Pakistani Workers in the Middle East: Volume, Trends and Consequences Author(s): Nasra M.

Shah Source: International Migration Review, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Autumn, 1983), pp. 410-424 Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2545795 . Accessed: 05/02/2011 13:46
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Pakistani in the Middle

Workers East: and Consequences

Volume,

Trends

Nasra M. Shah East-West Population Institute Honolulu, Hawaii, East-West Center

Temporary international migration for employment is not a new and much has been written about 'guest workers' to phenomenon Labor migration to the oil producing Middle East countries. European countries is, however, a relatively recent occupation?one that is likely to have far reaching impacts on both labor importing and exporting countries. Serageldin et al. (1983) have estimated that from about 1.6 million migrant workers in 1975 the number would increase to about 4.3 million in 1985 in the major capital rich labor importing countries.1 In some oil producing countries, such as Qatar, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, non-national workers comprise over seventy percent of the total labor force. In recent years, the relative proportion of non-Arab migrant labor has increased, proportionately more South and South East Asian and East Asian workers are now employed in the Middle East than in the mid-seventies.

Pakistan has become one of the major labor exporters as a result of the shift in labor importation preferences. While there is some disagreement about the precise number of Pakistanis who are currently employed in the Middle East, the various estimates suggest that somewhat more than one million is a plausible number. Research based on the 1981 Census and household surveys during the late 1970s indicates that the number of workers in the Middle East ranges somewhere between 1 to 2 million. A minimum estimate based on the total number of workers who went for employment through the Bureau of 1These figures are likelyto be an underestimate as discussedlater. 410 IMR Volume 17, No. 3

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Emigration and Overseas Employment and were registered with it during 1971-81 is given as (776,174) (Table 1). Over 95 percent of these registered workers were employed in the Middle East. These figures approximate the stock of migrants since the Bureau estimates that only about 5 percent of those who left returned to Pakistan permanently during this period (Akbar, 1981). The Bureau figures, however are likely to be an underestimate since the Manpower Division (which is the source for the data) did not collect information on "direct" emigrants (i.e., those who obtained visas through their friends or relatives) prior to 1977. Furthermore, the Table does not include illegal emigrants who may have emigrated without any clearance through the Bureau of Emigration and Overseas Employment, the agency which is responsible for processing all such migrant workers. Finally, the Table does not include persons who emigrate for reasons other than em? ployment, but later take up jobs. While the above factors are likely to result in an underestimation of the stock of workers, it is not clear whether an emigrant is counted by the Bureau each time he goes abroad on a new contract. If this is the case, the Bureau figures should probably not be used to estimate the stock of migrants since they may overestimate it. In general, data collection in Pakistan suffers from several weaknesses; is unlikely to be an exception. emigration data

Other estimates of the total number (stock) of migrants range between 1.12 and 179 million (Gilani et al, 1981a), about 70 percent of whom were working in the Middle East. The 1981 Census also provides a figure close to Gilani et aVs estimate of 1. 7 million (Kahn and Karim, 1983). The 1981 Census asked whether any members of the respondent's household left Pakistan during the previous ten years and were still abroad. The total number of persons thus reported was 1. 7 million. Note that all the estimates discussed so far are based on data collected within Pakistan itself. Another estimate made by Serageldin et al, (1983) as part of a World Bank project offers a much more conservative figure. They believe that the stock of Pakistani workers in the nine major oil exporting countries2 was 205,700 in 1975. They project this number to increase to 555,100 by 1985 under a high economic growth assumption and only 446,000 under a low economic growth assumption. It is not clear whether these calculations were based on data available within the importing countries or on estimates provided by the labor exporting countries. Their base figures for 1975, however, seem to be a clear underestimate when compared to estimates provided by various researchers within the country. The Pakistan government also estimates a much larger magnitude to have taken place. The government has estimated that there are about 1.4 million Pakistanis 2 Algeria, Bahrain, Iran, Kuwait, Libya, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates.

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currently working and living abroad, a large majority in the Middle East. It is expected that the number of Pakistani workers abroad would have risen by an additional 0.4 million during the current Five Year Plan period, 197778 to 1982-83 (Finance Division, 1982:8). The government has an active policy of encouraging labor emigration and has instituted a crash program for training skilled and semi-skilled workers for overseas employment.

TABLE Annual

Flow of Emigrant Workers from Pakistan, 1971-81 by Channel Private (overseas employment promoters) 3,340 3,359 7,654 14,652 21,766 38,516 77,664 78,685 80,615 91,482 119,711 537,444 69.3

Year 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 Total Number Percent

Public" 194 1,171 4,646 1,676 1,311 3,174 2,606 3,246 3,058 17,114 821 39,017 5.0

Direct

Total 3,534 4,530 12,300 16,328 23,077 41,690

60,175 47,602 34,586 24,801 32,549 199,713 25.7

140,445 129,533 118,259 133,397 153,081 776,174 100.0

Source: FinanceDivision 1982,p. 8. have been licensedby thegovernment to Notes: a About400 overseasemployment promoters recruit workers on behalfof foreign is regulatedand The workof thesepromoters employers. controlled ofemigrants whichworkunderthe DirectorGeneral, by theregionalprotectorates Bureau ofEmigration and OverseasEmployment. whoare suppliedby thegovernment "Emigrants upon therequestofa foreign government. c This includesindividualworkvisas obtained relatives and friends. through For detailsoftheprocessofemigration, See,Akbar,1981:25-35.

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OF MIGRANTS

While the debate on the actual number of Pakistani workers in the Middle East is not yet over, it seems safe to conclude that more than one million workers are currently employed in the Middle East. The migrants constitute about 6-8 percent of the total labor force of Pakistan and consist largely of males aged 25 to 40 years (Akbar, 1981). It has been estimated by Gilani et al, (1981) that about 70 percent of the migrants are married, but only 4 percent are accompanied by their families. In terms of destination of migrants, Gilani et al, found that about 70 percent of all emigrants they interviewed were destined for the Middle East. They estimated that 34 percent of all emigrants were going to Saudi Arabia and 20 percent to the United Arab Emirates. Comparable data from the Bureau of Emigration indicates that between 1971 and 1980, 38 percent of those who emigrated through the Bureau went to Saudi Arabia, a figure quite close to Gilani's (Akbar, 1981:33-35). Of all the Middle East emigrants in Gilani's study, two-thirds came from rural areas. At least some of these rural migrants are likely to have come to urban areas to land a job in the international market, thus contributing to the rural-urban internal migration within the country. Furthermore, at least some of the emigrants are likely to settle in urban areas once they return to Pakistan after having experienced an urban way of life and with higher aspirations for their children's education (Shah and Karim, 1982). With regard to the occupational structure of migrants, Gilani et al. found that 83 percent of the migrants in their sample were production workers?43 percent unskilled laborers and 40 percent skilled workers. The skilled workers consisted of drivers (8%), carpenters (6%), masons (6%), tailors (4%), etc. Of the 17 percent non-production workers, 4 percent were professional (e.g., engineers, teachers and nurses), 6 percent were businessmen and 2 percent were service workers (Gilani et al, 1981a:28-30). Compared to the figures from Gilani etal's study the Bureau of Emigration data show the share of pro? duction workers among those who emigrated to the Middle East through the Bureau during 1971-77 to be 71 percent, about 12 percent less than Gilani's figures. Regardless of the source, however, production workers do comprise a large majority of all migrants to the Middle East. The impact of such heavy out-migration of these workers is discussed later. The Gilani et al analysis further indicates that the proportion of unskilled labor has gone up over time compared to the proportion of skilled labor (Table 2). The percentage of unskilled migrants had increased from 30 percent six years ago to 51 percent during the year of survey (i. e., 1979). This pattern is contrary to that in other countries, and to the general trend toward increased importation of skilled (rather than unskilled) workers by the host

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countries. The increasing proportion of unskilled workers has been viewed as a cause for concern by some researchers (e.g., Ahmad, 1982). The increase in unskilled workers implies that the training facilities within the country have not been able to produce the desired amount and quality of skilled workers which could fulfill the demand in the Middle East; such demand is, therefore, being met from countries other than Pakistan. TABLE 2

Intertemporal Composition of the Migrant Occupations The Date ofMigration Between Between Between last3 last5 lastl and 2 and 4 and 6 years years years 46.4 8.1 38.3 44.6 14.6 19.5 4.0 6.5 0.7 2.6 39.3 3.7 35.6 48.6 16.1 20.8 3.9 7.8 2.7 2.7 39.6 0.0 39.6 45.3 11.8 15.2 7.5 10.8 3.8 2.8

Occupation UnskilledLabor Agriculture Non-Agriculture SkilledLabor Carpenters/Masons Technicians/Mechanics Tailors Drivers ClericalWorkers Professional/Managerial Workers BusinessWorkers ServiceWorkers Total Source: Gilani et al., 1981:33.

Within a year 50.6 3.0 47.6 38.2 11.6 17.9 4.6 4.1 0.6 4.4

Above 6 years 30.2 3.9 26.5 47.0 11.7 17.4 9.3 8.6 3.5 3.1

4.4 1.8 100.0

4.6 1.1 100.0

5.8 2.9 100.0

6.6 1.9 100.0

10.9 5.1 100.0

POLICIES

AND

THE PR OCESS OF EMIGRA

TION

As mentioned above, the government has an active policy to encourage

labor

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migration to the Middle East. It has set up several training institutions to develop a skilled manpower which would cater to the needs of labor, importers. A crash training program was started in 1975-76 by the Manpower Division which aimed at producing about 50,000 skilled and semi-skilled workers annually. The program was, however, able to train only 11,100 workers during the firstthree years of its operation. Another training program was started in January, 1980 by the Overseas Pakistanis Foundation (OPF), an autonomous body which was set up by the government in 1979. The OPF imparts training through 44 institutions and had trained close to 10, 000 persons during the first 21 months of its operation (Ahmad, 1982:26). While several facilities are in existence, this training capacity is not being fully utilized at present. At the three major institutes set up by the government, there is a 12 percent enrollment deficiency; furthermore, 37 percent of all enrolled do not complete the training (Ahmad, 1982:27). Some of the reasons for the underutilization of such facilities are the shortage of adequately trained instructors, the long duration of courses, and inappropriateness of the training, etc. The inadequacy of training facilities requires immediate attention and concerted effort to remedy the situation. Skill development as a general policy is a desired goal. It is nowhere specified what the desirable characteristics of the trainees in terms of age and sex are. Cultural values (in Pakistan as well as host countries), however, restrict most of the jobs to men. One category of female workers where the Pakistan government has put a restriction in terms of age is that of maidser? vants. The Emigration Ordinance, 1979, states that "the minimum age for employment of women as maid-servants shall be forty-five years...". While the intent of the law is to discourage the exploitation of young female domestic servants, it is not clear whether this restriction has discouraged the export of workers in this category. The process of emigration has been quite tightly regulated during the last few years. The Emigration Ordinance, 1979, has provided an administrative structure as well as rules and penalties designed to regulate emigration. An overview of the administrative structure is given in Figure I. An agency, known as the Bureau of Emigration and Overseas Employment, had been set up as early as 1972. The Emigration Ordinance, 1979, (Government of Pakistan, 1979) regularized the positions in the Bureau and established the positions of Director General of the Bureau, protectors of emigrants and Labour Attaches in host countries. There are at present five Protectorates of Emigrants which work under the Bureau. The Protectorates oversee and regulate the work under the Bureau. They oversee and regulate the work of 400 Employment Promoters?private individuals who have been granted licenses to recruit workers. There are three channels which may provide overseas workers as indicated in Table 1 earlier?private, public and direct. Private migration takes place

416 through Overseas of a visa relative.

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the employment promoters; public migration is handled by the Employment Corporation; direct migration results from issuance directly to the employee, arranged usually through a friend or The private channel provides close to 70 percent of all workers registered by the government. The figures in Table 1, are however, an underestimate of all workers, as discussed above; the actual proportion of workers supplied through promoters is in fact probably not as high. In the study by Gilani et al (1981), only about one-fourth of the respondents said they had obtained their jobs through recruiting agents (i.e., promoters); the rest had managed to find jobs through friends or relatives or through their own efforts (Gilani et al, 1981). The discrepancy in the findings of the two reports could have resulted from factors such as the inclusion of illegal migrants in the Gilani study or a nonrepresentative sample for that study. No conclusions about this are possible, however. The Emigration Ordinance, 1979, laid down various rules to ensure the welfare of the migrants. Severe penalties (such as imprisonment up to 14 years) for forgery of documents, false representation of government au? thority, charging fees in addition to the prescribed amounts, have been laid down. Labor attaches who are stationed in the host countries are responsible for safeguarding the interests of emigrants and promoting overseas em? ployment. Finally, certain agencies such as the OPF have been set up with the objectives of promoting the welfare of overseas Pakistanis and their de? pendents and to deal with various problems arising from emigration. The government has also established a Welfare Fund and all emigrants are required to make a small contribution to this fund.

CONSEQUENCES

OF MIGRATION

In a very broad sense, the consequences of labor migration may be classified into economic and noneconomic ones. Reseachers and policymakers within Pakistan have begun to pay attention to both of these consequences, but particularly the economic ones. On the positive side, perhaps the major reason why international labor migration has become so significant is the increased amount of remittances associated with such migration. From an insignificant level of about $15.5 billion in 1972-73, the volume of remit? tances rose to 1.7 billion in 1979-80. During the period 1977-78. During the period 1977-78 to 1980-81, remittances grew at a rate of 22.5 percent per year and exceeded $2.1 billion during 1980-81 (Pakistan Embassy, 1981b). Gilani et al (1981:72) have estimated that "valued at current market prices, remittances now comprise 8 percent of the GNP and 40 percent of the total foreign exchange earnings and finance 86 percent of the trace deficit". The

Figure I

Administrative Structure which Regulates Labor Migration to the M and OverseasPakistanis ofLabor,Manpower, Ministry

Overseas Employment Corporation

Manpower Division

Labor in Attache in Host Countries

and Overseas Bureau of Emigration (set up in 1972) Employment

Protectorate ofEmigrants, Federal Capital, Islamabad

Protectorate of Emigrants, Baluchistan

Protectorate of Emigrants N.W.F.P.

Protecto of Emigr Punjab

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significance of remittances for the economy of Pakistan is highlighted by the fact that a slow down in the inflow of home remittances during the fiscal year 1981-82 is considered as one of the major factors which has negatively affected the international trade and balance of payments situation in the country during this period (Finance Division, 1982:99). The Finance Division has not provided any data on the amount of remittances received during 1981-82. One factor which could have negatively affected the inflow of remit? tances received during 1981-82 is the deduction of 'zakat' (obligatory charity, equivalent to 2V2% on the savings as required by Islamic laws) from private While remittances bank accounts; this possibility needs to be studied. currently form an extremely significant factor in the Pakistan economy, they are not necessarily being used in the most economically efficient manner at the present time. It was found by Gilani et al (1981) that a large proportion (62%) of remittances received by the families of migrant workers was spent on

etc. rather than on consumption of food, clothing and accommodations, direct investment (Table 3). Another 22 percent was spent on real estate including housing, real estate for commercial purposes and agricultural land. Finally, only 13 percent of remittances was spent on direct investment such as agricultural machinery or other industrial or commercial investment. While the increased expenditure on food is likely to raise nutritional levels of the family, thereby reducing morbidity and increasing productivity, it is desirable that a larger proportion of the remittances should be used for productive investments in the future. Furthermore, policies which would reduce the inflationary impact of remittances need to be instituted. Among the possible negative economic consequences, the one that has been most thoroughly discussed relates to the skill loss and the concommittant 1983; Gilani et al, shortages of labor in certain skill categories (ILO-ARTEP, 1981; Ahmad, 1982). By comparing the local demand for certain occupations within Pakistan with the number of migrants in that occupation, Gilani et al (1981) concluded that certain occupations such as carpenters, electricians and plumbers were suffering from a labor shortage within the country. In

and experienced workers have emigrated. A serious consequence of the of best of the more workers consists the loss the of emigration experienced teachers or ustads who have traditionally taught many skills to their students or shagird in the informal sector. In a survey of informal living

another study commissioned by the Pakistan government, large shortages among certain categories of workers were reported. For example, there was a domestic shortage of 33,000 carpenters, 26,000 bricklayers and masons, 23,000 welders and 22,000 plumbers and pipe fitters (Pakistan Government, 1981). Such large shortages are bound to affect the domestic productivity negatively. Another point that has been repeatedly concerns the emphasized of who are left better to workers apparently quality emigrants compared behind Domestic productivity is likely to suffer because the most qualified

Pakistani

Workers in the Middle TABLE 3

East

4i9

Uses of Remittances in Pakistan

Expenditure Consumption Recurring consumption Marriages Consumerdurables Real Estate of Construction/Purchase residential house in house Improvement real estate Commercial land Agricultural Investment^avings investment Agricultural Industrial/commercial investment Financialinvestment/saving Residual Total Source: Gilani etal, 1981:144.

Amount (000Rs.) 18,012 16,512 680 820 6,280 3,516 658 1,658 448 3,752 957 2,378 417 922 28,966

Percent 62.19 57.00 2.35 2.84 21.68 12.14 2.27 5.72 1.55 12.95 3.30 8.21 1.44 3.18 100.00

arrangements in Islamabad and surrounding areas, Ahmad (1982) found that the quality of workmen who are now employed in construction as well as quali? projects is very low. A steep drop, quantitatively in the output of skilled workers from the tatively, has occurred informal sector. The absence of qualified and experienced trainers has reduced the trainerArainee ratio. the Thus, significantly present state of "the blind leading the blind" is likely to incur a serious deterioration of skill standards in construction trades. Based on his research, Ahmad (1982) concludes that at present "Pakistan faces a quality crisis in the manpower at its disposal". It is essential to improve the quality of the manpower in order to meet the specialized demand for foreign emigration as well as prevent a negative impact on the growth of the non agricultural sector within Pakistan. Among the noneconomic consequences, the likely impact on the status of women and children has drawn some attention. As mentioned above, the

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majority of workers to the Middle East are males who move without their families. Policies of the host countries discourage migration of dependents by placing certain restrictions; only college educated workers can bring dependents to Saudi Arabia, while in Kuwait a minimum salary is necessary before dependents are allowed to join the worker (Addleton, forthcoming and 1981). Thus, more than a million households in the country have to cope with the absence of one or more male members. Data on social impacts of such male absence are being collected by a team of researchers including Ijaz Gilani (the author of the first comprehensive study on the phenomenon) at with funding from the Overseas Pakistanis Foundation. The Islamabad, study is being conducted in the five districts which have experienced unusually high emigration, namely Kohat, Gujrat, Larkana, Turbat and information on migrants, their families and returnMirpur. Detailed migrants is being collected. Findings from two small case studies of villages are as follows. Bilquees and Hamid (1981) concluded from their study in a village in Gujar Khan that in terms of nutritional levels, the standard of living of emigrant households has certainly improved. The absence of male members has, however, had an adverse impact on agricultural production. Increased incomes in the migrant households has not led to any positive change in attitudes towards girls' education and about 16 percent of women still do not want to educate their daughters. One other aspect which is viewed negatively by the authors is the relative laxity in sexual morality (what they term corruption) among women resulting from their husbands' long absence and a knowledge of contraception. Needless to say, the findings from this one village may or may not be generalizable to the country as a whole and the question of such impacts must await additional research. Shaheed (1981), in her study of three villages, made an attempt to study the impact of the absence of men, and of remittances on women in terms of the amount of work done, decision making power and changes in the status of women, if any. She found that the standard of living for most women improved in terms of food and clothing. Male absence, however, meant added responsibilities and in the case of poorer households, it implied heavier workloads for the women. There was minimal gain in actual de? cision making power since women rarely had direct and personal control over remittances. Women seldom had bank accounts in their own names where they could receive money from their husbands/sons, etc. Some male relative usually acted as an intermediary between the bank and the woman; thus, in some cases, she was the de facto but unrecognized household head. Female members of the family gained in terms of the social status which a family unit as a whole acquired through its increased consumption, but most families were not able to improve their economic status enough to maintain

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their women in purdah (seclusion). The majority of rural women continued to engage in farm activities as they had done prior to the male member's migration. such as changes in the social and Other noneconomic consequences of structures communities, regional variations in the gains from political term migration, long aspirations for self and children, etc. have not been so far. The study by Islamabac researchers mentioned studied adequately above will answer some of the institutional level questions. Also, data from a Eco? study currently under way at the Pakistan Institute of Development nomics should add to existing information (for scope, See, Irfan, 1981). Yet another study is planned by the Statistics Division, in collaboration with the U.N.'s Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Thus, over the next few years, satisfactory information on various aspects of labor migration is likely to become available.

CONCLUSIONS

The phenomenal increase in labor migration from Pakistan to the Middle East has positive as well a negative aspects. Remittances provide 40 percent of the foreign exchange earnings in the country. Remittances have apparently led to improvements in the nutritional levels of migrant households and probably fulfill many of the basic needs of such households. A high level of consumption expenditure has, however, contributed to a high rate of in? flation estimated to be over 20 percent per year (ILO/ARTEP, 1983), thus from increased household incomes. the Emigration has dampening gains lessened the problem of unemployment and underemployment within the country, but has resulted in shortages of certain skills. In fact, skill short? ages in certain industries are beginning to affect the quality of work and pro? ductivity within Pakistan. The quality of the labor force is likely to suffer a long term impact due to the inadequacy and shortage of trainers in the informal sector. The human cost resulting from the process is also considerable, as reported by the Director General, Bureau of Emigration and Overseas Employment, Pakistan. In spite of all the measures taken by the government to eradicate malpractice and exploitation of workers, the expatriate labor is treated with prejudice in the host countries. The emigrants are offered substandard wages and living conditions and are compelled to work overtime without extra payment. Sometimes the employers unilaterally deport emigrants in breach of contract. In cases of injuries and death, the workers or their dependents are not paid due compensation. In short, "emigrants are treated

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like slaves and even worse than that" (Akbar, 1981). With the promulgation of the 1979 Emigration Ordinance and stricter controls, these conditions should improve. The social and political costs of migration are not yet well understood. The process of labor migration has certainly resulted in a revolution of rising expectations. The continued high import of consumer goods is a clear demonstration of the society's changing tastes; a certain amount of competition to acquire the latest in terms of televisions/VCRs and other goods exist among those who can afford it. The impact of increased wealth on corruption and bribery are also not fully understood or quantified; they, however, seem to have increased over the last few years. The traditional 'fatalism' and complacency with one's lot has been corroded and emigration is probably one of the significant elements in such corrosion. Labor migration has helped the country by easing the foreign exchange problem. It has been beneficial to the migrant and his family and has led to an improved standard of living for them. It is likely to have positive impacts on the future investment in human resources if aspirations for children's education can be realized more easily. Several other social and demographic impacts are likely to occur. Together with the positive consequences, it is also important to be aware of the possible negative ones so that the process can be regulated in a manner which minimizes the cost and maximizes the benefits to both the sending and receiving countries.

REFERENCES

Addleton, J. Forthcoming. "The Impact of International Migration on Economic Development in AsianSurvey. Pakistan", 1981 "The Role of Migrationin Development:Pakistanand the Gulf. The Fletcher Forum. 4(2). Ahmad,M. 1982 "Emigration ofScarceSkillsin Pakistan, forEmployment, ILO International Migration Paper No. 5, Geneva. Mimeo. Working Akbar, M. 1981 Country forEmployment. Reporton ARPLA Symposium Paper: Pakistan: Emigration on overseasrecruitment forseniorofficials of SouthAsian Countries.ILO, procedures Islamabad, May, 1981.

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Bilquees, F. and S. Hamid on Womenand ChildrenLeftBehind:A case study 1981 "ImpactofInternational of Migration a Punjabi Village". Research Report Series, No. 115. Islamabad: PakistanInstitute of DevelopmentEconomics. FinanceDivision 1982 PakistanEconomicSurvey1981-82.Islamabad: Governmentof Pakistan, Economic Advisor'sWing. Gilani, I., M. Khan and I. Munawar 1981 LabourMigration Pakistan totheMiddleEastand ItsImpacton theDomestic from Economy. Two parts. ResearchReportSeries,Nos. 126and 127,Islamabad: Pakistan ofDe? Institute Economics. velopment Government ofPakistan 1978 "The Gazetteof Pakistan Extraordinary", Ordinance No. XVIII of 1979 (Emigration Ordinance,1979),Islamabad: Law Division. ILO-ARTEP 1983 Employment and Structural A Report Changein Pakistan?Issues for theEighties: for the Pakistan Commission Five YearPlan (1983-88). Planning fortheSixth Bangkok:The Asian Program(Preparedby Rashid Amjad and others). Employment Irfan,M. 1981 AnIntroduction toStudies inPopulation, LabourForceand Migration: A PIDE IL O-UNFPA ResearchReportSeries,No. 118.Islamabad: PakistanInstitute of Development Project. Economics. Khan,A. H. and M.S. Karim 1983 "MigrationPatternsin Pakistanduring 1970s: Evidence fromthe 1981 Census Data". at theConference on "RecentPopulationTrendsin SouthAsia" held in Paper presented New Delhi, February 2-8,1983. PakistanEmbassy 1981 Pakistan Vol. 34(18),Washington, D.C. Affairs. Pakistan Government (ManpowerDivision) and Educational 1981 Occupational and Supplyof theFifthYearPlan Manpower Requirements Islamabad. (1978-83), I. et al Serageldin, andInternational 1983 Manpower LaborMigration inthe MiddleEastandNorth NewYork: Africa. OxfordUniversity Press.

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Shah,N.M. and M.S. Karim Asianand Pacific 1981 "Migration, UrbanGrowth and Development:Pakistan's Experience", Census Forum, 9(2). Shaheed,Farida on Women intheVillage at theTri? andIt'sEffects 1981 Migration pfProvenance. Paper presented partiteAsian Regional Seminar,Rural Developmentand Women" held at Mahabaleshwar, India, April 6-11.