. Reconstruction Medica used by Lev, E. and Z. Amar. Members of the Jewish in the Taylor-Schechter 108: 428-44. E. Lev, Medical and L. Chipman. Manuscript Cairo of Medieval Community Genizah Collection, Cambridge. According Journal to Prescriptions found of Ethnopharmacology "Medical Edition. Madison: Version of and Para

(forthcoming in the Cambridge Archeopress. Formulary eds.,

Isaacs's 2008). Catalogue Genizah Collections"?New of the Aqrabadhin 1932-1940. Press. of al-Kindi.

Cambridge: University 'The Book

University Library/Oxford: 1966. The Medical Levey, M. of Wisconsin Press. Meyerhof, M. and P. G. Cairo:

of Simple Drugs"
(Barhebraeus).

of Ahmad Ibn Muhammad Al-Ghafiqi by Gregorius Abul-Farag


El-Ettemad Printing

Sobhy,

trans.

The Abridged

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

540
Muntner, S. 1967-1969.

ZOHAR AMAR AND EFRAIM LEV


(Harofe) the Physician, Delia "Sefer Refuoth." ed. A. Korot Evans. 4: 11-40,

Francesco Balducci. 1936. La Pratica Pegolotti, MA: of America. The Mediaeval Academy b. Muhammad al-. 1981. Qazwini, Zakariyya3 Beirut: Dar H. M., Said, Hamdard. Stillman, N. Economic Watson, A. and

170-207, 389-443, 531-72 (in Hebrew).

Assaph

Mercatura,

Cambridge,

cAjd3ib al-makhluqdt al-mawjudat. wa-gard3ib al-cArabi. [no editor mentioned]. al-Sharq on Pharmacy ed. Book 1973. Al-BirunVs and Materia Medica. Karachi: 1973. The Social 1983. House of Ibn cAwkal. Journal Century Merchant of the 16: 15-88. of the Orient Innovation in the Early Islamic World: The Diffusion of Agricultural 700-1100. Press. Techniques, Cambridge: Cambridge University History Eleventh

A. M.

and Farming Crops eorum egritudinibus et C. A. 1929. Benevenutus Grassus De Oculis, Wood, of Jerusalem, cur is. Translated with Notes and Illustrations 1474 from the First Printed Edition, Ferrara A.D. California: Stanford University Press. Yaqut b. cAbd Allah al-Hamawi. 1866-1873. Kitdb mucjam al-bulddn, Evolution, ed. F. Wustenfeld. F. A. Brockhaus. Leipzig: 1978. The Plant Zohary, M. cAm Oved. (in Hebrew).

World:

Morphology,

Taxonomy,

Biology.

Jerusalem:

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GENIZAH'S MEDICAL DOCUMENTS

541

Illustration Collection, ?

1: Genizah Cambridge

fragment University

T-S-Ar Library.

43

338v.

Courtesy

of

the Taylor-Schechter

This content downloaded on Wed, 20 Feb 2013 14:21:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions