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Secretariat: Tegal Panggung DN II/919 Yogyakarta, Indonesia Phone: +62 8783 8585 845 Email: hidayat_trans@yahoo.

com

On Indonesia People Movement We will not describe a long note on Indonesia people movement in this paper. We only analyze it briefly and give the historical points and recent conditions, since we have been carrying out some literature researches and worked it out. In this case, we will give main attention on Indonesia people movement before and after reform and democratic movement in 1990s led by middle class (especially students and intellectuals) in Indonesia. The origin of Indonesia Worker Manufacture workers in Indonesia came from rural areas or small farmer and peasant families. They moved and were mobilized by informal/formal agencies to work in manufactures around some cities. After oil boom in Indonesia in last 1970s, New Order regime under General Soeharto initiated industrialization, especially in petrol-chemical and other industry branches in Jakarta, Medan (North Sumatera), Surabaya (East Java) and other cities. This industrialization was based on domestic capital of Indonesia new bourgeoisie and the major part of foreign investment. We could call it as the second wave industrialization after World War II and emergence of the second generation of workers after Indonesia Independence War; meanwhile, the first generation of workers in East Indie or Netherlands East Indie were formed by limited industrialization in plantations (rubber, tobacco, sugar and spices) and Netherlands railway company, especially in Java and Sumatera, including harbour porters in Netherlands sea transportation companies. Since they were the first generation, they were the avant-garde of modern workers movement in Indonesia, especially the trade union of railway company formed by Netherlands socialists and their followers in Indonesia during 1920s; and Indonesia Communist Party (PKI) was formed this decade along with some religious mass organizations, local organizations and nationalist movement party (the PNI led by Soekarno, the Indonesia first president). The first wave of modern people movement, therefore, consisted of workers, big feuds and students (as the first modern middle class in Indonesia) due to ethical policy performed by Netherlands government in East Indies. Thus, the origins of plantation workers in East Indonesia were small farmer and peasants, meanwhile the origins of railway workers were educated small farmer and the modern middle class. Workers Movement after Independence War The new middle class in Indonesia (students and intellectuals as the leaders of nationalist movement) actually paid more attention to resist liberal capitalism formally and legally. Their main issue was social justice composing Indonesia Constitution (UUD 1945) as described by discussion in Indonesia Institution for Independence formed and supported by Japan government after World War II

Secretariat: Tegal Panggung DN II/919 Yogyakarta, Indonesia Phone: +62 8783 8585 845 Email: hidayat_trans@yahoo.com

(Dokuritsu Zyunbi Tyoosakai). In brief, the committees refused liberal economy of Adam Smith and took social justice as the foundation of Indonesia constitution. The leaders of nationalist movement then appointed Soekarno as chief person of Preparing Committee of Indonesia Independence (PPKI) to arrange ministers and propose thirteen ministers, among other Prosperity Minister for worker issue, poor people and orphan and religious charity based on Islamic law. Additionally, under Soekarno president, there were many legislation pertaining to worker issue based on Indonesia Constitution, such work rules, work safety, worker supervision, work agreement, freedom to organize and build trade unions, industrial dispute and job-cut rule for private corporation. Historically, the workers movement engaged in Independence war and after that there were so many trade unions generated and affiliating to three great political grouping in Indonesia: communists (Indonesia Communist Party/PKI), nationalists (Indonesia National Party/PNI under Soekarno Leadership) and Moslem parties, and Catholic parties. The greatest came from Centre of Indonesia Worker Organization (SOBSI) associated with PKI. Along with nationalization agenda under President Soekarno, workers took strikes, anti over-work and terror. In this case, workers movement from various sectors, such as peasants, dockers, post office workers, railway workers, took part in anti imperialism struggles. Working Class during New Order Regime Destroying communist movement by Indonesia Army and its allies (Indonesia Socialists Party and Moslem Party dismissed and banned by Soekarno Regime) during 1965-1966, received positive responses from imperialist countries. The Paris Meeting 1967, then, was organized and attended by capitalists from Japan, West Germany, Australia, USA, French, Italy, Netherlands, England, Swiss and New Zealand to rescheduling Indonesia debt paying to western and eastern Eropa countries including USSR. New Order regime under General Major Soeharto as Indonesia President, then, legalized constitution on foreign investment (UndangUndang No. 1/1967) and a summit was carried out in 1967 to build investment institution based on foreign debt for Indonesia industrialization called Inter Governmental Group for Indonesia (IGGI). So, Indonesia industrialization was carried out in Jakarta, West Java, Central Java, East Java, Sumatra, Celebes and Borneo, and attained 42,304.35 ha until 1995. It was the second wave of industrialization. Thus, New Order regime was the pro-imperialist and capitalistic government, and after the genocide of Indonesia people movement under the leader of PKI and leftist nationalist, the regime performed the reactionary character and authoritarian government under the pro-imperialist army generals as the new capitalist along with some national capitalists and big traders.

Secretariat: Tegal Panggung DN II/919 Yogyakarta, Indonesia Phone: +62 8783 8585 845 Email: hidayat_trans@yahoo.com

As the rural areas made available the great number of cheap workers, the second wave industrialization could be carried out smoothly under the political oppression to workers, such as man-power legislations produced by shadow House of Representative under the New Order regime, army territorial bases around manufacture areas as the repressive state apparatus. The rural-based workers were also mobilized by agencies and government as migrant workers (legal or illegal) in Singapore, Malaysia and Arabian Peninsula countries. Trade unions under New Order Regime Yayasan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia (YTKI/Indonesia Manpower Foundation) supported by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES [Indonesia] formed by Social Democracy Party in Germany) organized a summit in last October, 1971 to encourage the sole trade union in Indonesia. The summit provided main inputs for building trade union as below: 1. Worker movement must dissociate from any political power 2. Trade unions should only pay attention to social-economy issues 3. Restructuring of trade unions and united under a sole trade unions And a seminar in December 1974 on Hubungan Perburuhan Pancasila (the Five Principles as ideological shield of New Order regime to oppress people movement) resulted three principles as below: 1. Worker was partner in profit and partner in production 2. Worker was partner in responsibility 3. Worker Awareness For much of the Suharto regime, the Federasi Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia or Federation of Indonesia Trade Unions (FSPSI) was the only officially recognized trade union federation. All unions had to affiliate to the FSPSI and those outside it were not recognized. Other labor organizations, operating illegally at the time, included the Serikat Burub Merdeka Setia Kawan or Independent Trade Union (SBM) and the Asosiasi Jurnalis Indonesia or Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI). The Serikat Buruh Sejahtera Indonesia or Indonesian Prosperity Trade Union (SBSI) was another labor group founded in 1992, and only recognized in 1998. The SBSI currently represents some 1.7 million workers and is affiliated to the World Confederation of Labor (WCL). SBSIs immediate past President Muchtar Pakpahan - spent a number of years in jail and was only released in May 1998. The Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia or Confederation of All Indonesian Trade Unions (KSPSI), a successor to the 1973 government-formed FSPSI, is the oldest trade union organization and remains the largest confederation with an estimated 4 million workers under its umbrella. It is the official union and is led by the Minister for Manpower and Transmigration. Since the fall of the Suharto regime, Indonesia has made some changes in its

Secretariat: Tegal Panggung DN II/919 Yogyakarta, Indonesia Phone: +62 8783 8585 845 Email: hidayat_trans@yahoo.com

administration of labor. The Trade Union Act No. 21 of 2000 too provides broad rights of association for workers, with any 10 or more workers having the right to form a union. All eight ILO core conventions have been ratified by the Republic of Indonesia. Likewise the national constitution guarantees freedom of association and assembly. The new found freedom led to an immediate proliferation of trade unions. As of December 2001, more than 60 trade union federations existed in the country. The Kongres Serikat Pekerja Indonesia or Indonesian Trade Union Confederation (KSPI), an umbrella for twelve union organizations held its founding congress in January 2003. Teachers mainly belong to Persatuan Guru Republic Indonesia or the Indonesian Teachers Association (PGRI) which, though is technically classified as a trade union, is more of a welfare organization. Employer interests are taken care of by the Asosiasi Pengusaha Indonesia or Employers Association of Indonesia (APINDO). Actually, trade unions built by New Order regime and international social democracy NGO failed to moderate worker movement, although Indonesia army through territorial command areas in province and regency had broad power to oppress people. The pure worker movement under Soeharto regime started with Marsinah case paying attention international public, especially ILO. Marsinah was a worker of Catur Putra Surya Corporation, Sidoarjo, East Java. Marsinah and her friends took action to demand hike wage according to new rule in East Java, in Avril and the beginning of May 1993. Marsinah, then, was lost in the beginning of May 1993, and her body was found in forest near Surabaya. He passed away due to torture of Indonesia army after workers strike in the company and thirteen workers was job-cut. Additionally, the oppression case happened in Medan, North Sumatera. Rusli was worker in a rubber plantation, Medan, North Sumatera. On March 11, 1994, around 3,000 workers went on strike to demand basic need right pertaining to minimum wage and clash between workers with security unit happened. Rusli, then, found pass away in river near to plantation. In this case, 29 workers also detained. The next day after the oppression, 15 thousands worker took rally for solidarity action to Rusli and demanded releasing their comrades from police arrest. The Recent Condition 2009 was the year of politics due to Indonesia general election and presidential election accomplished this year. The year of Indonesia election has been marked down as the year of global economic recession. Thus, the Indonesia society was heavily determined by the global financial crisis and the food, clean water and energy shortages, all of which have the potential to trigger drawn out conflicts.

Secretariat: Tegal Panggung DN II/919 Yogyakarta, Indonesia Phone: +62 8783 8585 845 Email: hidayat_trans@yahoo.com

During this first decade of reform, there has been a shift in the approach to human rights, from the politics of redistributive justice to recognition politics. The first prioritizes the public interest and political substance as the basic struggle. The objective of the second is to promote identity antagonism, which erodes justice in political and economic distribution, such as in the relationship between laborers and their employers in terms of workers' rights, or farmers and landowners in terms of agricultural reform, or the issue of the poor in terms of development and gross human rights violations during the Soeharto era. These were the issues that triggered the 1998 reform, but more recently they have come to be neglected. 2008 saw a slight opening of the window of opportunity. Victims of gross human rights violations met with the President, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, the justice and human rights minister, the Cabinet secretary, the foreign minister and even the defense minister. The President has also opened the Witness and Victim Protection Institution. Unfortunately, the measures that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the current special committee of the House of Representatives (Pansus Orang Hilang) dealing with the case of enforced disappearances in 1997-1998 have taken in resolving gross human rights violations have been seen as efforts to create a good political image in the lead-up to the 2009 elections or to weaken political rivals who were involved in gross human rights violations. 30 (thirty) political parties competing in the general election, but how many of those included human rights protection on the national agenda and in their plans for future reform? Political figures and alleged criminals have been turned into idols. Parties with no clear political track record suddenly emerged out of nowhere as icons of the Great Indonesian Dream. One party, formerly known for its selfproclaimed status as clean, caring and anti-corruption, suddenly put out an advertisement naming the world's most corrupt leader as one of the nation's heroes. In another corner one could see individuals who have been named as opponents of human rights emerged as civilized intellectuals, competing in the political race by donning a new mask, such as fighter for humanity or defender of the poor. All the players in the next general election have started the race for gaining the most sympathy and votes. They did so by applying heavy proverbial makeup and proclaiming lip-service pledges. Their financial resources to do so seemed to be boundless. The serious repercussions of this approach to politics were that the whole process fails to yield a political leader who is genuinely struggling for politics as a virtue. This is the shape of things to come in 2009 from the perspective of domestic politics. As 2009 was the year of global recession, the increase in the number of workers subjected to mass layoffs across the world was a specific and serious issue for human rights protection in Indonesia. The drop in the average income cost many people their basic rights, such as the right to an adequate livelihood and even the

Secretariat: Tegal Panggung DN II/919 Yogyakarta, Indonesia Phone: +62 8783 8585 845 Email: hidayat_trans@yahoo.com

right to work. The political stage, then, has become an arena for the idols. It is no wonder the prospective number of nonvoters has increased. This was the political phenomenon of voters protesting by silence, because the voice of the voters will remain unheard by the candidates. The result of Indonesia election, however, was victory of Democrat Party (PD) as ruling party under leadership of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (well-known as SBY, the retired army general) as Indonesia President during 2004-2009. He also won 2009 presidential election for second period and the end of his right to participate with the election according to constitution. The triumph of Democrat Party overcoming Golkar Party (under Jusuf Kalla leadership as Indonesia vicepresident for 2004-2009 periods. He is a big merchant of South Sulawesi) and PDI-P (Indonesia Democracy Party-Struggle under leadership of Megawati Soekarno Putri) as the big parties of 2004 election was surprising enough due to although it was a new party founded in 2001 and began participating with 2004 general election, it could win the both 2009 election (legislative and direct presidential election)1. Its victory could not be inseparable with big coalition of old bourgeoisie factions and oligarchy of former New Order politicians, the cooptation of progressive student activists during 1990s people and student movement to posit them in the commissaries of state-owned corporations (such as Andy Arief2, one of leader PRD with Budiman Soejatmiko3 and Dita Indah Sari4, and Henry Sebayang5, a leader of leftist student association/FPPI involving in second half of 1990s movement). Although Democrat Party (PD) and SBY-Boediono (the vice-president) won the 2009 election, protests took place due to deceitfulness of General Election Commission (KPU), especially in president election. In this case, Megawati and her vice-president candidate, Prabowo (the retired of Special Forces general from Gerindra Party), alleged that the 2009 Indonesia election was not independent due to intervention of USA (involvement of FOX as committee of Obama election in USA as for SBY campaign), meanwhile Jussuf Kalla and his vice-president
1

We, however, refused the 2009 election as well as KPRM-PRD (Political Committee of Poor People-Democratic People Party), PRP (Association of Working People, some of its organizer were ex-PRD members), some trade unions and some small organizations of people including student organizations (such as Indonesia Student Union/SMI). We have reported our reasons of refusing 2009 election before. 2 The chief of former Student Solidarity for Democracy (SMID) as student organization of former PRD before crackdown under Soeharto regime and became a commissary of Post Office state-owned corporation and chief of Nusantara Network as youth organization of SBY supporters. SMID itself became LMND (National Student League for Democracy) after 1999 as student organization of PRD. 3 He is a member of People Legislative Council from PDI-P for 2009-2014 periods. 4 Beside the chief of opportunist PRD-Papernas, she was a chief of BBM (a youth supporter organization of Jusuf Kalla for 2009 president election with the retired of army general, Wiranto as vice-president candidate). 5 He is a commissary of State-Owned Plantation in North Sumatera (PTPN-IX).

Secretariat: Tegal Panggung DN II/919 Yogyakarta, Indonesia Phone: +62 8783 8585 845 Email: hidayat_trans@yahoo.com

candidate, Wiranto (the retired armed-force general) alleged the deceitfulness. They cooled down after bomb exploded at JW Marriot Hotel and Ritz Colton restaurant (August 2009), and persecution of terrorist prominent figures in Indonesia by police (September 2009) that blown up by mass media in Indonesia. SBY-Boediono and PD (the former governor of Indonesia Central Bank), then, tried to build broad coalition with other big political parties to joint with their government f such as PKS (Justice and Prosperity Party, a town-based and puritan Moeslim party), PPP (a rural-based Moeslim party), PKB (Nation Awakening Party, another rural-based Moeslim party, founded by ex-Indonesia president, the late KH. Abdurrahman Wahid), including Golkar Party and PDI-P. The broad coalition succeeded and lead to common distrust of reform in Indonesia. Then, SBY-Boediono was inaugurated by People Consultative Assembly (MPR and its chief, Taufik Kiemas as chief of PDI-P consultative and husband of Megawati Soekarno Putri) on October 20, 2009, as President and vice-President of Indonesia. When the ceremony was going on, there were three incidents: (i) unidentified assailants attacking motorcades carrying Freeport employees in Mimika, Papua; (ii) around 2000 of Kulon Progo farmers resisted a mining company, PT. Jogja Magasa Iron and clash between farmers the Police after confrontation so that dozens people were injured; (iii) dozens student took action to refuse SBY-Boediono inauguration (they united under Student Movement Centre of Surabaya/SGMS and got in touch with us to study Marxism). How did people movement go on under the situation? We have identified three movement currents. Firstly, spontaneous and sporadic peasants and workers resistance, including students and urban poor communities, took place especially in Java and Sumatera. The resistance rose due to neo-liberal policies decreasing subsidies in educations, fuel, and electricity, basic need price, health care, etc., and minimum wage, flexibility of labor market, job cuts, etc., and the antidemocratic decrees and constitutions. Secondly, the rise of trade unions political activity took place in Java and Sumatera, such as Awakening Worker Alliance (ABM), Indonesia migrant worker unions based in Hong Kong just like IMWU and ATKI-HK, and some small workers confederations (KP-PPBI founded by KPRM-PRD), and a confederation founded by some progressive NGOs in Java n Sumatera). Thirdly, unification of trade unions was initiated by reformist and proregime confederations that pretended to split and divide the revolutionary and progressive trade unions. In this case, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES, Germany) in Indonesia, and The American Center for International Labor Solidarity (ACILS), engaged in this effort and activities in Java and Sumatera. Therefore, we must engage in building broad people resistance with the true organization based in their interest and political economy class struggle, gradually and strategically due to we realize that Indonesia people need revolutionary consciousness to change the failed capitalism in Indonesia and international arena. We also will do the best to reduce cooperative and opportunistic efforts of the trade unionist and reformists fake. Therefore, we must educate new revolutionary

Secretariat: Tegal Panggung DN II/919 Yogyakarta, Indonesia Phone: +62 8783 8585 845 Email: hidayat_trans@yahoo.com

cadres from students, workers and peasants; arrange revolutionary materials for educations and practices in resistance and long term struggle.

Yogyakarta, July 30, 2010 By Hidayatullah Chief-person of People Solidarity Network